THE ROMAN HISTORY WRITTEN BY T. LIVIUS OF PADVA.  
Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a Chronologie to the whole History: and the topography of Rome in old time.  
Translated out of Latin into English, by PHILEMON HOLLAND, Doctor in Physic.  
QVIBUS RESPUBLICA CONSERVETUR  
ROMA  
AI  
LONDON, Printed by Adam Islip. 1600.   

 portrait of Queen Elizabeth I   


ER   royal blazon or coat of arms  
TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY MONARCH, ELIZABETH, (MY DREAD SOVEREIGN) BY THE GRACE OF GOD, QUEEN OF ENGLAND, FRAUNCé, AND IRELAND, DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, etc.  
ALL my labour whatsoever, in translating another man's work, I present here unto your Highness, and consecrate to the happy and immortal memory of your most sacred Majesty. An attempt (I confess) in regard of mine own imperfections, venturous and overhold, as the first enterprise, right, hard and exposed to peril. Yet, most Worthy and Powerful Empress, Who is there so unsufficient, that by the favourable aspect of your countenance, may not be graced and enabled? What so difficult and dangerous, which under the fortunate auspexes of your Majesty, cannot be effected with ease and pass in safety?  
Accept then, most gracious Lady, the first fruits of a few-yeers study, for the benefit enjoyed of life and liberty. An offering, as well in that respect, as of myself the meanest of many thousands, under all proportion; but considering either the argument or the first Author, not much unsitting. He, in penning the History of the greatest state in his time, for exquisite eloquence had not his equal; no more than your Highness in glorious government at this day, any second: Such are the incomparable perfections resplendent in your Royal person; the Wonder of the world.  
Vouchsafe also, of your accustomed clemency showed to aliens; of your servant zeal to learning and good letters, wherein (among other rare virtues and singular gifts seated in your Heroic mind) no Prince cometh near unto your Excellence, to reach forth your gracious hand to T. Livius: who having arrived long since & conversed as a mere stranger in this your famous Island, & now for love thereof learned in some sort the language, humbly craveth your Majesty's favour, to be ranged with other free-denizens of that kind: so long to live under your princely protection, as he shall duly keep his own allegiance, and acquaint your liege subjects with religious devotion after his manner, with wisdom, policy, virtue, valour, loyalty; and not otherwise.  
And the Almighty guard your Majesty always with his holy angels: prolong your life among us in perfect health: adorn your noble heart with divine graces: maintain your regal estate in all honour: bless the rest of your days (and infinite may they be) with sweet repose and firms peace, to the joy of your truehearted and loving people: and finally, accomplish all your desires, for present prosperity and future felicity.  
Your sacred Majesties most humble and obedient subject, Philémon Holland.   

Ad Anglicam Livianae Historiae versio nem, Interpretis Prosopopoea.  

NAte (decem decies sensi fastidia menses,  
Longa nimis; matridum grave pondus eras)  
Quid lucem refugis? (nocuit pudor iste parenti)  
Atria quid fugitas regia? siste pedem.  
Siste pedem, audentes sequitur fortana; nec ausis  
Excidere é magnis dedecus esse reor.  
Horridulum peperit si rustica Nympha; paternam  
Te genus aut virtus nobilitare potest.  
Nempe Decus Patavi genuit te Livius ingens:  
Sume animum, tanto es qui genitore satus.  
Et, quae favit opemque, tulit Lucina vocanti,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potents, dia Diana mihi;  
Hac oculis, haec te manibus refovebit aletque:  
Audiet, ipsa leget, faustaque, verba dabit.  
Agnoscet proprias, Princeps ter maxima, laudes;  
Sive artes pacis, seu fera bella refers.  
Quid si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quid si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & orbis  
Mirandum Decus, haec ELIZABETHA tenet,  
Quae tulit in Latium Patavinus, transtulit inde  
Tentanus, Hetruscus, Gallus, Iberus, Arabs?  
At patrias mavult audire & reddere voces,  
Quae patriae princeps, alma parensque suae est.  
(Scilicet ille Ithacus sapiens optavit Ulysses  
Vel sumum é patriis posse videre socis.)  
ILLIUS aspectu vitalis, numine tutus,  
Auspiciis foelix alque beatus eris.  
Aulam sive colas, seu Sacra, out Castra sequatis:  
Sanctior (ecce) vocat Curia; gratus eris.  
Sive togota legat gens ingeniosa, placebis:  
Seu mage civilis turba frequensque popli.  
Aulicus, Antistes, Miles, prudensque Senator,  
Causidicus, Civis, foemina, virgo, puer,  
Hinc documenta petent: discet juvenisque senexque  
Vir bonus, & patriae commodus esse suae.  
Ergo macte animi; ne te gens Critica laedet:  
Candidor, quo quis doctior, esse solet.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉    

TO THE READER.  
TRue is that Axiom received from philosopy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. The corruption of one thing is the generation of another. Thus out of the ashas and ruins of troy sprung the city of Rome: and by the woeful fall of that one state, arose not only the most glorious empire of the Romans, but also the best writer of their history, Titus Livius. For whereas after the fatal destruction of Troy, two principal men of name remained alive, Aeneas and Antenor: the one with his fleet arriving in that coast of Italy where Tybre runneth, built Lavinium, and became the first father of the Romans, according to Virgil in the first Aeneid: 
— genus unde Latinum,  
Albanique patres, atque altae moenia Roma.  
— from whence are Latins come,  
The noble Albans eke, and walls of stately Rome.  Antenor entered the Venice gulf, and founded the city of Padua, the native place of Livy their historiographer; as the same Poet writeth a little after: 
Hic tamen ille urbem Patavi sedésque locavit  
Teverorum, etc.—  
Yet here the city Padua built he: therein to plant  
His trojans, left when Troy was lost, who resting seat did want.  And I wot not well, whither they were more beholden to that fortune of theirs, (whereof so much they boasted) for Aeneas the author of their beginning & admirable greatness: than for this writer Livy, who commended their deeds to everlasting same. For from their very first rising [even with Aeneas] unto their sensible declining and decay, were not twelve hundred years complete: but since Livy enchronicled their acts, sixteen hundred are come and gone: yet continue they as fresh this day as at the first, and spread still far and near into all parts of the world, So much more durable and permanent are the memorial recorded by learned Historians, than either any monarchy be it never so great, or all those wonderful Pyramids and Obelisks, reared by most magnificent Kings, and mighty emperors, to immortalize their name and memory. This T. Livius then, was borne at Padua, in the year 694 after the foundation of Rome, when L. Afranius and Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer were Consuls. He flourished all the time of Augustus Caesar, and died in the fourth year of Tiberius: By which account, he lived full LXXVI, years: as appeareth by an ancient Epitaph upon his tomb at Padua, (where it is thought he died) with the portrait of his visage: whereof the one is represented here, and the other immediately before the beginning of the History. 
T·LIVIUS PATAVINUS·   TITUS LIVIUS PATAVINUS, Cujus invicto calamo, invicta Romanorum facta scripta sunt. 
TITE LIVY OF PADUA, Who wrote long since with peerless pen,  
The acts of Romans, matchless men.  
Other evidences there be concerning the same, which needless it were to call to witness: for no Epitaph nor inscription either enchased in stone or cut in brass, is there left, better than the monuments of his own writings (if they had come entire to our hands) and the testimony of good and approved authors. For during the time of Augustus, he wrote the worthy deeds of the Romans, and continued the narration thereof, from the very foundation of the city of Rome unto the one and twentieth year of his Empire. A story of 750 years, and a piece of work for the artificial frame and elegant setting out, comparable to the best in that kind. My purpose is not here, to enter into a large field and rhetorical discourse of his praises in regard of any gifts of fortune wherewith he was plentifully enriched: namely, the place of his nativity, a city more ancient by 400 years than Rome; flourishing in martial puissance, able to set out and maintain 100000 fight men for the wars; in stately port at home, having a nobility of 400 in numbers; in gorgeous and costly buildings; in traffic and frequent affluence of Merchants thither; as also, that Venice was a Colony deducted and drawn from thence; and, which is not the least, how at this day the famous University there, affourdeth excellent professors in all kind of learning: nor his happiness and felicity to live and die with the glory and beauty of Rome, and not to behold with his eyes those days of her declining state and deformity, which in great wisdom he foresaw in his spirit, and denounced accordingly: ne yet the special favour wherein he stood with his prince Augustus, and Livia the Empress: much less than mean I to set forth the singular qualities and perfections of his mind, and namely his rare and passing eloquence; which my pen is no more able now to describe and amplify to the worthiness thereof, than it was to imitate and express the same in translating of his story. Moreover, if I should set into his commendation, besides that I must needs come far short of his merit, the thing itself would but renew the just grief, that all learned men have taken for the piteous maim and defect of that norable piece of work and uniform composition which he left unto posterity. For having digested the whole history into an hundred and two and forty books, as Petrarch was of opinion, and as Sigonius therein well collecteth: like as also it is evident by the Breviaties of L. Florus the Epitomist, whereof we have 140, with an evident flaw and default of twain, to wit, the 136 and 137: see the partial injury of the time, the crooked & malign destiny of the man! Books of far less moment and importance, yea and those of greater antiquity, have been spared and remain safe: but of that work of his, one fourth part hath not escaped the envy of fortune: and that which now is extant, hath been delivered unto us either by fragments of old copies unperfect, or by the overcurious meddling of some busy Aristarches of late days depraved, who with their correcting have corrupted; & in stead of reforming words, have deformed the natural sense and primitive construction. Where, by the way, I must advertise the Reader of that which Petrus Crinitus hath observed, even against the common opinion approved by those who otherwise are well learned, namely that our Author dispensed not this history into Decades: that is to say, luted and sorted them not into several Tomes and Sections of ten books a piece. For Priscian and other old Grammarians, when they cite any testimony out of Livy, quote the book, and make no mention at all of any Decade: and with him the abovenamed Petrarch, Florus, & Politian do agree. Now in these 35 books, so few as they be, preserved as another Palladium out of a general skarefire, we may conceive the rare and wonderful eloquence of our writer in the whole: for the farther he proceedeth into a world as it were, of matter, the more copious still he sloweth; and with such variety, as that he never iterateth one thing twice; but at every change of new affairs, returneth always fresh and gay, furnished with new devises, inventions, and phrases: much like a second Antaeus, gathering greater strength & moreforces still at every turn: or after the manner of a little rill, which issuing from a small source, is maintained with fresh springs and new riverets; & hasting toward the vast ocean, carrieth a deeper channel & broader stream. For the form of his style, I refer the readers to the sound & stayed judgement rather of Quintilian, who compareth him with Herodotus, Thucydides, & the best Greeks; than to the fantastical conceits of some Critics of our time, who seeking nodum inscirpo, have dreamt of I wot not what Paravinitie in him. What should I speak of that Pathetical spirit of his in moving affections? But, that which most of all commend than history, which being lux veritatis, ought especially to deliver with sincerity the whole truth & nothing but the truth, without respect of face or person: to keep only to the substance & train of the subject argument; the due & orderly regard of the important circumstances there to belonging, without inserting extravagant & impertinent by-matters, much less then, fabulous tales: therein he hath the prick and price above all others. For, neither for beareth he to reprove (as occasion is offered) the Romans, in whose favour he might be thought to have written, nor doubteth to praise the good parts & the valiant exploits of their mortal enemies. The Gauls he may seem to gallmore bitterly upon a sinister affection, glancing at them, as he doth, in many places for their greedy desire of gold & idle sloth, as not able to endure any long travel, and heat least of all: yet so, as the French now living, seem not much offended therewith: for above other nations they have given him most friendly entertainment, and twice enfranchised him among them. I am not unwilling to touch by the way this principal point and virtue of an Historiographer, I mean the delivery of a simple truth in his narrations: for that I have observed in him throughout, that he hath been most modest in reporting from others by hear say any thing that soundeth to an untruth: so little deserveth he to be noted with the infamous brand of liar. The wary circumsection of his in that behalf which I dare be bold to recommend unto the reader, I proposed unto myself in making him english; endevoring by conference especially of the select copies in Latin, yet not rejecting other translations (such as I had some little skill in) to come as near as possibly I could, to the true meaning of the Author: making this account, that if I could approve my diligence that way to men of reason and understanding, all other my wants and defects might sooner be passed by and pardoned. A desire I had to perform in some sort, that which is profitable to the most, namely, and english History of that C.W. which of all others (if I have any judgement) affourdeth most plenteous examples of devout zeal in their kind, of wisdom, policy, justice, valour, and all virtues whatsoever. According to this purpose & intent of mine I framed my pen, not to any affected phrase, but to a mean and popular stile. Wherein, if I have called again into use some old words, let it be attributed to the love of my country language: if the sentence be not so concise, couched and knit together, as the original, loath I was to be obscure and dark: have I not englished every word aptly? each Nation hath several manners yea and terms appropriate, by themselves: have I varied in some places from the French or Italian? censured I look to be, and haply reproved: but like as Alcibiades said to one, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Strike hardly (Euribiades) so you hear me speak: even so say I, Find fault and spare not; but withal, read the original better before ye give sentence. And howsoever I have faulted otherwise by oversight, set against it my affection & desire to do some good while I live to my sweet native country: add thereto the long travel that I have taken to testify the same: and if that will not bring down the balance, let the profit and delight both, which you shall find in the argument and discourse of the history, countrepoise and overweigh my wants, more or less. And thus I recommend unto my countrymen, Livy in English habit: Livy (I say) who whether he were more honoured whiles he lived, than beloved at this day of foreign nations, I cannot easily determine. For like as then, (by the testimony of S. Hierome, and Plinte in his Epistles) there repaired many great and noble personages from the farthest parts of Spain and France, only to see his face, for the admiration they conceived of him by the fame of his incomparable eloquence: even so of late time, his spirit (which yet liveth in his writings) hath made a voyage by Florence into the same France and Spain: and hath passed as far as into Arabia one way, & Almain another. In which dissite and remote parts he hath found such kind entertainment, not only in courts of emperors and king's, in palaces of princes and great potentates; but also with the people in general: that they seem to strive no less (who may endow him with most ample franchises and free burgeoisie) than those seven cities in old time who every one challenged to themselves, the birth of the poet Homer. Since then, he hath thus long been desirous to cross the feas into this noble ●and, not as a traveller to sojourn for a time, in the Court only or the Universities; but to remain here still both in city and country, and thereto hath learned our language indifferently; let it now appear that this nation of ours (like to reap as great fruit and benefit by his acquaintance as any other) is ready also to receive and embrace him as friendly as the rest.   

THE EPITAPH.  
V. F. TITIUS LIVIUS LIVIAE T. F. QVARTAE. L. HALYS CONCORDIALIS PATAVI. SIBI ET SVIS OMNIBUS. OBIIT four TIBER two CAESARIS ANNO. NATUS LXXVI. ANNOS.   

THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF TITUS LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the said Book.  
THe coming of Aeneas into Italic, and his acts there; the reign of Alcanius in Alba: of Silvius Aeneas, and so forth of other Sylvijs, kings thereof, are contained in the first book. The daughter of Numitor with child by Ma●s. Romulus and Remus are borne. 
Romulus. ●●  Amulius killed. The city of Rome built by Romulus. The Senate by him chosen. He made wore with the Sabines. He presented unto jupiter Feretrius the ro●al spoils of their king, whom he slew with his own hands. He divided the people into Centuries, vanquished the Fidenates and Veientians, 
Numa Pompilius. 2.  and was cannonifed a god. Numa Pompilius taught the rites and ceremonies of sacrifice and divine service, erected a temple to L●nus, and was the first that shut the doves thereof, after he had made peace with all the nations thereabout: and feigning that he had secret company and conference by night with the goddess Aegeria, 
Tullus Hostilius. 3.  won the stout and fierce hearts of the people to religion. Tullus Hostilius warred upon the Albans, whereupon ensued the combat of the three brethren, twins on both sides. Horatius was acquit for killing his sister. The execution of Metius Suffetius. Albarased and destroyed. The Albans made free denizens of Rome, and there dwelled. War denounced against the Sabines. 
Ancus Martius. 4.  Finally, Tullus was consumed with lightning. Ancus Martius renewed the ceremonies by Numa first ordained. Unto the Latins being conquered and made citizens of Rome, he assigned the mount Aventine to inhabit. He won again by force, a town of the Latins called Politorium, which the old Latins had surprised and possessed themselves of, and utterly destroyed it. He made the Sublician or wooden bridge over Tiber, and adjoined to the city the hill janiculum. He enlarged the bounds of the Empire, built ●tia, and reigned three and thirty years. In the time of his reign, Luci●no the son of Demaratus a Corinthian, removed from Tarquins, a city of Tuscan, and came to Rome: 
Tarqvinius Pri●cus. 5.  and there entering into mitie with Ancus, began to bear the name of Tarqvinius, and so to be called: and after the death of Ancus to●ke the kingdom upon him. He ●ncreased the number of the Senator, by one hundred, subdued the Latins, appointed the Circus or Theatre, set forth the public games and plates: and being warred upon by the Sabines, he augmented the centuries of the horsemen. And for to make proof and trial of Accius Navius the Augur his cunning, be demanded of him, as they say, whether that which he conceived in his mind, were possible to be effected: and when he made answer that it was, he commanded him to cut a whetstone in two with a razor, which out of hand was by Accius done. Moreover, he won the field of the Sabines, and deffeited them, ●lled the city about, made the vaulted sinks: and when he had reigned eight and thirty years, was murdered by the sons of Ancus. There succeeded after him Servius Tullius, 
Servius Tullius. 6.  the son of a captive, a noble lady of Corniculum, who being a child, & lying swaddled in the cradle, had a flame of fire (as thereport goeth) burning about his head. He discomfited the Veientes and Tuscans in battle: He was the first that numbered the people of Rome, valued their goods, and instituted the Lustrum every five years, in which were reported to have been numbered eighty thousand citizens. He described the Classes and Centuries: set out further the bounds of the Pomaerie, without and within the city walls: and put to the city, the hills Quirinalis, Viminalis, and Esquilinus. He together with the Latins, founded the temple of Diana in mount Aventine, and when he had reigned four and thirty years, he was with the privity and by the counsel of his daughter Tullia, 
Tarqvinius Superbus. 7;  murdered by L.T. Tarqvinius, the son of Priscus. After him L. Tarqvinius Superbus usurped the kingdom, without the election, either of the Senators or the people. On which day Tullia (most wicked and cu●sed wretch that sore w●s) caused her coach to be driven over the corpse of her father, lying dead on the ground. He had about him a troop of armed men for the guard of his person. By a subtle wile he put to death Turnus Herdonius. He had war with the Volscians, and of their spoils edisied a temple to jupiter, on the hill Capitol, where the god Terminus and goddess juventas, agreed not to be displaced, whose altars could not be stirred nor removed, as the others. By the fraudulent practice of his son Sex. Tarqvinius, he brought the Gabians to his obeisance. Unto his other two sons, being gone to Delphi, and consulting there the Oracle, whether of them should be king of Rome, answer was made, That be should reign who first kissed his mother: which answer they enterpreting wrong, junius Brutus, who accompanied therein 〈…〉 caught a fall, and kissed the ground, the mother indeed of all: which proved true on 〈…〉 but in the end. For when as Tarqumius Superbas by his proud tyrannical demeanour, had incured the 〈…〉 he at last upon the feasible outrage and villainy done by Sex. Tarqvinius (his son) in the night 〈…〉 who sending for her father Tricipitinus, and her husband Collatinus, besought them 〈◊〉 to see her death unrevenged and 〈◊〉 with a knife killed herself: he I say, by the means of Brutus, especially was 〈…〉 out of Rome, when he had reigned five and twenty years. Then were the Consuls first created, Lu. 〈◊〉 〈…〉 and Lu., Tarqvinius Collatinus.  
WHether in writing the acts and affairs of the people of Rome, 
〈…〉  from the first foundation of the city, I shall perform a work of importance and worth my travail, neither wot I well, nor if I wist, dare I advouch: seeing it is a thing both old and usual; that new Writers always persuade themselves, either in matter to deliver more truth and certainty, or in manner of curious penning thereof, to outgo the rudeness of elder time. Howsoever it fall out, this yet will do me good, that even I also, to the u●most of my power, have endeavoured to eternise the worthy deeds of that people which is the sovereign of the whole world. And if among so many writers, my same chance to be obscure, yet may I comforemy self in this, That they who shall darken and shadow the same, are men so highly reputed and renowned. Besides, the thing itself is of infinite toil and labour, as counting and comprising from above 700 years past, and which arising from small beginning hath proceeded and grown so great, as now the bigness thereof is cumbrous to itself: and I doubt not, but the readers for the most part will take but small delight and pleasure, either in those 〈◊〉 fetched originals, or in the times next ensuing, for hast they make to these novelties of ●atter days, where in the puissance of that so mighty people hath wrought long since their own downfall and overthrow. But I chose will seek even this for guerdon of my pains, namely, to turn away from beholding these calamities, which this our age for many year, hath see●e, so long at least: whilst I call to remembrance, and wholly employ my spirits in considering those ancient monuments of old time, exempt from care and trouble, which were able, if not to withdraw my mind as I write, from the truth, yet to make it pensive and heavy. As for such things as are reported, either before, or at the foundation of the city, more beautified and set out with Poet's fables, than grounded upon pure and faithful records, ●meane neither to aver nor disprove. This leave and privilege hath antiquity, by interla●ing the acts of gods and men together, to make the first rising of cities more sacred and venerable. And if it may be lawful for any people under heaven to consecrate and ascribe unto the gods their Original: certes, such is the renowned martial prows of the Romans, that all nations of the world may as well abide them to report Mars above the rest, to be the stockefather both of themselves and of their first founder, as they can be content to live in subjection under them. But these and such like matters, howsoever they shall hereafter be censured or esteemed, I will not greatly weigh and regard. This would I have every man rather to think upon in good earnest, and consider with me what their life, and what their carriage was, by what men and means both in war and peace, their dominion was atcheeved and enlarged. Afterwards, as their discipline began by little and little to shrink, let him mark how at the very first their behaviour and manners sunk withal: and how still they fell more and more to decay and ruin, ye● and began soon after to tumble down right even until these our days, wherein we can neither endure our own sores, nor salves for the cure. For this is it that is so good and profitable in an history, when a man may see and behold as in a conspicuous monument and light 〈◊〉 memorial, the lively examples of all sorts, set up in open view for his instruction, whereout he may choose for himself and his country what to follow, as also learn, how to eschew a soul enterprise, and avoid a shameful end. But unless I be deceived with the affectionate love of mine own commenced work, never was there Commonweal, either more mighty, more holy, and devout, better stored of good precedents, or into which covetousness and excess more lately crept, or wherein poverty and frugality, were so greatly or so long time honoured, insomuch, as the more they wanted, the less they desired. Now of late days wealth hath brought in avarice, abundant pleasures have kindled a desire by riot, lust, and loose life to perish and bring all to nought. But these complaints, which will be nothing pleasant, no not when perhaps they shall be needful, banish we must (howsoever we do) at our first entrance of so weighty a matter: when as we rather should begin (if as the Poet's use, it were our manner also) with good osses and lucky forespeakings, with vows and prayers to gods and goddesses, to vouchsafe their furtherance and happy success to the enterprise of so great a work.  
FIrst of all, this is generally held for certain, That the greeks, after the winning of Troy, dealt cruelly with all the Trojans, save only Aeneas and Antenor: to whom, as well in regard of the bond of mutual entertainment, as also for that they ever persuaded peace and the rendering again of Helen, they wholly forbore to show any rigour at all, as by martial right of war they might have done. And how Antenor afterwards, accompanied with a number of Henetians, who driven by civil discord out of Paphlagonia, and having lost at Troy their king Pylemenes, were to seek both a resting place, and a captain to conduct them, arrived through many adventures and accidents of fortune, in the inmost gulf of the Adriatic sea: and after they had expelled the Euganians that inhabited between the sea and the Alpes, 
Venetians at this day, descended from Heneti● a people of Paphlagoni●, and the trojans, un ●en the conduct of Antenor.  those Henetians together with the trojans, kept those parts and there remained. The place where first they landed, height Troy, whereof the territory and signory thereabout was also named Troy, and the whole people in general called Henetians. Moreover, how Aeneas upon like misfortune, having fled his country, yet aspiring by the fatal direction of the destinies to greater affairs, came first into Macedon: and after into Sicily, seeking an abiding place: and sailing with a fleet from Sicily, arrived at length, and landed in the country of Laurentum: 
Aeneas and the trojans arrive in Italy.  which place likewise was cleped Troy. Where the Trojans being set a shore, having after their long wandering, nothing in a manner left them but ships & armour, as they forraied & drove booties out of the country, 
King Latinus.  King Latinus with the Aborigines, who at that time inhabited those parts, ran forth in warlike manner out of town and country, to withstand the violent invasion of these strangers. But what befell thereupon, is two manner of ways reported. Some say, that Latinus being in a battle vanquished, first made peace with Aeneas, and after that allied himself to him by marriage. Others affirm, that as both armies stood ranged in bartell array, before the trumpets sounded the battle, Latinus came forth into the vaward, and called out the general of the strangers to parley: demanding who they were, from whence they came, by what chance they departed from their own home, and to what end they entered the Laurentine borders? After that he heard the company were Trojans, the Captain Aeneas, son of Venus and Anchises, and that upon the burning of their city, they having foregone their country, sought some place to abide and build them a city in: wondered much, not only at the nobleness of the people and their leader, but also at their courageous hearts, resolved either for war or peace: whereupon, by giving his right hand, he plight his troth, and faithfully promised them friendship and amity. So the two generals made a league, and each host saluted other. 
Aeneas esposeth Lavinia.  And Aeneas was by Latinus entertained and lodged in the court. Where Latinus solemnly in presence of his familiar household gods, by giving his daughter in marriage to Aeneas, joined private alliance to the former public confederacy. Which thing truly put the trojans in good hope and full assurance, to end one day their wandering and flitting to and fro, 
Lavinium built  and to settle themselves in one certain place of abode. Hereupon, a town they built, which Aeneas of his wives name called Lavinium. Within a while, by this new marriage, he had issue a son: 
Afeanius borne  whom the parents named Ascanius. But after all this, were both trojans and Aborigenes warred upon. 
Turra. s  For Turnus' king of the Rutilians, unto whom Lavinia before Aeneas his coming, had been espoused, taking it to heart that a stranger was preferred before him, made war both upon Aeneas and Latinus: but neither army departed from the battle with joy and well apaied. For the Rutilians were vanquished: the Aborigines and trojans won indeed the field, 
Latinus slain  but lost their Captain Latinus. Then Turnus and the Rutilians mistrusting their own strength, 
Mezentjus  fled for succour to the puissant and mighty Tuscans, and to their king * Mezentius, who keeping his royal court at Cere, a town in those days of great wealth, not well pleased even from the first beginning, with the foundation of a new city, and supposing the Trojans power was already much more increased, than might well stand with the safety of the borderers, joined full willingly his forces with the Rutilians. Aeneas to win the hearts of the Aborigines against so dreadful and dangerous war, to the end, they all should not only live under one government, 
The Latins.  but also be all of one name, called both nations Latines. And from that time forth were the Aborigines nothing inferior to the trojans in love and loyalty towards their prince Aeneas. Aeneas also trusting confidently in the valiant and faithful hearts of these two States, growing up daily more and more in mutual amity, albeit Hetru●ia was so mighty, that the name thereof was renowned not only throughout the inland parts, but the sea coasts also, even from one end of Italy to the other, from the Alpes to the narrow seas of Sicily; yet whereas he might well have resisted the force of his enemies, and maintained a defensive war within his walls, he brought his army forth into the open field. This was the second battle that the Latins fought, and the last deed that ever. Aeneas whilst he was man, achieved. And howsoever by right he ought to be named, 
The death and sepulture of Acneas.  he lieth interred upon the river Numicius, and jupeter Indiges men him call. Now was not Ascanius, Aeneas his son, ripe as yet for age to sway the sceptre. 
jupiter judiges.  Howbeit the royal crown remained whole and safe for him, until he became to fourteen years of age. So long continued the state of the Latins, and the kingdom by grandsire and father descended, unto the child's behoof, under the government only of a woman, as protectress: 
The wife governmenent Lavinia, Queen Mother.  of so virtuous disposition and princely carriage was Dame Lavinia. Doubtful much I stand (for who can certainly avouch a thing so long ago?) whether this were that Ascanius, or one elder than he, who had to his mother Creüsa, whilst Ilium flourished, and who fled with this father from thence, 
Tulus or Aseanius.  and from whom being named also Iülus, the house and family of the julij do fetch their name and pedigree. 
The family of the julij.  That same Ascanius wheresoever or of whomsoever he was borned (but Aeneas his son of a truth he was) when Lavinium grew exceeding populous, left that city now flourishing and wealthy (as the world went then) unto his mother or stepmother, I wot not whether. He himself built another out of the ground under the mountain Alba, 
Long Alba 〈◊〉 A●canius The kingdom of Alba.  which of the situation thereof, stretching out in length on the side of the hill, was named Long Alba. Between the building of Lavinium and Long Alba, which became an under-towne or Colony drawn out of the other, and peopled from thence, were almost thirty years. But so mighty grew they, especially after the discom●ture of the Tuscans, that neither upon the death of Aeneas, nor during the time of a woman's government, nor all the while that the young prince learned to be a king, durst either Mezentius or the Tuscans, or any other of the borderers, once stir or rise in arms. But peace was concluded upon these terms, That the river Albula, 
Albula or Tiber.  which now they call Tyberis, should divide the Tuscans from the Latins, and limit to either of them their own bounds. After this reigned Silvius, the son of Ascanrus, born by chance within the forests: who begat Aeneas Silvius, and he had issue Latinus Silvias', 
Latinus Silvius.  by whom were certain Colonies or petty townships erected, & the inhabitants named Prisei Latini. And from thenceforth all the kings of Alba continued the s●irname of Silvius. This Latinus begat Alba, of Alba came At●s, A●s begat Capis, and of Capis descended Capetus; whose son Tyberinus in ferrying over the river A●bula, 
Tiberinus.  was drowned, and by his name renowned that river unto all posteritic. Next to him reigned Agrippa his son, and after him succeeded Romulus Silvius in his father's kingdom, who being strucken dead with a thunderbolt, left the crown to Aventinus. 
Aventinus.  This Aventinus was buried in that hill, which now is part of the city of Rome, 
Procas.  and breareth his name. The reigned Procas, who had two sons, Numitor and Amulius. 
Numitor and Amulius.  And unto Numitor, because he was the elder, he bequeathed by his last will and testament the ancient kingdom of the Sylvians line. Howbeit, might prevailed more than either the will of the father, or the reverend regard of elder brother. For Arnulius having driven out Numiter, reigneth himself: and not herewith content, heapeth one mischeese upon another. For first he murdered the issue male of his brother: 
Rhea Sylvia.  then by making Rhea Sylvia his brother's daughter, a vestal Nun, and that under colour of honour and dignity, by perpetual vowed virginity, he bearest her of all hope of childbearing. But it was a fatal thing, and (as I think) which God would have, that so great a city should be built for to yield the ground and beginning of that Empire, 
Romulus and Remus borne.  which next under the gods is most mighty. For behold, the Vestal virgin was by force deflowered, and after delivered of two twins: and were it that she thought so in very deed, or because the name and credit of a god might carry away and cloak the fault more cleanly, she fathered her bastard children upon Mars. But neither god nor man was able to save herself or her children from the king's cruelty. For the Votary was committed to close prison, and there kept bound in irons: as for the babes he commanded they should be cast into the stream of the river. 
Romulus and 〈…〉 〈◊〉  But (as God would) by good hap the Tiber overflowed the banks, and the standing waters on either side was nothing rough, yet so as there was no coming to the deep current or channel of the very river: and they that brought the infants, hoped well they might be drowned in any place of the water, were it never so full and low. So to fulfil after a sort, the king's commandment, they laid the children in the next plash they came to: even where as now standeth the figtree Ruminalis, called as they say, Romularis: but all that ground than was nothing but waste deserts, and a very wilderness. The report yet goeth, that when the ebb and shallow water was gone, & had left on dry ground the floating trough or vessel, wherein the babes were put forth, a she Wolf from out of the mountains thereby, being a thirst, turned towards the children cry, and with their pendant teats so gently gave the infants suck, that Faustulus the head Reeve and overseer of the king's cattle, 
Faustulus.  found her licking them with her tongue: who brought them to his homestall, 
Laurentia.  and gave them to his wife Laurentia to be fostered. There be that think, that Laurentia being a common strumpet among these herdmen and shepherds, was usually called Lupa. Whereupon arose the occasion of this strange tale and wondrous miracle. Well, so were they borne, and so brought up. And as soon as they grew once to some bigness, it was no boot to keep them within doors, nor to set them idly to tend the cattle, for they would use to hunt abroad in the forest: whereby having gotten strength of body and courage withal, they were able now, not only to withstand the violence of wild beasts, and to kill them, but also to set upon common robbers by the high ways side, laden as they were with booties, and to spoil them thereof, yea and divide the prey among the shepherds: and as the number of yonkers daily increased, with them to keep holidays, to make merry, and follow their disports. And even in those days (as men say) was the festival pastime Lupercal, 
Lupercal.  used in mount Palatine, which of Palanteum, a city in Arcadia, was first called Palantium, 
Evander.  and after Palatine, wherein Evander, who descended from the Arcadians, long before reigned in that country, and ordained a solemn game and recreation, yearly to be held, 
Pan Lycaeus or Inuus.  as aforetime in Arcadia, in this manner: that young men in the honour of Pan Lycaeus, whom the Romans after called Inuus, should loosely and wanton run naked. Now whilst they were busily occupied in this kind of sport, which by vow yearly they performed; there lay in ambush the robbers aforesaid, in revenge and for anger of the prizes which they had lost: Where Romulus manfully quit himself, 
Remus taken prisoner.  but Remus they took prisoner: and being thus taken, they brought him before king Amulius, accusing him greevously, and laying especially to his charge, that he with others invaded and made roads into Numitor his land, and with a power of lusty youths, assembled in warlike sort, had forraied and spoiled the same. Thus was Remus delivered unto Numitor to be put to death. Now had Faustulus even since the first day conceive some hope, that there were in his house softer children of royal blood: For well he wist, that both by the king's commandment the babes were cast forth to perish, and also that the time when he took them up, fell out fitly thereunto: marry this would he in no wise should be known in haste, and before due time; unless it were either upon good occasion or great necessity. Necessity happened first: and so for very fear he was driven to reveal the whole matter to Romulus. It happened also, that Numitor himself, having Remus in durance, and hearing they were brethren twins, by comparing their age, and avising withal their very countenance and towardness, proceeding from no servile and base parentage, bethought himself of his sister's children: and by farther enquiry and computation, came so far, as he seemed well-near to acknowledge Remus for his nephew. Thus on all hands were means wrought to circumvent and surprise king Amulius. For Romulus on the one side not accompanied with a troup of tall fellows, for he was not able in open fight to make his part good: but giving the herdmen his supposts, in charge to come at a time appointed, some one way, and some another, to the king's palace, he set upon the king. On the other side, Remus with another crew from Numitor his house, 
Amulius the userpet slaiae,  came to second him: and so they slew the king. Numitor at the first uproar giving out eftsoons, that the enemies had entered the city, and assailed the king's palace, and thereupon having called the youth of Alba into the Citadel, to keep it by force with a good guard, and espying the two young men after the murder done, coming towards him with joy: forthwith assembled the people together, and declared openly before them all, the wicked dealings of his brother against him, the parentage of his nephews, the manner of their birth and bringing up, and how they came to be known: after that, he reported the murder of the Tyrant, and took it upon himself as the author thereof. The two young men passing with their companies through the midst of the people, 
〈…〉 of ●.  saluted their grandsire king, whereat the whole multitude also with one accord and voice ratified the same: so was his royal name and estate by them established. Thus was the whole regiment or kingdom of the Albans committed to Numitor. Then Romulus and Remus had a great desire to found themselves a city in the very place where they had been cast forth and fostered. 
〈…〉  Now were there of Albans and Latins both, very many that might be spared; besides, a number also of herdmen: who, all set together, put them in good hope, that Alba and Lavinium too, would be but small Cities in comparison of what which now was a building. Whilst they were devising of these things, an old canker came between to mar all, 
〈◊〉 between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  even desire of rule and sovereignty, the same which had troubled their grandsires before them: and thereupon a soul fray, which arose from a small and slight occasion. For as much as they were both twins at one birth, and the respect of their age might yield no choice and difference, it was thought good and agreed upon, that the gods, who had the tuition of those places, should by Augury or slight of birds, declare and show whether of the twain should both name the city, and also rule the same. Romulus chose the mount Palatine, and Remus the Aventine, for their temples or religious quarters, to mark the birdsight, and each one apart to receive their Augury. First (as they say) had Remus appearing in slight six vultures or gripes: 
〈◊〉  and as tidings came unto him of this Augury, it happened that the number unto Romulus was presented double: whereupon they were both of them by their supposts and favourites saluted kings. The one side took the vantage of the time: the other of the number, for the prerogative of the kingdom. Thus they fell to hot words first, and from choleric words to blows and bloodshead: in which stir and press of the people, Remus was wounded and slain in the place. 
〈◊〉  The more common report goeth, that Remus inscorne of his brother, leapt over the new walls: whereupon Romulus in great choler slew his brother with his own hands, and in menacing wife, added these words withal, So perish he, what ever else he be, 
● 〈◊〉 king of Rome.  that shall once dare to leap over my walls. Thus Romulus alone became king, and the City new built, of the founder's name was called Rome. Wherein first he fortified mount Palatine, in which he was himself reared. To all the rest of the gods he sacrificed after the rule and custom of the Albans: only to Hercules after the manner of the greeks, according to the first institution of Evander. 
The 〈…〉  For the same goeth, that Hercules upon a time, after he had slain Geryon, drove that way exceeding fair Oxen, and near the river Tiber, where he had swum over with his drove afore him, laid him down in a fair green meadow, as well to refresh himself, being weary of his way, as also to rest and bait his cattle in so plentiful grass and forage. There, falleth he into a sound sleep, as having well charged himself with wine and viands, and one Cacus a shepherd dwelling thereby, a man right fierce, and bearing him proudly of his strength, being greatly in love with the fairness of the beasts, had a good will, and minded to fetch away that booty: but for that if he had driven the beasts into his own cave, the very tracks would have led the owner of them thither, he drew the goodliest and biggest of them backward by their tails into his hole. Herculs early in the morning when he awoke, and beheld his drove, and miss some of his count, went on toward the next cave, if haply their footing would train him thither: But seeing all traces from wards, and leading no other way; as one troubled in spirit, and doubtful what to do, he began to drive farther out of that thievish and dangerous corner. But as some of the Oxen in driving, miss their fellows behind, and honing after them, bellowed as their nature is: Herculs chanced to hear them loow again, and answer from out of the cave wherein they had been bestowed: whereat he turned back, and made in haste thither. But as Cacus forcibly made head against him, and would have kept him from entrance, Hercules smote him with his club: and for all his calling upon other herdmen for help, 
Evander the in●enter of 〈◊〉 letters.  slew him outright. At the same time Evander, who fled out of Peloponnesus, governed that Country, rather by a kind of countenance and authority, than by force and lordly command. A man much honoured for his wonderful invention of letters, a strange and rare thing among those rude and unlearned sort: but more honoured for the opinion that the people had of his mother Carmenta, 
Carmenta mother of Evander.  reputed to be a goddess, whom for her spirit of prophesy, those countries, before that Sibylla came into Italy, had in great revence and admiration. This Evander being raised with the concourse of the shepherds, affrighted about the stranger, guilty of manifest murder, and hearing of the fact committed, and the occasion thereof: avising well there with the person of the man, his feiture and favour, more stately a good deal, and carrying a greater majesty than the ordinary proportion of men; demandeth of him who he was. And as soon as he understood his name, his father, and native country: O Hercules (quoth he) the soon of jupiter, All hail: my mother a most true prophetess hath foreshowed unto me, that thou shalt increase the number of heavenly wights, and that in this place an altar shall be reared and dedicated unto thee, which the most mighty and richest nation one day of the world, 
Ara maxima dedicated to Hercules.  shall name Maxima, and honour according to the ceremonies by thee ordained. In a good hour be it spoken (quoth Hercules) and the osle I gladly accept; and so giving him his hand, faithfully promised to accomplish the will of the gods, and erected streitway and consecrated an altar in the place. There and then first, he sacrificed one of the fairest Oxen, chosen out of the whole drove, calling to the ministery of that divine service and feast, the Potitij and P●narij, 
Potitij & Pinary.  two most noble houses at that time in those parts. It happened so, by chance, that the Potitij were ready at hand in due time, and the inwards or entrails were set before them: which being eaten, the Pinarij came to the good cheer behind: whereupon the custom held, that so long as the family of the Pinarij continued, they might not feed of the sacred inwards. But the Potitij, instructed by Evander, became the priests of that holy sacrifice many ages after: until the solemn service and ministery of this family was put over to public servants, and the whole stock of the Potity utterly worn out and dead. These were the only foreign sacrifices of all other, 
Romulus maketh laws.  that Romulus received and admitted, being even then a furtherer and maintainer of immortality, by his own prowess atcheeved, and whereunto his fortune conducted him. Having in this manner religiously performed and established the service of the gods, he assembled the multitude to an audience and for that they could by no means but by laws, be united together into one body and society of a people, he derised Statutes, and ministered justice unto them. And supposing that those laws would be accounted sacred and inviolable of the wild and rustical sort of men, in case he showed himself by some regal ensigns venerable: 
Royal robes, jictours.  he carried with him a greater port and majesty, not only in his robes and princely habit, but most of all in the attendance of twelve officers or sergeants, called Lictores, whom he caused to go ordinarily before his person. Some think he chose this number according to the birds, which by Augury did foreshow and prognosticate his reign: I rather am of their opinion, who think that Sergeants at arms, and this kind of officers came from the Tuscans their neighbours, 
Chair of estate, called Sella curulis.  from whence also theyvorie chair of estate, called Sella curulis, and the royal purple rob embroidered, named Toga pr●texia, was fetched, as also the very number of sergeants or Lictours. 
The purple role called Toga pr●texia  For that the Tuscans had this manner, when they chose their king by the common voices of their twelve principal States, each one found a sergeant. All this while grew the city more and more to be fortified with ramparts and bulwarks, as men still built in sundry places where they liked best, seeming thereby to provide rather for a future multitude in time to come, than for the present number wherewith it was then peopled. Furthermore, lest that the city so large in compass, should stand void and vacant, Romulus for to increase the number of inhabitants (according to the old practice of the founders of cities, who by gathering about them the base multitude and obscure, feigned that they were an offspring borne out of the earth) set up a sanctuary or lawless church, 
The Asylum first erected.  called Asylum, in that place which at this day between the two groves, is enclosed and fenced round about with thick briars & brambles. Thither resorted (as to a place of refuge) out of the neighbour countries, a rabble and confused medley of all sorts, tag and rag, bond and free, one with another; folk desirous of change and novelty.  
So began first the city according to the plot of large buildings, 
The institution of a Senate.  to be well peopled and grow mighty. Thus being provided of power sufficient: he thought then upon a counsel and policy to his power. And so created a hundred Senators: either because that number seemed great enough, or for that there were no more but one hundred that were of worth to be elected counsellor or (wife) fathers. These men certainly for honour and dignity, were called Patres or Sage fathers: 
Patris. Patri●●.  and their lineal descent Patr●ij or nobles. Now by this time was the State of Rome so mighty and puissant, that it was able in fight to match any city near adjoining whatsoever. But for default of womankind, this puissance was to endure but the age of one man: for neither had they hope of issue among themselves at home, nor yet made marriages with their neighbours abroad. Whereupon Romulus by the advice of his Senators; sent Ambassadors to the countries there about, to treat for society and alliance for his new people, by way of marriage. 
The Embassage of Romulus, treating for marriage.  Alleging that cities also, as well as other things, arose of base beginnings, and in process of time by their own prowsse, and help of God with all, grow to great power and reputation: whereas therefore they were full well assured, that as the gods were gracious to their first uprising, so their own virtue and valour should not be wanting: their neighbours ought not, in regard of common humanity, and as they were men, think much and disdain to join in blood and kindred with them, being also men as well as they. Howbeit, this embassage in no place had gentle audience and courteous entertainment. For they all in general despised them, and were in ear for themselves and their posterity, by reason of so mighty a state, increasing in the midst of them, and under their very noses. And from the most of them the Ambassadors were dismissed and sent away, with this frump and demand, Whether they had set up a sanctuary or lawless place for women to? For that were alone, and a fit marriage indeed to sort together. This took the youth of Rome in great displeasure, and doubtless the quarrel grew like to be tried by knocks. But Romulus dissimuling his inward heartburning, to the end he might find time and place meet for the purpose, prepareth to set forth certain solemn plays and games, 
The games Consualia.  which he nameth Consualia, to the honour of Neptune Equestris. Hereupon he commanded to proclaim these games all over the country adjoining; and with as great preparation and furniture, as in those days either their skill or ability might afford, they celebrate the same, and all to make the show more goodly, and worthy so great expectation. Thither resorted many a one, desirous also to see this new city, but their next neighbours especially of Cenina, Crustuminum, and Antemnae: The whole multitude of Sabines likewise came with their wives and children. Who being friendly invited to their houses, from one to another, and courteously entertained: when they beheld the situation of the city, the strong walls and saire buildings, so thick standing, wondered how in so short a space the city of Rome was growned so great. Now when the time of this solemn sight was come, and that their minds were busied, and their eyes bend thereon: then at once, as it was agreed before, there arose an uproar. 
The Sabine maldens ravished.  And the youth of Rome upon a token and watchword given, fell on every side to carry away the Sabine maidens. A great many of them were ravished by hap hazard, as they did light upon them, and as they came next to their hands. Othersome more beautiful than the rest, were appointed for the cheese of the Senators, and by certain of the commons, as they had given them in charge, conveyed home to their houses. But one passing fair and lovely above all others, was harried by the company or crew of one Talassius (they say) and when as any asked to whom they carried her, they ever cried out (for fear she should be forced or deflowered) Thalassio, Thalassio, i. Unto Thalassius. 
Thalasio.  Whereupon Thalassio became a common byword at wedding ever after. Thus their sport and pastime upon this stir and fright, was marred, and the parents of the virgins fled away with heavy cheer, blaming them highly, and complaining of their breach of hospitality: and calling upon the god for vengeance, to whose festival games they being come, were under colour of religion and truth, beguiled. The damsels likewise that were ravished, conceived neither better hope of themselves, no less indignation against them. 
〈…〉  But Romulus himself in person went from one to another, declaring, That their father's pride, who denied their neighbour's marriage, was the cause of all this: promising nevertheless that they should be linked in lawful wedlock, made partakers of all woridly goods, obtained the freedom of a city, and (than which, nothing is more dear to mankind) enjoy the blessing of children: exhorting them to appease their anger, and quiet themselves: and to give them their hearts, whose hap it was to have their bodies. For oftentimes upon wrong and injury there growth love and reconciliation. Alleging moreover, that they should find their spouses so much more loving and kind, as every one of them for his part would endeavour, after they had in their turn and course fulfilled the duty to them of good husbands, for to make amends, and supply the miss they have of father, mother, and native country. Their husbands with all used fair speeches and flattering words, excusing the matter, and laying all the weight upon servant affection and pure love: which kind of persuasion of all other, prevaileth most with women's nature. Thus were the ravished young wines in some sort quieted in mind, and held themselves well contented. But their fathers, than most of all arrayed in mourning weed, with tears and heavy complaints, stirred up the Cities where they dwelled: neither contained they their mood within home, but assembled themselves from all parts unto Tatius the king of the Sabines: 
〈◊〉 king of the Sabines.  and to him repaired their Embassages, for that the name of Tatius was highly renowned in those countries. They of Cenina, Crustuminum, and Antemnae, who were partly touched and grieved for that wrong done, thought that Tatius and the Sabines dealt but coldly in the action, and went but slowly about revenge. These three natitons therefore banded themselves, and agreed to prepare for war. But so sharp set were the Ceninians that the men of Crustuminum and Antemnae, bestirred not themselves quick enough for them. So they of Cenina entered alone by force of arms the territories of the Romans. As they wasted and spoiled without order and measure, Romulus met them with an army, and in one small skirmish made proof, 
The Ceninians defeated.  how Mood without might is vain and bootless. For he discomfited, put to flight, and pursued in chase their whole host, slew their king in battle, and him despoiled: 
Their king slain:  and having slain their general, at the first assault he won the town: and after he had from thence brought back his army with conquest and victory, as a man no less desirous to show his noble acts with glory, than to achieve the same by prowess, he bore afore him on high as a pompous pageant in a frame fitly for the purpose wrought, 
Romulus' 〈◊〉 unto jupiter Feretrius the spoil 〈◊〉 the King of the Cenitians.  the spoil and armour of his enemy's captain, by himself slain: and so ascended up to the Capitol hill, where laying them down at the Oak which the shepherds had in great reverence, he consecrated them as a present to jupiter: and set out with all, the foundation and bounds of a temple unto him: giving moreover this addition and title to the god, and saying solemnly: O jupiter Feretrius, I king Romulus upon my victory, present unto thee this armour of a king, and within this compass of ground, which even now I have conceived and assigned, I dedicate a temple, to receive those rich and royal spoils, which the posterity, following mine example, shall bear away from the kings and captains general of their enemies, whom they shall happen hereafter to kill. This is the very beginning of that temple, which first of all other was in Rome consecrated. And so it pleased God, that neither the first founders words were spoken in vain, whereby he foretold and pronounced, that his posterity should bring their spoils thither: nor his glory made vulgar and common to many compartenes with him in the like exploit and glorious present. For after him, 
By Cornel, Cossus, and M. Marcellus.  in so many years, and after so many wars, two royal spoils only were won of the enemies. So rare was the happiness of honour in that behalf. Whilst the Romans were thus employed about Cenina, the army of the Antemnates, taking the vantage of the time, and of the Romans absence from home, and seeing their frontiers without a guard, with a power of armed men entered the confines of Rome. Against whom also the Roman legion made head in all haste, and finding them scattered out of order in the fields, charged upon them. By reason whereof, 
The Antemnate: overthrown, and their city forced  at the very first shock and shout made, discomfited were the enemies and their town surprised. As Romulus returned with triumph and joy for these two victories, 
Hersilia wise to Romulus.  his wife Hersilia, at the importunate suit of the wives that had been ravished, earnestly besought him to pardon their fathers and receive them into his city: for so by concord and unity, the weal public, and the good estate of his kingdom might flourish and grow mighty. This sure was gently heard, and soon obtained. After this, he set forth against the Crustuminians that began to war upon him: with whom he had the less ado, for that their courages were well abated already by the overtrowes of others. 
Colonies of Romans first planted.  To both these places as unto Colonies, were new inhabitants sent. But the greater number were desirous to enter their names, and to plant themselves at Crustuminium, for the fertility of the soil. And many likewise removed from thence to Rome, 
The Sabines make war.  the parents especially and kinsfolk of the ravished women. Last of all, the Sabines warred far more sharply and dangerously than the rest: for nothing did they either in fury or rage, or for covetous desire of spoil. Neither made they talk & show of war, before they warred indeed and were seen in field. And besides this their considerate policy, they dealt also with craft & subtly. 
The castle of Rome betrained to the Sabines.  For whereas one Sp. Tarpeius had the charge of the castle in Rome, his daughter a young maiden, Tatius with a sum of money corrupted and procured, at what time as she went to fetch water without the walls for sacrifice, to receive armed soldiers into the forresse. But so soon as they were let in, they with their armour smothered and killed her: either for that thereby it might be thought the castle was won by force: or because they would make her an example to posterity, that no traitor should ever think to escape unpunished. But hereto belongeth a tale, namely, that the Sabines used commonly on their left arms to wear bracelets of Massy and weighty gold, and fair rings besides on their fingers, set with precious stones of great value: and that she covenanted and agreed with them to have that which they ware on their left hands, whereupon she had their targets in sheed of those golden ornaments, heaped upon her. Others say, that upon agreement and covenant made to deliver that which was on their left hands, she demanded their armour, and because she seemed to deal, deceitfully, she was overtaken therewith, and perished by receiving a reward of her own choosing. However it was, the Sabines were possessed of the castle. From whence the morrow after (when as the Romans army well appointed in battle ray, had taken up and overspread the whole plain that lieth from mount Palatine to the hill Capitol) they would not come down on even ground before that the Romans, 
〈…〉 〈…〉 〈◊〉 and Sabines Metius Curtius. Hostius Hostilius  partly nettled with anger, and partly pricked with an hot desire to recover the castle again, began with their great disadvantage to climb against the hill. Whereupon the captains on both sides joined battle: Metius Curtius for the Sabines, Hostius Hostilius for the Romans: who albeit he was on the lower ground, yet in the forefront most courageously and stoutly abide the brunt of the conflict. But so soon as he was strooken down and slain, incontinently the Romans recoiled and gave ground: and thus discomfited, fled backward to the old gate of Palatium. Romulus himself also, borne back with the press and throng of those that sled, 
, The prayer of Romulus to jupiter stator  lift up his weapons on high towards heaven, and cried out saying: O jupiter, I Romulus by thy direction guided and ruled, have here in this mount Palatine laid the foundation of this city: and now already have the Sabines by corruption and treachery got the citadel and fortress thereof: from whence they having passed the midst of the vale between, make hither in haste with force of arms: but thou O father of gods and men, vouchsafe yet from hence at leastwise to repulse the enemies, deliver the Romans from this so great fear, and stay their shameful flight. And here to thee O jupiter Stator I vow a temple, for a memorial to all posterity, that by thy present help this city was saved and preserved. Thus having once prayed, as if he had known for certain that his prayers were heard. Even here (quoth he) O ye Romans, doth jupiter Opt. Max. i. the best and greatest of all the gods commands you to stay and begin the battle afresh. Herewith the Romans, no less than if they had been commanded from heaven above, made a stand. And Romulus in person highed him with all speed to the foremost in the vaward. Now was Metius Curtius, principal leader of the Sabines, run down from the castle, and had scattered and chased the Romans back as far as the Forum or common place of Rome at this day reacheth in length: and being come within a little of the gate of Palatium, he lift up his voice and cried aloud, Vanquished we have these faithless friends, and heartless foes: and now know they well, it is one thing to ravish maidens, and a far other thing to fight with men. In this sort as he braved it out, Romulus with a troup of lusty young men, made head against him. Metius haply at that time, fought on horseback, whereby he was forced the sooner to recoil, and the Romans made after and pursued him. The other battle of the Romans in like manner, being much encouraged with the valour of their king, discomfited the Sabines. Metius with his horse under him, affrighted at the noise of them that ran after, leapt into a marish or bog thereby. Which accident, considering the danger of so great a person, made the Sabines to look back to him. And he verily taking heart again at the calling and encouragement of many his favourites, escaped. But the Romans and Sabines both, in the middle valley between the two hills, renew the battle again: where the Romans got the better hand. Then the Sabine dames, for whose wrongful usage all this war arose, with their hair hanging loose about their shoulders, and renting their garments, for very grief and sorrow past all fear, ventured to run amongst the javelins & darts as they flew: & thus having thrust themselves violently overthwart between them, began to part these bloody armies, and to end their deadly feaud: 
The 〈◊〉 wom●n to their 〈◊〉 〈…〉 the●●.  Beseeching their own fathers on the one side, and their husbands on the other, that they being fathers and sons in law, would not imbrue themselves with so unkind and unnatural bloodshed, nor as parricides, murder the young ones newly borne, some their graundchildrens, and others their own heirs of their body begotten. If ye our fathers, think much (say they) of the affinity between our husbands and you: or if ye our husbands are displeased with our marriage, bend all your anger and malice against us: we are the cause of this war, we are the cause of wounding and killing both husband and father: yet will we rather die, than live either orphans without the one, or widows without the other. This thing moved as well the multitude of soldiers, as also the captains; and presently of a sudden all was hushed, and the fight ceased. Whereupon, the Generals came forth to conclude a league. Neither made they peace only, but one city of two: united their realms, & joined together in the regiment: but the royal estate they settled in Rome.  
The city thus being made one of twain, the Romans for to gratify the Sabines in some sort, 
Quirites.  were of Cures, a town of the Sabines, called Quirites. And for a memorial of that battle, the very place where Curtius, after he was gotten out of the deep marish, first set his horse on firm ground, 
Curtius' Lacus.  was named Curtius his lake. This joius peace ensuing presently upon so cruel war, made these women better beloved of their husbands and parents: but especially of Romulus himself. 
Curi● 301  And therefore when he divided the city into thirty wards or parishes, he called them by their names. But it is not left in any record (for out of all question the women were far more in number than so) whether those that should give names unto the wards, were chosen by age, or by their own dignity and worthiness, or their husband's degree and calling, or by casting lots. At the same time were enroled and ordained three centuries of gentlemen or knights: The Ramnenses were so cleped of Romulus, 
Centuries.  the Titienses of Titus Tatius; but of the name and first beginning of the Lucerians, the occasion is not certain. So these two kings not only reigned together, but also governed with great unity and concord. But after certain years the kindred of king Tatius chanced to beat and evil entreat the ambassadors of Laurentum. And when as the Laurentines pleaded the law of nations, for satisfaction of this outrage; Tatius his kinsfolk what by favour, and what by entreaty, prevailed more with him than the just complaint of the others. Whereby he brought vengeance due to them upon his own head: For being come upon a time to Lavinium, unto a solemn sacrifice and feast, there in an uproar or hurly burly the people ran upon him, 
Tatius murdered.  and so was he slain. Which thing (they say) Romulus, made less regard of than was meet: either for that fellowship in lordship is never faithful, or because he esteemed him not unjustly to be made away. Whereupon he forbore indeed to make war: yet to the end the wrong done to the Ambassadors, together with the murder of the king, might be expiate and purged clean away, the league between the cities of Rome and Lavinium was renewed. But whilst peace verily was beyond men's expectation with them concluded: behold another fresh war arose, much nearer than the other, and hard almost at their very gates. For the people of Fidene supposing the Romans power and riches to increase overmuch so near unto them: before they should grow to such greatness as they were like to do, began first to war upon them: and sending a power of lusty tall soldiers, invaded and wasted all the country between the city of Rome and Fidene. And taking their way on the left hand, for that the Tiber kept from the other, they forraied and spoiled as they went, to the great fear of the peasants and country people. So as this sudden tumult and garboil heard out of the fields into the city, brought the first news of the war. Romulus' raised therewith (for so nigh a war might bear no delay) led forth his army, and encamped within a mile of Fidene: and leaving there a competent guard, he departed thence with all his other forces, commanding part of his soldiers to lie close in certain covert places, 
A stratagem of Romulus.  among the thickets in ambushment. Himself with the greater number, and all his horse, advanced forward, and riding up and down before their gates after a disordered and bragging manner, made semblant of a bravado, and all to train the enemy forth, which was the thing he only sought. This kind of horse service was a means that the Fidenates less suspected and marveled at their flying, which they were to counterfeit. For whilst the Cavallirie stood unresolved as it were, in a mammering whither to sly or fight, and the infantry withal began to retire: all at once the enemies in thrunging manner sallied forth of the gates, and chased the Romans so fiercely, that in their eager pursuit they were drawn to the very place of ambush. Thence the Romans suddenly arose, and charged the flock of the enemies: And to increase their fright, they likewise that were left behind to guard the camp, showed themselves with banners displayed. So the Fidenates terrified sundry ways, before well near that Romulus and his men of arms could rain about their horseheads, turned their backs, and rodefull gallop towards the town again, and so much the faster, for that they fled now in good earnest themselves, that pursued them, who a little before made but semblance thereof. Yet for all this could they not escape the enemy: for the Romans hard at their heels, rushed together with them pelmell into the town, before the gates could be shut against them. At this Fidenatian war, spreading so dangerously, the Veientians grew angry in their hearts, and began to chase. Touched they were also in regard of kindred and alliance: for the Fidenates were likewise Tuscans. And fearing least (if the Roman forces should thus distress and lie upon all the borderers) they being so near, should not go free, they were the rather pricked forward, and thereupon made roads, and entered in arms the confines of Rome, spoiling and boothaling, more like robbers than professed warriors. So without pitching any tents, or abiding the coming of their enemies, but only driving and carrying away great booties out of the fields, they return again to Veij. The Romans chose, not ●●●ding the enemies in the field, but yet provided and resolved to give battle, and to hazard all, passed over the Tibet. Whom the Veientians understanding to be encamping themselves, fully minded to come against their city: issued forth and met them, intending to try the quarrel by dint of sword, 
The Veientians 〈◊〉 by Romulus.  and in open field, rather than to be mewed up within the town, & to fight & defend themselves from off their houses and walls. There the Roman king with the strength only of his old beaten soldiers, without any other help and supply whatsoever, without policy or stratagem, had the better: and having thus discomfited the enemies, he chased them even to their very walls. And for that the city was exceeding strong, fortified as well by natural situation, as by walls, he forbore to assault it. But in his return homeward, he wasted the country, more upon a mind to revenge, than hope of spoil. With this defeature, the Veientians no less subdued than if they had lost a field, sent Orantours to Rome to sue for peace: unto whom truce was granted for an hundred years, 
Truce between Romans and Veientians for an hundred years.  but they were amerced to lose part of their lands. These were in a manner all the acts that were done both at home and abroad, during the reign of Romulus. Whereof none seemed to derogate any jot from the opinion, both of his divine birth and beginning, 
The commentation of Romulus.  and also of his immortality or deification after his death. Such was his courageous heart in recovering his grandfires kingdom: his policy and wisdom in founding the city first, and after in establishing and governing the same, as well in war as in peace. By whose good proceedings it got such strength, and so sure footing, that for forty years space after, it enjoyed peace with salatie. Nevertheless of his commons he was better beloved than of his nobles: but above all, his soldiers most heartily affected him: of whom he had always about him, as squires of the body, three hundred pensioners armed, not only in time of war, but also of peace, 
Celeres.  whom he called Celeres. Thus having atcheeved these noble and immortal deeds, as he upon a time assembled all the people upon the plain, at the marish Caprae, there to number or muster his army: behold, upon a sudden there arose a tempest with great cracks of thunder, which with so thick & cloudy a storm, covered the king, that the people lost the sight of him. 
Romulus' his 〈◊〉.  And never after was Romulus seen on earth. The Roman youth, after their fear was at length past, and that upon so dark and troublesome weather, it proved a fair day again, and calm withal, seeing the king's throne empty, albeir they credited the Senators that stood next about him, who gave out he was taken up aloft in the storm; yet strucken into sad dumps, as it were for the loss of their father, held their peace a good while. But afterwards, when some few of them had once begun, they all set on and cried aloud. All hail god Romulus the son of a god, king and father of the city of Rome: With earnest prayer beseeching him of his grace, that he would vouchsafe to be propice, and save their offspring and posterity for ever. I am of this mind, that some there were even then, that suspected and secretly surmised that the king was pulled in pieces by the hands of the nobles. For this rumour also was bruited abroad, although in very dark and obscure terms. But by reason of high admiration of the man, and the present fear withal, the former opinion took place, and was more currant. Over and besides, it grew the rather credible, through the politic practice of one person. For as the whole city was pensive and sorrowful for the miss of their king, and sore displeased with the Senators, one Proculus julius, a substantial good author (as men say) and to be believed in a matter of great importance, stepped forth into the assembly, Romulus (quoth he) Quirites, the founder and patron of this city, 
The speech of Proculus julius.  even this very morning at the day break, descended suddenly down from heaven and met me, and as I stood all quaking for fear, ready to worship him, and humbly beseeching that I might behold him face to face:. Away (quoth he) & tell the Romans, that the will of the gods in heaven is, that my city of Rome shall be the head and chief of the whole world: will them therefore to follow and practise chivalry, and the knowledge thereof: and wot this well, and so let them do their posterity to wit, That no power in the world shall be able to withstand the puissance of the Romans. Which (said he) was not so soon spoken, but he ascended on high, and departed. A wonder it was to fee, how much they gave credit to this man's tale, and how greatly the miss of Romulus both among the commons and the army, was by this belief of his immortality, digested.  
In this mean while the Senators fell to strive who should be king: and the desire of sovereignty troubled much and perplexed their minds. But as yet, there was no banding nor siding from any one person in particular: for that in a state so newly risen, & of so small continuance, there was not one that far excelled another in authority. All the contention was between the two several factions in general. 
〈◊〉 between the Romans and Sabines for the 〈◊〉.  For they that were descended of the Sabines, fearing least because after the death of Tatius there was none of their part, that had reigned with Romulus in equal jurisdiction, they should now lose their possession and title to the crown; were desirous to have a king chosen out of their corporation. The old Romans again might not abide an alien or foreigner to be king. Howbeit, thus diversly affected as they were, a king they all will needs have, as who (God wot) had not yet tasted the sweetness of liberty and freedom. Besides the Nobles began to fear, lest peradventure in case the hearts of many cities thereabout, should not be well disposed, but provoked against them, some foreign power would make invasion, finding the city without government, and the army without a captain. Therefore they all liked well to have one head, but none could find in his heart to give place unto another. Whereupon the hundred Senators associate and combine together in the rule of the Commonweal, by dividing themselves into ten Decuries, and for every Decurie choosing one to bear the chief authority. So that ten governed at once, but one alone had the regal ensigns and the Lictors before him. This sovereignty and pre-eminence determined every five days: and thus went it through them all round in course. After which manner they continued the space of one year. And the government upon this occasion was (as it is still at this day) called Interregnum. 
The Interrogencie.  Then after a year began the commons to grudge and mutter, that their servitude was greater than before, having now lords over them, an hundred for one: and seemed they would no longer endure, but have a king again, yea and one of their own choosing. The Senators seeing them thereabout, and taking it to be good policy for to offer that of their own accord, which they were otherwise like to forego, curried favour with them in this wise, to wit, by granting the chief prerogative unto the people (in choosing a king) yet so as they gave them no greater privilege, than they reserved to themselves. For thus it was decreed, that when the people had elected a king, it should stand firm and ratified, if the Senators liked thereof, and gave thereto their royal assent. And even at this day in making of laws, and choosing magistrates or rulers, the same rights is in some sort observed, setting aside the violence of Tribunes. For that now before the people give their voices, the Senators pass by their authority, that which they would have done, fall it out in the assembly of people, by scrutiny, doubtful as it will. To proceed then, the Interregent having called a general parliament: In the name of God (quoth he) O Quirites, and which may be to you good, lucky, and prosperous, elect, or nominate ye a new king: for so is the good pleasure of the Nobles and Senators: and in case ye shall elect a man of such quality, as may be deemed worthy to succeed Romulus, then will they by their assent pass the same, and allow thereof. This pleased and contented the commons so highly, that because they would not seem behind in bounty and courtesy, they answered again, that this only they ordained and agreed upon, to with, that the Senate should determine who should be king of Rome. 
Numa Pompilius.  There was in those days one Numa Pompilius, much renowned and esteemed for his just life and religious: he dwelled in Cures, a city of the Sabines, a man right skilful and very well seen (as any one might be in that age) in all laws both divine and human: whose teacher and first master, for want of other author of his science and knowledge (they say) but yet untruly, was Pythagoras as of Samos. Concerning whom, this is well known, that he a hundred years after and above, in the days of Servius Tullus king of Rome, held a school of young men students, that were his disciples, and followed his sect, in the utmost and farthest coast of Italy, about Metapontum, Heraclea, and Croton. From which places (albeit he had lived in that time) what same of him could spread so far as to the Sabines? or by what intercourse and affinity of language might he possibly have trained any man unto him for desire of learning at his hands? or by what good means and help, could Numa travel alone unto him in safety, through so many countries, of diverse tongues and sundry manners? I am of this opinion rather, that the man by nature was framed and disposed to virtue, and that he was instructed, not so much in strange and foreign sciences, as after that strict rule, that stern and severe discipline of the ancient Sabines; than whom, there was not a nation in times past, more precise, reformed, and void of corruption. The Roman Senators hearing the name of Numa, although they saw well enough, that the Sabines were like to prove of great reputation and power, by choosing their king from among them, yet was there none of them so audacious, as to prefer either themselves, or any one of their bend and faction, not any one I say, Senator or Citizen, before that man: but all in general with one accord, agreed to confer the kingdom upon Numa Pompilius. Who being sent for and come; like as Romulus at the founding of the city was inaugurate King, or attained to the crown by means of Augury: so he also would needs, that the will and counsel of God should be sought for, touching his own election. Whereupon he was by the Augur (unto whom for ever after that public ministery or priesthood, in regard of honour and reverence by patent belonged) brought unto the castle hill, and there he set him down upon a stone, with his face towards the South. Then the Augur on his left side, with head covered, took his place: holding in his right hand a smooth stafte without knot or knob, and hooked towards the top, which they called Lituus. From whence after that he had with good avisement taken a prospect and view towards the city and country, and made his prayers to the gods, he limited the quarters of the heaven, from East to West: and the parts Southward he appointed for the right hand, and those Northward for the left. And so far as ever he could cast his eye and see forward, he imagined to himself a mark: then shifting his staff into his left hand, and laying the right hand upon Numa his head, he prayed in this form. O father jupiter, if it may be right and lawful, that his Numa Pompilius, whose head I lay my hand upon, shall be king of Rome, show I beseech thee some certain and manifest signs within that compass and those precincts, that I have conceived and set out. Then pronounced he in plain words what tokens by sight or flight of fowls he would have to appear. Which being once seen, 
Numa Pompilius declared and inaugurat king.  Numa was declared king, and so came down from the temple or place of prospect abovesaid.  
In this manner, being inaugurate and invested in the kingdom, he provideth by good orders, laws, and customs, to re-edify as it were that city, which before time had been new built by force and arms. Whereunto, he seeing that they might not be brought and framed in time of war, whose hearts were already by continual warfare grown wild and savage: and supposing that this fierce people might be made more gentle and tractable, through disuse of arms, he therefore built the temple of janus in the nether end of the street Argiletum, 
〈…〉  in token both of war and peace: with this invention, that being open it should signify, that the city was in arms: and standing shut, that all the neighbour countries were in peace and quiet. Twice only after the reign of Numa was this templeshut: once, when T. Manlius was Consul, after the first Carthaginian war was done and ended: and a second time (as God would) in our age for us to see, when as the Emperor Caesar Augustus, after the battle of Actium (with Antonius and Cleopatra) had obtained peace both by land and sea. Numa then having knit the hearts of the borderers about him in firm league and amity, and thereupon closed up the doors of janus, secured now from all fear and care of dangers abroad, yet doubting least through ease and idleness their minds might fall to looseness and riot, whom the dread of enemies and martial discipline had held in awe and in good order: devised above all things to strike some fear of God into them, 
〈…〉.  and to plant religion in their hearts: a policy no doubt, with the simple multitude (rude in those days and ignorant) most effectual. Which reverence of God, for that it could not sink not enter well into their heads, and take a deep impression, without some devise of a feigned miracle, he made semblance, and gave out, that he conversed in the night season, and had, I wot not what, secret conference with the goddess AEger●a. By whose counsel and direction forsooth, he ordained such divine service and sacrifices to the gods, as to them was most acceptable: and to every god appointed several priests for the ministery thereof accordingly. 
〈…〉.  But first above all other things he divided the year, according to the course of the Moon, into twelve months: and for as much as the Moon hath not full thirty days to every month, whereby some days are wanting to make up the just year, after the revolution and circle of the sun: he, by putting the odd days between every month, so disposed and ordered the year, that in every three & twenty years' space the days agreed just to the same point of the sun from whence they began, and so made up the void spaces, and accomplished fully the term of every year. 
〈…〉  He appointed likewise law days and days of vacation, called Fasts and Nefasti, thinking it good, that otherwhiles there should be rest from attendance on the courts, and no dealing with the people. After this, he set his mind about the creation of priests, albeit in his own person he performed very many sacrifices, especially those which at this day pertain to the priest, of jupiter, 
〈…〉  called Flamen Dialis. And supposing that in a city so martial, there should succeed more kings like to Romulus than Numa, who in proper person would go forth to war: lest haply the divine ministery that belonged to the king, might be neglected, he created a Flamen to jupiter, for to be a sacrificer continually resident: endued and adorned him with a rich cope or vestiment, 
〈…〉 called 〈◊〉 Romulus.  and with an ivory chair of estate upon wheels, called Sella curulis. Unto him he adjoined two Flamines more: one for Mars, another for 
* 〈…〉  Quirinus. He instituted also a Nunnery as it were, of religious vestal virgins. A priesthood that had the beginning from Alba, and suited well with the house, from whom the first founder of the city was descended. And to the end they should attend continually about the church, as resiant chaplains, he allowed them an ordinary fee or pension, at the public charges of the city: and made them by perpetual vowed virginity and other ceremonies to be reverenced and accounted holy. Likewise unto Mars Gradivus he elected twelve priests called Salijs, 
〈◊〉,  and gave unto them a rich purple coat, embroidered for an ornament, and to wear upon that coat a brazen breastplate, and to bear certain scutcheons or bucklers that fell from heaven, 
Ancilia●  called Ancilia: commanding them to run about the city, chanting hymns and songs, with dancing and leaping full solemnly. Moreover, he chose for a superintendant or high Priest, Numa Martius, the son of Marcus, one of the Senators: and to him he gave in writing, set down under his hand and scale, a rule, whereby he might know what beasts should be killed for sacrifice, upon what days, and at which temples, and how the money should be levied and disbursed for the diffraying of all charges. All other sacred rites as well public as private, he submitted and referred to the discretion and ordering of that high Priests to this end, that the common people might know unto whom they were to resort for counsel and instruction, and that no part of God's worship and service should by neglect of the ancient rites and traditions of their own country, be confounded and corrupted by bringing in any strange and foreign superstitions. He ordained besides, that the same Archprelate should teach, not only these heavenly ceremonies, but also funeral obsequies, and how the spirits beneath, and ghosts of bodies departed, should be quieted and pacified: and what strange and prodigious tokens, that came by way of lightning, thunder, or any other fearful sight whatsoever, should be expiate and purged by sacrifice accordingly. And for to know the truth, portended by these tokens even from the minds of heavenly spirits above, he consecrated unto jupiter Elicius an altar upon the mount Aventine. 
jupiter Elicius.  And by the means of Augury, he consulted with that god, what things he was to enterprise and go about. Whilst the whole multitude was thus drawn away, and clean turned from thinking of force and arms, and busied about devising and ordering of these matters, not only their minds were occupied in doing somewhat, but also the continual fear of God now settled in them, (as being persuaded that the heavenly power was present in the managing of men's affairs) had possessed now all their hearts with such piety and religious holiness, that faithful promise once made, and the reverence of an oath taken, abandoning all fear of law and punishment, was able to rule and govern the city. And as the people framed and reform themselves to the fashions and manners of their king, as the only and special pattern to follow: so the nations likewise bordering upon them, who before time verily thought that city to be built, and as it were encamped in the midst of them to the disturbance and disquieting of all their peace, were now become so respective of them, that they thought it an impious and sinful deed, once to offend or offer abuse to that city, so well given, and so devoted to the worship and service of God. Furthermore, there was a grove, the middlest whereof was watered continually by a spring that issued out of a dark and shadowed cave: into which, because Numa used very oft to retire himself alone, 
Aegeria  without any other, as it were to have familiar company with AEgeria, he dedicated that grove unto the Muses, for that, their assistance also in counsel and advise he desired together with his wife AEgeria. 
The temple of Faith.  And to Faith alone he instituted a solemn yearly festival day, and erected a chapel. Unto which he commanded the Flamines to ride in an arched or embowed close chariot, drawn with two horses, and to sacrifice and execute their function, with their hands covered and wrapped close to their finger's ends: signifying thereby, that faith is to be kept and preserved: and that her seat was sacred and consecrated even upon the right hands. Many other sacrifices, and places for sacrifice, which the Priestscal Argeos, did he appoint and dedicate. But of all his acts this was most worthy and memorable, that during the time of his reign he had no less regard to preserve peace, than to maintain royal estate and dominion. Thus two kings one after other, taking either of them a several course by himself, that one by war, this other by peace, mightily promoted the welfare of the city. Romulus reigned 37 years, Numa 43. So that now the city became very puissant, as being well and equally tempered both with fears of arms, as also with discipline of peace.  
Upon the death of Numa the regiment returned again to an interreigne. Then the people nominated and elected for their king, 
Tullus Hostilius  with the royal assent of the Senators Tullas Hostilius, the nephew or grandsonne of that Hostilius, who had in times past sought valiantly against, the Sabines, at the foot of the castle hill. This man was not only unlike the former king, but also more fierce and hardy than Romulus himself. For besides the heat of youth, and strength of body withal, the glorious remembrance of his grandfather set him on and pricked him forward. Supposing therefore that the city through rest and ease began to age as it were, and to decay, he sought every way to pick quarrels, and to give occasion to make war. It forruned, that the peasants about Rome, and those of Alba likewise, preided and spoiled one another's land. At that time C. Cluilius was lord and king of Alba. From both parts well near at one time, were Ambassadors addressed to demand restitution of good, and satisfaction for their harms. Tullus Hostilius he had straightly charged his messengers to have no dealing with the Alban prince, before they had delivered unto him their message. For well he wist, that he would make denial, and yield no amends: and then might he with safe conscience justly proclaim war against him. On the contrary side, the Alban ambassadors followed their business but slackly, for being courteously invited, and friendly entertained by Tullus, and lodged within his palace, they were well content to be feasted by the king, and were his daily guests so long, that the Romans had by this time both challenged their own first, and upon denial made by the Alban King, given defiance and proclaimed open war within thirty days next ensuing. Upon which tidings by them related to Tullus, he gave the Alban Ambassadors audience, permitting them to declare what their errand was, 
〈…〉 of the Albans to 〈◊〉 Tullus.  that they came about. They (simple men) ignorant of all that was done, first spent time in excusing themselves, saying, they were very loath and unwilling to speak aught that might displease Tullus, but being commanded by authority, they might not will nor choose: and thereupon were come to make claim of goods, and amends for wrongs, and if they were not restored and recompense made, they had commission to denounce war against him.  
Where unto Tullus made answer in this wise, Tell your king and master (quoth he) that the Roman king calleth the gods to witness, whether of the two Nations sent the Ambassadors away first, and rejected them when they demanded restitution, that upon his head they might bring the misery, loss, and calamity of the present war. With this dispatch the Albans returned home. So they made preparation of forces on both sides all that they could, most like in all the world to a civil war, between fathers and sons, proceeding both from the Trojane race: considering that by trojans Lavinium was founded: from Lavinium came the people of Alba: and from the Alban kings were the Romans in right line descended. But the final 〈◊〉 and end of this war, made the war itself less woeful and lamentable, both because they came not to a set field, and also for that by rasing the houses only of the one city, two nations were intermingled and united in one. The Albans first with a mighty power entered the territory of Rome, and encamped themselves not past five miles from the city, where they strongly entrenched themselves: which place of the captains name was called 
* 〈…〉  Fosse Civiliae, many years after: until both it and the name with all in process of time, decayed clean and came to nothing. In this camp the Alban king Cluilius ended his days, in whose stead the Alban army created Metius Sussetius their Dictator. 
〈…〉  Tullus in the mean time became haughty and proud, especially upon the death of the king, eftsoons giving out and saying, that the mighty power of the gods, having thus begun at the very head, would likewise take vengeance on the whole body of that Alban nation, for this their unjust and godless war: and one night above the rest passed secretly by the camp of his enemies, and in warlike manner invaded the Alban land. This news raised Metius out of his standing camp. Who led forth his army and marched on as near to his enemies as he could, dispatching aforehand an herald unto Tullus, to notify unto him thus much from him, that it was needful and expedient before they joined battle, to parley and commune together. If he would vouchsafe to confer, he knew very well, that he should allege and say forth such matters, as might concern the weal of the Romans, as well as of the Albans, Tullus refused not the offer, albeit they were but vain toys that were pretended, and therefore set his men in battle array. The Albans semblably come forth against him. After they were thus ranged and embattled ready to fight, the generals on both sides, accompanied with a few of their principal Nobles, advance between both armies. Then began the Alban Dictator in this wise. 
The Oration of Metius unto Tullus.  Me thinks (quoth he) I hear already of injury and wrongs done, and how such goods as were demanded are not restored again according to the form of the league, as also that Cluilius our king was cause of this war● neither doubt I, O Tullus, but even you pretend, and are about to allege as much. But if we would as we ought to do, stand upon the truth of things, rather than upon I wot not what gloss, and goodly shows of words: it is ambition and desire of rule only and nothing else, that spurreth on two nations of one blood and near neighbours to take arms and war one with another: justly or unjustly, I am not able to say, Let him on God's name that first began the quarrel, in conscience see to that. As for me, the Albans indeed have made me their general. But this one point Tullus I would have you to remember and consider: How strong about us and you especially the Tuscans are, you know better, the nearer ye are unto them: mighty they are by land, much more by sea. Then wot well this, that when you shall cause the trumpet to sound unto battle, these two armies will be to them a fair mark and spectacle to behold: that they may give an assault to both at once, as well the victors, as them that are vanquished, whilst they are wearied and toiled out of heart. For the love of God therefore, if there be any spark of grace in us, since we not contented with that liberty which we surely enjoy, will needs venture & put in doubtful hazard, which of us shall rule and command, and who shall serve and obey the other, let us take some good course whereby it may be decided without great loss or blood's head on both sides, whether shall be lord and sovereign. The motion Tullus misliked not, albeit both for disposition of nature, and hope of victory, he were the haughtier of the twain. And as they sought on both parts what way to take, this means at length they sound, where unto fortune itself presented fit matter and occasion. For by good hap even then, in either host three brethren twins there were, borne at one birth, and those neither in age nor strength unlike. Their names were Curiatij and Horatij, 
Curiatij● Horatij.  that is very certain, neither is there any thing of ancient record more famous and notable. Yet as clear in substance as it is, there remaineth still some doubt and error. in their names: of whether people the Curiatij and the Horatij were. Writers there be on both sides, but the greater number say, as I find, that Horatij were the Romans, to whom I rather incline, and my mind giveth me to follow them. With these three brethren the kings went in hand, persuading them to fight for the honour of their country, and try the quarrel by dint of sword: showing them, that on whether side the victory fell, there should remain the sovereign dominion. Nothing refused they to do, the time and place both, were agreed upon and appointed. But before the combat, it was covenanted between the Romans and the Alban, and these conditions drawn: That whose champions in fight should have the better, that nation should peaceably command the other. There are of covenants many and sundry Capitulations far different in matter: but they run all after one manner and form. As for this, it was made, as we have heard in this wise, neither is there extant a more ancient record of any composition whatsoever. The Herald (called Fecialis) demandeth of king Tulius in this wise: Is it your will and commandment my lord, that I make a covenant and accord with the Paterpatrate of the Alban people? It is (quoth the king.) Then (quoth he) I demand of you sacred herbs. The king answered again, Take them pure and clean. The Facial then reached from the castle hill pure herbs from among the grass: which done, he thus asked the king: Do you (my lord) ordain meet the messenger royal of the commons of the people of Rome? and allow necessary implements, all furniture for myself, and my retinue and train? The king answered: I do, so far forth as may be, without the harm or detriment of myself, and of the citizens of the people of Rome. The Fecial or herald for that time, was Marcus Valerius, who created Paterpatrate or king at arms. Sp. Fusius, by touching his head and hair with vervain. Now the Paterpatrate is for to confirm the agreement with an oath, and so he read out the covenant and oath, and that with many words: which to rehearse, as they were in a long prescript form pronounced, were very needless. After this having recited all the articles and conditions thereof. Harken (quoth he) O jupiter, listen thou Herald for the Albans, attend also and give ear ye the Alban people, how these conditions from the first to the last, have been read aloud out of those books or tables of wax, without coven or fraud, and how at this day they are most rightly meant and understood, according to the tenure of the words: from these articles I say, shall not the people of Rome start back first, nor make default: If they shall first go back and fail therein by public consent, and fraudulently; that day, O jupiter, smite thou the city of Rome, as I to day will strike this swine: yea and smite thou home so much more, as thou art more able and powerful than myself. And after he had thus said, he smote the swine with a slint stone. The Albans likewise repeated their prescript form of words, and the oath, by their Dictator and Priests for the purpose. The compliments of the covenant and composition thus performed, and all concluded, than those three brethren of both sides, as it was before agreed, buckle to arm themselves. And being encouraged on both hands by their well-willers and friends, that put them in mind of their country gods, their native soil and parents, saying, that all their fellow citizens and countrymen whatsoever, both at home in the city, and abroad in the camp, every one, had their eye only upon them, their weapons and their hands: the young men being both of themselves by nature forward and lusty, and also emboldened with the comfortable words of their friends, advanced forth between both armies. Now were the two hosts set on both sides before their camps, rid of present danger, rather than void of care and pensiveness. For why? the whole trial of sovereignty and rule, rested in the valour and good speed of a few. Whereupon they longing to see the sequel and issue, were wholly bend to behold, and only minded this unpleasant sight and spectacle. At sound of trumpet these brave brethren, three to three, like as they had been two set battles, and carrying the stomachs verily of two great armies, affronted one another, and with cruel and mortal weapons gave the charge. Neither regarded they their own proper peril, but set before their eyes, only the rule or servitude of the commonweal, as if the state of their country from thenceforth lay wholly upon their good or band success in this action. 
The cruel 〈◊〉 between the brethren Curiatij and 〈◊〉.  So soon as they began to cope together and make assault, that their harness and weapons once clattered, and their drawn swords shone and glittered again, behold such an exceeding fear came upon the beholders, that they trembled and quaked withal: and during the time of equal combat, seeing no inclination of victory to the one side or the other, they were so astonished, that unneath they could well speak or freely take their wind. Afterwards, when as they were come to closing and handstrokes, and that now not only the stirring of their bodies, and the doubtful handling of their weapons and armour, but bloody wounds also were seen, two of the Romans (having sore wounded all the three Albans) fell down one upon the other, and yielded up the ghost. At whose fall, the Alban host shouted again for joy: but the Roman legions, albeit they were now past all hope of victory, yet they were not void of care, being amated, and in an ecstasy as it were with very fear what should become of him, who being but one, had three Curiatij upon him at once. But as good hap was, he as yet was fresh and unwounded. And as he was not able alone to make his part good with them altogether, so in single fight, man to man, he thought himself good enough for them all, one after another. To single them therefore, and to part them in fight, he begins to fly, thinking thereby they would follow after him, each one as his hurt body would give him leave. Now when he was retired a pretty good way from the place where they had fought, and looking behind him espied them follow far a sunder, and one of them not much behind himself, he turned again upon him with great violence. And whilst the host of the Albans cried out to the Curiatij to rescue and succour their brother, Horatius by that time had slain his foremost enemy, and was in hand with the second. Then the Romans with such a shout, as they are wont to make who after a great fright recover themselves and take heart again, encourage their champion: and he himself hasteneth to finish the combat. And before that the third, who was not far off, could get to the other, he had slain the second Curiatius. So that now there was but one to one, left to fight on even hand and they, neither in hope nor strength equally matched. As for the one of them, his body as yet not wounded, and his double victory withal, caused him to attempt the third conflict stoutly and courageously. The other faint and feeble of his hurt, tired with running, had much ado to come forward, and quite out of heart, seeing his two brethren lie slain at his feet, offereth himself as a prey to his victorious enemy: for surely between them was no fight at all to speak of. The Roman he, triumphing and crying out for joy, Two brethren already (qd. he) have I sent to the devil, the third likewise shall I send after them, that a Roman may command an Alban, which is the cause of all this war. And there with he thrust his sword aloft into his throat, who had much ado to hold his weapons: and so soon as he was down, stripped and rifled him. The Romans with great triumph and gratulation, receive Horatius, rejoicing so much the more, as his case was more dangerous and well near desperate. Then of both sides address they themselves to bury their champions, but not with like cheer and alacrity of heart. For why? they of the one part were become lords, and they of the other, subjects. Their tombs remain yet to be seen in the very places where they were each of them slain, two of the Romans entombed together in one place nearer unto Alba: the three Albans towards Rome, but distant a sunder, like as they fought and left their lives. Before they dislodged and departed thence the one from the other, Metius according as it was capitulated in the composition, asked & demanded what Tullus would command him to do: who enjoined him to keep his youth ready in arms at an hours warning, for that he would employ them in service, in case he should war with the Veientians. So were the armies dismissed home. And Horatius he went foremost, bearing afore him the threefold spoil of three brethren. Whom his sister, a maid affianced before to one of the Curiatij, met before Capena gate: and espying upon her brother's shoulders, the coat of arms of her espoused husband, which she herself had wrought with her own hands; she unbound her head, let her hair loose, and piteously called upon her dead spouse by name. This lamentable wailing of the sister presently upon victory, and amid so great and public joy, 
Horatius killeth his sister.  moved the proud and haughty young man to wrath, and drawing out his sword there with, ran the silly damsel through: and with these bitter words rebuketh her also, Get thee hence (quot he) to thy spouse with thy unseasonable and foolehastie love, forgetful as thou art, of thy two brethren dead, and him that is alive: forgetful of thy native country, and the honour thereof: and so with a mischief go she, what ever she be, that shall bewail an enemy of Rome. A cruel and horrible fact this seemed, as well to the Senators, as to the commons: but his late and fresh desert made it the less trespass: yet for all that was he apprehended, and brought before the king. The king, that he might not seem the author of a judgement so unpleasant and odious unto the people, and consequently of punishment according to the doom, assembled the people together and said: I ordain Duumvirs to sit upon Horatius, in trial of a criminal cause of felony; and to judge him according to the law, in that case provided. The tenor of the law runneth thus, in a dreadful kind of form. THE MAGISTRATES CALLED DUUMVIRS SHALL JUDGE THE PARTY ACCUSED IN A CAPITAL ACTION OF FELONY, IF HE SHALL APPEAL FROM THE DUUMVIRS, LET HIM TRAVERSE HIS APPEAL, IF THEY OVERTHROW HIM, THAN HOODWINK HIM, OR COVER HIS HEAD, HANG HIM UPON A CURSED GALLOW TREE BY A ROPE, AND STRANGLE HIM, HAVING WHIPPED AND SCOURGED HIM BEFORE, EITHER WITHIN THE POMOERIE OR WITHOUT. By virtue of this law were the Duumvirs created, who by the rigour of that law thought they might not quit so much as a guiltless person: and having once condemned him, 
The judgement of Horatius.  than one of them gave sentence and said: I judge thee O Publius-Horatius a murderer and enemy to the state of Rome. Go Lictor therefore, and bind his hands together. Then came the Lictor and cast a cord about them. But Horatius, by the advice of Tullus, a gentle and mild interpreter of the law, I appeal (quoth he.) So upon his appeal was the matter debated, and to be tried before the people: who were not a little troubled in deciding or judging this cause, and most of all in regard of Publius Horatius the father, crying out and saying, That he deemed his daughter was justly and worthily killed: otherwise he would himself have punished his son by his fatherly authority. Beseeching moreover, that they would not now make him childless, whom erewhile they saw with a goodly company of children about him. And there with all the old father embracing the young man, and showing the spoils of the Curiatij, set up and hanging in that very place which now is called Pili Horatia, i. Horatius his pillar. 
P. Horatius the father to the people.  And can ye indeed (O ye Romans, quoth he) abide to see him bound under a gallows, yea and whipped and tormented, whom a while afore ye beheld to march in great glory and jollity for his atcheeved victory? So unseemly and foul a sight as which, the Albans themselves can hardly suffer. Go Lictor, go bind those hands fast, which armed a little before, won the people of Rome their dominion: Go I say, and hoodwink his head, who saved and delivered this city from bondage, hang him by the neck, and strangle him upon a cursed tree: scourge him and spare not, either within the circuit of the walls, so it be among those javelins and spoils of the enemies: or without the walls, so it be within the compass of the Curiatian sepulchers. For to what place can you lead this young gentleman, where his honourable acts may not save him from so unworthy and shameful punishment? The people could no longer endure, either the tears of the old father, or the constant resolution of the youth his son, who showed himself still the same, & not to change for any danger. So they quit him, in the honourable regard rather of his prowess & valour, than in the right and equity of his cause. Yet to the end that the murder so manifest and openly known, should be in some sort expiate, and satisfaction made therefore, his father was charged to purge his sons sin, and make amends, at the expenses of the city. Who having performed certain purgatory sacrifices, which afterward belonged to the house and family of the Horatij, put a rafter or beam cross overthwart the street, and caused the young man with his head covered to go under, as under a yoke or gallows; which remaineth yet unto this day, from time to time at the city charges repaired, and they call it Sororium Tigillum, i. the Sister's beam. And in that very place where Horatia was wounded and fell down, her tomb was erected of foursquare stone.  
But not long continued the Albans in quiet and peace. For the common people finding fault and greatly discontented, that the whole state of the weal public was put into the hands of three soldiers, infected so and poisoned the vain and shuttle head of the Dictator: that for as much as plain and upright dealing sped no better, he began to win again the hearts of his commons by crooked means, and indirect courses. Seeking therefore war in time of peace, as before in time of war he sought peace: and seeing his people had more heart than hand, and their strength not answerable to their stomachs: he stirred up other nations, openly by way of proclamation and defiance to make war, and reserved his own men under a colour of league and confederacy, for to practise treason and falsehood. The Fidenates, a colony of the Romans, having made the Ve●entians partakers of their counsel, and combined with the Albans to forsake the Romans, when time came, and turn unto them, broke out and took arms. When Fidene had thus openly revolted, Tullus sent for Metius and his power from Alba, and setteth forward against his enemies: and passing over the river Anio, encamped near the confluent, where both streams meet together. Between which place and Fidene, the army of the Veientians had crossed the Tiber, who put themselves in the right wing of the battle fast by the river, and the Fidenates in the left, nearer to the mountains. Tullus directly opposeth his own forces against the Veientians, and placeth the Albans to affront the Fidenates. The Alban captain having as little heart as honesty and truth, neither durst keep his standing, nor openly turn unto the enemy, but by little and little withdraweth himself toward the mountains: and when he thought he had gained vantage enough, he mounted up the hill with all his companies, and with a wavering mind to spend the time, displaieth his ranks. His intent and purpose was, on what side fortune seemed to give the better, with them to join and take their part. The Romans that stood next, perceiving their flanks naked by reason of the departure of their friends and allies, at first marveled much at the matter: but afterwards there galloped and horseman, and advertised the king that the Albans were gone away. Tullus in this so fearful and dangerous case, vowed twelve Priests Salijs, and two temples to Pallor and Pavor, 1. to Paleness and Fear: and with a loud voice cried out in the hearing of his enemies, commanding the said horseman to return to the battle, saying, There was no cause at all to fear, for that himself had commanded the Alban host to wheel and fetch about, and so to charge the Fidenates on their backs where they lay open. Willing him expressly moreover, to cause the men of arms to hold up their lances on end. By which means, a great part of the footmen could not see the Albans as they departed and went their ways. And those that had seen them, thinking it was a truth which they heard the king to speak, fought so much the more hotly. So the fear turned now from them, and fell upon the enemies: for they heard the king when he spoke so loud, and also a great many of the Fidenatians being cohabitants with the Romans, understood Latin. For fear therefore, that the Albans should all on a sudden run down from the hills, and stop their passage to the town, they turned their backs and fled. Then Tullus presseth hard upon them, and having discomfited the Fidenatians wing, cometh back more fiercely upon the Veientians, being already amazed at the fright of the other. Neither were they able to withstand the brunt. Howbeit, the river behind at their backs kept them at first from flying away, but afterwards when their flight bended thitherward: some flinging their weapons shamefully away, like blind men ran headlong into the water: other linger still, and staying on the bank side, doubtful whether to flee or to stick to it and fight, were trod under foot and hewn in pieces. Never had the Romans before that day a more cruel battle. Then the Alban army, which beheld and saw all this conflict, descended down into the plain. And Metius forsooth, rejoiceth much on Tullus behalf for his victory. Tullus again speaketh Metius fair, and gave order, that the Albans in a good hour should join their camp to the Romans: and against the next day, prepared a purging or Lustral sacrifice. The morrow when it was day, and that all things were in a readiness, according to the manner, he commandeth both armies to assemble together to an audience. The criers, beginning at the furthest part of the camp, summoned the Albans first. Who also for the strangeness of the matter, and desirous to hear the Roman king to make his Oration, pressed forward to stand next. The Roman legion for the nonce, as it was before decreed, stood armed round about, and hemmed them in: and the Centurions had in charge without delay to execute whatsoever they were commanded. Then began Tullus to speak in this wise. 
The Oration of Tullus.  If ever in any war heretofore ye had cause, O Romans, to render thanks, first to the immortal gods, and then to your own manhood and valour, certes it was in yesterdays battle. For ye fought not then with the force of your enemies, more than with the treachery and falsehood of your friends and confederates, which is the greater conflict and far more dangerous. For to put you clean out of doubt, and to bear you no longer in hand with a wrong persuasion; The Albans went up toward the hills without my commission, neither was it my commandment that, but a policy and countenance only of command: to this end, that ye not knowing how ye were forsaken, might not withdraw your hearts from fight, and also that your enemies weening they were environned behind, should be afraid and so enforced to flee. Yet are not the Albans all in general to be charged with this fault which I reprove. They did but follow their leader, as ye likewise would have done, if I had willed the march to have turned any whether from thence. It is Metius that was the guide and leader of this journey, Metius is he that is the worker and deviser of this war, Metius I say it is, and none but Metius, the breaker of the Roman and Alban league. But let who that will from henceforth presume hardly to do the like, if I make not him forthwith a notable example to all the world. The Centurions stood armed round about Metius, and the king goeth on with the rest of his speech as he began, and said: That which I pray God may turn to the good, prosperity and happiness of the people of Rome, of myself, and you the Albans, I am minded to reduce all the Alban nation to Rome: to endue the commons with the freedom of the city: to advance their chief gentlemen to the order of Senators, & to make one uniform city and Commonwealth: that as in times past the Albans state, out of one body was divided into twain, so now it may be united and become one again. At these words the Alban youth unarmed, and beset on every side with armed men, albeit they were distracted in mind, yet were they forced with a general fear to keep silence, and hold their peace. Metius Suffetius (quoth Tullas then) If thou couldst have learned to keep allegiance, promise, and covenants, thou mightest have been taught it at may hands with life. But now since thy froward nature is incurable, teach thou by thy fearful example and death all mankind, to hold and repute those things for sacred and holy, which have by thee been broken and violate. Like as therefore erewhiles thou barest a double heart in doubtful balance, between the Fidenates and the Romans state: even so, streightwaies shalt thou yield thy body to be drawn a sunder, and plucked into two pieces accordingly. Then forthwith he caused two teems of four horses to be set to, and Metius to be stretched out and tied unto the chariots to them belonging. Afterwards were the horses driven a contrary way, and carried with them in both chariots the body torn in pieces, as far forth as the limbs hung fast together by their cords and ligaments: which made all men avert their eyes from beholding so cruel and horrible a spectacle. This was the first and last punishment that ever the Romans executed with so little respect, or none at all (to say a truth) of the laws of humanity. In all other they may safely make their boast, that no nation in the world hath been less delighted and pleased with extremity of torment.  
Whilst these things were in doing, there had been certain horsemen sent afore to Alba, for to translate the multitude to Rome. After whom were the legions also of the footmen thither led, to raze and destroy the city. At whose entrance within the gates, there was not that stur nor fearful hurry, as usually is seen when cities are lost: and when with breaking down the gates, beating and battering the walls with rams and other engines, forcing the citadel, the enemy's shout, and the armed soldiers run to and fro in the city, killing and slaying, firing and burning all afore them as they go: but a sad silence, and a still kind of sorrow and pensiveness so possessed and astonished all their minds, ' that for fear forgetting what to leave behind them, or what to take with them, without advice and counsel, one ask another what to do, they one while stood in their house entries, another while ran up and down wandering in their houses, as if their last day had been come. But so soon as they heard the horsemen cry aloud, and command them with menacing to void and depart, and that now the rattling of the tiles and slates from off the houses, as they were a pulling down, was from the furthest part of the town heard: and that the dust raised from places far off, had as it were with a cloud overcast and filled all: then every man catching up hastily, and carrying forth what he could, leaving their domestical gods, leaving their houses wherein they had been borne, bred, and brought up, departed forth: so that now they filled the streets as they went close on a row together, and the fight one of another with mutual commiseration, redoubled their tears and woeful complaints. Yea & piteous moan & lamentations were heard of women especially, as they passed by their fair and stately churches, beset with soldiers, and abandoned their gods as it were captives and prisoners. After the Albans had thus quit the city, down went the Romans every where with the buildings, as well public as private, and laid them even with the ground, and so in one hour destroyed and razed sour hundred years work, for so long had Alba stood and flourished. Howbeit the temples of the gods they spared, for so the king had given commandment. Rome all this while, riseth by the fall of Alba. The number of Citizens increased double: to enlarge the city the mount Celius was annexed to it: and that it should be better peopled and more inhabited, Tullus had his royal fear and palace there, and therein from that time forth he kept his court. The cheese Citizens of the Albans he advanced to the order of Senators, that he might augment that state also of the Commonweal, namely, the houses of the Tulli, Servilij, Quintij, Geganij, Curiatij, Cloelij: and for that degree and order of Senators by him increased, 
〈…〉  he built an hall or new court, called until our father's days Hostilia curia. i. Hostilias court. And that all estates and degrees might out of this new people be somewhat strengthened, he chose from out of the Albans ten troops or cornets of horsemen, and with the same supply he both fulfilled the number of the old legions, and also made and enroled new.  
Tullus upon this affiance he had in his strength and power, 
〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉.  denounceth war against the Sabines, a people in those days of all other most puissant and mighty, both in men and munition, next the Tuscans. Wrongs had been done, and outrages committed on both parts, and restitution or amends demanded, but to no effect. Tullus found himself grieved, that divers occupiers or merchants of Rome, at an open mart or fair of great resort before the temple of Ferom●, were said hold upon and apprehended. The Sabines on the other side complained, that their men, notwithstanding they took sanctuary in a certain sacred and privileged grove, were arrested and in hold at Rome. These were the quarrels and occasions pretended of the war. The Sabines well remembering, that not only part of their own forces was by Tatius translated to Rome, and there planted, but also that now of late the puissarice of the Romans was well amended by the supplement of the Albans, began likewise for their part to cast about, and seek for help abroad, and foreign aids. Now was Tuscan their neighbour nation, and of the Tuscans the nearest unto them were the Veientians. From thence they got certain voluntaries to take their part, by reason that their minds already were well disposed to revolt upon old grudges and rancour, remaining still of the former wars passed: othersome also vagarants and idle persons of the rascal sort, and needy commons, were soon hired for money. But as for any succour from thence by public consent of the state, they had none at all. So much prevailed even with the Veientians (for in the rest it was less marvel) the faithful covenant of truce concluded with Romulus. Now when these preparations of war were made on both sides to the uttermost of their power, and that it stood upon this point, That they were like to have the odds and vantage, who should begin first, and enter the field: Tullus prevented the enemies, and invaded the Sabine land. A sharp and bloody battle was there fought under the wood Malicusa. Where the Romans bore themselves bravely that day, much upon the valour of the legionary footmen, but more upon the strength of their men of arms, whose number lately was augmented: for by the sudden and forcible charge of the horsemen, the battle of the Sabines was so broken, their ranks so disordered, 
The Sabines defeated by the Romans.  that they could neither stand close together to fight it out, nor yet spread themselves to fly, without great slaughter and bloodshead.  
The Sabines thus vanguished, and the kingdom of Tullus and the whole state of Rome, being very glorious and wealthy: behold, news came to the King and Senators, that in the Alban mount it reigned stones: which hardly was believed, and therefore certain men were sent of purpose to see this strange and prodigious fight: who might plainly behold stones to fall thick out of the sky, like as when some forcible winds drive hail in big round balls upon the earth. They imagined moreover, that they heard a great and mighty voice out of the grove from the very top of the hill crying unto them, & warning the Albans to do sacrifice and divine service according to the rites & ancient manner of their forefathers, which they had discontinued and forgotten, as if together with their country they had abandoned their gods, and either taken to the Roman fashion, or else being angry with fortune (as it is commonly seen) forlet and neglected the worship of the gods altogether. The Romans likewise upon that miraculous sign, for the purging and expiation thereof, celebrated solemn public sacrifices for the space of nine days, 
〈◊〉.  called a Novendiall: either because they were moved thereto by that voice from heaven (for that also is reported) or took direction from the Soothfaiers that pry into the inwards of beasts. Certain it is, that a solemn custom remaineth still unto this day, that whensoever word cometh of the like wonder, they keep holiday nine days together. Not long after this, the pestilence reigned in the city. And albeit the people began thereby to slack soldiery and military service: yet would not this martial prince give them rest and respite from war: being of this mind, that the bodies of young men were more healthy in armour, abroad in the open field, than at home in the city under covert: until himself at length fell sick of a long and linger disease. Then that haughty and courageous stomach of his, together with his lusty and able body, became so abated, that he who erst before thought nothing less befitting a king, than to set his mind, and busy his brains about religious ceremonies; now all upon a sudden became wholly devoted to all kind of superstition both more and less, yea and filled the people's heads besides with holiness and devotion. So as now the very common sort wishing again for the old world, under the reign of king Numa, were verily persuaded, that there was no other remedy left for their sick and diseased bodies, but to obtain at God's hand grace and pardon. Men say, that the king himself in perusing and turning over the Commentaries and registers of Numa his predecessor, and therein finding certain hidden and solemn sacrifices that had been unto jupiter Elicius, retired himself, and kept close within house to celebrate the same. But for that this holy service, was neither begun aright, nor duly administered, he had not only no divine apparition and heavenly vision presented unto him, but also incurred the heavy displeasure and wrath of jupiter, whom by his preposterous religion he had thus disquieted; and so both himself and his whole house were consumed with lightning. 
Tullus consume I with lightning.  This Tullus in great glory and renown of martial prowess, reigned two and thirty years.  
When Tullus was dead, the government returned again, as it was from the first beginning ordained, unto the Senators; who named and Interregent, and he called a parliament, wherein the people elected Ancus Martius for their king, 
Ancus Martius king of Rome.  and the Senators gave their assent thereto. This Ancus Martius, was Numa Pompilius his daughter's son, who so soon as he was come to the crown, both in remembrance of his grandfathers glorious government, and also in regard of the reign of his next predecessor, which in other points right excellent and commendable, in this only failed, and was not so happy: either for that religion was neglected, or not with due ceremonies exercised: and thinking it a thing most necessary, and of greatest moment, to reduce all public divine service and sacrifices to the first institution of Numa, commanded the Archprelate or Highpriest, to make an extract, and transcript of all the sacred rites and mysteries out of Numa his Commentaries, and engross them into one table, and to publish them abroad unto the people: whereby both his subjects and citizens desirous of peace, as also the States thereby adjoining, were in good hope, that the king would altogether conform himself, and take after the customs and ordinances of his grandfather. Hereupon the Latins, with whom in king Tullus his days a league was made, took heart unto them, made inroads into the country about Rome, and fetch out booties. And when the Romans demanded restitution, they made them a proud answer, supposing belike, that the king of Rome would pass the whole course of his reign in ease and idleness, sitting still in his chapels, and by his holy altars. But Ancus was of a mean and indifferent disposition by nature, having an eye as well to Numa, as to Romulus, & composed as it were of both. For over & besides, that he thought peace more expedient and necessary for his grandfires reign, the people being as then but new risen, unsettled, and fierce withal: considering also, that himself should not easily without taking wrong, enjoy the quietness which to him happened: for that his patience was already tried, and not only tried, but also despised: and seeing that the State of the present time was fitter for a Tullus to be king, than a Numa: yet to the end that, as Numa in time of peace instituted ceremonies of religion, so he might likewise set out to posterity others concerning war: and that wars should not only be made, but also denounced and proclaimed orderly, and in some religious form of solemnity: he set down in writing that law and formal order, by virtue whereof restitution is demanded (which at this day the Fecials or heralds observe) like as he received it from the ancient people Aequi.  
The Ambassador Fecial, coming to their borders, at whose hands the goods are required again, covering his head with a bonnet or vale of woollen yearn, faith thus: HE RE O JUPITER, GIVE EAR YE LIMITS AND CONFINES (naming them of such and such a country) LET JUSTICE AND RIGHT HARKEN ALSO TO WHAT I SHALL SAY: I AM THE PVELICKE MESSENGER OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME, OF A JUST AND RELIGIOUS EMBASSAGE AM I COME, AND TO MY WORDS GIVE CREDIT. After this, rehearseth he all his demands, and then calleth jupiter to witness, saying. IF I UNJUSTLY AND IMPIOUSLY DEMAND THAT SUCH PERSONS SHOULD BE DELIVERED, OR SUCH AND SUCH GOODS BE RENDERED UNTO ME, THE PUBLIC MESSENGER OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME; THAN LET ME NEVER RETURN AGAIN TO ENJOY MINE OWN COUNTRY. These words rehearseth he, as he setteth foot, and steppeth into the confines: the same also he speaketh to him whomsoever he meeteth first: the selfesaine words he pronounceth, as he entereth within the gate of the city: yea & when he is come into the market place he saith the same, changing and varying in some few terms, from the prescript form of the demand, and taking the solemn oath. In case then, the persons whom he requireth, be not yielded after three and thirty days expired (for so many just, are usually granted) then proclaimeth he war in this wise. HEAR O jupiter, and thou juno, Quirinus thou: YE CELESTIAL SAINTS ALL, AND TERRESTRIAL POWERS, YE INFERNAL SPIRITS ALSO LISTEN AND GIVE EAR. I CALL YOU ALL TO WITNESS, AND PROTEST BEFORE YOU, THAT THIS NATION, (naming them whosoever they be) IS UNJUST, AND DOTH NOT ACCORDING TO RIGHT AND EQUITY. BUT OF THESE MATTERS WILL WE CONSULT AT HOME IN OUR COUNTRY, WITH OUR ELDERS, AND ASK THEIR ADVISE HOW WE MAY COME BY OUR OWN. Herewith returneth the messenger unto Rome for counsel, and presently the king would in these or such like words, sitting in counsel with his Peers, move them in this manner. WHEREAS THE PATERPATRAT OR HERALD, IN THE BEHALF OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME, AND THEIR QUIRITES, HATH TREATED WITH THE PATERPATRAT, OR HERALD, IN THE NAME OF THE ANCIENT LATINS, AND WITH THE FOLK OF THE ANCIENT LATINS, CONCERNING CERTAIN THINGS, DIFFERENCES, SUITS, AND CAUSES THEREUPON DEPENDING; WHICH THINGS THEY HAVE NEITHER YIELDED NOR PAID, NOR PERFORMED AND DONE; WHICH OUGHT TO HAVE BEN PAID, YIELDED, PERFORMED AND DONE; WHAT IS YOUR JUDGEMENT? Speaking to him, whose opinion first he asketh in this case. Then (saith he) MY ADVISE IS, THAT THOSE THINGS BE SOUGHT FOR AND RECOVERED BY PURE FORCE, BY JUST AND LAWFUL WAR. THIS DO I FULLY AGREE UNTO, THIS DO I DETERMINE RESOLUTELY. After him were the other asked in course: and when the greater number of them there present accord thereunto, then by general consent, they were wont to proclaim war in this order: that the Fecial or king at arms should go with a javelin, having and iron head, or with a red bloody spear burnt at the end, as far as to their borders or marches: and there in the presence of three witnesses at the least, not under fourteen years of age, should say thus: WHEREAS THE PEOPLE OF THE OLD LATINS, AND THE OLD LATIN FOLK HAVE PRACTISED AND TRESPASSED AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF ROME AND THE QUIRITES, AND WHEREAS THE PEOPLE OF ROME, AND THE QUIRITES HAVE SO DETERMINED, CONSENTED, AND AGREED, THAT WAR SHOULD BE MADE WITH THE ANCIENT LATINS; I THEREFORE TOGETHER WITH THE PEOPLE OF ROME, DO DENOUNCE AND PROCLAIM AND MAKE WAR WITH THE NATIONS OF THE OLD LATINS, AND WITH THE OLD LATIN FOLK. And when he had thus said, he lanced his spear or javelin within the confines of the enemies. After this manner then, was restitution demanded of the Latins, and war denounced or proclaimed: which order of proceeding their posterity by tradition received.  
Ancus having committed the charge of divine service and sacrifice unto the Flamens and the other Priests, levied a new army, went forth into the field, and by force wan Politorium, a city of the Latins. And following the usual manner of the former kings his progenitors, who had mightily increased the Roman estate, by admitting their enemies into the number of citizens, transported the whole multitude from thence to Rome. And because the ancient natural Romans inhabited Palatium, the Sabines about the Capitol and rock Tarpeia, and the Albans replenished the mount Celius: therefore the hill Aventine was allowed this new company to dwell in. Unto whom not long after, there came fresh inhabitants to people it, upon the winning of Tellene and Ficana. But after this, the Romans were driven to recover by war Politorium again: for that whilst it stood void and vake, the old Latins had surprised and taken it. Which was the cause, that the Romans destroyed that city quite, that it should not be at all times a receptacle for the enemies. Last of all, when as now the Latins war was driven wholly and brought before Medullia, there for a good while was much ado, and doubtful issue of sight, and interchangeable victory: for that the town was both well fortified with bulwarks, and furnished with a strong garrison of men: and also by reason that the army of the Latins being encamped in plain and open ground, had sundry times with banners displayed, encountered hand to hand with the Romans. At the last Ancus bending his whole power against them, first gave them an overthrow in a set battle: and so having gained rich pillage, returned to Rome. At what time also were many thousands of the Latins received into the city. Who to the end, that the Aventine and Palatium should meet together, were appointed to feat themselves about the temple of 
* Venus  Murtia. The janiculum likewise was adjoined unto the city, not for want of ground, but because it might not be at any time a fortress and hold for the enemies: which was thought good to be united unto the city, not only with a wall, but also for more commodious passage to and fro, with a wooden bridge over Tiber. The Quirites fossae or ditch also, no small defence against the easy access from the plain grounds, was a work of Ancus. Thus the estate being grown to exceeding strength and bigness: when as now in so huge a multitude of people there was much confusion, and no difference of well doing or ill, and thereby many mischiefs and outrages began secretly to be committed: for to restrain therefore with some terror, such boldness increasing daily more and more, there was a jail or common prison built in the hart of the city, even over against the common place of assembly. And in this king's days not only the circuit of the city was enlarged, but also their lands and territories. For by reason that the forest Moesia was conquered from the Veientians, their signory reached to the seawhere, in the very mouth of Tiber was the town Hostia built, and the salt pits made thereabout, and upon such noble exploits by arms atcheeved, the temple of jupiter Feretrius, was in more ample and glorious manner re-edified.  
In the reign of Ancus, there came to dwell at Rome one Lucumo, a pregnant nimble headed man, and a wealthy, upon a desire especially and hope of advancement and honour, which at Tarquinij (where he was borne, although descended of sorraine parentage) he had no means to attain unto. The son he was of Demaratus the Corinthian, who upon civil troubles and dissensions having fled his country, and by chance planting himself in Tarquinij, there married a wife, and had issue by her two sons, named Lucumo and Aruns. Lucumo survived his father, and became heir of all his goods. Aruns died before his father, leaving his wife behind him, conceived with child: neither lived the father Demaratus long after his son, who not knowing that his daughter in law and sons wife was with child, made no mention at all of his nephew, his will, and so departed this world. Whereupon the child after his grandsires decease, being borne to no part of his goods, for his poor condition, height Egerius. But Lucumo on the other side, the sole heir and inheritor of all, as he began by his wealth to be haughty enough, and to look aloft, so he grew much more proud for his matching in marriage with Tanaquil, a dame of a right noble house descended, and who could hardly bear a lower estate and degree than that wherein she was borne. When she was once married, and saw the Tuscans to disdain Lucumo, for that his father was a stranger and banished person, she could not endure that indignity. But forgetting all kind affection to her native country, so she might see her husband raised to high promotion, she resolved and plotted to leave Tarquinij and depart. To which purpose and dessignement, Rome seemed a place most fit and convenient of all others. For thus she projected and discoursed: That in a city lately founded, where all kind of nobility suddenly cometh up, and ariseth from virtue and prowess, her husband a valorous and industriousman must needs have place, and be entertained: that king Tatius a Sabine borne, had reigned there: that Numa was from Cures sent for thither, and called to the crown: that Ancus also a Sabine by his mother's side, had the only image of Numa to show for his nobility. Thus she soon persuaded him, as being a man ambitious and desirous of honour, and whose mother only was a Tarquinien borne, and therefore he was to make less scruple of abandoning the place of his nativity. Thereupon they removed with all they had to Rome. And it fortuned that to janiculum they came. Where, as Tarqvinius sat with his wife in the chariot, behold an Eagle came gently flying down from aloft, & took up his bonnet from his head, and soaring over the chariot with a great noise, and clapping of her wings, as if she had been sent from heaven to do this feat, set it gainly and handsomely on his head again: which done, she mounted on high, and flew away. Tanaquil, as they say, embraced this Augury with great joy, being a woman skilful, as commonly all the Tuscans are, in such prodigious fights and apparitions from heaven; and therewith taking her husband about the neck, willed him to be of good cheer, and to hope for great matters and high preferments: saying, how that bird came from such a quarter of the heaven, addressed as a messenger from such a god, and showed a divine token and presage upon the highest part of man, even the top of the crown, and lifted up the ornament that stood upon his mortal head, to give it him again immortal, as from God above. In these hopes and cogitations which they entertained by the way, they entered the city: where they took an house; and from thenceforth he was commonly called L. Tarqvinius. Now within a while both his new coming, and his wealth withal, made him well known: and himself also besides, set forward his good fortune by courteous and fair speech and affable language to every man, by friendly inviting, and liberal feasting, and by making what friends he could by gifts, favours, and good turns: so far forth, as the same of him came into the king's court: where, by his willing service and singular dexterity, in short time he had not only access unto the king's knowledge, but also entered into familiar acquaintance and friendship with his highness. Insomuch, that both in private counsels and public consultations, as well at home as abroad, he was always present, and bore a great stroke. And having in all kind of offices carried himself with credit, was in the end by the kings last will and testament made tutor or protector of his children. Thus reigned Ancus four and twenty years, 
〈◊〉 of Ancus.  for glory and reputation of his sage government, as well in war as in peace, equal to any of the former kings his predecessors. Now were his sons near fourteen years of age when he died. Tarqvinius therefore made the more haste, that the high court of parliament should with all speed possible be summoned for creation of a king, which being against a day proclaimed, he sent away the boys to the chase a hunting, at the very instant of the said election. He himself (as men say) was the first, that both ambitiously sought for the crown, and also to win the hearts of the commons, divised and framed an eloquent Oration. 
〈…〉.  Saying, it was no new and strange thing that he stood for: And why? he was not the first (that any man should be offended, or make any wonder) but the third alien that in Rome affected and aspired to the kingdom: that both Tatius, not of a foreigner only, but of an enemy became king: and Numa likewise, a man unacquainted with the city and matters of State, was without any suit or seeking of his part, by the Romans sent for, and advanccd to the crown. As for himself, he alleged and said, That from the time he was at his own liberty to dispose of himself, he with his wife and all that he had, removed and came to Rome: and of that age wherein men are employed in civil affairs, he had spent a greater part in Rome, than in his own ancient country. Moreover, that he was trained up both at home in the city and in war abroad, to the knowledge of the Roman laws, orders, add customs, and that under no mean person but an excellent master, even king Ancus himself. And finally, for faithful service and diligent attendance about the king, he had endeavoured to pass all others: and for liberality and courtesy towards all others, he had striven to go beyond the king. These and such like allegations, as he laid forth and pleaded, and that right truly; the people of Rome with exceeding great consent elected him their king. Who being a man otherwise of singular parts and of greatworth, as he was ambitious in seeking the kingdom, so continued he still, when he ware the crown: and minding no less to establish his own state and throne, than to maintain the good estate of the Commonweal, he advanced one hundred more to the order of Senators, who afterwards were called Minorum Gentium Patres, as a man would say, Senators of a latter sort, and meaner quality. A faction, no doubt to take part and side with the king, by whose means they had bean admitted into the Senate. The first war he made, was with the Latins: from whom by force he won the town Appiolae: from thence having brought away a greater pillage in proportion, than the war imported in brute, he set forth gamings and plays more stately and with greater furniture and provision, than the other kings before his time. Then was the plot or compass of ground first set out and appointed for the lists or Theatre, called now 
* 〈◊〉 maximus  Circus max. wherein were assigned scaffolds for the Senators, and for the gentlemen or knights severally by themselves, called Fori, where they might make them places to see the pastimes at their ease and pleasure. And in this manner stood they to behold: namely upon scaffolds born up twelve foot high from the ground with forked perches or props. The gamings were running of horses, and fight at firsts and buffets: for performance whereof, there were champions sent for of purpose, especially out of Tuscan. These sports continued afterwards from year to year in great solemnity, and named diversly, either the Roman games, or the Great games. This king moreover assigned certain places about the Forum or common place for private men to build in: where the galleries & shops were made. He went in hand likewise to wall the city about with a stone wall, but the Sabine war stayed him in the beginning, that he went not forward with that work. This came so suddenly upon him, that the enemies were passed over the river Anio, before the power of the Romans could meet them, and make head against them. Whereupon great fear there was at Rome. And at the first a cruel conflict there was, and much blood shed on both parts, but no appearance of victory. But after that the enemies were retired once into the camp, and that the Romans had time to gather fresh forces, Tarqvinius supposing his only want was in his cavalry, determined to join unto the Rhamnenses, Titienses, and Luceres, which Romulus had ordained, other centuries or cornets of horsemen, and them to leave unto the posterity after him, bearing his own name. Which because Romulus had done aforetime by the counsel and advise of Augurs, Accius Navius renowned and famous in those days for his skill that way, opposed himself and gave out plainly, that there might be nothing changed or newly ordained in that behalf, unless the birds first approved and allowed the same. Whereat the king was wroth, and inscorne and derision of his art, as they say: Come on Sir Soothsayer (quoth he) aread, and tell me by the flight of your birds, whether that may possibly be done, which I now conceive in my mind. To which demand Navius, who had first made proof thereof by his learning, answered resolutely, that it might in very deed be effected. Why then (qouth he) I have imagined in my conceit, that thou shalt cut a wherstone asunder with a razor: Heretake them to thee, and dispatch that which thy fowls foreshow may be done: then as the report goeth, without more ado, he cut the wherstone quite a two. And in that very place where this seat was done, the Statue or image of Accius was erected, with his head covered, even in the Comitium, at the stairs thereof on the left hand of the Curia or counsel house. It is reported that the whetstone also was set up in the same place, for a memorial to all posterity following, of that miracle. Certes, both Auguries, and the priesthood and college of Augurs, from that time forward was so highly honoured, and had in such reverence, that never after was there aught done, either in war abroad, or in peace at home, but by their counsel and advise. Assemblies of people summoned were dismissed, armies levied and ready to take the field were discharged, yea and the greatest affairs of State, were given over and laid aside, when the birds allowed not thereof. Neither did Tarquin for that time alter the centuries of the horsemen any whit, only he redoubled the number, so that in three centuries or cornets there were 1300 horse: and those later sort who were added to the others, bore the names of the former, which at this day, because they be double, are called the six centuries. Tarquin thus having increased that part of his power, bade the Sabines battle the second time. And over and besides, that the Romans army was in strength well amended, he devised also privily a subtle Stratagem, and sent certain men to set on fire a mighty stack of wood, lying upon the bank of Anio, and so to cast it into the river: the wood burning still by the help of the wind, and most of it being driven against the piles of the bridge, and there sticking close together with the boats and planks, fired and consumed it clean. This accident both terrified the Sabines in their fight, and when they were discomfited, troubled them much, and hindered their flight: so that many a man having escaped the enemy, yet perished in the very river. Whose armour and weapons floating down the Tiber, were known at Rome, and brought news thither of this victory, in manner before word could be brought thereof by land. In this conflict the horsemen won greatest price and praise. For being placed at the skirts of both the wings, at what time as the main battle of their own footmen, were now at the point to recoil, they charged so forcibly upon the enemy (as it is reported) from the flanks where they were marshaled, that they not only stayed the Sabine legions pressing hard and fiercely upon those that began to shrink and give back, but all at once put them to fight. The Sabines ran amain towards the mountains, but few got thither: for the greater number as we said before, were by the horsemen driven into the river. Tarqvinius thinking it good to take the time, and follow hard upon them whiles they were frighted, after he had sent to Rome, the booty with the prisoners, and burned on a great heap together (as he had vowed to Vulcan) the spoils of the enemies, marched on still forward, and lead his army into the territory of the Sabines: who albeit they had already sustained an overthrow, & could not hope for better success, yet because they had no time to consult and advise with themselves, with such a power as might on a sudden in that stir be raised, met with him. Where they once again were defeated and vanquished, and in the end being in despair to make their part good, they sued for peace. Then was Collatia, and all the lands about it taken from the Sabines, Egerius the king's brother's son, 
The form of succeeding a 〈◊〉.  was left with a garrison at Collatia to keep that place. And (as I find upon record) the Collatine's were yielded into his hands, and the manner of their surrender went in this order. First the king demanded thus and said: Are ye Ambassadors, or deputed assigns sent from the people of Collatia to make surrender both of yourselves and the Collatine's? We are (quoth they.) And are the people of Collatia in their own power, and at liberty to do what they will? They are (say they.) Do ye also render up yourselves, the people of Collatia, their town, their territory and lands, their waters, their limits, their temples, their household stuff and implements, and all things else, as well sacred as profane, unto my power and the peoples of Rome? We do yield (say they.) Then (quoth he) do I accept thereof, and receive all into my hands. The Sabine war thus finished, Tarqvinius returned to Rome in triumph. After this, he warred upon the old Latins, but they never proceeded so far on any side, as to join issue in a general battle, and one set field for all. But bringing his power first to one town, and after to another, he made a conquest of the whole nation of the Latins. So as these towns, Corniculum, old Ficulnea, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, Nomentum, were recovered from the old Latins, or from those that had revolted unto them.  
After all this ensued peace. Then was he more earnestly bend to go forward with his works, begun in time of peace, than he was before busied in managing of his wars: insomuch, as he gave the people no more repose at home, than he had in wars abroad. For besides that the prepared to compass the city (which as yet he had not fortified) round about with a stone wall, the beginning of which piece of work was by the Sabine war interrupted and broken off: he divised also certain draughts or vaulted sinks from aloft into the Tiber, whereby he drained and kept dry the base city, or lowest grounds about the marketplace, and the other valleys between hill and hill, for that out of the plains and flats, they might not easily make riddance and conveyance away of the water. Moreover, he leveled a large court or plot of ground, ready for the foundation of the temple of jupiter in the Capitol, which he had vowed in the Sabine war, his mind even then giving him, that one day it should be a stately place.  
At the same time there happened in the court a wonderful strange thing, both in present view, and also in consequence. For as the report went, a young lad, whose name was Servius Tullius, as he lay asleep, in the sight of many persons had his head all on a light fire. And upon an outcry raised at the wondering of so great a matter, the king arose: and when one of the household brought water to quench the flame, he was by the Queen stayed. And after the stir was somewhat appeased, she forbade the boy to be disquieted, until such time as he awoke of himself: and within a while as the sleep departed, the blaze likewise went out, and vanished away. Then Tanaquil the Queen taking her husband aside into a secret room. 
Tanaquil the Queen in to king Tanaquinius.  See you this boy (qd. she) whom we so homely keep, and in so poor and mean estate bring up? Wot well this, and know for certain, that he will one day be a light to direct us in our dangerous troubles and doubtful affairs; he will be the cheese pillar and succour of the afflicted state of the king's house. Let us therefore cherish and foster with all kindness and indulgence the subject matter of so great a public and private ornament. Whereupon they began to make much of the boy as if he had been one of their own children, and to instruct and train him up in those arts, whereby forward wits are stirred to great enterprises, and to achieve high place of wealth and honour. And soon came that to pass, which pleased the almighty gods. For he proved a young man indeed of princely nature and towardness: in such sort, that when there should be a son in law sought out to match with Tarqvinius his daughter in marriage, there was not one of all the young gentlemen of Rome to be found comparable to him in any respect. So as the king affianced his daughter unto him. This so great honour whereunto he was advanced, upon whatsoever cause or occasion it was, induceth me to think he was not the son of a bondwoman, nor that he served whilst he was a little one, as a slave. I am of their mind rather, that report thus: When Corniculum was won, the wife of Servius Tullius, a great lord and principal parsonage of that city, and there slain, was left great with child: and being among other captives known whose wife she was, in regard of her rare nobility only, was by the Queen preserved from servitude, and at Rome in Priscus Tarqvinius his house, was delivered of a child: upon which so special favour, there grew more familiar acquaintance between the two ladies the Queen and herself; and the child also brought up of a little one there in court, was both tenderly beloved, and also highly regarded. But his mother's fortune, whose hap was after her country was lost, to fall into the hands of enemies, caused men commonly to think that he was the son of a bondslave. Now in the eight and thirtieth year almost, after that Tarqvinius began his reign, was this Seratus Tullius in right great estimation and credit, not only with the king, but also with the nobility and commons. Then the two sons of Ancus, who as they always before disdeained in the highest degree, that they were by the deceitful practice of their guardian, so unworthily put by the inheritance of their father's kingdom, and that a stranger reigned at Rome, one who was not descended of any neighbour house thereby, no nor so much as of Italian blood: so now they began much more to take stomach and indignation, in case that after Tarqvinius, the kingdom should not return to them and their line, but should still run on end, and headlongwise fall unto such base varlets: That in the same city, a hundred years almost after that Romulus the son of a god, and a god himself, reigned therein, (during the time he remained here upon the earth) a very bondslave and no better, and one borne of a bondwoman, should be possessed of the crown: and that it would be a foul stain and dishonour generally to the name of the Romans, but most especially to their house and family, if whilst the issue male of Ancus lived, the kingdom of Rome should lie open, and be exposed, not to strangers alone, but which is more, to very bondmen and slaves. This ignominy therefore, and open wrong, they resolve by fine force to put by and avoid: howbeit, the greevance of this injury done unto them; set them on against Tarqvinius himself, rather than Servius Tullius; both for that the king, if he lived still, would be a more sharp revenger of the murder, than a private person: and also if they should happen to kill Servius, whomsoever besides, the king would vouchsafe for his son in law, him was he like to make heir apparent, & inheritor also of the kingdom. For these considerations they lay wait for to murder the king himself in this manner: There were for the purpose to do this feat, two passing stout and sturdy herdmen chosen, who having such rustical iron tools about them, as they were wont both of them to occupy, and made a great show of a most tumultuous brawl and fray in the very porch of the court gate: by which means, they drew all the king's officers, sergeants, & guard about them: then as they called with a loud voice, both the one and the other upon the king, in such wise, as the noise was heard within the palace, they were convented before his highness. At their first coming, they cried out both at once, and interrupted one another in all outrageous manner, so as by a sergeant they were sane to be restrained & commanded to speak by turns, until at length they gave over their confused brawlings. Then one of them for the nonce, as it was before agreed, began his tale: and while the king, 
L. Tarqvinius the king killed.  as wholly bend to give ear turned aside towards him, the other list his axe aloft, and struck the king on the head, and leaving it sticking there still in the wound, they whipst out both of them together, and ran their ways. And whilst they that stood next about Tarqvinius, took him up ready to die, the sergeants made after them that were fled, and apprehended them. Whereupon an outcry arose, and a great concourse of people, wondering what the matter might be. Tanaquil in this hurly-burly caused the court gates to be shut, and commanded every one to avoid the place: and at one instant with great diligence provideth things requisite to cure the wound, as if there were some hope of life: and withal, if that should fail, she prepareth other means and remedies against the worst that might happen. Sending therefore in all speed for Servius, when she had showed him her husband half dead, and already bloodless: she took him by the right hand, and besought him not to suffer, either the death of his father in law unrevenged, 
Tanaquil to Servius.  or his wife's mother, to be a laughing stock unto the enemies. Thine is the kingdom O Servius by right (quoth she) if though be a man; and not theirs, who by the hands of others have committed a most shameful and villainous fact. Take a good heart therefore, and arm thyself, and follow the guidance and direction of the gods, who long since by a divine and heavenly flame burning about thy head, foreshowed that one day it should be highly advanced. Now let that heavenly blaze, raise thee up: now awake in very deed: what man! we also being strangers have borne the sceptre: consider with thyself who thou art now, and not from whence thou art descended. And if in so sudden an occurrence, thine own wits be astonished, and to seek, then follow my reed, and be advised by my counsel. In this while the noise and violence of the people was so great, that it could not well be suffered. Then Tanaquil from the upper lost of the house, out at a window that opened into the new street (for the king kept his court hard by the temple of jupiter Stator) spoke unto the people, 
Tanaquil to the people.  willing them to be of good cheer. The king indeed (quoth she) was amazed and swooned at the sudden stroke, howbeit it went nothing deep: for now is he come again to himself, his wound cleansed from blood, and searched: all signs of life, and no danger of death: and I trust in God within a while you shall see himself again. In the mean time his pleasure his, that the people shall be obeisant to Servius Tullius: the shall minister justice and give laws, he shall execute and perform all theoffices of the king. Then came Servius abroad in his royal rob; called Trabea, attended with the Lictors; and sitting in the king's throne, some causes he dispatcheth himself, of othersome he maketh as though he would consult and confer with the king. Thus for certain days, the king being dead, and his death concealed, he, under colour of executing the function of another, garthereth strength to himself. But when at the last it was openly known by the wailing and lamentation which arose in the palace, that the king was departed, Servius accompanied with a strong guard, 
Servius Tullius 〈…〉- town 〈…〉  showed himself, and was the first, that without the election of the people only by the will and consent of the nobles, took the kingdom upon him.  
The ionnes of Ancus at the first, seeing the murderers attached, and hearing that the king was alive, and Servius so mighty, retired themselves as banished persons to Suessa Pometia. And Servius now sought means to make himself strong, as well by private helps, as by public. And lest peradventure the children of Tarqvinius should another day be as ill affected against him, as the children of Ancus were against Tarqvinius, he gave in marriage his two daughters to Lacius and Aruns, two of the king's sons late deceased. Yet could not the with all the policy of man's wit, stay the fatal necessity, nor stop and divert the course of the destinies; but that the envy that followeth a kingdom, bred all distrust, disloiltie, and malice, even among those of his own household, for all their alliance and affinity. Howbeit, in very good time, and sitly for the quietness of the present state, was the war with the Veientes (for now was the term of the truce expired) and other Tuscans, taken in hand. In which war, both the valour, and also so the good fortune of Tullius was well seen and greatly renowned. Who having discomfited a mighty host of the enemies, as undoubted king in the conceit and judgement as well of the Senators as of the commons, if their hearts had been sounded, returned to Rome.  
Then in hand went he with a work of peace, and of all other the greatest, and of most importance. To the end, that as Nymas was the first author of divined law and religion so the posterity for ever after might report and record, that Servius was the founder of all distinction and order; whereby between degrees of worship and wealth, there might be seen due difference, and regard of worth. 
〈…〉  For the devised and ordained the Cense, to wit, the assessing, and taxation of the citizens: a thing most profitable to that state and government, which was like in time to come, to grow so mighty. By which Cense, the charges and contributions, either in war or peace, was not levied by the poll upon the citizens, as aforetime, but according to the valuation of their wealth and ability. 
〈…〉  So he erected certain Classes and Centuries, and appointed their degrees, according to the assessing, and valuation, meet in decent manner to serve in war, and meet to be employed in peace. And first, of those who were rated at an * hundred thousand ASSES and above, he ordained so Centuries; 40 of the eldersort, and as many of the younger: and all jointly were counted the first Classis. The elder were charged to be in readiness at all hours, for defence of the city: the younger to follow the wars abroad. These were bound to find harness: for defence of their own bodies, an headpiece or morion, a shield, grieves, and corselet, all of brass: and for offence of the enemy, a javelin and a sword. To this Classis were adjoined two Centuries of carpenters and smiths, or engineers, who were in wage, and served without amount: and their charge was to find the camp engines of battery and artillery. The second consisted of those that were valued between I00000 and 
* 〈…〉  75000 Asses. And of this sort both young and old, were enroled twenty Centuries: who were enjoined to provide for their armour, a target or buckler in stead of a shield; and excepting only a corselet, in all points as the former. The third he would have to be of those that were esteemed worth 
* 〈…〉  50000 Asses, and as manic Centuries of them, and with the same distinction of age. Neither concerning their armour was any thing altered: only for their grieves they were dispensed with. In the fourth Classis were those that were assessed in the Subsidy book, between 50000 and 
* 〈…〉  25000 Asses, and of them were to many Centuries. Their armour was changed, having no more but a spear and a casting dart, with a looped called Verutum. The fist was greater, containing thirty Centuries. These carried with them slings and stones to sling a far off: among whom were reckoned the beadels of criers, together with the trumpeters & cornestiers, who were divided into three Centuries. This band stood of them that were assessed from 25000 unto 
* 〈…〉  JI000 Asses. The valuation under this, comprised all the rest of the multitude. Whereof arose one century, freed and exempted from warfare. Thus having furnished and disposed the forces of the Infantry, he enroled besides twelve Centuries of horsemen, and those out of the principal men of the city: and six other Centuries likewise, to those three that Romulus instituted, retaining the same name still, that they in their first solemn institution had. These horsemen for to buy their great horses, had 
* 32 bb. 5. 〈◊〉  10000 Asses out of the chamber of the city, a piece: & for to find and keep those horses, were the rich widows set, yearly at 
* 6 ●b. 5. shi  2000 Asses a piece. Thus were all these charges and burdens shifted from off the poormen's shoulders, and laid upon the rich. And therefore afterwards was their dignity and honour so much the more. For in the grand-leetes and solemn elections of Magistrates, every man had not prerogative alike, nor equal authority, as Romulus first ordained, and the other kings continued, when they gave their voices by the poll indifferently, one with another: but there was distinction made, and certain degrees; but so, as neither any one was excluded or shut out, and yet the whole rested and lay in the power of the richer sort, and cheese of the city. For first the horsemen were called: afterward, the eighty Centuries belonging to the first Classis, of the principal footmen: who if they disagreed, and happened to be at any difference, than the Centuries of the Second Classis were cited. And never went they likely so low, as to the last of all. Neither ought anieman to marvel, that this order in these days, after five and thirty tribes complete, agreeth not with the Centuries of the elder and younger sort, according to the computation set down by Servius Tullius, considering their number is now doubled. For having divided the city into four Wards, according to the quarters and hills; those parts which were inhabited, he called Tribes, of the word Tribute (as I suppose.) For he it was that devised and brought up the manner of equal contribution and payment, proportionably to the assessment and rate of men's goods. Neither were these tribes any ways at all respective to the division or number of the Centuries aforesaid. When this Cense and taxation was finished, which he dispatched the sooner, by reason of the people's fear of an act by him made, concerning those that should not come in to be registered and enroled in the Subsidy book; he published an edict, under pain of imprisonment and death, that all citizens of Rome, as well horsemen as footmen, should the morrow after at the break of day, every one in his own century, show himself in Campus Martius, i in Mars field. There, after he had mustered and embattled the whole army, he assoiled and purged the same with the sacrifice of a Swine, a Sheep, and a Bull. And this was called Conditum Lustram. Which was the very closing up and accomplishment of the assessment. In this Lustrum, there were numbered and assessed 80000 Citizens. Fabius Pictor, a most ancient writer saith moreover, that so many there were of able men to bear arms. For to contain this multitude, it was thought good the city should be enlarged. Whereupon the adjoineth unto it two hills more, to wit, juirinalis, and Viminalis. After this, he proceeded to augment the mount Esquilie: and to grace that hill, and make it of more reputation, there he dwelled himself, and had his court. He cast a trench and ditch, and raised a rampire about the city, and then walled it: by occasion whereof, he set out the Pomoeric further. Pomaerium, 
Pomocrie, what it is.  according to the Erymologie and literal signification of the word, is as much to say, as Postmarium, or the Arriermure, that is, a plat of ground behind, or without the wall. But indeed it is rather a space about the wall on either side, which the Tuscans in old time, when they built their cities, used by advice of Augurs, to hollow and consecrate in certain bounds and limits, all along where they minded to set the wall: that neither within-forth the houses might join upon the wall (whereas now adays they build close to) and without also, there might be a void piece of ground, lying common, free, and unoccupied of men. This vacant space, that neither might lawfully be inhabited, nor yet eared and 〈◊〉, as well because it was without the wall, as the wall without it, the Romans called Pomoerium. And ever as the circuit of the city was made larger, look how much the walls should be set out further, so far those hallowed and consecrated bounds of the Pomoerie were extended.  
Thus the city being much increased in compass of building, and all things disposed in good order, requisite as well for war as peace; to the end, that he should not always seek to purchase wealth and puissance by war and martial prowess only, he attempted to amplify his dominion by policy, and withal to bestow upon the city some glorious ornament to beautify the same. And even at that time was the temple of Diana at Ephesus, of great same, and much renowned: which as the report went, was built in common by all the states and princes of Asia. When as therefore Servius would use highly to praise and commend unto the lords and heads of the Latins (with whom of purpose he had both in public and private, mutual entertainment and familiar acquaintance) that general agreement of the princes of Asia, in matters of religion, and in the uniform worship of the same gods: at length, by much iterating and following still that theme, he prevailed with them so far, that the nations of the Latins, and the people of Rome together, built at Rome a temple unto Diana: which was a plain confession, and clear case, that Rome was now the imperial seat, for which they had so often warred. This quarrel, albeit now the Latins all in a manner had neglected quite, and made no care at all thereof, seeing they had so often attempted it by force of arms, and sped so badly: yet fortune seemed to one only man to cast a favourable aspect, and yield good hope, by his private policy and industry, to recover again the imperial dignity unto the Latins. A certain householder forsooth of the Sabines, had as they say, a cow bred with him of a wonderful bigness, and fair with all (for a memorial of which so rare and wonderful beast the horns were set up, and remained fast fixed in the porch of Diana's temple, many a hundred years after) this was supposed (as it was no less in very deed) a strange and prodigious thing: and the wisemen or wizards prophesied, that the sovereignty and Empire should be settled and established in that State, whereof any one citizen sacrificed that cow unto Diana. This prophesy came to the ears of the priest of Diana's temple. The Sabine abovesaid, so soon as he had espied a meet and convenient day for sacrifice, drives the cow to Rome, and leads her to the temple of Diana, and there presented her before the altar: where the Roman priest wondering to see so huge a beast, whereof there had been so much speech, and calling to mind withal the aforesaid Oracle, spoke to. the Sabine in this wife, My friend (quoth he) what mean you to sacrifice so uncleanely unto Diana, and do not rather purify and wash yourself all over in some running stream, before you come hither? Lo where Tiber runneth in the valley beneath. The stranger then, moved with some scruple of conscience, who desired nothing more, than that all should be well and orderly done, that an happy success might be correspondent and answerable to so prodigious a beast, forthwith went down to the Tiber. In the mean while, the Roman killed the Cow in honour of Diana. This thing pleased the king and the whole city wonderful well.  
Servius, albeit he were now without all question by so long continuance, fully and really invested in the kingdom; yet because he heard say, that young Tarqvinius otherwhile gave out speeches of him, that he reigned without the nomination and election of the people: therefore after he had first won the hearts of the commons, by dividing among them everyone, certain lands gotten by conquest from the enemies, he adventured to propound unto the people, & put it to their suffrages, and voices, Whether their will and pleasure was, that he should reign over them. Thus was he declared king with as great consent, as never any before with the like. But Tarqvinius for all this, had never the less hope to aspire and attain unto the crown: nay rather so much the more, because he understood the said division of the lands among the commons, was a thing concluded & passed against the will & mind of the Senators. Taking therefore occasion thereby to accuse & blame Servius before them, he supposed he had good means offered to wind himself into favour with the lords of the Senate, & so to become strong in the counsel house. Over and besides, he was both himself a young man of great courage & hot stomach, & his wife likewise at home, dame Tullia, lay ever upon him, & pricked forward his distempered & troubled mind: for you must think, that the royal court of Rome also, hath brought forth and afforded one example of a tragical and horrible act: that by a weariness and loathing conceived against the king's government, liberty and freedom might the sooner ensue: and that reign be the last, which was by mischief gotten first. This L. Tarqvinius whether he were the son or nephew of Priscus Tarqvinius, it is not very clear, howbeit, I would rather think with most writers, that he was his son. A brother he had, Aruns Tarqvinius, a young gentleman of a mild nature. These two (as is aforesaid) had married the two Tulliae, the king's daughters, and they also themselves were in conditions far unlike. And happily it so fell out, that two froward and violent natures were not coupled together in wedlock: such was the good fortune, I believe, of the Roman people, that thereby the reign of Servins might continue the longer, and the city brought and settled in good order. The younger Tullia, a stout dame and a proud, grieved and vexed much that her husband had nothing in him, no metal or matter at all, either to cover and desire, or to enterprise and adventure: her mind was fully set upon the other Tarquin, him she esteemed highly, and had in admiration, him she said to be a man indeed, and descended of royal blood. As for her sister, she despised and checked her, for that she having a forward and valorous knight to her husband, sat still, and seconded him not in audacity and boldness, as a woman should do. Well, in short time likeness and disposition soon brought them together, and as it is commonly seen, nought will to nought, and sort best together. But the mischief and trouble that brought all up side down, arose from the woman. For she using to have secret conference with her sister's husband, never ceased to speak badly; and to rail of her own husband unto his brother, and of her sister unto her husband. Affirming in good earnest, it were better both for herself to be a widow, and for him to live single, and without a wife, than so to be mismatched as they were, and through the craven cowardice of others to languish and come to nothing. As for herself, if the gods had given her an husband according to her own quality and worthiness, she doubted not to see, and that very shortly, the crown in her own house, that now she seeth in her fathers. In this manner possesseth she quickly the humorous young man, and filled his head with her own rashness and follies. Now when Aruns Tarqvinius and the elder Tullia, who died just in a manner both at one time, had well rid their own houses, and made way and ouverture for a new marriage, it was not long but they were married, with Servius his leave and connivency, rather than his good liking. But then every day more than other began Tullius to be a continual more in their eyes, his old age hateful, and his reign more odious: for now the woman minded nothing but one mischeese upon another: and would not suffer her husband to be at rest night nor day, lest peradventure the former murders done and passed, should serve to no purpose, and misle the effect of their designments. And thus she broke out and said: 
Tullia to her husband.  That she wanted not before one that carried the name of an husband, with whom she served, & kept herself quiet and said nothing. But she had a want of one, that thought himself worthy of a kingdom, that remembered he was the son of Tarqvinius Priscus, that loved better to be seized of a crown and sceptre indeed, than hope for a kingdom, and here thereof. But sir (quoth she) if you be the man to whom I take myself wedded, than I call you both husband and king: if not, then is our case changed for the worse, in that, cowardliness is accompanied now with wickedness. Why resolve you not? why arm you not yourself, and go about this business? you need not go so far as to Corinth or Tarquinij, for to seek and compass foreign kingdoms, as your father did. The gods of your own house and native country, the Image and example of your father, the king's palace, and therein theroiall seat and throne of estate, yea the very name of Tarquin, createth, nameth, and saluteth you king. But and if your heart will not serve you to these designs, why bear you the world in hand and deceive them? why take you so upon you as you do, to show yourself as a king's son? Get you hence to Corinth again, away to Tarquinij, turn backward to your former stock and condition, more like to your brother than to your father. With these and such like motives, by way of reproof she checketh the young man, set him on, and pricked him forwards, and she herself for her part, could be at no repose, for thinking that Tanaquil, an alien and stranger borne, could contrive in her head, and effect so great matter, as to make two kings together, one after other, namely her husband first, and afterward her son in law: and she her own self, a king's daughter, could bear no stroke either in giving or taking away a kingdom. Tarqvinius kindled with these furies and temptations of a woman, went about, laboured, and made court to the Nobles, especially those that were Minorum gentium: eftsoons putting them in mind of the pleasures and favours that his father had done them, and requiring now of duty the like good turn at their hands. The young men, the flower and manhood in general of the city, he wrought and won to himself with gifts: and so partly with great promises, what wonders he would do, and partly with raising slanders upon the king in all places, and charging upon him odious crimes, he grew very great and mighty. At the last, espying a convenient time to set on foot, and putin execution his intended projects, with a strong guard of armed men, he entered forcibly into the Forum or common place of assembly, whereat the people all surprised with great fear, he sat him down upon the king's throne, even at the entrance of the Curia or Senate house, and there, by the voice of the crier summoned the Senators to counsel before king Tarqvinius. Who forthwith there assembled together: Some, thereto made and prepared aforehand: others, for fear least their not coming, might turn them to displeasure. And as they were astounded at this strange and wonderful sight, so they thought Servius utterly undone, and his case desperate. 
L. Tarquinins his speech to the senators.  There Tarqvinius began an invective in spiteful and reproachful terms, touching the first pedigree or parentage of Servius: saying, that he being a slave, and born of a bondwoman, after the cruel and shameful death of his father Tarquin, usurped the king domeanot by means of an Interreigne, as the order was aforetime, nor by a solemn assembly, and the free voices of the people, ne yet by the assent of the nobles, but only through the wile and fraud of one woman. And as he was (quoth he) thus borne and thus created king, so hath he been a partial favourer ever of the basest sort, even such as himself; and in hatred of the noble birth of others hath divided amongst the vilest persons, lands taken from the cheese men of the city; and all such burdens and charges, as had been in times past common to all, he hath cast upon great personages of quality and worth, and set up an assessing or taxing, that the state of the wealthier persons being made known and exposed to envy, he might bring them into disgrace with the people, and bestow their goods upon the poorest and neediest at his pleasure. Amidst this Oration of his, came Servius in place, advertised of the matter by a fearful messenger in all haste. And presently began to cry out with a loud voice, at the very porch or entry of the Curia: What is here ado (quoth he) and what meaneth this O Tarquin? How darest thou, during my life, assemble the Senators or sit on my seat? Whereunto he stoutly made a proud answer, that he did but keep his father's throne, and being as he was, a king's son, he deemed himself more worthy to be inheritor of the kingdom, than a bondslave: and as for him, he had been suffered long enough to play with his good Masters, and to insult over his betters. With this arose a great clamour from the partakers and complices of both sides: the people they ran from all parts to the counsel house, and like it was, that the stronger should be king. Then Tarqvinius being put to his shifts, and forced to try the utmost, seeing no other remedy, took Servins by the middle, as being himself much younger and stronger far, carried him out of the counsel house, and threw him down from the stairs head to the foot, and so returned again into the Senate house, to get the Senators together. The king's officers with the guard attending upon him, fled. Himself well near dead, with certain of his courtiers and train, breathless also for fear, made speed, and retired towards his palace, as far as to the top of Cyprius street, where he was overtaken by them that were sent by Tarqvinius, 
●ervius Tullius lilied.  and so slain outright. And it is verily thought, that this was done by the suggestion and procurement of Tullia; so little disagreeth it from other wicked pranks of hers. But this one thing is known for certainty, that she came riding in her coach into the common place of assembly, & nothing dismayed or abashed at the presence of so many men, there met together, called forth his husband out of the Senate house, & was the first that styled him with the title of King. By whom she being willed to depart a way out of that throng and uproar, as she returned homeward as far as the pitch of Cyprius street, where was of late a place consecrated unto Diana, called Dianium, the coachman that had the guiding and driving of the steeds, as he turned the chariot on the right hand up to the cliff Virbius, for to pass up to the hill Esquiliae, suddenly staired for fear, and reined in his horses, and showed unto his lady and mistress, Servius lying there murdered. And hereof followed (as the report goeth) a beastly part, and beyond all sense of humanity, which the very place doth witness still at this day, called thereupon Sceleratus Vicus, i. the wicked street: Wherein, the raging and frantic woman Tullia, harried with the suries, and haunted with the ghosts of her sister and husband, caused (men say) her chariot to be driven over her father's dead corpse; and being herself bespreint and beraied with the bloody chariot, carried home with her some part of it in token and witness, that her hand was in this parricide and murder of her own father: to the end, that she might provoke her own domestical gods and her husbands to wrath and displeasure: and so consequently, as they entered their reign with mischief and wickedness, they might soon after be turned out thereof with shame and infamy Servius Tullius reigned four and forty years, in such wife carrying himself, as it were hard, even for a good and stayed prince that should succeed him, to follow his steps. This made moreover for his glory and fame, that together with him died all right and lawful government of Roman kings. And even that regiment of his, so mild, so gracious, and temperate as it was: yet because it rested in the absolute power of one man, he was minded, as some do write, to have foregone and given over, had not this wicked intestine practice from his own family come between, to prevent and cut off his good designs and intent to let his country free.  
] After him began to reign Tarqvinius, for his insolent acts surnamed Superbus, i. the proud. For he would not suffer his wife's father (unkind son in law he) to be interred: saying eftsoons in jibing manner, that Romulus also died, and was never buried. Moreover, the principal heads of his peers and nobles, such (as he thought) had favoured Servius his proceedings, and took parr with him, those he made away and slew. Afterwards, fearing upon the guilt of his own conscience, that he had given an ill precedent for others, to take vantage against himself, attaining to the crown so lewdly; he retained therefore a guard of armed men about his body: and in very truth, setting only might aside, no other right had he to wear the diadem, as who reigned neither by people's election nor Senators approbation. Over and besides all this, to the end he might sit safely in his seat by servile fear and dread, who reposed no trust nor hope in the love of his subjects; therefore to strike the greater terror into them, and hold them in awe, he by himself alone without assistance of any counsel, sat upon all matters of life and death: by means whereof he was ablé to kill, banish, and condemn in forfeiture of lands and goods; not those only whom he suspected and hated, but also them, from whom he could look for nothing else but spoil. Thus when he had decayed the number of the nobles especially, he purposed to choose no new in their place, for to make supply: tó the end, that the fewer they were, the more contemptible the whole order might grow: and with less discontent, put up the indignity, that they were not employed in the State, nor aught done by their advice. For this king was the first, that abolished the custom received and continued by all others afore him, of consulting with the Senate in all matters, and managing nothing without them. He governed the Commonweal by himself, and after his own ways: with whom it pleased him he made war and peace, league and society, even of his own head: and would break the same as himself thought good: thus he did, and undid all at his pleasure, without regard of the people's mind, or the Senate's authority. Above all, he sought to win the hearts and good wills of the Latin nation, that by support of foreign power also, he might be more secure and safe among his own people: neither entertained he with their princes, friendship and amity only, but entered also into alliance and affinity with them. For unto Octavius Mamilius a Tusculane, he gave his daughter in marriage. This Mamilius was of all the Latines the principal and noblest person, lineally descended (if we may believe the common bruit and report) from Ulysses and Circe. By this marriage he gained many kinsfolk and friends of his new son in law. So that now Tarqvinius was in great authority and reputation among the lords and Barons of the Latins. Whereupon he gave them knowledge, and proclaimed, that upon a certain day they should all meet him at the sacred grove of Ferentina, to treat and commune together about matters concerning the common good of both States. Thither resorted they in great number betimes in the morning. And Tarqvinius himself failed not for his part, to keep the very day appointed, but it was sunsetting well-near before he came. There, in that assembly all day long, before his coming, was much talk and reasoning, pro & contra, 
Tarnus Herdonius his orations against Tarqvinius Superbus.  touching him. Turnus Herdonius of Aricia, had inveighed spitefully against Tarqvinius in his absence (for his being away) saying it was no marvel indeed that he was at Rome surnamed Superbus (for even then commonly they termed him so, although secretly, & in whispering wife.) For could there be (quoth he) a prouder part played, than thus to mock, delude, & abuse the whole state of Latium, that when their princes and nobles were cited there to appear, far from their cities and dwelling houses, he only should be absent that summoned the assembly? Which verily was but a devise of his to try their patience, that if they once took the yoke, he might keep them still under as his vassals: for who seeth not what he reacheth at? even to command and lord it over the Latins. And in case his own citizens have done well, in trusting him in the rule over them (if a man say they trusted him, & not rather that he came soulie and forcibly by it, even with shameful murder) the Latins also may put themselves into his hands with security. And yet I see not why they should so do, considering he is a mere stranger and alien. But how and if his own subjects repent, and are discontented with him, being one after another by him murdered, banished, deprived, and spoiled of their goods? What better dealings may the Latins hope and look for? Therefore if they would be ruled by him, they should depart home every man, and not keep the day of the Diet no more than he doth that published and proclaimed it. Whilst this seditious and dangerous person, who by these and such like factious courses was grown to be a great man and powerable in his country, stood arguing thus, enforcing and following hard upon other points, tending to the same effect, in cometh Tarqvinius. Whereupon heebrake off his speech, and all was hushed. Then turned every man to salure and welcome Tarqvinius: Who after silence made (being advised by some of his familiars that were next unto him, to excuse himself for coming at that time of the day) said, that he had been taken to be an arbitrator or daiesman between the father and the son: and because he was desirous and careful to procure atonement between them, and to make them good friends; he made the longer stay and came the later. Which occasion of business seeing it had disappointed them of that day, therefore the morrow after he would deliver that which he had in purpose and intended to move unto them. But Tarnus (as they say) could not hold, nor put up so much as this with silence: but broke out and said again, there was no speedier deciding and taking up of any matter, than between the Father and the Son; a thing that might be dispatched in few words: for if he would not obey and give place unto his father, he should abide the smart of it with a mischief. And thus the Aricine having girded as it were, and glanced at the Roman king, departed out of the assembly. Which thing Tarqvinius taking more displeasantly a good deal than he made semblance of, forthwith devised and practised to bring Turnus to his death, that he might strike the same terror into the hearts of the Latins, wherewith he had kept under his own subjects at home. And for that he had no absolute power to cause him openly to be slain, he framed most saltly a criminal action against the guiltless man; thereby wrongfully to work his destruction. By means of certain Aricians of a contrary faction, he wrought a bondslave of Turnus with a sum of money, to suffer a number of swords privily to be conveyed into his master's Inn or lodging: 
Tarqvinius against Turnus Herdonius.  which being done in that one night accordingly, Tarqvinius somewhat before day, sent for the chief Lords of the Latins to come unto him; and pretending as though he were frighted by some strange accident, said that his long tarrying the day before, (by God's special providence, as it were, so appointed) was for the safety of him and them all. For he was informed that Turnus contrived to massacre both him and the heads of their nation, to the end that he alone might reign over the Latins: That he minded yesterday to have put this plot in execution, even in the very assembly; but the deed was deferred, for that himself (the principal author of that meeting) whose life he sought for above all other, was not in place. And hereupon it was (faith he) that he fared so as he did, and railed against him so bitterly the day before in his absence; for that he by his long tarrying had put him by his hope and the effect of his designs: and if all were true that was told him, he nothing doubted but early in the morning at break of the day, so soon as they were set in counsel together, he would come armed and well appointed with a crew of his adherents & sworn confederates: for reported it is, (quoth he) that a number of swords and other weapons are brought into his lodging: which whether it be so or no, might soon be known. And therewith he desired them to take the pains to go with him thither. And verily, considering the proud nature and haughty spirit of Turnus, together with his yesterdays Oration, and the long stay of Tarqvinius besides, for that the pretended massacre seemed thereby to have been put off and prolonged, the matter became very suspcious and pregnant. Thus go they with minds verily somewhat inclined and disposed to believe all, and yet so, as they would think all the rest but tales and lies, unless they found the swords aforesaid. Being come to the house, and Turnus awakened out of sleep, certain warders were set to keep him on every side: and when they had laid hold upon his servants, who for love of their lord and master began to make resistance, the swords were brought forth out of all the blind corners of the hostelry openly to be seen: then was it a clear case and past all peradventures: and Turnus was apprehended & irons clapped upon him. And immediately in all hast the Latins Assembled together to counsel in that great tumult and uproar: Where, upon bringing forth the sword in sight before them all, 
Turnus' herdonius put to death  they were so incensed and deadly bend against him, that he was not suffered to answer and plead for himself, but was presently at the source or spring head of the Ferentine water plunged down, & a hurdle done aloft upon him, & greatstones heaped thereon, and so after a new kind of death stisled & drowned. Tarqvinius then, after he had called the Latins again to the place of counsel, & much commended them for duly executing Turnus, who practising thus to alter and trouble the state, was detected of a manifest intended murder, made this speech unto them: 
Tarqvinius to the Ar●cines.  I might (quoth he) if I would, by virtue of ancient rites allege and plead, that for as much as all the Latins are descended from Alba, they are comprised within that confederacy and league, whereby in the reign of Tullus the whole Commonweal and State of Alba, together with their inhabitants, became incorporate into the Empire of Rome. Howbeit, in regard rather of the commodity and weal public of all, I judge it requisite, that the league were renewed, and that the Latins might enjoy and be partakers of the prosperity and happy fortune of the people of Rome, rather than evermore to hazard and suffer the destruction and desolation of their cities, with the spoiling and wasting of their lands, which first in Ancus days they tasted, and after in my father's time they had abidden and suffered. The Latins were hereto soon persuaded. And although in that league the pre-eminence and sovereignty rested in the Romans, yet they saw well enough that both the heads and rulers of the Latin Nation stood with the Roman king, and were wrought unto his hand, to side with him: and also Turnus unto them was a sreth precedent and example, to teach them what danger might betide every one that should make a part against him and cross his intention. So the alliance was renewed and proclamation made that according as it was capitulated, that all the serviceable men of the Latins should at a day appointed repair in good number with their armour, unto the grove of Ferentina. Who when they were there met together from all parts according to the edict of the Roman king, to the end should have no captain of their own to lead them, no privy watchwoord or regiment by themselves to direct them, nor private ensigns distinct from the rest to keep them together; he shuffled on mingled the bands and companies of Latins and romans one with another, making one of twain, and two of one: and when he had thus doubled the bands, he set. Centurions over them. And albeit he was in peace an unjust prince, yet was he in war no bad captain; nay, for martial prowess he had been equal to the formerkings; had he not failed and degenerated in other things, and thereby stained and hurt his glory even in that behalf. He was the first that warred upon the Volscians, which war after his time lasted more than 200 years: 
Suessa Pometia won by the Romans.  and wan from them by force Suessa Pometia. Where having made portsale of the pillage, and raised as much gold and silver as amounted to 
* 1070 lib ●terl;  40 talents, he conceived in his mind to build so stately a Temple of jupiter as might beseem the sovereign king of gods and men, become the noble Empire of Rome, and answer the majesty also of the very place where it was to stand. And for the rearing and finishing of this Temple, he laid that money apart, that came of the spoil aforesaid. But presently upon this, was he surprised with a war that held longer than he hoped it would. For having made one assault in vain upon Gabijs, a neighbour city to Rome, and despairing also of any good success by beleagering the town, for that he was valiantly repussed from the walls, at the last he devised and resolved to get it by wile and deceit: a course that romans had not usually practised. For making as though he had given over and abandoned this war, as being now earnestly bend and busily occupied about laying the foundations of the Temple, and following other public works in the city: Sextus his son, the youngest of three, sled for the nonce to Gabijs, complaining of his father's intolerable rigour and cruelty against him: 
Ser: Tarquinins saying, That now to the Gabians.  saying, That now he had turned his accustomed pride from strangers upon his own blood, and was grown to be weary of so many children: that as he had made good hand and clean riddance of his nobles, and left the Senate desolate, so he might bring it to pass in his own house, to leave behind him no issue nor inheritor of the kingdom. And for his own person verily, he was escaped from among the pikes and swords of his father, and was persuaded fully, he might no where be sure in safety, but with the capital enemies of L. Tarqvinius. For to put them out of doubt, and that they might be no longer abused, the war continued still against them, which seemed in outward show given over and laid away: and his father would not fail, but whensoever he could spy his vantage and sit opportunity, come upon them at unawares. But in case there were no place of refuge and protection for poor and humble suppliants amongst them, he would wander and travail all over Latium: and if he might not rest there, he would from thence go to the Volscians, Aequians and Hernicks, until he came to them that knew how to save the children from the cruelty and inhuman persecution of the fathers. Perhaps he should find means to stir coals and kindle war, yea and perform himself good service against that most proud king, and that most stout and insolent people. And seeming withal in great anger and discontentment, (if they would not regard his complaints) ready to depart and go his ways, he was kindly entertained, and friendly entreated by the Gabians: 
The Gavines to Sextus Tarqvinius.  who willed him to be of good cheer and not to marvel at all, that Tarqvinius became now at length so ill affected against his own children, like as he had tyrannized already upon his subjects and confederates: for he would no doubt in the end exercise his fell stomach even upon himself, for want of other subject matter to work upon. And as to him, right welcome he was to them, assuring themselves that within a while it would so come to pass, that if he with them, would set to his helping hand, they should remove the war from the gates of Gabijunto to the very walls of Rome. 
Sex = Terquinius to the Senators of the Gibins●  After this, was he admitted to sit with them in common counsel. In which he used eftsoons to say, That in other matters he gave place, & referred himse to be advised by the ancient Gavines, as men more practised and experienced than himself, but for the war, which ever and anon he persuaded them unto, himself took upon him a special insight & skill therein, as he that knew the strength of both nations, and was fully persuaded in the conscience, that his king's pride must needs be odious to his subjects, which his very own children could not brook and endure. Thus whilesby little and little he solicited the principell citizens to rebel, and went himself daily in person with a crew of the most forward and able young men, forraying, spoiling and making roads into the Territory of the Romanies, and that now through his words and deeds, which tended to fraud and deceit in the end, they began more and more to give credit unto him that one day would deceive them, he was at last chosen General for the war. And having made certain small skirmishes between Rome and Gabes, in which for the most part the Gavines had the better (whiles the simple people, God wot, saw not his drift and how he carried the matter:) then all the Gavines from the highest to the lowest, thought verily and in good earnest, that Sextus Tarqvinius was sent them by special grace even from God above to be their Captain and Protector. But with the soldiers, what with attempting painful enterprises & performing dangerous service, and what with dealing prizes liberally amongst them, it passed how he grew into credit, & how dearly he was beloved; in so much as Tarqvinius the Father was of no greater. command at Rome, than Tarqvinius the Son at Gabes. Thus when he saw he had gathered strength sufficient, and was fully furnished against all assays; he dispatched unto his fatherat. Rome, one of his trusty servants with credence, to know his will & pleasure, seeing that the gods had done him this grace, that he at Gabes was able to do all in all. To this message made the king no answer at all by word of mouth, taking the man belike, as I verily think, for one hardly to be trusted. But as one musing with himself and in a deep study what answer to shape, he went into a garden on the back side of the house, and his sons messenger followed after. There walked he up and down, and said never a word: only, with his rod or walking staff, as it is reported, he knapped of the uttermost heads and tops of the poppies. The messenger weary with calling for an answer, and waiting such attendance; returned to Gabes as wife as the came, and without effect of his errand. He reporteth what he had said and seen, namely how the king, whether upon anger or hatred, or pride engrafted by nature, uttered no speech at all. But Sextus knowing by these mystical and secret circumstances, his father's will and direction, made no more ado but slew the chief of the Citizens: some by accusations unto the people, and others by reason of disgrace they were already in, and thereby exposed unto violence, were soon overthrown. Many of them were openly executed, and some whom there was little appearance or colour of justice or none at all to accuse, were secretly murdered. Divers of their own accord fled into voluntary exile, or else they were forced into banishment; whose goods as well as theirs that were put to death, were divided among the people. By sweetness of his largesse of spoil, 
The 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉.  by the profit and wealth that grew to private persons; the public woe and calamity was nothing felt and seen: until such time as the Gavines whole estate, despoiled of counsel, bearest of aid and succour, yielded without dint of sword unto the king of Rome.  
Tarqvinius having thus gained the town of Gabes, made peace with the nation of the AEquains, and renewed the league with the Tuscans. After this he converted his mind to the affairs of the city, among which this was the principal, to leave behind him the temple of jupiter, upon the mount Tarpeius, for a monument and memorial of his reign and name. That of two Tarquin's, kings both, it might be said another day, that the father vowed it, and the fonfinished the same. And to the end, that the sloore and plot of ground, freed and exempted from all other kind of religions, might wholly be dedicated to jupiter and his temple, there to be built: he determined to exaugurate and to unhallow certain churches and chapels, which having been first vowed, by king Tatius, in the very extremity of the battle against Romulus, were after by him consecrated and hallowed. In the very beginning and founding of which work, it is said, that the divine power and sovereign deity, moved the gods to declare the future mightiness of so great an Empire. For when as the birds by signs out of the Augurs learning, admitted and allowed the exauguration and unhallowing of all other cells and chapels besides, only in that of Terminus, 
Termin●s the 〈…〉 ●ounds and Me●rs.  they gave no token to confirm the unhallowing thereof: which was taken for an ominous presage, and thus interpreted, That seeing the seat and house of Terminus was not stirred, and he the god alone that was not displaced and called forth of the limits to him consecrated; it showed that all should remain there firm and stable for ever. This divine token of perpetuity being received for good and currant: there followed another strange and prodigious sign, portending the greatness also of the Empire. For as they digged for the foundation of the temple, there appeared (as they say) a man's head, face and all, whole & sound: which sight imported no doubt and plainly foretold, that it should be the cheese castle of the Empire and the capital place of the whole world. To this effect prophesied the wizards, as well they of the city, as those whom they sent for out of Tuscan, to know their opinion and judgement. Thus was the king's mind all wholly set upon sumptuous building, and spared for no cost. So that the pillage taken at Pometia, which was laid by for the accomplishment of the whole work, 
Tarqvinius Priscus foundeth the temple of the Capitol.  would hard and seant serve for the very foundation. And therefore I would rather give credit unto Fabias Pictor (to say nothing that he is the more nuncient author of the twain) that there were but 
* I070 bb. sterl.  40 talents, and no more, than to Piso, who writeth, that there was 
* 125000 lib. star.  40000 pound weight of silver set by for that use. Which sum of mass of money could never be looked for to arise out of the saccage of one only city in those days: & must needs exceed the charges of the foundation of any of these stately and magnificent buildings in this our age. The king being thus wholly minded and bend to the finishing of the temple, and sending for Carpenters, Masons, and other workmen, out of all parts of Tuscan, emploited not only the cities money and stock thereabout, but also had the work and labour of the common people withal. Which was no small toil of theirs, considering the travel of warfare besides: yet were they less aggrieved and discontented therewith, so long as they founded and reared with their own hands the temples of the immortal gods. But afterwards were they employed and set to other works, which as they were less in show, so were they more painful & of greater trouble, namely the making of scaffolds of standing places in the Cirque of Theatre; and to the conveyance of a mighty great sink or vault under the ground, for to receive and carry away all the silth and corruption of the city. To which two pieces of work, scarcely is the magnificence of our new modern buildings, in any respect comparable. Having in this wise held the commons in continual labour, because he thought that a multitude of a people would but overcharge and pester the city, when they were not employed some way or other, and also minded by erecting Colonies, to enlarge the confines of his dominions, he therefore sent part of them to inhabit and people Signia and Circeij, two strong forts and frontier towns for the defence of the city by sea and land.  
Whilst he was busied in these affairs, there appeared unto him a strange and fearful sight, namely a serpent gliding down a pillar of wood, which having put the beholders in great fright and caused them to sly into the king's palace, did not so much amaze the king's heart with sudden and momentany sear for the present, as fill his head with perplexed cares what the thing might portend. Whereas therefore the manner was to use the Calchars' and wise men of Tuscan about public prodigious tokens only: he being much troubled in spirit, and terrified at this fearful sight, being domestical, and as it were touching and concerning his own person: purposed to send out as far as Delphi, to the most famous and renowned Oracle in the world. And for that the durst not put any other in trust with the answered that should be delivered by the fatal lots, he addressed two of his sons to take a voyage through unknown lands in those days, and more unknowen seas, into Greece. Titus and Aruns were they that went this journey, having to bear them company all the way, L. junius Brutus. This Brutus was the son of Tarquinia the king's sister, a young gentleman of a far other nature and disposition, than he seemed in outward show and semblance. He having heard say that certain principal citizens, and his own brother among, had been by this his uncle put to death; to the intent that himself might have nothing left, either in the parts of his mind for the king to fear, or in his outward state for him to covet and desire: resolved under the cloak of base contempt to save himself, since that in right or justice he might repose small or no safeguard at all. And therefore composing and framing himself of purpose to counterfeit a noddy and a very innocent, 
jun. Brutts cornteriaicech a icole  as suffering himself and all that he had to fall into the king's hands as an eschear, he refused not to be misnamed Brutus, a name appropriate to unreasonable creatures; that under the shadow and colour of that surname, that courage of his lying close hid, which should one day set free the city of Rome, might abide the full time and appear in due season. This Brutus being by the Tarquin's brought to Delphi, as their laughing stock to make them pastime by the way, rather than a meet mate to accompany them, carried with him (as men say) for to offer and present unto Apollo, a golden rod within a staff of cornel wood, made hollow for the purpose: the very type and resemblance by secret circumstances, of his natural disposition. Thither being arrived, the young men having done their father's commission accordingly, were very desirous and earnest to inquire and learn of the Oracle, which of them should be king of Rome. And from the bottom of the deep vault, this answer as men say, was delivered in their hearing: WHICH OF YOU (O YOUNG MEN) SHALL FIRST KISS YOUR MOTHER, HE SHALL BEAR CHIEF AND SOVEREIGN RULE IN ROME. The Tarquin's then intending that Sextus their brother who was left behind at Rome, might neither know the answer, nor yet obtain the kingdom, willed the matter should by all possible means be carried so secret as might be, & concealed from him. They themselves agreed upon this together, to draw lots whether of them twain, when they were returned to Rome, should first kiss his mother. But Brutos supposing the speech of Apollo his priest, tended to another sense, made as though he stumbled forward and took a fall; and so touched the ground with his mouth and kissed the earth, thinking this with himself, that she was common mother of all mortal men. Then returned they to Rome. Where they found great preparations for war against the Rutilians.  
The Rutilians then were lords of Ardea. A people on those parts, and for those times, very rich and wealthy: 
〈…〉  and that was it that gave the very occasion and was the first motive of war. The Roman king was desirious both to enrich himself, as having about the sumptuous building of public works emptied his coffers: and also by some spoil, to mollify & win again the hearts of his natural all subjects: being much discontented (besides their general mislike of his pride otherwise) at this manner of government; and disdaining greatly that they were by the king made labourers, to serve carpenters and masons, and held so long to servile toil and painful labour. The Romans assayed at the beginning to surprise and win Ardea by assault: but when that way sped but ill, then began they to annoy and distress the enemies by laying siege, by casting trenches, raising forts, and fabriks, about the town. During this siege, and the standing camp lying there, (as it falleth out commonly, when the war is rather long and late than hot and cruel) there were granted large licences and passports to and fro between the camp and Rome, with much liberty: and yet more to the Principals of the army than to the common soldiers. And the king's sons had otherwhile good leisure to feast and banquet one with another. Upon a time it happened whiles they were drinking & making merry with Sexta, Tarqvinius in his pavilion, where Collatinus Tarqvinius the son of Egertus sat at supper; there arose among other good tabletalk, some arguing about their wives, whiles every man highly praised and wondrously commended his own. And growing to some heat and contention thereabout: There need not many words for this matter, quoth Collatinus, for in few hours it may be known how far my Lacretia surpasseth all the rest. 
〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 Lucretia.  And therefore if there be any lustiness & courage of youth in us, why mount we not on horseback, and in our own persons go and see the natures and dispositions of our wives? And as they shallbe found and seen, taken of a sudden, and not looking for their husbands coming, so let every man judge of them, and set that down for the only trial of this controversy. They had all taken their drink well, and were prettily heat with wine: Marry, content say they all, and to horse they go, and away they gallop on the spur to Rome. Thither were they come by the shutting in of the evening when it grew to be dark; and so forward without any stay to Collatia they ride. Where they find dame Lucretia, not as the king's sons wives, whom they had surprised & seen afore, passing the time away in feasting and rioting with their minions and companions: but sitting up far within night in the midst of her house amongst her maidens, hard at wool-work by candle light. Whereupon, in this debate about their wives, the entire praise and commendation rested in Lucretia: Her husband and the Tarquin's had a loving and courteous welcome at her hands. And he again for joy of the victory, invited the king's sons kindly, and made them friendly cheer. There at that infant, Sextus Tarqvinius was bewitched and possessed with wicked wanton lust, for to offer violence and villainy unto Lucretia: her passing beauty and her approved chastity set him on fire and provoked him thereto. But for the present, when they had disported themselves all night long like lusty and pleasant youths, they returned be times in the morning to the camp. A few days after, Sextus Tarqvinius, unwitting to Collatinus, attended with one only man came to Collatia, where he was again in good and friendly sort received by them in the house, that suspected nothing less than that whereabout he was come. And being after supper brought up into the guest chamber, when he thought all about him sure, and that every body was fast asleep, all set on fire and burning in love, he steppeth with naked sword in hand to Lucretia, as she lay sleeping full sound, and bearing down the woman's breast with his left hand, Peace (quoth he) Lucretia, and not a word: I am Sextus Tarqvinius, I have my drawn sword in hand: if thou once speak thou shalt surely die. The silly woman thus starting out of sleep, was sore affright, as seeing no remedy but in a manner present death, in case she had cried for help. Then uttered Tarqvinius and confessed his amorous passion, fell to entreat and entreat again, and with his prayers intermeddled threats, and went every way about her, not ceasing by all means to sift, to sound and tempt the woman's heart. But when he saw her obstinate and invincible, and (to die for it) not relenting one jot; then, besides the fear of death, he presented unto her dishonour and shame: pretending that after he had massacred her, he would lay by her side in naked bed, her own manservant with his throat cut; that it might be voiced abroad, that she was taken and killed in filthy adultery. 
Lucretia forced by Tarqvinius Sextus.  For fear of this reproach and infamy, see how sinful lust got the victory, and conquered constant chastity: and Tarqvinius in great pride and jollity, that he had by assault won the fort of a woman's honour, departed thence. But woeful Lucretia, all sorrowing for so heavy a mischance, dispatched a messenger to her father at Rome, and so forward to her husband at Ardea, with this errand: That they should come unto her, each of them with one faithful and trusty friend, and hereof they must not fail, but make all the speed they could, for that there was befallen a grievous chance and horrible. So there repaired to the Sp. Lucretia her father, accompanied with P. Valerius the son of Vólesus: and Collatinus her husband, with L. jun. Brutus. Who both together by chance going back to Rome, encountered in the way his wife's messenger. Lucretia they found sitting alone in her bedchamber, all heavy and sad: and she at the coming of these her dearest friends, shed tears and wept apace. How now my dear (qouth her husband) is all well? No God wot sir, 
The pitiful plains of cha● Lucrece.  (quoth she again:) For how can aught be well with a woman that is despoiled of her honour and womanhood? The print, Collatinus, of another man is to be seen in thy own bed. Howbeit, my body only is distained: my mind and heart remaineth yet unspotted: and that my death shall make good and justify. But give me first your right hands, and make faithful promise that the adulterer shall not escape unpunished. Sex. Tarqvinius is the man, he it is, who this night past, entertained as a friend, but indeed a very foe in the highest degree, hath by force & violence taken from hence with him his pleasure, a deadly pleasure, I may say, to me: & to himself also no less, if yeebe men of courage. All of them one after other give their assured word, comforted the woeful hearted woman, excused herself that was but forced, and laid all the blame upon him that committed the shameful act: saying, It is the mind that sinneth, and not the body; and where there was no will and consent, there could be no fault at all. Well (quoth the) what is his due to have, see you to that: as for me, howsoever I quit and assoil myself of sin, yet I will not be freed from punishment. And never shall there by example of Lucretia, any unhonest woman or wanton callot live a day: and thus having said, with a knife which she had close hidden under her clothes, she stabbed herself to the heart, and sinking down forward, fell upon the floor ready to yield up the ghost. Out alas, cried her husband and father hereat: and whilst they two were in their plaints and moans, 
Lucretia killeth herself.  Bratus drew forth the knife out of the wound of Lucretia, and holding it out afore him, all imbrued and dropping with blood, Now I swear (quoth he) by this blood, by this most chaste and pure blood, before the villainy wrought by the king's son, and here before the gods I protest, whom I call to witness, that I will by fire and sword, and with all my might and main persecute and drive the country of L. Tarqvinius the proud, and his ingracious wife, and the whole brood of his children, and suffer neither him nor any else for his fake to reign as king at Rome. Then gave he the knife to Collatinus, and so to Lucretius and Valerius, who greatly amazed at this so strange occurrent, and wondering how it came to pass, that Brutus should of a sudden be so changed, and become so stout of stomach and courageous, took the same form of oath that he swore afore: and so leaving their wailing and lamentation, and wholly set upon anger and revenge, they followed Brutus as their captain and leader, to put down and overthrow the government of kings, and utterly to root our their race. The dead corpses of Lucretia, was had out of doors, brought into the market place, and there showed. And thither, what with wondering (as the manner is) at so strange a sight, and what with the indignation of so unworthy a fact, they raised much people together. Every man for his part was ready enough to complain of the wickedness and violence done by the king's blood. The sorrow of Lucretius the father on the one side, the resolution of Brutus on the other side, who rebuked and blamed all vain weeping and foolish moaning, moved and persuaded all that were present, that like men of valour, like true hearted Romans, they would take arms against them that demeaned themselves no better, nay worse than ordinary enemies. And presently, the bravest and tallest young men showed themselves forward, ready in armour, and voluntary. The rest of the youths followed straight after. And having left at Collatia the one half of their forces in garrison, toward the gates, and set certain watches, that no man brought tidings or news unto the king and his sons, of this rising and commotion, all the other were appointed in warlike manner, followed their leader Brutus, from thence directly to Rome. At the sudden coming thither of this armed multitude: no marvel if all the way where as they passed and marched, there arose a fear and trouble among the people. But when they perceived the most substantial and principal citizens in the forefront, they judged whatsoever the matter meant, it was not for nought. And verily this heinous fact disquieted the minds of men no less at Rome, than it had before at Collatia. Therefore from all parts of the city there was flocking and running into the market place. And being thither come, the Bedell or common Crier, summoned the people to appear before the tribune of the Celeres or Captain of the guard: which office haply Brutus bore at that time. Where he made an oration, 
The ●emonstranc●● 〈…〉 Brutus, 〈◊〉, the people against the king and his b●ood.  not proceeding from that spirit, nor resembling that quality of nature which unto that day he had pretended and made show of unto the world, for he inveyed against the violence and filthy lust of Sextus Tarqvinius; the shameful villainy and not to be named, done upon the body of Lucretia: he discoursed of her lamentable end and piteous death, and the desolate case of Tricipitinus, bearest now of all his children: who accounted the occasion of his daughter's death a greater indignity, and more pitiful, than her very death. Moreover he laid abroad the pride of the king himself, the miseries, the infinite toil and pains of the commons, buried as it were under the ground, with cleansing and casting of ditches, voiding and ferming of the sinks. Saying, that the men of Rome which were the conquerors of all nations about them, were now of warriors become quarriers, hewers of stone and day labourers. He reckoned up also and put them in mind of the unworthy death and cruel murder of Servius Tullius: and how his daughter (oh abominable act!) road over the corpse of her father in her cursed chariot: And herewith he calleth on the gods that are revengers of outrages and wrongs done to parents. Thus rehearsing these and other matters, much more grievous and horrible, (I verily believe) according as the present indignity at the very time doth minister and give utterance for, not so easy penned and set down by writers that come after, he so mightily inflamen the multitude, that he caused them to depose the king, to deprive him of his royal state and dignity, yea and to decree and enact, that L. Tarqvinius with his wife and children should be banished for ever. Himself having selected & armed the younger gallants who offered their service, and willingly entered their names, set forward in person to the camp lying before Ardea, for to excite the army there against the king: leaving the government of the City unto Lucretius, who had before been appointed deputy and lieutenant there, by the king. In this time of garboil, Tullia left the palace and fled, and all the way as she went, both men and women cursed and cried out upon her, and be sought the ghostly spirits and furies of parents to be avenged. When news here of was brought into the camp, and that the king upon these strange tidings made haste towards Rome to stay and suppress these broils: Brutus having intelligence of his coming, turned another way because the would not meet with him. And so at one instance in a manner, by contrary journeys came Brutus to Ardea, and Tarqvinius to Rome. But the gates were shut against Tarqvinius, 
T●●quinius the king banished.  and in steed of entrance, warned he was, & commanded into exile. The whole camp received with joy, Brutus the redeemer of their City. From thence also were the king's sons driven: two of them followed after their father and departed into banishment unto Caere, a town of the Tuskanes: as for Sextus Tarqvinius, he retired himself to Gabes as it were into his own kingdom: where he was murdered in revenge of old quarrels, upon malice and hatred of the people which he had brought upon himself in times past. L. Tarqvinius Superbus reigned 25 years. Thus continued the king's regiment at Rome, from the foundation of the City, unto the freedom and redemption the thereof, 244 years. Then in a solemn assembly and election by the Centuries, held, by the Provost of the city, 
Con●●ls first created.  according to the ordinance of Servius Tullius in his commentaries, two Consuls were created: L. junius Brutus, and L. Tarqvinius Collatinus.   

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the second Book.  
Brutus' took an oath of the people, that they should not suffer any to vaigne king at Rome. He compelled his fellow Consul Tarqvinius Collatinus, a suspected man to take part with the Tarquin's, by reason of the affinity he had with them, to give over the Consulship, and to depart the city. The goods of the king and his sons he commanded to be seized upon, and rifled. A field of theirs be consecrated to Mars, which was named afterwards Campus Martius, or Mars field. He beheaded certain young gentlemen of the nobility, together with his own and his brother's sons, for conspiring to receive the king and his complices again into the city. Unto the bondslare Vindicius, that bewrayed the complot, he gave his freedom, of whom Vindicta took the name. Having led an army against the king, who had assembled a power of Veientians and tarquinians, and made war, he died in battle together with Aruns, the son of Superbus: and for his death the dames of Rome mourned one whole year. P. Valerius the Consul propounded and made a law concerning Appealing unto the people. The Capitol was dedicated. Porsena king of the Clusines, warring in the quarrel of the Tarquin's, and being come to the jamculum, was by the valour of Cocles Horatius, impeached that he passed not the Tiber: who alone, whiles others hewed down the Sublician bridge, withstood the Tuscans: and when it was broken down, leapt armed as he was into the river, and swum over to his fellows. Another example of manhood is reported of Mutius, who being entered the camp of the enemies with full intent to kill Persona, and having slain his principal Secretary, whom he took for the king, was apprehended: and thrusting to his hand into the fire of the altars, whereupon they had burned sacrifice, suffered it there to fry until it was consumed: and said withal, that there were behind him three hundred more besides, that had sworn the death of the king himself. Who wondering at their resolution, was driven to offer conditions of peace, and upon taking of hostages to give over war: amongst whom, one virgin Cloelia, beguiled her keepers, made an escape, and swum over Tiber to her friends: and being rendered again, was by Porsena sent honourably home, and had her statue or image on horseback, set up for a memorial. App. Claudius abandoned the Sabines, and fled to Rome, of whom the tribe Clausia took the name, and was added to the rest. The number of tribes was increased, to be one and twenty. Against Tarqvinius Superbus, who with a power of Latins waged war, A. Posthumius the Dictator, obtained a prosperous battle at the lake Regillus. The commonsrising, for being enthralled unto their creditors, retired themselves into the mount Sacer, and were by the policy and counsel of Menenius Agrippa, reclaimed from their sedition, and appeased. The same Agrippa being deceased, was by reason of his poverty, buried at the cities charges. There were created five Tribunes of the Commons. Corioli a town of the Valscians, was taken by the valour and industrious means of Cn. Martius, who thereupon was surnamed Coriolanus. T. Latinus a mean Commoner was warned in a dream to make relation to the Senate of certain religious ceremonies: and for neglecting the same, lost his son, and sell himself to be lame of his limbs, and being brought into the Senate in a chair, after he had declared the same, returned sound on his feet home again. Cn. Martius Coriolanus after he was banished, became general of the Volscians, and with an army of enemies approached the city of Rome: unto whom, first Ambassadors were of purpose sent, and afterwards the Priests and whole Clergy persuaded with him, not to make war against his native country, but all in vain. Howbent Veturia his mother, and Volumnia his wife entreated him and obtained, that he should depart back again. The law Agraria, Concerning division of lands among the poor commons, was now first put up and proposed. Sp. Cassius and Alderman, after he had been Consul, was condemned for aspiring to be king, and suffered death therefore. Oppia á Vest all Nun was for incest buried quick. Against the Veientians neeve enemies and ill neighbours, yet indeed troublesome rather than noisome and dangerous, the house alone of the Fabiuses, required to be employed in services: and set out three hundred and fix armed men to the field, who every one were by the enemies slain near the river Cremera, and left but one only at home alive of that name, under fourteen years of age. Ap. Claudius the Consul having fought unfortunately against the Volscians, and that, by means of the stubborness and unruliness of his army, cudgeled every tenth man of his soldiers. Over and besides (this book) containeth the exploits against the Volscians, Aequtans, and Veientians, and the seditious discords between the Nobility and Commons.  
NOw will I describe from henceforth, the acts both in war and peace of the people of Rome, a free state now from this time forward: their yearly Magistrates and governors: the authority and rule of laws, more powerful and mighty than that of men. Which freedom of theirs, the last king's pride made more acceptable and welcome. As for the other kings before him, they reigned so, as that they might be counted all of them, and that worthily builders of sundry part of the city one after another, according as they every one by himself added still one new place or other, for the multitude by them increased, to inhabit. Neither is it to be doubted, but that even the very same Brutus, who deserved so great honour and glory for expelling the proud king Tarquin, should have done the same to the exceeding danger of the weal public, if for desire of unripe and untimely freedom, he had wrested the royal dignity and government: from any of the former princes. For what would have come of it, if that commonalty consisting of herdmen and fugitive strangers, resorting out of their own countries there to dwell, having under protection of a sanctuary and privileged place gotten liberty, or at leastwise impunity; being now freed and past fear of a royal majesty, had begun to be troubled and disquieted, with the ruffling storms and seditious tempests of the Tribunes? and in a new and strange city sown debated, and entertained variance with the Nobility, before that the furest pledges of wives and children, the dearest affection of the very place and soil, which requireth long time of liking and loving, had united and knit their hearts together? Certes, the state not yet come to full growth and maturity, had by discord faded and come to nought, which a peaceful and gracious government cherished and fostered, and by cherishing and nourishing brought to that pass, that now being come to ripeness and perfection of strength, it might be able to bring forth and bear the good and wholesome fruits of liberty.  
The beginning of this freedom you must account in regard hereof, That the consulary regiment was annual, and from year to year, rather than that the royal power and jurisdiction that the kings had, was any whit abated & diminished. For the first Consuls had the same absolute authority, held all the former royalties, and retained still the regal ensigns and ornaments of supreme dignity. This only provided, that they should not both have the rods borne before them, for avoiding a twofold fear and dread of their majesty. Brutus with the good liking and consent of his companion in office, had the pre-eminence and prerogative of that honour to be done unto him alone: who had not been aforetime a greater instrument, and more forward to procure and recover the liberty, than he was afterward a sure maintainer and protector of the same. And first above all other things, whilst the people were yet greedy of this new freedom, for fear lest they might any time after he won by entreaty or moved by gifts on the king's part, he caused them to swear that they would never suffer any to be king at Rome. After this, because the Senate might be of more power and greater reputation, by the frequent company of that degree and order: he increased their number (which had been impaired much by massacres, committed by the late king) to the full complement of three hundred: by choosing the cheese and principal of the degree of knights of horsemen. And hereof came as they say, this custom, to admit into the Senate both them that were before time of the ancient Nobility, and also those that were newly chosen for the supply: naming these that were last enroled, the new Senat. And a wonder it was to see, how much good this did to the concord of the city, and to the knitting of the hearts of Nobles and Commons together.  
This done, they went in hand with religion and church matters: and for that there were certain public sacrifices that had been usually executed by the kings themselves in their own persons: lest therefore they should not find the miss of kings in any respect, nor long after them again, they create of purpose a king-priest of sacrificer: which sacerdotal dignity they ordained to be under the Arch-prelate, lest that this new addition & title of honour, might prejudice their freedom any jot, whereunto they had then a special regard above all other things. And I wot not well, but I think verily they went beyond all measure, and were over precise in the maintenance and strengthening thereof every way, even in the smallest trifles, and toys of no moment. For when as nothing else was offensive unto them, the name forsooth of one of their Consuls became suspected and odious unto the city, without any other scandal whatsoever. And thus they muttered and said, that the Tarquinij had reigned overlong, and too much already: that Priscus first began, and when after him succeeded king Servius Tullius, Superbus Tarqvinius not having in that time and space between, forgot the kingdom, as seeing another invested therein; by wicked practice and violence claimed and recovered the same again, as the inheritance properly to his house belonging. And now that Superbus is driven out and gone, the rule and government is devolved unto Collatinus and there resteth. These Tarquin's belike (say they) cannot skill how to live as private men: giving out among, that the very name was dangerous to a free state, and in one word, they could not endure it. These and such like speeched at first were whispered abroad throughout all the city, by them that underhand sounded by little & little the hearts and dispositions of men: and when these surmises & suspicions were once buzzed into the commons heads, and they thereby disquieted, Brutus called them to a general assembly. Where first and foremost he reciteth the oath of the people, That they should suffer none to be king, not oughtels in Rome, 
Brutus the Consul persuadeth Tarqvinius to give over the Consulship and depart.  from whence might arise any danger to their liberty. This moth is the thing (quoth he) that with all diligence, and by all means possible is to be maintained, and nothing thereto appertaining is to be despised and lightly regarded. As for me, I am unwilling to speak, in respect of the person, neither would I speak at all, but that the love & affection to the C. W. doth overrule me. The people of Rome is not thoroughly persuaded, that they have recovered their entire and perfect liberty. For as yet the king's blood, yea and the king's name, not only remaineth still, but also beareth sovereign rule in then city: This is it that hurteth, this is it I say that hindereth their true freedom. Now quoth he, L. Tarqvinius willingly of your own accord rid them of their fear. We remember well, we confess and acknowledge, you it was that expelled the kings. Finish therefore and perfect this great benefit of yours: take away from hence the king's name also. As for your goods and substance, your citizens and countrymen, if they will be advised by me, shall not only yield unto you again, but if ought be short and wanting, shall by my consent supply the same to the full right liberally. Depart I say, and friendly take your leave: deliver the city and disburden them of this their fear, that peradventure is but vain and needless: Howbeit, this their minds give them, that together with the stock and house of the Tarquin's, the king's rule and government will likewise void and depart for ever. The Consul at this so strange and sudden a motion, first wondered much, and was not able to open his mouth. But afterwards as he addressed himself and began to make a speech, the heads of the city came about him, & with many prayers besought the same at his hands. As for all the rest, they prevailed full little with him. But after that Sp. Lucretius, a more grave and elder man than himself, of greater worth aforetime, and his father in law besides, took him in hand & dealt with him sundry ways, one while by way of entreaty, otherwhiles by persuasions and reasons, that he would condescend unto that which the city in one general consent required: then the Consul fearing, lest hereafter being once out of his place and a private man again, he should chance to be forced thereunto, with the loss of his goods and some disgrace perhaps besides; resigned up the office of the Consulship, and removing all that he had away to Lavinium, quit the city and departed. Then Brutus by an act and decree of the Senate, proposed unto the people, That all the race and lineage of the Tarquin's should be exiled. And in a general Session of the Centuries, he created for to be his colleaque in government, P. Valerius, by whose assistance he had driven out the kings.  
No man doubted now that the Tarquin's were about to take arms: yet that war happened not so soon as men looked for: but see (a thing that no man feared) they had like by fraud and treason at home to have lost & foregone their freedom again. There were of the flower of Rome, certain youths, 
A conspiracy of young gentlemen of the Nobility.  & those of no low degree not base parentage descended, who in the king's days had lived like young princes more loosely and at pleasure, as companions and plaifephers with the young Tarquin's, the king's sons: who seeking to enjoy the same licentious life still, in this equality of estate wherein all others then lived, made moan and complained one to another, That the liberty of others turned to their servitude. The king, say they, is a man, at whose hands one might obtain somewhat, as need required, were the cause right or were it wrong: where a man might find favour and friendship, as who could both be displeased and angry, and also forgive and remit a fault, and knew well how to make difference between a friend and a foe. As for laws, they are things dease and inexorable: more wholesome and commodious to the poor than to the rich and mighty, affourding no release not pardon, if one chance to trespass and transgress: And a ticklish point it is and perilous, for a man among so many errors whereto our frailty is subject, to bear himself only upon his innocent life. Being thus of their own accord already discontent, suddenly unlooked for, there came ambassadors from the kings, who without any mention at all of return, demanded only their goods again. Upon their message being being delivered and heard in the Senate house, this debate and questions held them for certain days in counsel, fearing lest that the goods not restored might minister occasion of quarrel, and being rendered, yield maintenance and nourishment of war. In the mean time the Ambassadors dealt & treated with divers persons diversely: in open show, claiming only their goods, but secretly and under hand, contriving how to compass the kingdom for their masters. And under colour of procuring friends for the accomplisment of that which they pretended, and was in question, they sounded eftsoons the minds of certain noble young gentlemen, how they stood affected to their dessignements. Whose words and reasons were of them gently entertained: and thereupon they delivered unto them letters from the Tarquin's, and withal conferred together, and practised the receiving of the kings privily by night into the city. The execution of this plot was principally committed to certain of the Vitellij and Aquilij, that were brethrens. A sister of the Vitellij was married unto the Consul Brutus, by whom he had two sons that were young men, Titus and Tiberius, whom their uncles by the mother side made partakers with them likewise of their counsel. Besides, there were divers young gentleman (whose names long time hath worn out quite) made acquainted there with. In this mean season, their opinion in the Senate house prevailed, who thought is best that the goods should be restored: and the ambassadors upon that occasion made stay in the city, for that they had gotten time of the Consuls to provide carriage for to have away the king's staff, and other movable goods. All the time spent they in consulting with the Conspirators, and so importunatelylaboured them, until they had procured their letters also unto the Tarquinij: for otherwise (say they) how will they believe but that their Ambassadors make wrong report of matters so important. The giving of those letters in pledge of their truth and plain meaning, proved to bewray and reveal their purposed enterprise. For the day before the Ambassadors were to take their leave, and return to the Tarquin's, they fortuned to sup with the Vitellij: and whilst the conspirators there, were in sad and close talk together, conferring at large about this new devised practice, and no man by but only themselves (as the manner is:) a certain bondslave chanced to overhear them, one that before, had an incling where about they went, but waited the opportunity when the letters should be given to the Ambassadors, which being found upon them, might directly prove the treason. This slave after he understood the letters were delivered, gave intelligence of all unto to the Consuls: who immediately departed from their houses to take the Ambassadors, and the conspirators in the manner, 
The conspiracy 〈◊〉.  and without any stir or tumult light upon them unwares, and dashed all. But of the letters they had a special care, that they should be forthcoming and not miscarry. And committing the traitors forthwith to prison, they made some pause and doubt about the Ambassadors, what to do with them. For albeit they seemed to have deserved no less but to be used as enemies, and to have no favour at all, yet had they regard to the law of Nations. Now concerning the king's goods, which they thought meet before to be restored, the matter came about wholly in question again before the Senators: who being overcome with ire and indignation, denied flatly the rendering of them, yea and forbade they should be confiscate and converted to the common treasure: but they were given away among the commons to make spoil & havoc thereof: to the end, that they having once touched or seized on the king's goods as a booty, might for ever after be past all hope of any peace of favour with them. The field of the Tarquin's lying between the city and Tiber, was consecrated unto Mars, and after called Campus Maritus, 
Campus Maritus.  i. Mars field. It happened (as men say) that there was at that time standing corn there, now ripe and ready for the harvest: which crop of the ground, because they made some scruple of conscience otherwise to consume, therefore it was cut down, come, straw, stubble and all, and a great number of people sent thither at once to carry it away in baskets and skeps, and pour it down the Tiber, running then but shallow, as it useth to do in the midst and heat of Summer. And so the heaps of corn, together with the mud stuck still and rested in the ebb places and fourds of the river: and by little and little increased with one thing or other that came down the stream, until it became an Island. Afterwards, I suppose there were dams and piles made thereunto, and by man's hand it grew so high, and so firm a piece of ground, that it was able to bear even temples and stately galleries that stood thereupon.  
When the king's goods were thus spoiled, rifled, and made away, the traitors were condemned and put to death. Which suffering of theirs was the more notable, for that the father by his place and virtue of his office, was bound and charged to see execution done upon his own children: and he who otherwise ought not to have been a spectator and looker on, even he (such was his fortune) was forced of necessity to be the principal actor in this tragical execution. Then stood these most noble youths bound fast to a stake. But among all, the Consul his children, turned upon them the eyes of every man, from all the rest, as unknown persons and of no reputation; all men pitied them, not so much for being punished, as for deserving by their fact to be punished: That they could find in their hearts and once let enter into their thought, to betray into the hands of Tarqvinius, sometimes a proud prince, and then a cruel enemy, and banished rebel, their native country, and lately and in that very year set free from captivity: their natural father who set it free: the Consulship sprung first out of the family of the Junii: the nobles, the commons, and in one word, all things whatsoever in Rome belonging either to God or man. 
The traitors executed.  Then came the consuls forth, took their places and set them down on the tribunal seat. The Lictours were sent to do their office, who first stripped them naked and scourged them with rods, and then with an axe chopped off their heads. All which time, 
Brutus putteth to death his own children.  the father himself, his countenance and visage was a wonderful spectacle to behold, considering how a father's affection could hold out and abide the performance of this public & exemplary punishment. When the offenders had once suffered, to the end there might be showed noble examples on both sides, for to debar wickedness, and stop the course of sin: the informer and reveiler of treason, had for his reward a piece of money, out of the common treasury, obtained his freedom, and was enfranchised a citizen of Rome. This was the first man as they say, that was made free by the rod Vindicta: for that the party his name was Vindicius, from whence, as some think, the word Vindicta was derived: after whom, this was observed. That whosoever in that sort got their freedom, were supposed withal endenized.  
When tidings here of came to Tarqvinius, with the manner of proceeding in every circumstance, he not only grieved that so great hope of his was frustrate and come to nothing, but also was set on fire with hatred and indignation: and seeing the way shut up and stopped against all deceitful courses, he thought there was no dealing now but by fine force and open war. Where upon he went up and down, solicited and made humble suit unto the cities of Etruria, and besought the Veientians especially, and the 
* i. ' The men of Tarquinij. The speech of Tarqvinius Superbus to the Tuskans.  tarquinians, that they would not suffer him, being come of their own blood, a banished man, forlorn, poor & needy, dispossessed so lately of so goodly a realm and kingdom, together with his children (forward young men) to perish even before their eyes. Alleging that others had been sent for and set out of foreign parts unto Rome for to be kings: and he their liege king, and such an one as advanced still the Roman empire by martial prowess, was by the wicked conspiracy of his nearest kinsfolk and friends deposed from his imperial dignity and expelled: and they now, because there was no one man thought sufficient and worthy to reign, had parted between them the kingdom, and given among the people his goods as a spoil; that there might not be any one, who had not his finger, and whole hand in so foul a fact. Saying moreover, that his mind and intention was, to seek means to return into his own country, to recover his crown, yea and to persecute, and to be revenged of those unthankful subjects: and therefore prayed them, to set to their helping hand, and yield him assistance: and not to sit down with so many old wrongs of their own part received, namely, their legions so often hewn in pieces, their lands and livings taken from them: but to go with him for revenge. These suggestions moved the Veientians, and every man for himself muttered and gave out in threatening wise, that now at length, having a Roman captain especially to be their leader, they were to do away the soul dishonours sustained, and win again what by former war they had lost. As for the tarquinians, they were soon incited in regard of name and consanguinity, and thought it was a godly matter and an honour unto them, to have of their own name and house to be kings of Rome. Thus two armies of two cities banded with Tarquin, for to restore him to his kingdom again, and to make sharp war upon the Romans: who being entered the territory of Rome, were met with by the Roman consuls. The fooftmen marched under the conduct of Valerius, marshaled in a battalion sour square. Brutus with the horse went before to espy and discover the coasts: In like sort the men of arms of the enemies road foremost under the leading of Aruns Tarquinus the king's son, and the king himself in person followed with the legions. Aruns espying by the Lictors, the Consul a far of, and as he approached nearer knowing Brutus more certainly by his face, all inflamed with ire: This is the gallant (quoth he) this is he, that hath driven and banished us out of our native country. Lo how bravely he setteth forward, all gorgeously to be seen and dight in our royal ensigns and ornaments. Now help ye gods that are revengers of wrongs done to kings: and there withal set spurs to his horse, and ran amain with full career upon the Consul his own person, intending certainly to speed him. Brutus perceived likewise that he made directly toward him: (Now was it a noble and worthy sight for the captains themselves to begin the battle.) Whereupon with resolute courage he encountereth him. And so fiercely they charged one another, and so deadly were they bend, that neither of them had regard to save himself, so he might wound and mischief his enemy, but were both with a counterpush that quite pierced their targets run into the sides, and thrust through, and so having one another's lance, sticking in their bodies, fell from their horses ready to die. Herewith began on both sides the other horsemen to fight, and within a while the footmen also seconded them. And so equally were they mached, and the barrel so indifferently fought, that it was very doubtful whether side had the better. For on both parts the right wings got the upper hand, and down went the left. The Veientians, 
The Veientians defeated by the Romans.  unto whom it was no news to be overcome of Romans, were discomfited and put to flight. But their new enemies the tarquinians, not only held their own and stood to it, but also from their battle put back, & forced the Romans to give ground, and gave them the repulse. After this conflict there fell such a fear and terror upon Tarqvinius, and the Tuscans, that both armies as well of the Veientians as the tarquinians, gave over their enterprise with doing just nothing, and by night dislodged and departed every man to his own home. This battle was more notable by reason of certain miracles that men report: namely, that in the dead time of the night next following, when all were at rest, there was heard a mighty voice of Sylvanus (as men thought) out of the wood Arsia, to utter these words, THAT THERE WAS SLAIN ON THE TUSCANS PART MORE BY ONE, AND THAT THE ROMANS WON THE FIELD. Thus verily and no otherwise departed they asunder: the Romans as winners, and the Tuskans as having the worse. For the next morrow, so soon as it was day, and that none of the enemies appeared in sight, P. Valerius the Consul gathered up the spoil together, and returned from thence with triumph to Rome, and performed the funerals of his brother Consul, in all sumptuous manner and solemn pomp, as possibly at that time he could devise. But, that which did him the greatest honour after his death, was the public sorrow and heaviness of the city, in this respect above all singular and memorable, for that the dames and Matrons of Rome mourned a whole year for him, as for their own father, in that he had been so sharp a revenger of violence done to the chasthie of women.  
After this, the Consul that survived, presently upon the great liking and favour that he was in (see how wavering and unconstant the minds are of the common people) was not only envied, but also suspected, yea and charged with an odious and horrible crime. The voice went and bruied it was abroad, that he aspired to the crown. And why? because forsooth he had not chosen unto him a new fellow Consul in the room of Brutus: and began to build aloft on the top of Velia, where (say they) in an high place and strongly situate, he may make a castle impregnable. These things commonly spoken and credited too, vexed much, and mightily grieved the Consul in his very soul, as a great indignity offered unto him. Whereupon he assembled the people together, and causing the rods to be held downwards to the ground, went up into the pulpit to make an Oration unto them. That sight pleased the multitude passing well, taking it for a plain demonstration, that the marks and ensigns of rule and government submitted unto them, was a very acknowledging and confession that the people was of greater majesty and power than the Consul. 
P. Valerius the Consul, unto the people.  Where after silence made, and commandment to hearken and give ear, the Consul began highly to extol the fortune and good hap of his Colleague deceased, who having with great honour set his country free, ended his days, fight manfully in defence of the Weale-publicke, even in the prime, height, and best time of his glory, ere that it became subject unto envy: but he himself outliving it, remained alive, exposed unto criminous slanders and spigthfull malice of men, and of a deliverer and redeemer of his country, was now reputed no better than the Aquillij and Vitellij. And will you never indeed (quoth he) approve the virtuous and honest conversation of a man so well, but it shall be tainted with unjust suspicion? What? would any man think, that I being so fierce and fell an enemy of the kings, should ever fear to incur the jealousy of men, for seeking to be king? What if I dwelled on the top of Tarpeie cliff, even in the very Capitol, should I believe and think it possible, that my countrymen, neighbours and citizens, would stand in fear of me? and will so small a matter as this turn the balance of your opinion and conceit of me? Is your assiance and confidence in me grounded so slightly, and standeth it upon so nice terms and ticklish points, that you force more and make greater reckoning of my dwelling place, than of the quality of my person. Well, P. Valerius his house shall be no hindrance or impeachment unto your liberty, O Quirites, ye shall not need to fear any harm from Velia for me. I will remove my house not only down into the plain, but even to the valley under the hill foot, that you may dwell above me, and overlook me (a suspected citizen.) Let them a gods name build in Velia, who may be better trusted with the city's freedom, than P. Valerius. Then was immediately the timber and all carried down beneath Velia, & where as now Vicus Publicus is, in the very bottom of the hill, was his house re-edified.  
After this were laws enacted, which not only acquit the Consul, and cleared him of all suspicion of affecting to the kingdom, but also chose wrought such effect, that he became exceeding popular again, whereupon, he was surnamed Publicola or Poplicola. And first and foremost the Statute passed as touching the appeal unto the people, 
Valerius surnamed Publicola or Poplicola.  against the rulers and Magistrates. Item, concerning the cursing & condemning of him both body and goods, that should intend or plot to usurp princely dominion over them. These acts the commons liked well of. Which when he had alone ordained, that all the thanks and praise might be his therefore, then assembled he a general Session for the substituting of another Consul unto him, in the room of his colleague departed. So, Sp. Lucretius was created Consul: who being an aged man and of great years, feeble withal, and not able toexecute the office and function of a Consul, within few dates pased nature her debt and died. And in place of Lucretius was M. Horatius Pulvillus chosen. In some ancient writers I do not find that Lucretius was Consul. For immediately after Brutus they make mention of Horatius. But I think verily because no act of his, made his Consulship memorable, thereupon he was forgotten and left out. Now as yet was not the temple of jupiter in the Capitol dedicated. And when Valerius and Horatius the Consuls, cast lots whether of them twain should perform that duty, the charge fell unto Horatius, and Publicola went forth to the Veientian war. But the kinsfolk and friends of Valerius took it more greevously and impatiently than reason was, that the honour of the dedication of so famous a temple, was given unto Horatius. Devising therefore by all means possible they could, to impeach it, and seeing they had assayed all in vain, and nothing took effect: even at the very instant, whiles the Consul was holding a post of the temple, and in his solemn prayers to the god, behold they brought unto him heavy and woeful news, that his son was dead, and that he might not lawfully, whiles his household mourned and was polluted with a dead corpse, consecreate the temple. Whether it were, that he gave no credit to the messenger, or rather was of heart so stout, neither is it for certain reported, nor easy for a man to divine. But for all these tidings, never a jot was he turned from his purpose, nor said aught else to the messenger, but willed that he should bid the corpse to be had forth to burial, and so holding the pillar or post still, said out his prayer, and dedicated the temple. These were the acts done both at home and abroad, in the first year after the expulsion of the kings.  
Then were P. Valerius the second time, and T. Lucretia's created Consuls. By this time were the Tarquin's fled for succour to Lartes Porsena king of Clusium: where, by many reasons & remonstrances, intermeddled with prayer, one while they besought him not to suffer them, descended from the Tuscans, of the same blood and name, to live needy & forlorn in perpetual exile; otherwhile they advised and warned him not to put up without revenge, this new fashion of expelling kings, now coming up. Saying, that liberty in itself had sweetness enough: and unless kings would defend and maintain their crowns with as great might and main, as cities desired to enjoy freedom, there would be a general confusion, and all things turned upside down: neither would there be in States and Commonwealths any thing a lost and eminent above other, endured: whereupon would ensue a final end of kingly regiment, a thing with God and man of all other most excellent and beautiful. Porsena supposing it would be an honourable matter unto the Tuscans, 
Porsena before geth Rome.  both to have a king at Rome, and a king too of the Tuscans line, came with a cruel army against Rome. Never was the Sena at any time afore put in such fear: so mighty in those days was the puissance of Clusium, and the name of Porsena so renowned. Moreover, they feared not their enemies only, but also their own subjects at home, lest peradventure the Commonalty of Rome for fear of war, should receive the king into the city, and accept of peace, though it cost them their liberty. During which time the Commons were entertained of the Nobles with all kindness, and many favours and courtesies they had at their hands. And above all things order was taken for provision of grain and victuals. And for to purvey store of corn, some were sent to the Volsci, others to Cumes. Over and besides the licence of selling salt, because it was sold at an exceeding high price, was taken from private salters, and was undertaken by the city, with all the cost and charges there to belonging by them defrayed, & salt delivered out to the people at an easy reckoning. The commons also were freed of portage, tollage, and tribute; and rich men that were able to bear the burden, were assessed at all payments and contributions: the poor were thought to be charged enough with the bringing up of their children. This kind dealing and indulgency of the Nobles, kept the city afterwards (notwithstanding their hard distress of siege and famine) in such concord and unity, that the meanest as well as the highest abhorred and detested the name of KK. And never after was there any one private person, so popular, so devoted to the people by crafty means and indirect courses tending to their particular designs, as the whole Senate was at that time, by their good government of the Commonweal. Now when the enemies approached near at hand, every man made shift for himself, forsook the countries and came into the city. Which they fortified with strong guards round about: so that what with walls and bulwarks on the one side and what with the Tiber on the other side, it seemed sure enough, and sufficiently defended. The wooden bridge had like to have given the enemy entrance, 
The 〈…〉 Horatius 〈◊〉.  had not the valour of one man been, even Horatius Codes (who that day by the good fortune of the Romances was a fortress unto the city of Rome.) He as good hap was, appointed to ward and keep the bridge, seeing the janicle by a suddame assault won, and that the enemies ran down so furiously from thence upon him, and contratiwise, the multitude of his own companies for fear, to forego their weapons, break their arrays, and to be gone: took hold of every man, opposed himself against them affront: and calling God and man to witness, protected, showed and declared unto them, that forsaking and abandoning thus their quarter, all their flying was but in vain: for if they left the bridge on their backs, to yield passage to the enemies, there would anon be more of them in Palatium and the Capitol, than in the janicle: and therefore he willed and commanded them, yea and gave them direction to break down the bridge, by hewing, by firing, or by what means they possible could: assuring them for his own part, so much as the body of one only man was able to do, he would receive, and withstand the violence of the enemies. Then advanceth he himself unto the first entry or foot of the bridge, and all goodly to be seen, amongst those that would no point fight, but showed their backs, he so bend his sword and target in their very faces, resolute to encounter with them hand to hand, that even with his wonderful hardiness and incredible courage, he astonished & amazed his enemies. Howbeit, two there were that for very shame +aried still and stood to him, namely Sp. Largius and Tit. Herminius, bravemen both, as well for noble birth as worthy deeds. Assisted for a while with these gallants, sustained he the first storm of danger and most cumbersome push of the skirmish. But as they that were hewing down the bridge called upon them to come back, he constrained those two also to retire and save themselves, while; some little part of the bridge was left behind free and uncut. Then casting all about in menacing manner his fiery and terrible eyes, towards the captains and principals of the Tuskanes, one while he challenged them one by one to single fight: otherwhiles he rated them all in general, calling them the hirelings and slaves of proud kings and tyrants; who forgetting and making no reckoning of their own freedom, were come to oppugn and impeach the liberty of others. The enemies stood at a bay and in suspense a good why, looking about them one upon another who should first begin to fight. At last, very shame made the whole troop to stir and comeforward, and so setting up a loud cry, from all sides they let sly their javelins at him, one man alone and their on lie enemy. All this while bore he off their shot which light upon his target, and there stuck, and natheless with full resolution kept the bridge still, walking his stations, and stalking like a giant. Then assayed they with all their force to bear the man down, and to turn him over into the water: but by this this time the crack of the bridge broken under him, and the shout withal of the Romans, for joy that they had finished their work, stayed with sudden fear their violent assault. Then prayed Cools in this wise: O father Tiberinus (quoth he) O sacred river, with devout heart I thee beseech, receive with thy gracious and merciful stream, this harnish, these weapons, and this thy soldier. And so all armed as he was, he leapt into the Tiber: and albeit many a dart was flung from aloft and light upon him, yet he swum over and escaped safe to his fellows. A brave adventure for all posterity another day to talk of, rather than to believe. For this so great fortitude and resolution of his, the city was thankful, and in token thereof his Image or Statue was set up in their common hall, named Comitium, and as much ground given him in compass, as he was able with a plough to break up in one day. Amongst these public favours and honours done unto him, the kind affections and good wills of private persons also, well appeared: for in that extreme want and scarcity that then was, every man out of his house-store and provision spared from himself, and for to give him one thing or another, defrauded his own belly. Thus Porsena with the repulse of this his first enterprise, changed his mind from assaulting, to besieging of the city: and after he had placed a garrison in the janiculum, he planted himself and encamped on the plain even upon the banks of the Tiber. And sending for boats and craiers from all parts, both to stop the mouth and passage of Tiber, that no corn should come in and be conve●ed to Rome: and also that the soldiers as they saw occasion, might cross the river, and fetch booties in divers and sundry places at their pleasure, in short space he brought the whole country about Rome to such straits, that not only other things were brought in, but all their cartel also was feign to be driven out, the fields into the city, and no man durst put any creature forth out of the gates. The Tuscans were permitted to be thus bold, not so much for fear as for a policy: for Valerius the Consul waiting for some vantage and opportunity, suddenly to set upon many of them at once and at unawares, as they straggled abroad disorderly, making little regard to revenge small matters, kept himself to be revenged of them thoroughly, and to pay them home one time or other. To the end therefore he might draw forth these foragers, and toll them abroad, he gave his men in charge and proclaimed, That the next day in great companies they should put their cattle forth at the gate Esquilina, which was furthest from the enemies: supposing that they would have intelligence thereof, by reason that in this extremity of long siege and pinching hunger, some false knaves and disloyal rogues, would fly unto them. And so fell it out indeed. For they had knowledge thereof by a fugitive slave. Whereupon they in far greater multitudes pass over the river, in hope to make a general spoil and havoc once for all. Then Valerius commanded T. Herminius with a sufficient company to lie close in ambush at two miles' end, in the Sabine high way, and Sp. Largius with a power of lusty tall fellows lightly armed, to keep; the gate Collina, until the enemy were gone by and past: with direction, then to put himself between the river and them, and so to intercept them in their return. The other Consul T. Lucretius issued forth with certain bands of footmen at the gate Naevia: and Valerius himself in proper Person set forth from mount Coelius certain ensigns of his best and choice soldiers. These first were descried and discovered by the enemy. Herminius so soon as he heard some noise and stir, arose and ran at once out of the ambush, and whilst the Tuscans turned so set upon Lucretius, he charged them lustily at their backs: so that on every hand from the gate Collina on the one side, & from the gate. Naevia on the other, the alarm was given. Thus the robbers were slain and cut in pieces in the midst of them: both for that they were overmatched in fight, & also because all the ways were stopped up, that they could not escape by way of flight. And never after durst the Tuscans range about the country so audaciously. Howbeit, the siege continued nevertheless, with great scarcity of corn, and exceeding dearth within the city. And Porsena had good hope by sitting still, 
The valiant resolution of C. Munus  to force it in the end, and be master thereof. At what time one C. Mutius a noble young and gentleman, who thought it a dishonour and soul shame, that the people of Rome, who all the while they were in bondage under kings, were in no war nor by any enemies beleagerd, should now, being the same still, in time of their freedom, be of these Tuscans besieged, whose armies they often had defeated: and supposing that by some hardy and adventurous piece of service this reproachful indignity was to be revenged, devised at first on his own head to enter into the enemy's camp: but fearing afterwards to go without commission from the Consul, and the knowledge of any other person, lest peradventure he might be taken by the watch of the Romans, and brought back for a traitorous runagate, at such a time especially, when the hard estate of the city was enough to bring him into a deep suspicion, and to be reputed for no better: presented himself before the Counsel into the Senate house: I am right willing, and I have a purpose my LL (quoth he) to pass over the Tybre, yea and if I can, to enter the camp of the enemies, not in qualities of a robber, nor to be revenged for booties from us taken, with doing the semblable. A greater exploit with the favour of the gods, I intent to performane. The Senators gave their consent, and approved his dessignment. Then with a skein hidden under his garment, he setteth forward. Being thither come into the camp, he presseth in the thickest throng to stand near the king's Tribunal. It fortuned that then and there, the soldiers were receiving their pay. And the Chancellor, or kings principal Secretary, sat together with the king in like array, much employed and busied in many matters, and the soldiers commonly had recourse unto him. Mutius fearing to inquire whether of them two were Porsena, lest by not knowing the king, he should bewray himself who he was, happened (see how fortune in her hasty-greediness directed his hand) to kill the Secretary in stead of the king: then as he passed through the fearful multitude, making himself way with his bloody blade, there was a present outcry, and thereat the king's guard came running in, laid hold of him, and brought him back before the king his royal throne: and albeit he was now forlorn and without all succour, amidst those threats of frowning fortune, 
〈◊〉 his speech to king Po●ena  yet as a man more feared still than fearing: I am (quoth he) a citizen of Rome, and Caius Mutius is my name, a processed enemy, I confess, and an enemy would I have stain; as ready and willing am I to die myself, as I was to kill another. For both to do, and to suffer valiantly, is the part of a noble Roman. And it is not I alone that carry this mind and resolution against thee, O king, there is a long train and crew behind, of them that seek to win the same praise and honour: make thee ready therefore, and arm thyself, if thou think good, against this danger, and reckon every hour to be in hazard of thy life, and to have always at the very court gates thy enemy's sword. This kind of war do we youths of Rome denounce openly unto thee: no battle, no fight else shalt thou need to fear. With thee alone will we all, one by one have to do, and with none other. Hereat the king incensed with wrath, and for the danger that he stood in, affrighted with all, commanded in menacing wise that he should be fried at a stake, unless he would presently unfold in plain terms, what secret and dangerous practices he meant and threatened under this covert circuit of words and intricate circumstances. Lo, (quoth he again) how little they set by this carcase, that aspire to great glory, & aim at honour: and with that, thrust his right hand into the hearth on fire that was made for the sacrifice, & when he endured the roasting there of, as if he had been senseless, and felt no pain, the king well-near astonished at this wonderful and miraculous sight, start up and leapt from his royal seat and chair of estate, commanding the young man to be had from the altar. 
〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 to Mutius.  Go thy ways (quoth he) in peace, thou that hast done thine own self more mischief, than thou hast attempted against my person. I would say God bless thee, & worthy hadst thou been of honour for thy prowess, if it were in my service, and in the behalf and defence of mine own country: and now by the law of arms. I discharge thee freely, and give thee leave to depart without any hurt or abuse offered unto thee. Then Mutius, as it were to require again his courtesy and desert. 
Ma●ius to Por●●.  Forasmuch as (quoth he) thou settest so great store by valour, and honour'st virtue so highly; to the end it may be seen that thou shalt get at my hands by courtesy that which by cruel threats thou couldst not: these are therefore to let thee understand, that there are three hundred of us noble youths, even the very flower and knighthood of Rome, that have conspired & sworn thy death, and in this manner to assail thee. My lot it was to be the first, the rest as it shall fall out, will be here shortly, and wait every man his turn and time, until they hit right upon thee. Mutius, surnamed afterwards Scavola, by reason of the maim of his right hand, 
M●rius surnamed S●●rol●.  was no sooner dismissed and gone, but there followed straight after him to Rome, Ambassadors from Porsena; and so much troubled in spirit was he, both for the danger passed of the first assault (from which nothing preserved him but a small error and oversight of the assailant) and also for the hazard to come, (for look how many conspirators remained behind to give the like attempt, so often stood he in jeopardy of his life) that of his own accord he offered the Romans conditions of peace. And among other capitulations, he stood hard upon this article (but all in vain) of restoring the Tarqaines into their kingdom. This point the king urged instatnly rather because he could not well himself deny the Tarquin's so much, than for that he was ignorant, that the Romans would never yield thereto. But another article he got granted, namely, the restitution of the Veientians lands again: and the Romans were driven of necessity to give him hostages, 
Peace between Po●●●n● and the Romaner.  in case they would have the king's garrison to quit the janiculum. Upon these conditions peace was concluded, and Porsena withdrew his forces from the janiculum, dislodged & departed out of the territory of Rome. The Senators bestowed frankly upon Mutius, as a testimonial of his valiantness, a piece of ground lying beyond Tiber, which wasafterwards called Mutia prata. i. Mutius his meadows.  
Upon this honourable regard and reward of virtue, women were likewise provoked and encouraged to enterprise worthy acts in the service of the Commonweal. For a young damosel and virgin named Cladia, one of those hostages aforesaid, whiles the Tuskanes were encamped (as it fell out) not far from the banks of Tiber, deceiving her keepers and leading a company of other maidens after her, even within the shot and darts of the enemies, took the river, swum over with them, 
The com●tend●bledeed of Cloc●a  brought them all to Rome safe, and delivered them to their parents, kinsfolk and friends. Which being reported to the king, he at the first stormed at it, and was all in a rage, and sent unto Rome certain Orators to demand again his hostage Claelia by name: as for all the rest, he made no great account of them: but afterwards, upon further consideration he admired the enterprise, and plainly said, it surpassed far all the adventures of the Coclites and the Mutij: so as he pretended that if the maid were not rendered again, he would take the league as broken, and being yielded, he would send her back to her friends, undefiled and without any abuse or violence done unto her. On both parts was promise faithfully kept: Forboth the Romans restored the pledge of peace according to covenant, and seen also it was, that virtue was not only secured safe, but also highly regarded and honoured with the Tuskane king. For after he had commended and praised the damsel, he promised to give her part of the hostages, choose whom she would. And when they were all brought forth before her, she made choice (they say) of those young boys that were under 14 years of age: which was not only most besitting her virginity, but also by the accord of the hostages themselves, best approved: namely, that that age especially should be delivered out of the enemy's hands, which was most subject to injury and taking wrong. The peace thus renewed and confirmed, the Romans rewarded this rare valour in that sex, with as new and strange an honour, for, in remembrance of her, in the top of Via sacra, there was erected her statue, A MAIDEN SITTING ON HORSEBACK.  
There remaineth yet even unto our days amongst other solemn ceremonies, this one custom received from our ancestors, far differing and disagreeing from this peaceable and friendly departure of the Tuskane king from before the city of Rome, and this it is: In the port-sale of goods they use to proclaim first aloud, THE SALE OF KING PORSENNA HIS GOODS. This ceremonial custom must needs either begin in time of war, and so was not afterwards forgotten in peace: or else arose from some more gracious and gentle occasion at the first, than this title or outward form pretendeth, of selling goods by way of hostility, & after the manner of enemies. But the likeliest conjecture and nearest to the truth of all those that are given out, is this: that Porsena dislodging from the janicle, gave freely unto the Romans, (the city at that time being after long siege distressed & in great straits) his rich camp furnished with victual and provision, conveyed thither out of the plentiful countries of Hetruria, near adjoining: which goods, for fear there should have been some havoc & spoil made thereof in warlike wise, in case the people had been let loose to the rifling of the tents, were after sold, and called Porsena his goods: which title signified rather their thankful acceptation of the gift, and remembrance of the giver, than any open and ouversale of the king's goods, which were not so much as in the Romans power, nor at their disposition.  
Thus Porsena having given over the Roman war, because he would not seem to have brought an host of men into those parts, and performed no exploit, sent his son Aruns with part of his forces, 
Rizza  to surprise and assault Atricia. At the first this sudden and unexpected enterprise, much troubled the Aricins, but afterward when they had gotten aid both from the Latin nations and also from Cumes, they took such heart again, that they durst enter into the field and bid the enemy bartell. In the beginning of the conflict, the Tuskans charged them so hotly, that at the very first encounter, they broke the arrays of the Aricines. But the troops of the Cumans' setting policy against force, went a little aside, made way & gave some ground, and when the enemies had outstripped them, and were rashly and disorderly passed beyond them, they turned their ensigns, and set upon their backs: so were the Tuskanes being in the very train of their victory, be set round about, and slain in the mids between. Only a small remnant of them after the loss of their captain, because they had no other place of refuge nearer, were feign to trudge to Rome without weapons and disarmed, like suppliants both in deed and show. Where they were kindly entertained and bestowed in several lodgings. Some of them when they were cured of their wounds repaired home, reporting the hospitality and courteous usage they had found. Many remained still at Rome for love of their hosts and the city: who had a place allotted them to dwell in, which after they called Thuscus vicus, the Tuskane street.  
After this, were P. Lucretius and P. Valerius the third time created Coss. In that year, for a small end, there came ambassadors from Porsenna, to treat about the restoring of the Tarquins into their realm: to whom this answer was returned: that the Senate would send ambassadors to the king himself: whereupon their were immediately addressed unto him in embassy the most honourable personages of all the nobility, who in the name of the people of Rome delivered this speech: That the chiese of their nobles were sent, rather than any dispatch given by word of mouth unto his ambassadors at Rome; 
〈…〉.  not for that they could not have shapen them this short answer, They would no kings have: But to this end, that for ever after there should be no suit renewed of that matter, nor in so great mutual benefits, and favours passed between them, some discontentment arise on either side, whiles he might be thought to request that which was repugnant and prejudicial to the liberty of Rome, and the Romances again, unless they would be executors of their own wrongs, and seek their own mischievance, to make denial unto him, whom by their goods wills, they would not seem to deny aught for anything in the world. But as to the substance of the matter, this was the point: namely, that the people of Rome were not under the regiment of a king, but were a free state: and fully settled in this purpose, To set open their gates to enemies, sooner than to kings: and were all generally of this mind and resolution, That look when the freedom of that city had an end, than should the city come to an end also. To conclude therefore, they were to entreat him, that if he tendered the weal and safety of Rome, he would permit them to be free still and at their own liberty. The king overcome with very modesty, and much abashed in himself, answered thus again: Since you are so fully minded and stislie bent (quoth he) neither will I importune you, nor dull your ears with harping still upon this unpleasant string, and do no good: nor bear the Terquines' any longer in hand, and deceiving them of that hope of aid, which nothing at all is in my power to perform. Let them from henceforth seek some other place of exile, either for peace or war, as they shall think more expedient, that there may be nothing to let and hinder the free course of amity, and alliance between me and you. To these good and kind words he joined better and more friendly deeds. For all the hostages that remained in his hand, he sent home: and the Veientians lands which by the covenants indented at janiculum, were taken away, he restored to the Romans again. Thus Tarquin seeing all hope of return cut of, removed unto Tusculum to this son in law Mamilius Octavius, there to live and spend the rest of his daes in banishment. So there continued faithful peace between the Romans and king Porsena.  
Then were Coss, M. Valerius and P. Posthumius. In that year the Romances fought with the Sabines fortunately, and the Consuls triumphed. But afterwards the Sabines made greater preparation of war: to withstand whom, as also for fear of some sudden danger that might arise from Tusculum, from whence they suspected war, although none was openly seen, were P. Valerius the fourth time, and T. Lucretius the second time created Coss. But among the Sabines, there grew some civil discord between that part that would have war, and the contrary that sought peace: which gained the Romans some strength even from thence. For Appius Clausus (who afterwards at Rome was surnamed Appius Claudius) a persuader himself of quietness & repose, 
App●●● Claud●us  being overmatched and not able to make his part good with the adverse faction that minded and stirred troubles, accompanied with a great power of friends & followers, from Regillum fled to Rome. Who were enfranchised citizens and possessed of those lands that lie beyond the river 
〈…〉  Anio. And from hence came the name of the old tribe Appia: after that other new citizens were put unto them, those I mean, that descended of that race, and out of the same territory. 
Tribe Appia.  This Appius was admitted into the number of the Senators, and not long after advanced to be one of the chief men and heads of the city. The Coss. went with a strong power into the Sabines land, where after they had first wasted the country, and after in battle abated the strength and puissance of the enemies; so, as for a long time after they needed not to fear any rebellion from thence, they returned to Rome in triumph.  
The year following, when Agrippa Menenius and P. Posthumius were Coss. P. Valerius ended his dates in great glory, reputed the only singular man in those times, by all men's judgement, for skill and knowledge as well in martial feats, as in civil affairs: but so poor was his estate, 
The 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉.  that he had not wherewith to deffray his funeral expenses, and was therefore at the cities charge right honourably interred. And the dames of Rome mourned for him as they did for Brutus.  
The same year two Colonies of the Latins, Pome●ia and Cora, revolted to the Auruncans. The Romans first began to war upon the Auruncans. And after they had discomfited a great host of them, who met with the Consuls as they entered the borders, and fiercely made head against them, than all the Auruncane war was driven and translated wholly to Pometia. The camage and execution was no less after the conflict, than during the fight: for whereas there were many more of them slain outright in the place than taken prisoners, those also that were prisoners, they spared not, but murdered every where as they went: neither stayed the furious rage of war therewith, but even the very hostages whom they had received, to the number of 300, they put to the sword. In this year also was a triumph at Rome.  
The Consul's Optter Virginius, and Sp. Cassius, that followed the next year, assailed Pometia, first by fine force to scale that walls, after with pavoised, mantelets, platforms, & other fabriks, raised against it. Upon whom the Auruncans sallied forth, rather of a cankered & malicious hatred than for any hope or vantage given them of good exploit: the greater part of the furnished better with fireworks than armed with sword and spear, killed and burned all afore them: and having thus fired their fabrikes aforesaid, hurt and slain a greater number of their enemies, one of the Consuls also (but his name precisely is not by any author set down) was sore wounded, strucken down from his horse, and well-near slain. Whereupon the Romans returned back to Rome thus unhappily defeated, leaving the Consul behind them amongst many that were hurt, like to die. Soon after, and no longer than whilst their wounds might be healed, and a new supply of soldiers made, they came against Pometia, in more furious manner than before, and also with a stronger power. And when by making of new mantelets and other warlike instruments of assault, they were proceeded thus forward, that the soldiers were ready to scale and get up the wall, than they within yielded: and notwithstanding the town was thus surrendered up, yet there was no more mercy showed unto it, than if it had been forced by assault. The chief and pincipall citizens shamefully lost their heads, the rest of the inhabitants were sold at the spear in ouvert market like slaves, the town sacked and razed to the ground, yea & money made of all the lands belonging to it. The Consuls for that they had so wreaked their anger, and sharply revenged themselves, more than for any great war they had finished, obtained triumph.  
The year following, were Posthumius Caninius and T. Largius Consuls. In this year, during the games and plays at Rome, certain yonkers of the Sabines, went about in a wanton jollity to carry away and ravish the courtesans and common strumpets of the city. Whereupon the people ran together, and made a roiot, grew to words, and from words to brawls, insomuch, as they went together by the ears, and made a fray in manner of a battle: upon which small occasion, there was a rebellion like to ensue. Over and besides the fear of the Latins war, (for to increase their troubles the more) news came, and it was certainly known, that by the soliciting and practice of Octavious Mamilius, there were already thirty nations banded together against the Romans. The city thus being perplexed for the event and expectation of these so great occurrents, there arose the first occasion and mention made of creating a Dictator. But neither in what year, nor in what Consuls time (for that it can hardly be believed, that they should be of the Tarquin's faction, and yet that also is reported) nor yet who was first created Dictator, is it certainly known: 
Dictator first created at Rome.  Howbeit, in the most ancient writers I find, that T. Largius was created the first Dictator, and C●eus Cassius general of the horsemen: and Consular men (i. such as had been Consuls afore) they were that elected him: for so the law provided that was enacted, concerning the creation of a Dictator. And this induceth me the rather to believe, that Largius an ancient man, and one who had been Consul before, was appointed as a controller and master over the Consuls, and not M. Valerius the son of Marcus, and grandson of Vólesus, who as yet had not attained to the Consul's dignity. For if these Consular men aforesaid, had been minded to have chosen a Dictator out of that house above all other, surely they would have made choice rather of his father M. Valerius, a noble parsonage, of approved prowess and valour, and one besides that had been Consul. When the Dictator was once chosen at Rome, and the axes were seen borne before him, the commoners stood in great awe, and took better regard to be obedient at every beck and command. For neither could they make account of any help (as they might under the Consuls, who were both in commission alike, & of equal authority, when they had recourse from the one to the other) nor yet appeal unto the people: no nor look for succour at all, but in their own double diligence & care of obedience. The Sabines likewise were afraid of the Dictator thus created at Rome: and so much the more, because they were verily persuaded he was made of purpose for them: and thereupon, they sent ambassadors to treat for peace, who beseeching the Dictator and the Senate to pardon so small a fault, and being but a trick of youth, received this answer: That youths indeed might well be pardoned, but such old babes as they might not, who never rested to sow debate, and minister occasion of one war after another. Howbeit, they sat in consultation about a peace, and obtained it had been, if the Sabines could have found in their hearts and condescended, to make good and repay the expenses that the Romans had disbursed about the war: for that was the thing demanded at their hands. So, defiance was sent and war proclaimed. And yet for that year all was quiet, as it were in time of a secret truce, during the Consulship of Servius Sulpitius, and M. Manlius Tullus, in whose year there was nothing done worthy of remembrance.  
After them were T. Ebutius, and C. Vet●sius. In their time 
〈…〉  Fidene was besieged, 
〈…〉  Crustumeria won, and 
P●lastrina Or●●.  Preneste revolted from the Latins unto the Romans. And the Latin war, which had been a breeding and budding for certain years, was no longer delayed, but broke forth. A. Posthumius the dictator, and T. Ebutius General of the cavalry, with great power of foot and horse, set forward and advanced as far as the lake Regillus, in the territory of Tusculum, and there encountered the army of the enemies, 
T●us●ulo.  in their march. And because they heard say that the Tarquin's were in the host of the Latins, they could not for anger forbear any longer, but presently fell to it, and began battle. This field was fought right fiercely, and cost more bloodshed a good deal, than others usually before: because the Generals and chief Commanders were there present, not only to give direction by their counsel & advice, but also in person themselves hazarded their own bodies, & fought bravely in the medley. And not one almost of the principal leaders, escaped out of the skirmish, either of one side of the other, safe and sound, save only the Roman dictator. For as Posthumius was encouraging his men, and setting them in array in the vaward, 
The famous battle a● the lake Regil●us  Tarqvinius Superbus (albeit he was now very aged & unwieldy, and not able to bestir himself) set spurs to his horse, and ran full but against him. But having caught a thrust from a side, was rescued by his men that came about him, and retired to a place of safety. And in the other wing, Ebutius General of the horsemen, set upon Oct. Mamilius: but he, the captain I mean of the Tuscalanes, was well ware of him, and espied him coming, and ran his horse with full career likewise upon him, and so desperately they bore their lances one against the other, that Ebutius was run quite through the arm, and Mamilius wounded in the breast, whom the Latins succoured and received into the middle ward. As for Ebutius not able any longer to bear his staff, with his arm sore hurt, withdrew himself out of the battle. The leader of the Latins, nothing dismayed for all his hurt, maintained fight still: and seeing his soldiers somewhat distressed, he sendeth for the regiment of the Roman exiles, that were under the leading of L. Tarquini●s his son: who sticking more courageously unto it, for anger that their goods were spoiled, and they driven out of their own country, renewed the combat afresh for a while. And as the Romans from that quarter began to recoil and give ground, M. Valerius, the brother of Publicola, espying young Tarquin vaunting himself gloriously in the forefront of the exiles, inflamed also with a desire of domestical glory of his house: that the same family which had the praise of expelling the kings, might likewise win the honour of killing them, spurred his horse, and with deadly spear ran against Tarqvinius, who giving way to his mortal enemy, retired back to his own regiment. But Valerius by this time was disbanded from his company, and rashly ridden into the battle of the exiles, and there a common soldior happened to charge upon him a flank, and run him through. The horse stayed not a jot for all the rider was wounded, and so the Roman knight ready to die, fell to the ground with his armour upon his body, and paid nature her debt. Posthumius the Dictator, after he perceived so valiant a man fallen, and the banished men advancing lustily forward with full trot, and his own soldiers distressed, and at point to turn their backs, gave express commandment unto his own band, which he had about him of chosen tall men for to guard his person, that as many of their fellows as they saw to fly, they should take them for enemies, and kill them in the place. Thus by reason of a counterfeare, the Romans made head again and renewed the battle. Then began the Dictator's cohort to fight, and coming with fresh bodies and courageous stomachs, charged upon the wearied exiles, and killed them one every side. Whereupon began another combat also between the Colonels & captains of quality & mark. The general of the Latins seeing the battalion of the banished, well near environed round by the Roman Dictator, speedily taketh with him into the forefront of the battle, certain squadrons of those that were appointed in the reergard to succour and aid: whom T. Horminius a lieutenant, espied to come marching in good order & knowing amongst them Mamilius by his gorgeous harnish, and goodly cote armour, with far greater violence than the General of the horsemen a little before, encountered the Colonel of his enemies so hotly, that both he ran Mamilius through his sides, and slew him outright, and also whilst he was disarming and rifling his body, he was wounded himself with a short javelin, and being brought back with victory into the camp, at the first dressing yielded to nature and died. Then road the Dictator apace to the horsemen, and earnestly cried unto them, that seeing the footmen were toiled out and wearied, they would alight from their horses, and take the matter into their hands. The horsemen soon obeyed, leapt from horseback, and set forward as if they had flown, to the forefront, where they opposed their targets in defence of them that fought before the ensigns. Whereat presently the Infantry began again to take heart, seeing the principal men of arms and noble young Gentlemen in the like kind of service, exposed to the same danger, and ready to take part with them. Then at the last were the Latins put back, and their whole battle began to shrink. The gentlemen had their horses brought to them again, and they mounted on horseback to pursue their enemies. The footmen likewise followed after. There the Dictator omitting no help of God and man, vowed as men say, a temple to Castor, and openly promised and proposed rewards to that soldier that made either first or second entry into the enemy's camp. Whereupon they bestirred themselves so courageously, that the Romans at one brunt both vanquished their enemies, and also were possessed of their tents. This was the noble field fought at the lake Regillus. The Dictator and the general of horsemen returned into the city with triumph. For three years after, there was neither assured peace between them, nor yet professed war.  
Consuls were Q. Cloelius, and T. Lartius. After them A. Sempronius, and M. Minutius. Whiles these two were Consuls, 
Temple of Satura dedicated.  the temple to Saturn was dedicated, and the feast called Saturnalia instituted. 
Saturnilia instituted.  After them succeeded A. Posthumius, and T. Virginius. And in this year and not before, I find in some authors, that the said battle was stricken near the lake Regillus, and that A. Posthumius suspecting the fidelity of his brother Consul, gave over his place, and so was made Dictator. The account of times doth so vary and is so intricate and confused, whiles writers diversely set down the chief Magistrates, that in so great antiquity, not of acts only, but also of authors, a man cannot orderly and directly distinguish, according to some writers, who were Consuls, and what was done in every year.  
Afterwards were Ap. Claudius, and P. Servilius created Consius. This year was famous for the news of Tarqui●e his death. 
Tarqvinius Supe●bus dieth.  He died at Cumes, to which place after the defeature of the Latins power, he went to Aristodemus the Tyrant. At which tidings the hearts of the Nobles were well lightened, the Commons also began to look up. But that joy in the Nobility was above measure too excessive and licentious. For why? the great men began now to wrong and wring the commonalty, whom until that day they had favoured and pleasured to their full power. In the same year the Colony Signia, which king Tarqvinius had erected, was now stored again the second time, 
Wards. 2 ●.  and the number supplied with new inhabitants. And the tribes or wards at Rome were now made up 21. The temple of Mercury was dedicated in the 
* 15 of May.  Ides of May. With the Nation of the Volscians in the time of the Latin war, neither was there peace, nor war: for both the Volscians had levied a power for aid to send unto the Latins, if the Roman Dictator had not made good speed: and also the Roman Dictator hastened the more for fear he should in one battle have to deal with Latins and Volscians both at once. Upon this quarrel, the Consuls led forth their legions into the Volscians country. The Volscians fearing no revenge for their deseignement (that was intended only, and never came in action) were much troubled with this sudden and unlooked for occurrent. Not minding therefore to make resistance, and forgetful of warlike prowess, they delivered 300 of their noble men's children out of Cora and Pometia for hostages. Whereupon the Roman Legions from thence without any fight were withdrawn. But not long after the Volscians being somewhat cased & delivered of their fear, came again to their old biace and returned to their wont nature, and secretly under hand made preparation anew for war, joining with them as confederates in this quarrel, the Hernikes. They send also their ambassadors all about, to move and solicit Latium. 
Compagna d●●oma.  But the Latins, for their late overthrow at the lake Regillus, took such a spleen and hatred against him whosoever, that should once put into their heads and persuade them to take arms, that they could nor forbear the very ambassadors, but offer them abuse. They apprehended therefore the Volscians, conveyed them to Rome, & delivered them to the Consuls: where they revealed and gave intelligence, that the Volscians & the Hernikes were out in arms, ready to war upon the Romans. Which being reported unto the Senators, they were so well pleased and contented therewith, that they set at liberty 6000 Latins, prisoners, and sent them hence. And concerning a league to be concluded with them, which was like before to have been denied for ever, they referred the consultation thereof, unto the new magistrates that should next enter. And in good sooth, blithe and glad were the Latins then, for that they had done, and the authors of peace were magnified and had in great reputation. They send moreover a crown of gold into the Capitol, for a present to lupiter. With these ambassadors and the present, those prisoners which before were set free, came in greater number. Who repaired strait ways to every man his house, where they had been prisoners, yielding them great thanks for their kind usage and friendly entertainment in time of their calamities and miseries, and promised therewith the like courtesy and mutual hospitality. Never were the Latins at any time afore, both publicly and privately, united more nearly to the Roman empire.  
But as the Volscian war was now at hand, so the city was at discord among themselves. The Senators and commons hated one another at the heart, and all this arose by occasion especially of certain persons that were indebted, and in danger of their creditors: who murtered and gave out in murmuring wise, how that abroad they adventured themselves and fought for the liberty and dominion of the city, and at home by their own neighbours they were held prisoners and oppressed: saying that the freedom of the commons was more safe in time of war, than of peace, among the enemies rather than their own fellow citizens. This inward grudge and heartburning, which of itself still kindled more and more, the notable calamity of one man above all others, set on a light fire. A certain aged person chanced to break prison, and with the arms, badges and ornaments of all his ancestors, ran into the market place. His apparel was all to rattered, foul and loathsome, but the habit or plight of his body much more filthy: so pale, so wan, so lean withal, as if he had been over-pined and starved, his long side beard and hair of his head so overgrown, that they made his visage and countenance wild and ghastly. Howbeit, for all he was thus disfigured by this deformity, he was a man well known, and as some said, he had done good service in the ward, had been a chief Centurion, and had the charge and leading of bands in the field: and the common people, as pitying his estate, and to move compassion, recounted many worthy exploits of his, to his great credit and singular commendation. Himself likewise showed the fears of wounds, which in his breast & forepart of his body in divers places he had received, that might testify his valiant service. The people flocking about him as it were in a common assembly to hear a solemn Oration, inquired of him, how he came to be in that taking, so poor, so disfigured and deformed? He answered, that whiles he served in the Sabine war, he by reason of he continual forraying, & wasting of the territory, not only lost the revenues and increase of his lands, but also his Maner-house was burnt, all his goods ransacked & spoiled, his cattle driven away: and when a levy and tribute was exacted in a time when he ill might, he was driven to take up money & run in debt; which growing more & more by payment of interest, first he was constrained to sell his land, that his father and grandfather had left him, and to turn himself out of all, by making a clean hand of the rest of his goods: until at length his body also began to window away in a consumption. Complaining moreover how by his creditor he was not only brought into bondage and thraldom, but also imprisoned, and whipped, and tormented in most cruel and butcherlike manner. With that he showed before them all, his back lately scourged, with the fresh wales of the lashes newly given him. At the sight and hearing hereof, there arose a great outcry of the people, so that anon the uproar kept not within the compass of the market place, by spread over all the city: in such sort, that as well they that were bound, as they that were loose, came forth from all parts into the open streets, calling the Quirites and the people pitifully, to help. In no corner wanted any companions to take part willingly in this seditious rout, 
A dangerous sed●tion in Rome.  and every where in all the streets they run by companies into the common place. Those Senators who chanced to be abroad, at their no small peril light upon this multitude: and had not the Consuls P. Servilius, and App. Claudius, made the better speed, and come upon them to appease the commotion, there would have been some knocks, for hardly could they have held their hands. At whose coming, the multitude turned unto them, showing their irons, and all their other shameful misuage & misery, saying, This is all the good we have gotten for our warfare: upbraiding every man the services they had performed, some in one place some in another, requiring them in threatening wise rather than by way of supplication, to call the Senate together, and they the while stood about the Curia, as if they would be judges and moderators of their public counsel. Very few of the Senators, such only as by chance came that way, could be brought to repair to the Consuls: as for the rest, they were afraid not only to come into the Counsel house, but also to venture abroad into the market place, so that by reason of their small assembly, there could be nothing done nor determined. Then thought the people indeed they were mocked and dallied withal, and driven off with delays surmising, that the Senators which were away, absented themselves not by chance, nor for fear, but only to hinder the proceeding of their cause: and that the Consuls themselves kept a hafting and flinching, and without all question, made but a scorn and game at their miseries. This broil so increased, that hardly could the reverence and majesty of the Consul srestraine the people's rage. But the Senators standing in doubtful terms, whether to tarry behind or to come forward would be more dangerous, at length they resolved to repair into the Senate, and being now at last a full and sufficient house gathered, neither the Lords there assembled, no nor yer the Consuls, could well agree amongst themselves what to do in this case. 
Divers opinions in the Senate house.  Appius a man of a hot spirit, was of opinion to order the matter by Consular authority and commandment saying, That if one or two of them were laid hold on, the rest would be quiet. But Servilius more inclined to mild & gentle remedies, thought it a more safe and easy course too, rather to bend than to break their angry and fell stomachs. But amidst these troubles there happened a greater and more fearful occurrence: For certain Latins on horseback road in post, and brought news in hasty and tumultuous manner, that the Volscians were coming with a mighty and cruel army against the city to assault the same. Which news being heard (see how discord had of one city made twain) wrought far other effect in the Nobles, than in the Commons. The commonalty leapt for joy, and said the gods were now come down from heaven to be revenged of the Senatórs' pride, & encouraged one another not to take prest-monie, or to enter their names in the Muster-masters book, saying that they had rather die at once with all, then perish alone and none but they: Let the Nobles (qd. they) serve as soldiers; let them take weapon in hand & abide the brunts and hazards of war, who receive the profits, the prizes & rewards thereof. But chose the Senate pensive & surcharged with this twofold fear, as well from citizen as enemy, besought the Consul Servilius (a man by nature more affable and popular) That he would provide for the safety of the Commonweal, beset as it were round with so fearful perils. Then the Consul dismissed the Senate, and came forth into the assembly of the people, where he showed what care the LL. of the Senate had for the good of the commons: But whiles they were (qd. he) busy in consultation for the greatest part (I confess) of the city, and yet in truth no more but a part, it fell out so in the mean while; that of necessity they must see to the whole body of the Commonwealth, whereof they stand in exceeding fear. Seeing therefore the enemies were almost hard at the gates, they could not possibly do or intend any thing before war. Neither (if there should be any respite and leisure granted) were it either for the commons credit and honesty, not to fight for their country, unless they had their pay before hand; nor well beseeming the Nobles and for their reputation, to look unto and take order hastily, to redress the miseries and calamities of their citizens upon fear, rather than afterwards with good deliberation, for love and of willing mind. This speech of his he confirmed with an edict, by virtue whereof, he gave straight commandment: Imprimis, that no man should keep bound or in prison, any citizen of Rome, but that he might be enroled before the Consuls. Item, that no person should hold in possession, or sell the goods of any soldior, so long as he abode in the camp, nor arrest his children or children's children. This edict being once published and proclaimed, not only the enthralled debtors there present, were immediately by name enroled, but also from all parts of the city, they leapt out quickly of their houses, seeing that now their creditors had no right nor power to detain and arrest them, and ran into the market place for to take a military oath of allegiance, to be true soldiers & faithful to the state. A number there was of these: neither was there any that more manfully behaved and quit themselves or took more pains in the Volscian war. Then the Consul led forth his power against the enemies, & within a little of them encamped himself, The night following, the Volscians presuming upon the variance and discord of the Romans, assailed the tents, if happily in the night season any of them might have been wrought, to abandon the camp, & come to them, or to practise any treason. But the Sentinels descried them, and upon alarm given, the whole army arose, and every man made haste to his weapons. Thus came that enterprise of the Volscians to nothing. The rest of the night both parts rested, and were quiet. On the morrow by break of day, the volscians having filled up the trench, assailed the bulwarks and rampires. And by that time they had on every side plucked up he fences, palisadoes, and other fortifications, the Consul, who for all he was called unto instantly on every hand, but of the debtors aforesaid especially above the rest, to give the signal, and to sound the barrel, made some stay on purpose to try the courage of his men: and seeing well now their forwardness and their stomachs, at length gave them a token to rush forth, and so letteth them loose, as eager to fight as might be. So at the very first onset the enemies were presently discomfited and put to flight: the footmen followed hard upon them in chase, and as they could reach, wounded them behind on their backs, and killed them: the horsemen likewise pursued them even to their pavilions, who still feared exceedingly what might become of them: and within a while their very camp also, environned about with the legions, and abandoned of the Volscians themselves for fear, were forced and rifted. The next day following, the legions marched to Seussa Pometia, for thither the enemies were fled: and within few days the town was won, and put to the sack, and the spoil and pillage given away: whereby the needy couldiors were somewhat refreshed. The consul in great glory and honour brought back his victorious armnie to Rome. In his way homeward the Ambassadors of the Eretrian Volscians distrusting their. own state, upon the loss of Pometia, came into him. To whom after consultration had with the Senate, and a decree passed, peace was granted: but were they were fined to part with their lands. Immediately upon this, the Sabines also put the Romans in a fright, and in very deed it might be called a tumult, rather than a war. For words was brought in the night season, that an army of the Sabines were corn in a road, as far as the river Anio, robbing, spoilling, and burning all the villages and hamplets as they went. Forthwith was sent thither the whole power of horsed under the conduct of A. Posthumius, who in the Latin war had been Dictator. After him followed the Consul Sarviluis with a chosen regiment of footmen. Most of the enemies, as they raughed abroad a sorraging in scattering wise, were by the horsemen surprised and enclosed. And when the insanterie besides matched against the Sabines legion, they were not able to resist: for being tired out, partly with their long journey, and partly with boothaling all night long, and many of them having overcharged themselves with meat and wine within the villages, had hardly strength enough to run away. Thus the Sabine war in one night was heard of and ended. The day following, when as now the Romans were in good hope, that they had peace on every side, behold, the Auruncane Ambassadors came into the Senate, proclaimingwarre, unless they would forego the Volscian lands, and restore them to their rightful owners. And even at one time with the Ambassadors was the army also of the Auruncans abroad, and had taken the field. The news whereof, and namely that they were now in sight not far from Aricia, raised up to the Romans in so great a broil and hurly-burly, that the Senators could neither be consulted with, and deliver their opinions in order, not yet give a peaceable answer to those that came as it were with weapon in hand, being thus forced to take arms themselves. So to Aricia directly in warlike manner they march, and not far from thence they joined barrel with the Auruncans. And in one day that war had also an end.  
Thus when the Roman shouldiours had gotten victory within so few days in so many places, and had now defeated the Auruncants, they looked for the promise of the Consul, and the faithful performance of it by the Senate. At what time Appius both upon a proud stomach and arrogant spirit of his own by nature, and also to discredit and disannul the word of his fellow Consul, in all actions of debt proceeded, and gave judgement with rigour against the debtors. Whereupon, both they that had been before imprisoned, were delivered again into their creditor's hands, and other also became prisoners anew. Where at when as a soldier, whose case it was thus hardly to be dealt withal, called upon the Consul his fellow for help, they ran all at once to Servilius, at his hands they claimed a promise: every one upbraided and reproached him with their service in war, with the scars there gotten, requiring that the would propose the matter again unto the Senate, and as a Consul, succour and protect his citizens; or like a General , maintain his soldiers. These matters no doubt, moved the Consul: but so stood the case that he could neither will not choose, but haste, deal double, and temporise with them: so fully bend, and wholly wedded to the other part, was not only his colleague, but also the whole faction of the Nobility. Thus by bearing himself as a Neurre, and going as they say, between the bark and the tree, he neither avoided the hatred of the Commons, nor yet won favour with the Nobles: while the Nobles took him for a soft and base minded Consul, seeking to please all parties, & the Commons for as crafty and false a dissembler: insomuch as within a short time, it appeared, he was as much hated of the peoples as Appius. For, the Consuls happened on a time to strive, whether of them twain should dedicated the temple of Mercury. The Senate put over the deciding of this matter from themselves unto the people: and decreed withal, that to whether of them the dedication of the temple was by the people's election granted, he should over and besides sides have the charge to purvey come and victuals, he should erect and institute a College or fellowship of merchants, and he in steed of the high Priest, should undertake the solemn feasts, or festival days. Then the people gave the dedication of the temple to M. Lectorius, a principal Centurion of the vanguard: which as it easily appeared, was done not so much to grace the man, as who had an higher office bestowed upon him, than was sit for one of this degree and calling; as to disgrace and deface the Consuls. Hereat, one of the Consuls yea and the Patricis stormed and fared exceedingly against the Commons. But the Commons took heart unto them more and more, and began to proceed far otherwise, and to take another course than they purposed at the beginning: for, despairing of the Consuls and senates help, when they saw a debtor sued and brought to the bar, they would run flocking from all parts together, so that the Consul's sentence and decree could not be heard for the noise and clamour. And decree or judge what he would, no man would obey. And so violenlie they went to work, that in presence of the Consul, the creditors were singled out, evil entreated, and misused of the Commons, being many together. So the whole fear and hazard of the main chance, even of liberty itself, was now altogether translated from the dentors' tooth creditors. 
Appius his invective against his fellow Consul.  In the very neck of these troubles, there arose fear of the Sabine war, and when it was determined, there should be a muster of soldiers, no man would answer to his name and be enroled. All this while Appius taged and took on, inveighing bitterly against the nicerie and popularitite of his brother Consul, who with his keeping silence for displeasing the people, by his soft carriage of himself, had betrayed the weal punlike, and over and besides that, he had not ministered justice for the loan of money, nor dealt according to law in that behalf, he had brought the matter so to pass, that he could take no musters by virtue of the decree of the Senate. How be it (faith he) the common wealth is not wholly sorsaken and forlone, not yet the Consular authority utterly cast down and trodden under foot: for the would himself alone, if there were no more but he, defend and maintain both his own place, and the Senators dignity. When as the multitude therefore stood thus malapertly, as their daily manner was, about the bar, he commanded one principal captain of fedition to be attached and had away: and as he was haled to prison by the sergeants and lictors, he appealed. Neither would the Consul have given place to the appeal (for all he knew the people how they were bend, and what their doom would be) had not this obstinate stiffness with much ado been overswaied more through the discreet advice and authority of the chief Nobles and Lords of the Senate, than by the clamorous noise and menaces of the multitude: so resolute was he, and his heart so courageous, to undergo their ill will and heavy displeasure. Thus grew the mischief more and more daily, testified not with open mouth and broad speeches only, but also (which was more pernicious and dangerous) by conventicles, secret meetings, and conferences. At length these Coss. so odious unto the commons, went out of their office, to wit Appius, a man wondrous well affected of the Nobles, Servilius liked neither of them not the Commons.  
After whom A. Virginius, and T. Vetufius entered their Consultship. But then the Commons not knowing what manner of Consuls they should have, began to assemble together by night, some in Esquiliae, others in the Aventine: to the end, they might not be unprovided & to seek upon a sudden, what to do in the common place, nor manage their business hand over head, and at a venture. Which the Consuls supposing (as it was indeed) a perilous example, and of ill consequence, propounded the matter before the Senators: but when they had proposed it, they could not orderly ask their advice what was to be done: they took so on, and kept such outcry and vias at it, on all hands faring and fuming, that the Consuls should lay upon the Senate the burden and heavy load of that, which properly they by virtue of their authority and office should execute and perform themselves: and surely, if there were any Magistrates in the city (say they) there would not be thus suffered in Rome any other counsel but punlicke: whereas now the state is divided into a thousand courts and conventicles: whiles some have their meetings and assemblies in Esquilie, others in Aventine: Certes, one only man indeed (for that is more than a Consul) such a one as Appius Claudius was, would soon dispatch, and in one minute of an hour scatter these their unlawful assemblies. The Consuls upon this rebuke and check, replied again and demanded in this manner: And what would you have us to do (quoth they) for we are resolved to do nothing flackly and coldly, but with as great courage and diligence as shall be well liked of the Senators. Whereupon an order passed, that they should take muster, and levy soldiers with all rigour and severity: adding moreover, that the Commons with idleness and ease were grown over-malaperr and too licentious. And when the Senate was dismissed, the Consuls went into the Tribunal and took their places, and summoned by name all the 
* 〈◊〉 17 years 〈◊〉 to 47.  younger sort to appear: and none making answer to his name, the multitude standing about as it had been to hear some public Oration, said plainly, that the commons from thenceforth would be no longer deluded, and that the Consuls should never get so much, as one souldour, unless they would stand to their word, and make good the promote that publicly before was made, and restore to every man again his liberty, before they caused them to take weapon in hand: to the end, they might fight for their country and countrymen, and not for their lordlike masters. The Consuls saw well what they had in commission from the Senate, and that of all those who within the counsel house walls spoke so stoutly, and gave out so great words, there was not one present to take part of this odious malice of the people. And like they were to have a bitter fit and cruel briole with the Commons. They thought good therefore ere they tried the worst, and deal by extremity, once again to ask advise of the Senate, and to confer with them. But then all the younger sort of the Senators, approached by fiockmeale, hard almost to the Consul's feats, willing them to give over their Consulship, and to resign up their rule and authority, to the maintenance where of they lacked courage. Now when the Consuls had sufficiently poised and tried both ways, 
A sedition bet●●ene the Consuls and the p●o●●.  thus at length began they and said. A great sedition and commotion is toward, my LL. To the end therefore that ye pretend not ignorance, and say another day ye were not foretold of it, there is a great sedition and commotion toward. We require therefore that they who find greatest fault with our remissness and lack of courage, assist us and sit with us while we take the musters: and since you will needs have it so, we will execute it according to their minds, that are most earnest and severest. Then come they back again unto the Tribunal, and commanded for the nonce, one of them that were there in sight to be cited and called by name. But the stood still and held his peace, with a crew of men gathered round about to guard him, for fear he should have some harm or violence done unto him. The Consul than sent a Sergeant to attach him, who being repulsed off, than those Nobles which sat there on the bench to assist the Consuls, cried out upon the shameful indignity, and said it was intolerable, and so ran down in haste from the Tribunal seat, for to aid the sergeant. But the violent rage of the multitude, who let the Lictour alone, and only stayed him from laying hold on the man, turned upon the Partitians. So that the Coss. were feign to step between, and then the fray was appeased. In which, there being no stones flying about their ears, nor weapon drawn, there was more clamour, brawling & chase than any hurt done. Then was the Senate house called in a great hurry: and with more confusion sat they there in counsel: whiles they that pretended how they were beaten and misused, required that commissioners should sit upon this riot and make due inquisition: and the stourest of them gave their determination, as much by clamour and noise, as by sentence and opinion grounded upon reason. At last, when the tempest was overblown and their heat allayed, and that the Coss. hit them in the teeth, and reproved them, saying there was as little discretion and gravity in their court and counsel house, as in the common hall, they began in the end to consult orderly, and three opinions there were amongst them. P. Virginius would not have it a common and general case (to wit, that all debtors should be released from their creditors) but his advice was, that they should only be considered, who relying upon P. Servilius the Consul word and faithful promise, had served in the wars of the Volscians, Auruncans and Sabines. T. Largius, he opined and thought this, that it was not a time then to make amends only for good deserts, and to respect them alone that had done well, and to recompense good service: but for as much as the whole commonalty was depplie engaged and plunged in debt, unless they were all provided for, and good order taken for them every one, there would be no quietness nor end of troubles: yea and (that which more is in case they be not all alike regarded, but some debtors in better conditions than others, the discord would rather be more kindled than quenched. Appius Claudius a man both of natural disposition fierce and cruel, and also by occasion made more outrageous, nettled with the Commons hatted against him on the one side, and tickled with the praise and commendations of the Nobles on the other side, who ever magnified him and lift him up to the sky, spoke to this effect: These so great stirs and mutinous hurly-burlies, 
The Oration of Appius Cl●udius in the Senate.  my Masters (quoth he) is not long of the misery and calamity, but only of too much liberty of the commons: who rather upon fatness are grown wanton and unruly than for any want unpatient and discontent: and all this mischief no doubt is sprung of this, that they have liberttie to appeal. For so long as it is in their power to fly for help unto those that have faulted as well as they, well may the Consul threaten and give out menacing words: as for any rule else or command, they shall have none among them. Come on therefore, let us create a dictator from whom they cannot make their appeal. Then shall this furious rage, which now setteth all on a light fire, be soon hushed and quite extinguished. Let me see then, who dare beat a Lictour, when he shall well know, that he alone whose honorand majesty he shall offend and abuse, hath power to scourge him and take away his life. Many men thought this sentence of Appius to be very hard and cruel, yea and dangerous withal, in regard of the late precedent of Vir●inius and Vetusius. That other likewise of Largius was thought inconvenient, in taking away all keeping of credit with the creditors. The opinion and advise of Virginius was supposed as well in one respect as in another most indifferent and mean between both. But by reason of the faction are regard of private benefit, which always hath done hurt and ever will, to public council, Appius prevailed, and he miss very little but he himself had been made dictator. Which if it had come to pass, it would surely have estranged and alienated quite the hearts of the Commons, in that most busy and dangerous time: when it happened that the Volscians, Aequians, and Sabines, were all up at once in arms. But the Consuls and elder Senators, had great care and consideration to choose such a one, as might by mildness of his own nature allay and qualify the exceeding rigour and sternness incident to sovereign and absolute authority. They elect therefore to be dictator, Marcus Valerius the son of Vólesus. The Commons albeit they saw well enough this dictator created for to curb them, yet having got by this brother's law, the benefit of Appeal, they feared no severe and insolent proceeding from that house and name. The Edict besides, that the dictator set forth, which was well-near all one with that other of the Consul Servilius, much confirmed and selted their minds. For supposing now, they had more hold both of the man and also of his authority, and that they might with more confidence rely themselves on the one and the other, they gave over all debate, & entered their names into the muster book: so there were enroled full ten legions. The like army for number was never levied afore. Of which legions, the Consuls had the conduct of three a piece, & the Dictator commanded the other four: and high time, it was: for the war might not be deferred any longer. The Aequians had already invaded the territory of the Latins, & their Ambassadors were petitioners to the Senate, either to send succour, or to give them leave to put on armour themselves for the defence of their confines & frontiers. It was thought the safer & surer way, that the Latins without arming themselves should be defended, than to permit them again to take weapon in hand. So the Consul Vilucius was sent thither, & he stayed them from further for aying & wasting. For the Aequians were departed out of the plains, & trusting rather in the vantage of the ground, than in their weapons, stood upon their guard, kept themselves safe from danger, upon the high tops of the hills & mountains.  
The other Consul who was gone against the Volscians, because he would not also loose any time, drew the enemy forth (by wasting the country especially) to encamp himself nearer, and so at length to fight a field. Now was there a plain in the mids between both camps: where each army stood before their rampires, embattled, and ranged in array, with banners displayed ready to fight. The Volscians were somewhat more in number, where upon they began battle disorderedly and as if they set light by the enemy. But the Roman Consul neither advanced forward, nor suffered his men once to shout and answer again, but charged them to stand sti●l with their javelins fast in the ground, until the enemies were come within the reach of hand fight, and then to lay about them lustily with their swords, all that ever they could. The Vollscians out of breath with running and shouting, charged the Romans, who seemed for fear to stand astonished: but after they once perceived that they were hotly reen countered by them again, and saw their swords glittering in their eyes, they were troubled, therewith, as if they had been entrapped and fallen into some trains laid for them, and so turned their backs. And by reason they came running before to battle, their strength would not hold out now to run clear away: The Romans chose, because against the beginning of the fight they had stood quiet, were fresh of body, & soon overtook them thus overtoiled, won their camp by force, 
〈◊〉.  & after they had driven the enemies out from thence, chased them into 
* 〈…〉.  Velitree, and entered the town pelmell one with another in a medley, the Victor together with them that were vanquished. More bloodshed there was by execution of them one with another, of all ages and fexes, as they came in their way, than in the very battle. A very few, even such as without weapon yielded themselves, were spared and pardoned.  
Whiles these things were a doing amongst the Volscians, the Dictator discomfited and put to slight the Sabines, with whom he had much cruel war: yea, and forced them to abandon and quit their camp. For having sent his horsemen into the main battle of the enemies, which they had but slightly strengthened within-forth, and bestowed the ranks there very thin, and all to stretch out the wings on both sides more at large, he broke their arrays: and when they were once disordered, the footmen came in upon them: and in the same brunt were they masters of their camp, and so the war ended. There was not in those days a braver battle sought and more renowned, setting aside that only at the lake Regillus. The dictator road in triumph unto the city. Over & above the accustomed honours, both he and his posterity after him, were allowed a certain place in the great Race or Theatre, called Circus, for to behold at ease the solemn games, and there was set the ivory chair of estate, called Sella curalis. The Volscians thus vanquished, lost the territory about Velitre, and new inhabitants were sent thither from the city, to people and to till the grounds, so that it became a Colony.  
Some what after this, there was a field fought with the Aequians, but in truth, full against the Consul his will, for that they were to climb up a steep hill (to their disadvantage) for to meet with the enemy. But the Soldiers blaming him for trifling out, and making delays, to the end that the Dictator might be out of office before they made return to the cirtie, and so his word and promise, like as the Consuls before him, should come to nothing; drove him perforce to lead up to his army, rashly and at adventure against the hills. This being an enterprise ill ordered, and an error escaped, fell out notwithstanding very well through the cowardice of the enemy: who before they were come within shot and the darts cast, amazed at the venturousnesse of the Romans, fortooke their holds which they had in most defensible places, and leapt down into the valleys over against them. There was booty and pillage good enough, and abloudlesle victory.  
Having sped thus fortunately abroad in three several wars, the Senators and commons were not careless of home-affaires, what would be the issue thereof. The Bankers and Usurers, what with favour, & what with subtle and cautelous policy, had devised aforehand and wrought such means, as might frustrate are and disappoint not only the commons, but also the Dictator, and put them by their expectation. For Valerius after there turn of Velasius the Consul, dealt, first and above all other matters and causes at the Counsel table, 
The speech of 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 in the Senate.  in the behalf of the people that had achieved such victories, and propounded to know their minds, What should be done with those indebted, endangered, and imprisoned persons. Which motion of his being disliked and rejected: I see well (quoth) he that I cannot please you, so long as I persuade to concord and unity: with ye will (trust me truly) ere it be long, that the commonalty of Rome had more Patrons and advocates like myself. As for me, I will neither bear my citizens any longer in hand to deceive them, nor be a Dictator in vain, to effect nothing. Civil discord at home, and foreign war abroad, caused the State to have need of this office. Now, when peace is gotten without, behold it is crossed and hindered within: yet had I rather be present at the fight of a mutiny & insurrection when I am a private person, than whiles I am a dictator. Thus went he out of the counsel house, and yielded up his Dictatourship with all. The Commons saw plainly what the matter was, and how upon a discontentment and grief that he took in their behalf, for very pity and compassion of them, he gave over the place: and therefore, as if thehad fully discharged himself of this faithful word to them given, (for that there was no default in him, but it had been performed indeed) they accompanied him along home to this house with hearty affection, praising and commending him all the way they went. The Lords of the Senate began then to fear, lest if the army were broken up and discharged, there would be some secret conventicles, and new conspiracies contrived: therefore, albeit the musters were taken by the dictator: yet because the soldiers had sworn allegiance to the Consuls, supposing they were still bound to warfare by virtue of that oath, and pretending a colour that the Aequians renewed war, they commanded the legions to be led forth of the city.  
This hastened the sedition the sooner & set it forward. At first, as men said, they complotted and laid their heads together about murdering and making away the Consuls, to the end they might be acquit of their oath unto them: but afterwards being better schooled and advised, that no man's conscience can be cleared of scruple, & discharged of an oath once taken, by committing a sinful act and working mischief, 
They first revolt of the commons of Rome into mount dancer.  they withdrew themselves out of the way by the persuasion of one Sicinius, and without congé of the consuls, departed as far as mount Sacer, on the farther side of the river Anio, three miles from the city. This is the riser report, and goeth more currant, than that whereof Piso is the author (namely, that the commons retired themselves within a trench and rampiar, and kept quiet for certain days, neither taking nor doing harm; as having carried with them such things only as were necessary for the sustenance of their life. Great fear there was in the city, and in this mutual and reciprocal fear, all men were perplexed and to seek what to do. The commons sorlorne of their fellow commoners doubted the violence of the Senators: the Senators again stood in fear and jealousy of the commons that remained still behind; and were in suspense whither it were better they abode still among them, or followed after their fellows. For how long trow ye, will a multitude once disbanded, rest in quiet? Again, in case any foreign war should arise in the mean time, what might ensue there upon in the end? In conclusion, there was no hope behind to be looked for, but in the concord of citizens. and therefore the commons one way or other, either by reasonable conditions or unreasonable, were to be reconciled again and reduced into the city, there was no remedy. So it was thought good and agreed upon, that one Menentus Agrippa (a saire spoken and eloquent man, gracious with all and well-beloved among the commons, for that he was from them d escended) should be sent as an Orator to treat with them. Who being received into the camp, after that old and harsh kind of eloquence in those days, spoke as men saith to this effect, 
Agr. Menenius his Oration to the commons.  and told this tale and parable: Whilom (quoth he) when as in man's body, all the parts thereof agreed not, as now they do in one, but each member had a several intent & meaning, yea and a speech by itself: so it besel, that all other parts besides the belly, thought much & repined that by their carefulness, labour, & ministery, all was gotten, & yet all little enough to serve it: and the belly itself lying still in the mids of them, did nothing else but enjoy the delightsome pleasures brought unto her. Whereupon they mutined & conspired altogether in this wise, That neither the hands should reach & convey food into the mouth, nor the mouth receive it as it came, neyet the teeth grind & chew the same. In this mood & fit, whiles they were minded to famish thepoore belly, behold the other limbs, yea & the whole body besides, pined, wasted, & fell into anextreme consumption. Then was it well seen, that even the very belly also did no final service, did no final service, but fed the other parts, as it received food itself: seeing that by working and concocting the meat throughly, it digesteth and distributeth by the veins into all parts, that fresh and perfect blood whereby we live, we like, and have our full strength. Comparing herewith, and making his application, to wit, how like this intestine and inward sedition of the body, was to the full stomach of the commons, which they had taken and borne against the Senators, he turned quite the people's hearts. Then began some treaty of unity and concord: and among other articles it was conditioned and granted, that the Commonalty should have certain sacred and inviolable magistrates of their own among themselves, such as might have power to assist the Commons ag ainst the Consuls: 
Tribunes of the common people first created.  Item, that it might not be lawful for any Senator to bear that office. So there were created two Tribunes of the commons, C. Licinius and L. Albinus. And these elected three other fellow officers unto them. Of whom Sicinius, the author of the sedition or insurrection was one, who were the other twain is not for certain known. Some say there were but two Tribunes created and no more in the mount Sacer, and that the sacred law was there made concerning their immunity.  
During this insurrection and revolt of the commons, Sp. Casius& Post humuis Cominius entered their Consulships. In whose time a league was made with the people of Latium. For the establishing whereof, one of the Consuls stayed behind at Rome: the other was sent unto the Volscian war, who discomfited and put to flight the Volscians of Antium, Chase and driving them into the town Longula, which he won. And immediately he took Mucamites a town of the Vilscians, and after that with great force assaulted Corioli.  
There was in camp, them among the flower of gallant youths, one Caius Martius, A Noble young gentleman, right politic of advice, active besides, and tall of his hands, who afterwards was surnamed Coriolanius. Whiles the Roman army lay at siege before Corioli, and were amazed wholly upon the townsmen within, whom they kept fast shut up, and feared no present danger at all from any foreign war without: behold, all on a sudden, the Volscian legions that came from Antium, assailed them: at which very instant the enemy also sallied out of the town. Which Martius, seeing, who by good hap quartered and warded there, with a lusty band of elect men, not only repressed and stopped the violence of those that issued and broke upon him, but also whiles the gate stood open, fiercely rushed in himself: and having made a foul slaughter of people thereby, at his first entrance into the city, and caught up fire at a venture, flung it upon the houses that stood upon and about the walls. Whereupon arose a great outcry of the folk within the town, together with lamentable weeping and wailing of women and children, as commonly is seen in such a sight. Which at the very first, both hardened the Romans, and also troubled the Volscians: and no marvel, seeing the city taken before their face, for which they were come to rescue. Thus were the Volscians of Antium defeated, and the town Coriolo won. 
〈…〉  And Martius through his praise, so much obscured and stopped the light of the Consul his fame, that had it not been engraven in brass for a remembrance and monument, That there was a league with the Latins, and the same made by Sp. Cassius alone (for that his companion was absent) there had been no record at all, but forgotten quite it had been, that ever Sp. Cominius warred with the Volscians.  
The same year died Menenius Agrippa, a man all his life time before beloved indifferently of the Senators and the Commons: but after the insurrection, much more dear unto the Commons than before. 
〈…〉  This truchman, this mediator for civil atonement, this Ambassador and messenger from the Senators to the commons, this reconciler and reducer of the commons home again into the city, had not at his death sufficient to defray the charges of his funerals: the commons therefore made a purse and a contribution of a 
* 〈…〉  Sextant by the poll, and were at the cost to inter and bury him worshipfully.  
After this were made Consuls, T. Geganius, and P. Minutius. In which year when all was quiet abroad for any war, and the dissension at home healed up clean, and skinned: another calamity far more grievous entered the city. First a dearth of corn, and all manner of victuals, by reason that the grounds upon the departure of the commons were forelet and untilled. Hereupon issued femine, even such as usually is incident to men besieged. And verily the meinie of bondservants, yea and the commons too, had utterly perished for hunger, if the Consuls had not in time made the better provision: by sending purveiours all abroad to buy up come, not only into Hetruria, by coasting along the river on the right hand from Hostia, and on the left hand by sea, (passing through the Volscians country) even as far as Cumes: but also into Sicily, there to lay for grain. Such was the hatred of the borderers, that Rome was enforced to have need of succour and relief from a far. Now when they had bought certain corn at Cumes, it was no sooner embarked, but the ships were stayed and arrested there, by Aristodemus the tyrant, for the goods of the Tarquin's, whose heir in remainder he was. In the Volscian country and Pomptinum, they could buy none for money. There, the very Purveiors themselves were in danger of violence, by the men of the country. Out of Tuscan there came corn up the Tiber, wherewith the commons were sustained and refreshed. And considering the straits they were in for want of victuals, they had been sore distressed and vexed with wars besides, and that in a very ill time, and unseasonable for them: but that the Volscians, who now were in readiness, and upon the point to make war, had a pestilence that reigned hot among them. Which heavy cross and affliction, the enemies were so discouraged with, that when the plague began to stay, even than they continued still afraid.  
The Romans both at Velitree augmented the number of the inhabitants, and also at Norba, sending a new Colony into the mountains, to be a fortress and strength for all the territory of Pomptinum. Moreover, when M. Minutius, and A. Sempronius were Consuls, great store of corn was brought out of Sicily: and it was debated in the Senate house, at what price the commons should be served therewith. Many thought the time was now come to wring the commons, and keep them under, and to recover again those royalties, which by their departure were forcibly wrested and dismembered from the nobility, 
〈…〉  But above all others Martivus Coriolanus, and utter and capital enemy to the Tribunes power and authority, If they will (quoth he) have their corn and victuals at the old price, let them restore unto the Senators their ancient right and pre-eminence. Why see I (as one brought under the yoke of servitude, and put as it were unto my ransom, by robbers and thieves) these Magistrates of the Commons? why see I Sicinius so mighty? Shall I endure these indignities longer than I needs must? I that could not bear T arquinius to be King, shall I brook and suffer Sicinius? Let him depart aside now, and take his commons with him: the way is open to mount Sacer and other hills: let them carry away with them the corn out of our posessions and Lordships, as they did three years ago: let them enjoy, take for their use, and spend the store, which they in their follerie and fury have provided. I dare be bold to say, that when they are by this calamity once tamed, they will rather till and husband the ground themselves, than with weapon in hand, and by way of insurrection, forbid and hinder the tillage thereof. I cannot so soon say, whether it had been as meet, as I suppose it was possible and easy to effect, that the Senators by offering more gentle conditions in the prices of corn and victuals, might have eased themselves of the Tribunes authority over them, and also have been disburdened of those impositions which maugre their heads, were laid upon them. Well, this seemed to the Senate a sharp censure and severe sentence of Cartolanus, and for very anger also it had like to have caused the Commons to rise up in arms: 
The murmuring of the 〈◊〉 against Co●●olanus.  For they muttered and gave it out in these terms, That now they were laid at and assailed with famine like enemies, defrauded and bearest of their meat and pittance: that the outlandish corn, the only sustenance and food which fortune had ministered unto them beyond all hope; was snatched and plucked from their mouths, unless the Tribunes be delivered & yielded prisoners hand and foot bound to C. Martius, unless he might have his pennyworths of the back and shoulders of the commons of Rome. For he was now start up & become their tormentor and hangman, to command them either to death, or to servitude. As he went out of the counsel house, they had run upon him with violence, but that the Tribunes, as good luck was, served him with process in time, to appear at a day, and come to his answer. Herewith, their furious anger was suppressed. For now every man saw, that he was himself to be the judge and lord of his enemy's life and death. Martius' at the first scorned the Tribunes thundering threats, & gave the hearing, as though he made small reckoning there of, saying, That their authority had power granted by limitation, only to aid, and not to punish: that the Tribunes were Tribunes to the commons, and not to the Senators. But so spitefully were the Commons bend, and all so set upon mischief, that there was no other remedy, but one man must pay for it, to save and excuse the rest of the Nobles. Howbeit, the Senators did what they could to withstand them: by opposing hatred and displeasure again, and making all means, what either privately they were able of themselves, or jointly by their whole Order and degree, to procure. And first, this course they assayed to stop and overthrow the suit commenced; namely, by setting their followers and retainers in sundry places to deal with the commons severally one by one, and what they could to affright them from meetings and assemblies together. Afterwards, they came all forth at once into the Forum or common place. A man that had seen them would have said they had been the parties themselves in trouble and accused, ready to hold up their hand at the bar: such a beseeching they praying, such a beseeching they made of the commons, in the behalf of this one citizen, this only Senator; that if they would not in their love acquit him for their sakes, as innocent and unguilty, yet they would give him unto them as an offender and faulty person. In conclusion, when his day came, he made default and appeared not, yet continued they still in their angry mood against him. And being condemned in his absence, for contumacy, departed into banishment to the Vol●cians, menacing his own country as he went, and carrying even then with him the revenging stomach of an enemy.  
The Volcians at his coming received him courteously, and friendly increated him every day more than other, as they perceived his anger more and more toward his countrymen, by many complaints he made of them & threats withal that he eftsoons gave out against them in their hearing. He made his abode and sojourned in the house of Accius Tullus. Who at that time was a mighty great man among the Volscians, and one that ever bare mortal malice unto the Romans. And whiles the one of them was provoked with an old cankered grudge, and the other set on and pricked forward upon a fresh quarrel and occasion of anger, they both laid their heads together and complotted to make war upon the Romans. This only thing stood in their way to cross their designs: They thought verily their Commons would hardly or uneth at all be brought, to rise and take arms again, which they had so often unhappily attempted: And besides, their courages were well cooled, and their stomachs abated, by the loss of their youth in many and sundry wars often times afore, and now at last, by the late pestilence and mortality. They were therefore to go cunningly to work; that for as much as the old hatred against the Romans was grown out and worn away, their hearts upon some new anger might be chauf and galled again. There were by chance at that time in Rome, the great Games and Plays in hand, to be set out a new the second time, the occasion whereof was this: A certain houshoulder one morning betimes before the shows and games began, had beaten with rods a poor slave of his under the fork which he carried on his shoulders, and driven him along through the minds of the Circus or Theatre: and with that began the plays, as if there had been no matter therein of scruple or religion. But not long after, one T. Latinius a mean commoner had a dream or vision: In which he thought that jupiter complained and said, that the dancer before the plays pleased him never a whit: and unless those games were newly exhibited again, and that very stately and sumptuously, some great danger should befall the city: willing him withal, to make relation hereof unto the Consuls. The man albeit in truth he was not without some sense and feeling of religion & the fear of God: yet made he no such great scruple at the matter, but that the reverence he had of the majesty and countenance of the magistrates surmounted and dashed it clean: for fear least haply he should become a talking stock in men's mouths, and be mocked for his labour. But this delay and sleeping of the matter, he bought full dear. For within few days his son happened to die. And because he should be out of doubt what was the cause of this his loss and sudden misfortune, whiles he was troubled in spirit, with anguish and sorrow, behold, the same vision appeared to him again in his sleep, and seemed to ask him whither he had not yet sufficiently paid for this disobedience and contempt of God? threatening moreover, that in case he made no greater haste to certify the Consuls thereof, there was a greater judgement and plague toward, and that very near. Now was the thing more evident thanbefore, and past all peradventure. Howbeit he neglected & drove it off still, until he was himself overtaken with a grievous disease, and brought to great weakness in all his joints. Then verily the wrath of the gods taught him to be wiser. And being over waried with harms past, and in fear of more presently to ensue, he conferred with his kinsfolk and friends to be advised by them. When he had declared unto them what he had seen and heard, namely, how jupiter had so often appeared unto him in his sleep, and that the fearful displeasure and threatenings of the heavenly gods were showed plainly by sundry mischances fallen upon him: by the full consent of all them that were about him, he was brought in a litter to the Consuls, into the Forum or common place, from whence by the Consul's commandment he was carried into the Counsel house. Where, when he had made report unto the Senators of the self same things, to the exceeding wonder and admiration of them all, see another strange miracle: He that was brought into the Senate house a lame cripple of all his limbs, after he had once delivered his errand, returned home to his house (as it is recorded) sound upon his feet. hereupon the Senate decreed, That the Games should be set out as magnificentlie as could be devised.  
The these solemnities resorted, by the motion and persuasion of Accius Tullius, a great number of Volscians. But before they were begun, Tullius according to the complot between him and Martius at home, made a step or errand unto the Consuls at Rome, saying, that he would willingly commune and treat with them apart, of important affairs concerning the State. When avoidance was made, and every man gone, he began in this wise: Loath I am (quoth he) if otherwise I could choose, 
Accius Tullius to the Roman Consuls.  to speak aught but well of my countrymen and fellow citizens. Yet come I not to complain of any action of theirs already pasted, but to give a caveat, and provide that nothing be practised hereafter. The nature and disposition (I may tell you) of our people, is too too unconstant and unstaied, more iwis than I would they were, a great deal: that have we found and felt to our great cost and manifold damage, we I say, who verily at this day by your long sufferance, and not by good desert of ours, do stand in good terms of peace and safety. There is now here a great multitude of Volscians, the Plays and Games ready to be represented and celebrate. Your city will be wholly amused in the beholding thereof: I remember upon the like occasion, what was sometimes enterprised and wrought in this city by the youth of the Sabines; and my heart doth tremble and quake for fear, lest some inconsiderate, rash and foolish part be played by ours: thus much, O ye Consuls, I thought good in our behalf and yours both, to give you ynkling of before hand. As for me, I am minded presently to go from hence home, lest I being here seen, might be thought in some word or deed accessary uno them, & so culpable. Having made this speech he departed. When the Consuls had declared in the Senate this thing so doubtful, and yet proceeding from the mouth of so sure and certain an author: behold, the credit of the man (as commonly it is seen) rather than the likelihood of the matter, caused them to be wary and circumspect, yea, although there was no such need or cause at al. Whereupon the Senate made an Act, that the Volscians should be jogging out of the city. And divers criers or Beadles were sent out sundry ways, to command them to avoid & be packing before night. At the first, the Volsciens were only much affrighted, and ran every man to and fro into his Inn to fetch away his things. But afterwards in the way homeward, they began to think more and more of it, and to grow melancholy: thinking it a great indignity, that like polluted and profaned persons, they should be driven from the Games, on festival holidays, discarded (as a man would say) and excommunicate out of the company both of God and man. Thus as they went along all on a row, as it were in one continued and joint train, Tullius (who was gone afore as far as the Ferentine head) received the foremost and chief of them, as every one came, & entertained them with complaints & words of indignation, & drew both them who willingly gave ear to his words so fitly framed & tending to stir more coals, and also by their means the rest of the multitude, 
Accius Tullius to his countrymen.  into a plain field, lying hard under the high way side. Unto whom, assembled together as it were to here a sermon, he thus began to speak: Admit (quoth he) you could forget the old wrongs and abuses offered you by the people of Rome, the losses and overthrows of the Volscian Nation, yea and all other quarrels whatsoever; how can ye put up this days spiteful reproach and dishonour received at their hands? who to our great disworship and shame, have begun their solemn Games? Perceived you not how they have triumphed over you to day? how as ye departed, ye were a spectacle and pageant to all men, citizens and strangers, and to so many neighbour nations adjoining? how your wives and children were brought as it were in a show, to make them sport, and to laugh at? what conceit was in their heads (think ye) that heard the voice of the Beadle? what thought they that beheld you as you dislodged? what imagined they that happened to meet this ignominous troop as they matched? Even this & no other, that there was some wicked sin among us, not to be named, whereby we should as malefactors, have stained & polluted their games if we had been present at the sight of them, and have committed some heinous act, that would require by some satisfaction of sacrifice to be purged? & for that cause were driven from having any conversation, fellowship, and society of good and godly men? Over and besides, how can you choose but think of this, That we enjoy our lives still, only because we hastened our remove, (if this may be called a remove, and not rather a plain taking of a flight and running away.) And yet you reason this no enemy city, where, if ye had stayed but one day longer, you had died for it every one. Defiance is given already, and war denounced against you; but if ye be men indeed of courage, to their great cost and mischief that have denounced it. Thus being of themselves kindled enough with indignation, and by these words inflamed and set on fire, they went ever ie manasses his way from thence home: and so effectually solicited each one the people where he dwelled, that in fine the whole nation of the Volscians revolted and rebelled. To manage this war, were chosen General commanders by one consent of all the cities, Accius Tullius, and Cn. Martius the banished Roman: in whom of the twain they reposed greater hope, and this their hope failed them not. So as it soon appeared that the puissance of the state of Rome, consisted more in the dexterity of good captains, than in strong armies of soldiers. For first he went to 
* Monte Cir●ello.  Circeios, from whence he expelled the Roman Coloners, and delivered the city clear and free unto the Volscians. Then by cross ways he passed into the Latin street, called Via Latima: and regained from the Romans, these their towns newly gotten afore, Satricum, Longula, Pollustia & Corioli. After this he wan Lanuvium again, & so forward he forced 
* Civit● indorin● vique.  Corbio, Vitelia, Trebia, Labicos, and Pedum. And last of all from Pedum, he marched on toward the city of Rome, and at Cluiliae Fosse, five miles off, he encamped and forraied the territory about, sending with the forreiars certain guides, to keep them from spoiling and doing harm in the noblemen's lands: were it that he were more spiteful to the Commons, or that thereby some discord might arise, 
Coriolanus beseegeth Rome.  between the Commonalty and the Senators: which doubtless had soon grown, so mightily had the Tribunes already by their complaints and accusations, provoked the Commons forward, (who of themselves were shrewd inoguh) against the heads and magistrates of the city, but that the fear of foreign dangers, the greatest bond of civil concord that can be, held them in and knit their hearts together, were they never so jealous, suspected, and hateful afore one to the other. Herein only was all their difference, that the Senate and Consuls, reposed hope in nothing else save only in war: the commons on the other side were desirous of any thing whatsoever, but war.  
Now were S. Nautius, and Sex. Farius Consuls: who as they were surveying and mustering the legions, and disposing of a good Corpus de guard upon the walls, and other places wherein they thought it expedient to keep a standing watch and ward: behold a mighty number called and cried hard for peace, & with their seditious clamours, put them in exceeding fear: yea & afterwards, forced them to assemble the Senatehouse together, and to propose concerning the sending of certain ambassadors to Gn. Martius. The Lords of the Senate seeing evidently the commons hearts to fail them, accepted and granted the motion propounded. Whereupon were Orators sent unto Martius to treat for peace. 
The answer of 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 Orators.  At whose hands they received this heavy and stout answer: If so be the Volsciens had their lands restored to them again; then there might be some parley and treaty of peace: but if they will needs at their pleasure still enjoy that booty which by war they have gotten, then would he in remembrance of private wrongs done unto him by his countrymen, as also of the friendship and courtesy showed him by strangers that had given him entertainment, do his best to make it known unto the world, that his courage and stomach is incensed, and not abated and quailed by his banishment. Then were the same Ambassadors sent again the second time, but they might not be admitted once to set foot within the camp. It is reported moreover that the very priests in their Pontificalibus, in their rich vestments and goodly ornaments, went with supplication to the tents of the enemies, and turned his heart no more than the ambassadors had done before them. Then the dames of the city came flocking all about Veturia the mother, and Volumnia the wife of Coriolanus. Whether this proceeded from any public counsel and was done in policy, or came only of women's fear, I find but little in any records. But howsoever it came about, this one thing is certain, they persuaded so effectually with them, that both Veturia an aged woman, and also Volumnia with her two little sons that she had by Martius, went toward the enemy's camp, to see if women by their prayers and tears, might save the city, which men with spear and shield could not defend. When they were come into the camp, & word brought to Coriolanus, that there was an exceeding great train of women thither arrived: at the first, he, as one that had relented, neither for that public majesty in the Ambassadors, nor yet at the religious reverence, which he both conceived in mind, & saw with his eyes in the clergy, stood much more stiffly bend against the tears of silly women. But afterwards one of his familiar friends, who had seen and known Veturia there, mourning and bewailing exceedingly above the rest, as she stood betwixt her daughter in law and her little nephews: 
The speech of Veturia unto her so ● Martius Cotiolanus.  I● mine eyes be matches (quoth he) and deceive me not, here is your mother, your wife, and children. Whereat, Coriolanus, faring like a man well near beside himself, arose from his seat, and ran to meet his mother, and to embrace her. But the woman falling in steed of prayers into a fit of choler: Let me know (quoth she) before I suffer thee to embrace me, whether I am come to an enemy or to a son, whether I be in thy camp as a captive prisoner, or as a natural mother. And have I lived indeed so long, and rubbed on still in this miserable old age of mine for this, to see thee first a banished man, and after that to become an enemy? Couldst thou find in thine heart to waste and spoil that courtrey which bred thee, which fostered thee, and brought thee up? And be it that thou hither marched with a cruel intent and full of threats, would not thine anger and fell mood slake, when thou didst set foot within the borders and marches thereof? And being come within the sight of Rome, arose not this in thy mind & thought, Within those walls yonder is my house, there are my house goods, my mother, my wife, my children? Why then, belike if I had never been a mother, and borne a child, Rome had not been assaulted. And if I had no son at all, I might have died well enough in my native country, whiles it remained free. But as for me, neither can I suffer aught, more for thy dishonesty and shame; nor more to mine own calamity and misery than this: and most wretched caitiff though I be, yet long time so I cannot continue. But for these here, look thou well to it, I advise thee, and have pity of them, who if thou go on as thou beginnest, are like to feel untimely death, or endure long captivity. Then his wife and children hung about him, and clipped him: whereat the women fell a weeping on all sides, bewailing their own case and the state of their country. So as at length the man was overcome. And after he had taken them in his arms likewise, he let them go: and himself dislodged and removed his camp backward from the city. When he had withdrawn the legions out of the territory of Rome, he got himself, men said, such hatred and displeasure for this action, that it cost him his life: and murdered he was, some report one way, some another. But I find in Fabius a most ancient writer, that he lived until he was an old man: who reporteth this of him: That oftentimes in his latter days he used to utter this speech, A heavy case and most wretched, for an aged man to live banished. The men of Rome envied not those women their due deserved praises. So devoid was the world in those days, of depraving and detracting the glory of others. For in memorial hereof to all posterity, there was a temple built and dedicated to Fortuna Muliebris. i 
Fertuna Mul●re b●ir.  women's fortune.  
After all this, the Volscians joined the Aequians unto them, and returned into the territory of Rome. But the Aequians would no longer abide Accius to be their Commander. And upon this strife between the Volscians and Aequians, whither of them should appoint a General over the army raised jointly of them both, first they grew to a mutiny, and afterwards to a cruel battle. Such was the good fortune of the people of Rome, that two armies of their enemies, were thus by civil discord and contention, no less mortal than obstinate, overthrown and brought to nought. Consul's then, were T. Sicinius and C. Aquilius. To Sicinius were allotted the Volscians, and to Aquilius the Hernikes (who also were out and up in arms) for their several province. That year were the Hernikes vanquished, but with the Volscians they fought so, as they departed on even hand, giving and taking the like.  
After them were Sp. Cassius, and Proculus Virginius made Consuls. Then was there a league concluded with the Hernikes, and two third parts of their lands were taken from them. Whereof the one moiety, Cassius the Consul was minded to distribute among the Latins, the other among the Commoners. To this donation he laid too also a good portion of ground, which being commons by right, he found much fault, that it was in the tenure and possession of private persons. This act of his made divers of the Senators, namely, such as were great landed men and interessed therein, to starkle for fear of hazarding their estate. Over and besides, the Senators all in general were in great perplexity, lest that the Consul by this largesse, should rise by popular favour to such greatness, as might prejudice their free hold, yea and endanger the very main chance of public liberty. 
The law Agraria first published, concerning the division of waste lands among the commons.  And this was the first time that the law Agraria was published: and forward unto this present hour, it was never debated of, but with exceeding great stirs and troubles of the State. The other Consul withstood this largesse, with the general consent of the Senators, and without contradiction of some commoners: who at the very first began to mislike, and utterly abhor, that the donation was so common, and from the natural citizens, extended to their allies and confederates. Moreover, they might oftentimes hear even the Consul himself Virginius, openly in his solemn Orations before the people, to deliver by way of prophesy, and as it were to prognosticate, 
Virginius against the law Agraria.  That this was a pestilent largesse of his brother Consul, and that those grounds would in the end entherall the takers thereof, and that it was the very high way to set up a kingdom again. For to what other intent (I pray you) were their allies, and the nation of the Latins associate in the same? To what purpose either, was a third part of the lands won by conquest, given again to the Hernikes processed enemies but a while before, but that these nations might have Cassius to be such another captain of their, as Coriolanus was. And thus by dissuading and crossing the law Agraria, he became now to be popular and gracious with the people. Then both Consuls strove a vie, who might please & gratify the Commons most. Virginius, by giving out that he would maintain and suffer the lands to be divided, so they were assigned to none but to the citizens of Rome: Cassius again, who in the largesse of the lands, seemed to court and curry favour with the allies, and thereby was of the citizens less regarded and reputed, to the end, that by some other benefit he might regain the hearts of his countrymen, was of opinion, and made a motive, that the money which was received for the Sicilian corn, should be repaid unto the people. But the Commons refused and abhorred that, as a very bribe & ready bait for a sceptre and crown. So greatly were all his gifts, for the deep rooted suspicion and jealousy of his aspiring to a kingdom, loathed in the conceits of men, as if they had flowed in wealth, and been rich enough. 
Sp. Cassius put to death for seeking to be king.  And for certain it is recorded, that so soon as he left his Office, he was condemned and put to death. Some report, that his own father did the execution: and that upon examination privately had at home within his house, he finding him faulty, whipped him first, and so killed him, and consecrated the goods and chattels of his son, as a Deodand to Ceres, whereof a Statue or Image was made, with this inscription or title, GIVEN OUT OF THE HOUSE OF, CASSIUS. I find in some records (which soundeth nearer to the truth) that he was by the 
* Treasurers of the citti●.  Questors Caeso Fabius, and L. Valerius, indited of treason, and being convicted, was by a verdict of the people condemned, and his house by order from the whole city, razed and pulled down.  
And at this day, it is the void yard that lieth before the temple of Tellus. But howsoever he had his trial and judgement, privately or openly, condemned he was when Ser. Cornelius and Q. Falbius were Consuls. Long continued not the people's anger and spite against Cassius. So sweet was the law Agraria in itself, that when the author and upholder thereof was out of the world, they longed to have it on foot again. Which desire of theirs was the rather set on fire, through the pinching nigardise of the Senators, who having that year subdued the Volscians and Aequians, kept the soldiers fasting, and defrauded them of the spoil. For what prizes soever were gotten from the enemies, the Consul Fabius sold and brought into the Exchequer or chamber of the city.  
Now was the name of Fabius already odious to the Commonalty, for the last Consul's sake: yet obtained the Senators so much, and held their own so, as Caeso Fabius was created Consul with L. Aemilius. This made the Commons more malicious and bend to mischief. And sedition at home caused war abroad. Foreign war hushed civil discord for a while. Both Senators and Commons with one accord, under the conduct of Aenilius, fought fortunately with the rebellious Volscians and Aequians, and diffeated them. Howbeit more enemies perished in the chase, than were slain in the battle: so hotly the horsemen pursued them when they were once discomfited and gave not over. The same year was the temple of Castor, consecrated in the 
* 〈…〉 of a T●●ple.  Ides of Quintilis. 
〈…〉  It had been vowed aforetime in the Latins war by Posthumius the Dictator. His son was created Duumvir, for that purpose, and dedicated it.  
This year also the Commons hearts were set upon the law Agraria, and longed afresh after the sweetness thereof. The Tribunes of the Commonalty graced and credited their popular authority, with propounding a law as popular and acceptable to the people. But the Senators supposing verily that the multitude was furious and outrageous enough and too much of themselves, without any hire and reward, stood in great dread and horror of these largesses, as the very allurements and provocations, of rash and heady attempts: and the stoutest champions of their side to withstand the law, were the Consuls. That part therefore and State of the city had the better hand, nor only this present year, but for the next ensuing. For they chose M. Fabius, Caeso his brother for the one Consul, and L. Valerius for the other, a man of the twain more odious in the eyes of the Commons, in regard of his late accusation of Sp. Cassius. In which year also there was strifeand much ado with the Tribunes. But both law and lawmakers with their glorious bragging and vaunting of their goodly donative, which they could not effect, proved vain and came to nothing. Upon this, the name of Fabiuses, who after three Consulships together one after another, by them born continually without intermission, were enured and tried in the broils and contentions of Tribunes, was in great request and reputation: and in their house and family remained still for a good while after, that dignity, as an honour well and worthily bestowed upon them. Then began the Veientian war, and the Volscians likewise rebelled. But for any wars abroad whatsoever, they had strength enough and to spare, is by jars at home among their own selves they had not abused the same.  
Besides this disquienes and affliction of all men's minds, occasioned by these dissensions, there happened (to amend the matter well) prodigious, and strange tokens from heaven, daily in a manner threatening both in city & country the heavy hand of God. And when as the forhsaiers and wizards were sent out unto, to search forth the cause of God's wrath and indignation both in public and private, as well by inspect of the inwards of sacrificed beasts, as by aspect of birds and fowls, they could assign it to nothing else but this, that there was some error committed in their sacrifices and divine liturgy. Those fearful and prodigious signs proceeded still so far, that one Oppia a vestal Nun, convicted and condemned of incest, suffered death.  
After this, followed Q. Fabius and C. Tullius Consuls. In which year the discord at home was nothing less, and the war abroad far greater. For the Aequians rose up in arms: the Veientians also entered the confines, and made much spoil. And whiles they were more and more careful about these wars what order to take, Caeso Fabius and Sp. Furius, were made Consuls. By this time the Aequians assaulted Artona a city in Latium. And the Veientians having sped themselves with prizes and booties, made great cracks that they would give an assault upon the very city of Rome. These fearful news, which ought to have abated and taken down the stomachs of the Commons, made them much more fierce & fell, and they returned of themselves unto their old biace of refusing warfare: but Sp. Licinius their Tribune, thinking now the time was come to enforce upon the Senators the law Agraria, upon this exigent and extreme point of-necessitie, had taken upon him to stop the levying and setting out of an army. But he drew upon his own head the whole hatred and displeasure of the Tribunes themselves and their authority. For the Consuls opposed themselves against him no more bitterly than his own companions in office by whose assistance the Consuls went through with the muster. And for two wars at once, there were enroled two armies. The one under the leading of Fabius, against the Aequians, the other, against the Veientians commanded by Furius. Against whom there was nothing done worthy of remembrance. As for Fabius, he had somewhat more to do with his own men than with his enemies. That man himself alone was he, that being Consul upheld the Commonweal, which his army for hatred of their Consul, had as much as in them lay, utterly betrayed. For when as he (above many other warlike feats and parts of a right worthy General, whereof he showed singular proof, both in preparation, and also in managing of the war) had so marshaled and ranged his battle, that with sending out the horsemen only, he disordered and broke the ranks of his enemy's host: 
The disobedience of soldiers to ●●eir captain's.  behold, the footmen would not follow on after that disarray neither, when the exhortation of their leader whom they hated, prevailed not, could their own shame at leastwise, and the public dishonour for the present, no nor yet the imminent danger like to ensue (in case the enemy had taken heart again and made head) force them to amend their pace one jot, and make more speed. Neither could he possibly make them (if to do nothing else) so much as to march still in battle array: but full against his commandment they retire with their ensigns: and as men sorry in their hearts and ill apaid, (he that had seen them would have said they had lost the field) cursing their General one while, and the valiant service of the horsemen another while, they return to their Tents. Neither wist the General what way to remedy this so pestilent an example and dangerous precedent. Thus we may see, that brave men, of singular and excellent wits, have been more to seek and fail in their skill, how to govern a subject than to vanquish an enemy. The Consul returneth to Rome, having purchased more hatred of his forward and stubborn soldiers, than, won honour by his martial prowess. Nevertheless, the Senators prevailed so much that the Consultship kept residence still in the name of the Fabiuses. So, they created M. Fabius' Consul, and join with him Cn. Manlius for his colleague.  
This year likewise, had one patron and maintainer of the law Agraria, to wit, Tiberius Pontificius a Tribune. He taking the same course, and following the steps of Sp. Licinius, hindered the musters for a while. 
The poll●ricke practice of Appius Claudius to abate the Tribunes auctorine.  And when the Senators were herewith disquieted again, then Ap. Claudius arose up and said, That the year before, the Tribunes power was overmatched, and the neck of it broken in proof, only for that present, but in example for ever hereafter: for as much as it was well seen then by experience, that of itself even among their own selves it fell a pieces and never will there want at any time one good Tribune or other, that would be glad to get the start and victory of his fellow, yea and the favour also of the better part, for to purchase the good of the weal-public. And that there would be more Tribunes, if more were needful, ready to assist the Consuls: and if there were but one, even that one were sufficient to stand against all the rest. So that, the Consuls and LL. of the Counsel would but do their endeavour, to win unto the State and Senate, some certain of the Tribunes, if they might not compass all. The Senators being thus schooled and taught their lessons by Appius, both all in general would courteously salute and friendly entreat the Tribunes, and also in particular as many of them as had been Consuls, according to that interest that each man had in any one of them privately, partly by favour and friendship, and partly by countenance and authority, prevailed so with them, that they were willing and well content to employ the Tribunes authority to the good and safety of the Commonweal. So by the help of four Tribunes, against one that hindered the good of all, the Consuls took muster of the soldiers. Then set they forward on their voyage to war with the Veientians: unto whom from all parts of Hetruria they came to aid and succour; not so much for any love that they bore to the Veientians, as in hope that the puissance of Rome through intestine and civil dissension, would decay and come to nought. For in all the Dietes and assemblies of the States of Hetruria, the Princes and Peers gave it out and said, 
The speeches of the Tuscan princes in their Counsels.  That the power and greatness of the Romans was everlasting, if through mutual discord they warred not so among themselves: which hath been found the only bane of wealthy & flourishing cities, whereby mighty Empires became mortal & subject to a final end. Which mischief (say they) this long time hath been prevented and delayed, partly through the fage advise and prudent government of the Senate, partly by the patience and long sufferance of the Commons: but now they are come to a great extremity. Divided they are, and of one city become twain: each part have their several Magistrates and laws by themselves. At the first, how ever they were wont to be at odds, and to fall out at the mustering of soldiers, yet in war they would hold together, and obey their captains. Howsoever they fared at home in the city, were the State never so far out of order, yet so long as martial discipline, was on foot and took place, they might be reclaimed, and all troubles stayed. But now, the former use & custom of disobeying Magistrates within the city, is taken up by the Roman soldiers in the very camp. For no longer since than the last war of all, in the time of battle and conflict, their whole army agreed of their own accord, not forced by any extremity that they were put unto, for to give the Veientians, as much as in them lay, even after they had lost the field, the entire victory and honour of the day. For they abandoned their ensigns, left their General alone in the skirmish, and against his will, retired themselves into the camp. And surely, if they hold on still this course, Rome may be won by means of her own soldiers: there needs no more to do, but to proclaim and make a show of war: For even the very destinies and gods themselves would perform all the rest. Upon these hopes and deep persuasions, the Tuscans, who afore were wont otherwhiles to have the better, and sometimes to take the worse in their wars, put themselves in arms. The Roman Consuls likewise were in fear of nothing else so much, as of their own power, their own force and weapons: being affrighted at the remembrance of that foul and shameful example, and that lewd part played in the last war: lest peradventure, they should put it upon this point of hazard, as to be in danger of two battles at once. And therefore in so doubtful and perilous a case, they held off fight, and kept themselves within their camp, if haply time and space would assuage their anger, bring them into the right way again, and reclaim them to good and reasonable order. The enemies hereat, as well Veientians as the other Tuscans, made the greater haste, and were more sharp set, and provoked them to the field: first by riding up and down before their camp, hard at the gates thereof, braving and challenging them forth, at the last, seeing they could not prevail, they fell to rating and railing, one while upon the Consuls themselves, another while upon the whole army, in these and such like terms: A gay matter indeed, and a proper devise to salve their cowardice, and under a colour of civil dissension to cloak their fearfulness: and the Consuls forsooth mistrust more the faithfulness and loyalty of their soldiers in service, than they doubted their valour and sufficiency of service. Marry, here is indeed a new kind of mutiny. What? Armed men to hold their peace, and sit still? Hitting them in their teeth besides, with their new startup rising, and late sprung base beginning, letting fly against them lies and truths, one with an other, and spared not. For all this soul stir they kept, stouting and reviling them under their very trench, and hard at their gates, the Consuls themselves were not one jot troubled. But the foolish and ignorant multitude what with anger, and what for shame of these reproachful terms, was much distempered: and one whiles wholly gave over to regard and think upon home troubles and dissensions, and had rather than their lives be revenged of their enemies: Anon again, they would not in any case gratify the Nobles and Consuls, nor wish them good success. Thus the hatred both against the enemies without, and the Consuls within strove together in their hearts: until at length, foreign occasions got the mastery over them: so proudly, so insolently, the enemy scorned and made a game of them. Whereupon they came thick by troops to the General's pavilion, calling upon them for to fight, requiring to put forth the banner and signal of battle. The Consuls laid their heads together, and as taking good advisement, conferred on the matter a good while. To fight they were most willing and desirous: but this desire was to be kept back and dissimuled, and thereby augmented: to the end, that by holding off, by opposing themselves, and making some stay, they might set the soldiers on, & being once set on it, they might make them follow more eagerly at once. In conclusion, this answer was returned unto them: That they made too much haste: it was not yet full ripe, nor the time come, to give battle: they must hold themselves contented, and keep within their tents: proclaiming moreover, that no man be so hardy as to fight: and whosoever attempted it, without their warrant, and commission, they would proceed against him with all rigour, as a professed enemy. Thus were they dismissed. And the less willing they thought the Consuls were, the more eager were they, and set upon a battle. The enemies besides, when they had intelligence, that the Consuls were not disposed to fight, and had take en order to the contrary, were enkindled and inflamed so much the more. For now they supposed they might brave it, and insult upon them safely without danger. For why? The Consuls durst not trust the soldiers with weapon in hand: now were their mutinies come to the height, and to break forth in extremities: now and never before the Roman Empire and Dominion was at an end. Presuming confidently upon this ground, they run together unto the gates, redoubling a thousand villainous & opprobrious terms, and much a do they had to forbear assaulting the camp. Now could the Romans on the other side hold no longer, & endure this contumely & indignity, but came running from all parts of the camp unto the Consuls. And now not leisurely as before, make they request, and by mediation of their chief centurians, but all on once on every side plied them with outcries & clamours. Now was the matter come to ripeness, yet hast the Coss. still and hold off. Then Fabius, seeing the tumult increased, & that for fear of a mutiny, his brother Consul had yielded already, caused silence to be made by sound of trumpet, & thus he spoke: I know full well O Manlius, 
The speech of Fabius to his brother Consul.  that these fellows are able to win the victory: but that they will so do I know not, and they themselves have caused me to doubt. I have therefore set down my rest, & fully resolved not to give the signal of battle, unless they swear to return out of the field with victory. Once did the soldiers in battle deceive a Cos. of Rome: but the gods in heaven shall they never deceive. Then M. Flavolcius a Centurion, one of the foremost that called for battle so instantly, Return will I (quoth he) O M. Fabius, victor out of the field: and if I fail than I beseech father jupiter, Mars Gradivus and other gods to make me a fearful example, and show their wrathful displeasure upon me. The same oath after him took the whole army, every man against himself. Thus when they had sworn, the trumpet sounded. Then buckle they themselves toward battle, full of anger, full of hope. Now they bid the Tuscans revile and rail their fill: now being at all points armed, they wished they had afore them man to man their enemies, those that were so lively and lusty with their tongues. Right valiantly bore themselves that day, as well the Commons as the Nobles. But the name of the Fabiuses, the Fabiuses I say, passed all the rest and won the spurs. Who in this piece of service purposed to gain again the hearts of the Commons, which in many civil contentions were set against them. And so they embattled themselves. The enemies likewise; both the Veientians & also the Tuscan legions were nothing behind, as making almost sure reckoning that they should be fought withal no more than the Aequians had been. Nay, they were in hope of some greater disorder amongst them, and that, considering they were so malcontent, and the occasion so doubtful, they would play a more shameful part, and show their leaders a beastly cast. But it fell out far otherwise. For never in any other war afore, gave the Romans a hotter charge upon the enemies: so much had they of the one side with spiteful taunts and reproaches nettled them, and the Consuls on the other side with their long delays whet them on. Scarce had the Tuscans any time to put themselves in battle array, but at the very first encounter and shock, casting their javelins carelessly from them (I know not how) rather than leveling and launching them against the enemy, they came presently pellmell to hand strokes, and to deal with their swords, which is the cruelest sight of all other. The Fabiuses among the foremost in the forefront fought valiantly, showing their countrymen a brave sight, and a noble example to follow. Where, Q Fabius who had been Consul the third year before, the leader and forwardest of them all, whiles he advanced himself and rushed amongst the thickest of the Veientians, and skuffled with many of them together, was not ware of his deadline enemy so near: but behold a certain Tuscan a mighty man of strength and skilful at his weapon, ran him through the breast with his sword. Which was not so soon drawn forth of his body, but Fabius fell down headlong upon his wound and died. Both armies felt the fall of that one man: and therewith the Romans recoiled. With that M. Fabius the Consul, stepped over his body as it lay along, and holding forth his target between: Why, soldiers (quoth he) is the oath ye took, to run away and retire thus in to the camp? And are ye more afraid in deed, of these most dastardly enemies, than of jupiter and Mars, by whom ye swore? But I, who was not sworn at all, will either make return with victory, or else O Q. Fabius, fight here by thee, I will live and die by thy side. To whom, Caeso Fabius, who the year afore was Consul, replied again: Think you brother, with these words to make them to fight? Nay, the gods are they that must do it, by whom they have sworn. And let us like Noble knights, and for the honour of the Fabian house, stir up and animate our soldiers by fight rather than by exhorting. Thus road the two Fabiuses with lance in rest into the forefront, and drew the whole battle with them. The fight of one side being thus renewed, Cn. Manlius the Consul in the other wing, bestirred himself, and did for his part as valiantly: Where happened almost the like fortune. For as in the one wing the soldiers followed Q. Fabius, so in this they cheerfully went with the Consul himself Manlius, chase the enemies afore him as discomfired. And when he was sore wounded, and thereupon gone out of the battle, his men supposing him to be slain, drew back, and had indeed lost ground and given way to the enemy, but that the other Consul with certain corners of horsemen, galloped amain into that quarter, and cried aloud that his fellow Consul was living and that himself who had defeated the other point, was ready with victory to assist them, and so upheld the medley, that now began to shrink. Manlius also to encourage his men, showed himself again in open sight. Thus the knowledge and presence of the two Consuls, made the soldiers take heart afresh. Herewithal besides, were the enemy's battalions the thinner and weaker, because they trusting upon their exceeding number, had drawn out those that were to serve for succour and supply, and sent them away to assail the camp. In the surprising whereof, finding no great ado and small resistance, whiles they had more mind to rifle for pillage, than to fight for the victory, they lost time. In the mean space the Roman Triarq, who were not able to hold out the first assault and entrance, having dispatched to the Consuls certain messengers, to give knowledge in what terms they stood, cast themselves round into a ring, and retired themselves to the Praetorium or General's lodging, and of themselves alone, made head and renewed the fight. Likewise Manlius the Consul being ridden back to the camp, at every gate set certain soldiers in guard: and so enclosed them within, that they could not get forth. The Tuskanes being in this desperate case, fared more like mad men than hardy soldiers. For when as they ran here and there every way, according as they had any hope to find issue & to escape, and had made sundry offers & attempts in vain: behold one troop oftal fellows in a plump, made no more ado, but knowing the Consul, who by reason of brave & goodly armour was a fair mark, charged upon his own person. The first volley of their shot, was received by those that stood about him, but their violence afterwards could not be endured. 
〈…〉  The Consul himself was wounded to death, and fell down in the place, & all the rest were discomfited. Whereupon the Tuskanes took more hart unto them, but the Romans were so maskared, that they ran all about the camp in great fear. And in extreme jeopardy had they been, but that the Lie●enants caught up the Consul his body, and made passage at one gate for the enemy. Through which they rushed forth, and dismarched disorderly, until they light upon the other Consul presently after his victory: where they either fell again upon the edge of the sword, 
〈…〉  or were scattered and put to flight. This brave victory thus achieved, was heavy yet and sorrowful for the death of two sonoble personages. And therefore when the Senate had decreed a triumph, the Consul returned this answer, That willingly he could allow thereof in regard of the passing good service performed in that war, in case an army might triumph without a General. But as for himself, seeing that his house grieved and mourned for the death of his brother Q. Fabius, and that the commonwealth was half fatherless as it were, for the loss of a Consul, he would not accept the laurel so deformed and foully blemished, both with public and private sorrow. This triumph thus by him refused, was more honourable than all the triumph in the world. By which we may see that glory despised in due time returneth otherwhiles in greater measure. Then solemnised he with great honour the obsequies one after another, first of his fellow Consul, and then of his own brother. And he himself made the funeral orations for them both. But so as in yielding unto them their due commendations, he went himself away with the greater part. And not unmindful of that rule which he had learned in the beginning of the Consulship, namely to win again the hearts & love of the Commons, he divided the cure of his hurt and wounded soldiers among the Senators. With most of them the Fabiuses were charged, and of none were they better tended and looked unto, than of them. Whereupon the Fabiuses now waxed popular, and that, for no other policy and intent, but only to do the commonwealth good: and therefore with the favour and good will of the commons, as well as of the Nobles, Caeso Fabius was created Consul, with T. Virginius. Whose principal care above all was this, even before war, before musters, before all things else, that seeing now in some measure, there was good hope of concord begun already, the hearts of the Commons might be perfectly linked and united together with the Nobles, and that, with all speed possible. In the beginning therefore of this year, before that any Tribune of the Commons should prefer the law Agraria, he thought good and gave his advice, that the Nobles should prevent all, & go in hand first themselves to perform their part, and show their bounty: namely in parting the lands gotten by conquest, and freely bestowing the same as equally as might be, among the Commons. For it was meet & requisite that they should be possessed thereof, whose sweat of brows, nay, whose blood had paid for the purchase. But the Senators could not hear of that care, but misliked of the motion: yea, and some of them complained & said, that the lively spirit, & courageous disposition of Caeso, which sometimes he had, was now by reason of excessive glory, grown to be toyish & full of vanities. And there an end of civil factions for a time.  
But the Latins were much troubled with the reises and roads of the Acquians. Thither was Caeso with an army sent, who invaded and overran the very country of the Aequians, ●orraying and spoiling as he went. The Aequians thereupon retired, and put themselves into their towns, and kept close within the walls, whereby there was no memorable field fought. But at their enemies the Veientians hand, they received an overthrow, and that through the rashness of the other Consul: and had not Caeso Fabius come to the rescue in good time, the whole army had been utterly lost. From that time there was neither war nor peace with the Veientians: but their dealing was much what after the manner of robbing. For when the Roman legions were abroad, they would leave the field, & take to their cities: when they perceived the legions were removed and gone, they would make excursions and waste the country. Thus played they mockholiday, and dallied with them, shifting off war with quietness, and quietness again with war, by turns. So as, the Roman could neither all wholly rest careless and secure for them, nor yet go through stitch, and make an end once for all with them. Besides, other wars were either presently at hand, to with, from the Aequians and the Volscians, who could no longer sit still, than until their fresh grief, and pain of the last defeature was overpast; or else the Sabines, never other but enemies, yea and all Hetruria, were like shortly to rise and take arms. But the Veientian a continual enemy, rather than dangerous, provoked them to anger with reproachful taunts, oftener than with any great peril or hurt. And yet as little as it was, it might no time be neglected, 
Caeso Fabius the Consul, in the Lords of the Senate.  nor gave them leave to be employed in the meanwhile, otherwhere. Then came the whole house and kindred of the Fabiuses unto the Senate, and in the name of them all spoke the Consul in this wife: My Lords of the Senate, the Veientian war had need rather of a resident garrison, as ye know well enough, to keep the fronties, than great forces for expedition. As for you, see ye to other wars. Let the Fabiuses alone to deal as private enemies with the Veientians. We dare undertake and warrant, that the State of Rome shall receive no dishonour nor danger there. We are fully minded and resolved at our own proper cost and charges, to maintain and manage that war, as appropriate and peculiar to our name and family: the city shall be charged neither with men nor money there. 
The lineage of the Fabiis, offer to maintain wa●e with the Veien●●ens in their 〈◊〉 persons, and at their proper charges.  Great thanks were given them for this their forwardness. The Consul being come out of the Senate house, was attended home with the whole generation of the Fabiuses who stood at the porch of the Counsel Court, expecting the Senate's decree. And being commanded to be ready in armour well appointed the next day, and to give attendance at the Consul's door, they departed from thence home to their own houses. The bruit hereof spread all over the city. All men extol the Fabiuses up to the sky, saying, That one family had taken upon them the whole burden of the city. The Veientian war now, is become (say they) a private charge, and requireth the power and force only that private persons could make. O that there were two such families more in Rome of that stomach and valour: that one of them might take the Volsciens in hand, and another the Acquiens. Surely all the nations bordering hereabout might soon be subdued, and the people of Rome sit still the while and rest in peace. The day following, the Fabiuses armed themselves, mounted on horseback, and repaired to the rendezvous aforesaid, as they were commanded. Then came the Consul forth, clad in a rich cote of arms, and standing in his porch, beheld his whole blood and lineage armed and marshaled in order, and being received in the minds of them, caused the guidon and Cornets to be advanced. Never marched there along the city, an army either less in number, or more renowned for their same and the admiration of men. Three hundred men of arms they were and six, all nobly descended, of one stock, of one race and name all. And of all them there was not one, that a sage and prudent Senate would have refused at any time as unsufficient, to be a leader and commander in the field. Thus furnished with the force and strength that one only family could make, they advanced forward, threatening and menacing the ruin and destruction of the Veientians. There followed a number and multitude of citizens: one private company by themselves of kinsfolk, allies, friends, and feres, casting in their minds no mean matters, neither of hope nor fear, but all exceeding measure and surpassing: another, of the common people, moved with a careful regard, andastonied again in a favourable applause and admiration of their enterprise, crying with one voice, Hold on right valiant knights, On forth a God's name in happy hour; God grant lucky speed, answerable to your magnanimous attempts and designments: and look for, at our hands from hence forth, Consulshps, triumphs, all rewards and honourable dignities whatsoever. And all the way as they passed along the Capitol, the castle, & other temples, they besought the gods, as many as were presented to their eye, as many as they could conceive in their minds, to vouchsafe that squadron to be attended upon with good success and fortunate felicity, and soon to return home again in safety, to their native country and loving parents. But, alas the while, in vain were all these prayers made. Then set they forward on their journey, leaving janus church on the right hand, taking the ungracious and unlucky way, from the gate Carmentaris, until at length they came to the river 
* At thi● day 〈…〉  Cremera That was thought a convenient place to fortify in, and there to plant a garrison. After this were L. Aemilius and C. Servilius made Consuls. And so long as they adventured no farther than forraying the country, the Fabiuses were good enough, not only to defend their hold and fort; but all the frontier parts and marches where the Tuscan territory adjoineth to the Roman, they so scoured and traversed, between the one confine & the other, that they kept all their own in safety, and mightily endamaged the enemies. Then surceased they a while, but it was not long, from wasting and spoiling. By which time both the Veientians had gathered a power out of Hetruria, and assaulted the fort of Cremera, and also the Roman legions, under the conduct of the Consul L. Aemilius, encountered the Tuscans in open field. And yet the Veientians had hardly time enough to put themselves in order of battle: so suddenly at the very first buskling, whiles the files were entering into array under their colours in the vanguard, and the succours and supplies a placing and disposing in the rearward, a corner of Roman horse, charged them so hotly on the flank, that unneath had they room and space, either to begin fight, or to keep their standing sure. Thus were they discomfited, and chased back as far as Saxa rubr●. i. Red rocks, (for there they were encamped) where they humbly craved peace. Which when they had obtained (see their inbred inconstancy so naturally engrafted) they were weary of it, and repented thereof, before the Roman garrison could be withdrawn from Cremera. And so the Fabiuses once again skirmished with the Veientian nation, without preparation of greater war. Neither made they inroads only, and sudden violent incursions into the territories, but sundry times they encountered with banners displayed, and joined battle in plain field. And that one house and kindred of the Roman people, carried oftentimes the victory away, from that most mighty and rich city (in those days) of all the Tuscans. This, took the Veientians at the first, for a foul disgrace and indignity. But afterwards they devised to lay trains, as occasion should serve, & entrap their fierce and hardy enemy: and well paid they were and rejoiced, that the Fabiuses upon the good success that still followed them, were become more bold and venturous. And therefore divers times when the Romans were abroad a boothaling, they would drive cattle in their way, but yet so, as they might seem to light upon them by chance. The rustical peasants made show as if they fled out of the country, and left the fields waste: yea and the companies of soldiers sent out to restrain and stay their spoiling, made semblant of running away, pretending oftener they were afraid, than they had cause in deed. So as now the Fabiuses by this time, set so light by their enemies, and thought so well of themselves, that they believed verily their power was invincible, and might not be withstood in any ground, or at any time whatsoever. This conceit & hope of theirs set them so afloat, and made them so bold, that espying upon a time cattle, far from Cremera, (for there was a large plain between) although here and there they might descry armed soldiers of their enemies, yet from their fort they ran down, with bridle in their horse neck. And when unadvisedly without foresight, they were past the ambush, which was laid covertly about the very way that they were to pass, and were straggling here and there disorderly, driving the cattle away, which gadded in and out, as their manner is when they be scared and affrighted, then suddenly start the enemies all at once out of the ambushment: so as, both before and behind, and on every side they were beset and environned with enemies. At the first the very howting and outcry they made round about, terrified them: afterwards flew their shot from all sides. And as the Tuscans gathered themselves together, the Fabiuses were soon hemmed within a round battalion of enemies, standing armed thick and close one to another: and the nearer the enemies approached about them, in so much less room were they enforced also to cast themselves into a ring. Which, considering their arrays were thrust so thick together in so strait a compass, made their small number appear the lesie, and the multitude of the Tuscans to carry a greater show. Then, forbearing to fight as they first intended, on every hand a like and with all at once, they made head to one only place. Thereto they endeavour with might and main, body and armour; and with a pointed battle wedgewise pierced through and made themselves passage. And they took the way that led to a little hill, rising up with an easy ascent. From whence at first, they made resistance only and kept their ground: but soon after, when by reason of the vantage of the hill, they had some time to breath themselves, and to take heart again after so great a fright, they forced the enemies also to give back that were mounting up the hill. And as few in number as they were, yet by the benefit of the ground, they had gotten the better, if the Veienstians had not set a compass about the hill side, 
The Fabiuses all slain.  and gained the very top and pitch thereof. Thus became the enemy again to have the upper hand. And so were the Fabiuses slain every man, and not one of theme escaped, yea and their Fort overthrown and razed. Three hundred and six there were that died as all writers do agree. One only of the name was left behind at home, well near 14 years of age, for to renew and increase as out of a stock, the name of the Fabiuses, and to prove in time to come, the greatest prop and pillar that the people of Rome should have, in their dangers and extremities many a time both at home and abroad.  
But ere this heavy loss and overthrow happened, C. Horatius and T. Menenius were Consuls. Menenius was sent forthwith against the Tuscans, puffed now up with pride for this their victory: with whom then also, he sought unfortunately and sped but ill. For the enemies surprised and got the janiculum, and the city had surely been besieged, considering that besides war they were greatly distressed for want of victuals, (for the Tuscans were passed over the Tiber) but that Horatius the Consul was called home from the Volscians. And so near approached the enemies in this war, and pressed to the very walls that first there was a skirmish on even hand at the temple of 
* Hope  Spes: and another again at the gate Collina. Where, albe●t the Romans got but very small odds of the enemy, yet did that conflict upon a little recovery of wont courage, prepare the soldiers to better service in the battles ensuing.  
Now were A. Virginius and Sp. Servilius created Consuls. The Veientians after this late dis-feature, came no more into the field, yet they rob and wasted still. And from the janiculum as from a fortress and place of safe retreat, they would make excursions out into the territory of Rome all about, and neither cattle nor country people could any where be in safety for them. But afterwards, they were overtaken themselves in the same wile that they had caught the Fabiuses with. For as they followed after certain cattle, which were driven forth here and there of purpose to draw and train them abroad, they were plunged themselves headlong into an Amboscado laid for them. And the more they were, the greater was their slaughter. Upon this foil, their cruel and fell anger, gave the occasion and ouverture of a greater overthrow. For having crossed the Tiber in the night season, they gave the attempt to make an assault upon the camp of the Consul Servilius. But being discomfited, and many of them slain, the rest retired themselves from thence, and with much a do recovered the janicle. Straight after this, the Consul also passed over Tiber, and encampeth himself strongly hard under the janiculum. The morrow morning by sun rising, (so venturous he was by reason of his fortunate sight the day before, and more for the scarcity of corn and victuals, which drove him to take, he cared not how rash and dangerous courses, so they tended to more quick and speedy expedition) full fondly he advanced forward and marched up to the steep hill of the janicle, and charged the enemies hold: but being set back himself from thence more shamefully, than he had the day before repelled the enemies; yet by occasion that his fellow Consul came in the while to rescue, he and his army both were saved: and the Tuscans enclosed between both hosts, were forced to turn their backs both to one and the other, and were killed every mother's son. Thus by a rash enterprise which (as good luke was) sped well, the Veientian war came to an end. The city then, as it enjoyed peace, so it came again to be better stored of corn and victual: both for that there was some grain brought out of Campania, and also because the old store that was hoardward up came abroad, by reason that no man now stood in fear of death to ensue.  
Afterwards upon plenty and ease, they began to be busy again, and their heads to work, seeking to broach old troubles at home, since they had none to occupy them abroad. The Tribunes they fell to follicite and infect the Commons, with their venom and poison, the law Agraria: inciting them against the Nobles that gainsaied it: not in general terms only, but also by touching particular persons. 
〈…〉  For, Q. Considius and T. Genutius, who were for the law Agraria, framed an indictment, and sued T. Menenius. And this was laid to his charge, to wit, the loss of the fort and garrison at Cremera: for that, he being Consul say encamped not far from thence. But of this danger he soon stopped the course, both because the Nobles laboured and took his part, no less than they had done afore for Coriolanus: and also the affection and favour that men bare to his father Agrippa, was not worn out, and clean forgot. The Tribunes used moderation therefore in the penalty, for having commenced a capital action against him, and convicted him thereof, they set a fine on his head of 
* 〈…〉  2000 Asses. Howbeit this cost him his life: for he grew, men say, into such a melancholic fit for shame of this disgrace, that he fell thereupon from grief of heart unto apining sickness, which followed him to his dying day. Then, was there another accused and brought into trouble, to wit, Sp., Servilius, so soon as he was out of his Consulship, at what time as C. Nautius and P. Valerius were Consuls. In the beginning of whose year the Tribunes L.C. editius and T. Statius, called him straightways to his answer. Who sustained the violence of the Tribunes, not as Menenius did, by his own entreaty and the prayers of the Nobles, 
Sp. Servillius 〈…〉.  but bore himself confidently upon his own innocency, and the good grace wherein he stood. Blamed he was likewise and charged, for the battle with the Tuscans at janiculum. But being a man of an hot spirit and stout courage, as he carried himself before in the public danger, so now in his own private peril, by refuting in a bold and stout speech that he made, not only the Tribunes, but also the Commonalty, and casting in their teeth and reproving them, for the condemnation and death of T. Menenius, by whose fathers means the Commons being in times past restored, had obtained first those very Magistrates and laws, whereby at this day they exercise such rigour: he went through all his troubles, and with much boldness avoided the present jeopardy he stood in. The testimony of his colleague Virginius, stood him in great stead, who produced forth as a witness, made him parrener with himself, in all his worthy acts. But that process of judgement which passed against Menenius (so altered were they now, and repented therefore) did him much more good, and struck it dead sure.  
When this broil and contention was ended at home, the Veientians war began abroad; to whom the Sabines also had joined their power. Whereupon, the Consul P. Valerius, with the aid of the Latins and Hernikes, was sent out with an army to Veij: & incontinently he set upon the tents of the Sabines, as they lay encamped under the walls of their consederats, and put such a terror amongst them, that whiles they ran forth scattering by bands and companies, some at one gate, some at another, to repel the violent assault of the enemies, it happened that the gate which he first advanced his ensigns against, was won. And within the trench, small sight there was, but more manslaughter. The tumult & noise hereof was heard from out of the camp into the city. And the Veientians in great fear ran hastily to their weapons, as if Veij had been surprised. Some make speed to succour the Sabines: others do what they can to assail the Romans, who were wholly busied about the pillage of the camp. For a pretty while they were put to some trouble, disordered, and withdrawn from their purpose: but afterwards, they themselves advanced their banners, & made head against the one side and the other. The horsemen withal, sent in by the Coss. broke the Tuscans array, 
S●●in●s and 〈◊〉 vanquished.  & put them to flight. And thus in one hour two armies were defeated, two most puiss●ant nations, & nearest neighbours to the Romans, vanquished.  
Whiles these exploits were performed about Veij, the Volscians and Aequians, had encamped themselves in the country of Latium, and harried the marches thereof. Whom the Latins of themselves, with the help only of the Hernikes, and without any leader or aid at all from the Romans, forced to abandon their rents: and besides the recovery of their own goods again, atcheeved a great and rich booty. Notwithstanding all this, the Consul Nautius was sent from Rome against the Volscians. They were not well plea●ed, I believe, with the manner of it, that their allies should wage war at all, with their own power and direction, without the army & conduct of the Romans. He spared not to work all the mischief he could, all abuse and spite possible against the Volscians: yet could not they be brought to sight a set field. Then succeeded L. Furius, and C. Manlius, Consuls. To Manlius sell the charge of the Veientian province. Howbeit, war there was none at all. But at their own suit, a truce was granted unto them of forty years. And they were enjoined to find corn and soldiers pay. Peace was not so soon procured abroad, but presently ensued discord at home. For at the instigation of the Tribunes, by occasion of the law Agraria, the Commons were set a madding. But the Consuls scared neither with the condemnation of Menenius, nor yet with the peril wherein Servilius stood, resisted all they could. And when the Consuls were once out of their office, 
L. 〈◊〉, and 〈…〉.  Genutius a Tribune laid hold upon them, and arrested them: & L. Aemilius with Opiter Virginius enter their Consulship. In some Annals or yearly records I find Vopiscus julius Consul in steed of Virginius. But in this year, whosoever then were Consuls, Furius & Manlius being indicted before the people, went about arrayed in vile apparel and mournful weed to the younger sort of Senators, 
Th●ir ●e●onstrance to the same Nobles.  as well as to the Commons, persuading, advising, and warning them, to for bear and refuse all dignities and offices of state, yea, and all charge of commonweal. And as for the Consul's rods borne afore them, their purfled robes with purple, and chair of estate, they should esteem no otherwise of them, than of the pageants carried in a funeral pomp. And that with these gorgeous ornaments and ensigns, they were but destined to death: much like to beasts adorned with sacred white ribbons and labels, appointed to sacrifice. But if the sweetness of a Consulship were such, let them consider now with all, and persuade themselves, that it is become captivated and overswaied with the power of the Tribunes: and that the Consul, as if he were the Tribunes sergeant, must do all at his beck & command. For if he quetched never so little, if he seemed to regard the Senators, or make account of any thing else in the whole State but of the commonalty, let him set before his eyes the exile of Cn. Martius, the judgement & death of Menenius. The Nobles incensed with these speeches, from thenceforth began to consult and confer together, not openly and in public counsel, but privately, and apart from the privity of many. And when they were resolved once upon this point, that those accused parties now in trouble, should be enlarged one way or other, by hook or crook: then the cruel lest advise, & hardest course that could be delivered, best pleased them: & for to put in execution the most audcious dessignements whatsoever, there wanted not one or other to give counsel. Well, the law day of trial came, and when as the Commons gave attendance devoutly in the Forum, in great expectations of the sequel & issue, they began at first to marvel much, that the Tribun Genutius came not down in place: & suspecting somewhat because of his long carrying & delay, they imagined that he durst not for the great men and chief magistrates of the city: & so they complained, that the common cause was forlorn & betrayed. At the last, they that kept about the door & porch of the Tribune his house, brought word that he was found at home stark dead. Which news being once noised through the assembly, mark how an army is disparkled & scattered, when their general is slain, even so in all the world, 
Ge●●tius a Tribune of the common people, murdered in his house, by 〈◊〉 practice of the 〈◊〉.  the Commons sunk aside every one, some one way, some another. But above all others, the Tribune's were in bodily fear, being thus by their fellow taught, how little help or none at all, their sacred and redoubted laws afforded. The nobles could not dissemble this their joy, nor use it with moderation, but showed it excessively: and so little repeated any one of them of the fact committed, that they avowed it and took it upon them, and would not seem culpable in the action; but gave it out in plain terms, that the Tribunes by soul means were to be tamed, and their wings to be clipped in a mischief. Upon this their victory, so shameful a precedent in time to come, there went out an●dict for the publishing of a muster: and whiles the Tribunes were in this fear daunted, the Consuls without any contradiction, went through with it clear. But then, were the Commons much more offended at their Tribunes silence and sitting still, than at the Consul's rule & imperious government: saying, Farewell freedom now, farewell liberties and all: now is the old world come again, and the Tribunes authority is both dead and buried together with Genutius. Now they were to go in hand and bethink themselves of some other course, how they might withstand the Senators proceedings: and seeing they were destitute of all other help to rely themselves upon, the only way was for the Commons to trust to themselves, & stand upon their own guard. Whereas therefore, there gave attendance upon the Consuls 24. Lictores or Vergers, commoners all and no better, none more contemptible and base minded, if they met with those that would set them at nought: they might thank themselves only, & their own timorous conceits & imaginations, that such things were so dread & terrible. 
Vol●io Publilius reposes to be priest a soldier.  Thus having animated & provoked one another with these speeches: there was a Sergeant sent from the Consuls to one Volero Publilius a commoner, who because he had been a leader in the field of certain bands, pleaded his immunity for being a common soldier again. Volero calleth for help to the Tribunes: but there being no man to rescue him, the Consuls commanded the man to be stripped out of his clothes, & the rods to be made ready for to scourge him. Then quoth Volero, I appeal unto the people, seeing the Tribunes had rather have a citizen and freeman of Rome beaten with rods in their presence, than be murdered themselves by you in their beds. But the more fiercely he cried on still, the more cruellic fell the Lictor to cut and skice his apparel for to uncase him. Then Volero being himself the stronger man, and assisted withal by some whom he called unto him, thrust the Sergeant from him: and where he perceived the mainest outcry and loudest noise of his adherents, that sumed and chased in his behalf, thither retired he, to shroud himself among the thickest, crying: I appeal and beseech the Commons of their protection and succour. Help citizens, help fellow soldiers. Never stay and wait for the Tribunes, until they come, who have themselves need of your assistance. Here at folk were raised & gathered together, and addressed themselves as to a Battle. A soul piece of work was toward, full of exceeding danger, & like it was, that no man would have had regard either of common law or private honesty. When the Consuls in this so great a broil and storm of outrange came in, to prevent further mischief, they knew soon by experience how slenderly guarded against danger, the majesty of Rulers is, where force is wanting. For their Lictors were beaten, misused, and ill entreated, their rods broken all a pieces, themselves driven out of the Common place, and forced to take the Senate house, doubting how far forth Volero would proceed in the train of his victoria. But when the riot was well appeased, they assembled the Senators together, and complained there of their injuries received, the violence of the Commons, & the audacious presumption of Volero. After many opinions and sharp censures delivered among them, the Ancients and Elders prevailed at length, who thought it not good to set the anger of the Nobles, against the headstrong rashness of the Commons. And the Commons so highly favoured and embraced Volero, that in their next election, they made him their Tribune for that year, wherein L. Pinarius and P. Furius were Consuls. Who contrary to all men's expectation, that thought verily he would have exercised his tribuneship in molesting and vexing the Consuls of the former year, preferred the public cause before his own private greevance, and gave not the Consuls so much as one foul word. Only he preferred a law unto the people, That the magistrates of the Commonalty might be created in a ward-Leete, or assembley of the Tribes & wards. Thus under a title, which at the first sight seemed nothing heinous, 
All ● p●●p●●● th●● 〈…〉 the commons should be chosen in a Tribe, I 〈…〉,.  passed a matter of no final consequence, but such as a bridged the Nobles of all power & authority, to create Tribunes whom they would, by the suffrages and voices of their vassals and favourites. But when the Senators resisted with all their might, the going forward of this Act most pleasing & plausible to the Commons, and yet none might be found of the brotherhood of Tribunes, that by the authority either of Consuls or of Senators could be brought to trump in his way by their negative voice, which wasindeede, the only means to crosseit: the business, notwithstanding in itself so weighty to wield, and so hard to be compassed, held out with much debating, the year through. The Commons than made Volero Tribune again. The Senators on the other side, supposing the matter would now come to a final trial once for all, created for their Consul Ap. Claudius, the son of Appius: who even for the old contentions maintained by his father, was both hated of the Commons, and also hated them again: and he had for his companion in government T. Quintius. At the very beginning, no matter was treated of before that law. But as Volero was the first deviser and broacher of it, so his fellow Lectorius was the more earnest and door maintainer thereof, as he came more fresh unto it. The stouter he was besides, by reason of his great military glory, for that in those days there was not a taller man of hands, nor more active than he. Now, when as Volero went strait to the substance of the law in hand, 
〈…〉 death the preferring of Publius his law.  without any circumstance of words, and forbore to in veigh against the Consul's person, Lectorius began his speech with challenging Appius and his house, as most proud, and cruelly affected to the Commonalty of Rome: avouching earnestly, that the Nobles had made, not a Consul, but a butcherly commentor, to afflict and mangle the Commons: but being a rough hewn soldier, and not used to make Orations, his tongue could not frame to express his mind as freely as he would: And so his utterance failing him: Since that (quoth he) O Quirites, I cannot so readily deliver that in my speech, as I can make that good in deed which I have spoken: Be you here tomorrow, and in this very place I will either get this law enacted, or I will lie in the dust and die for it before you all. The next day the Tribunes weregotten into the Temple or Hall first. The Consuls & Nobility abode still in the assembly of the people, for to hinder the passing of the Law. Then commanded Lectorius all the rest to avoid and depart, but those only, that were to give their voices. The young Gentlemen of the Nobility stood still, and gave no place to the Tribunes officer. Then willed Lectorius some of them to be attached. But the Consul Appius replied again, That a Tribune had authority over none but Commoners: for as much as he, was a Magistrate, not of the people, but of the Commons. Neither could himself, of his absolute power (Consul though he was) observing the custom of his ancestors, command any man to avoid: for that the usual form of words ran thus, May it please you my masters, O Quirities, if you think good, to depart. Soon was he able, thus laying the law unto him, by way of scorn and contempt, to ourface Lectarius, and put him down. Whereupon the Tribune chased, and set into an heat, sendeth an officer to the Consul: the Consul likewise, a Lictor to the Tribune, crying eftsoons aloud, that he was but a private person without command, without magistracy. And doubtless the Tribune had been hardly used, but that both the whole assembly roose up in a rage, and took part with the Tribune against the Consul: and also there was a concourse of the multitude, raised out of all parts of the city into the common hall. Appius notwithstanding stood stiffly to it still, and abide the brunt of this tempestuous storm: neither had this broil stayed without some bloodshed, in case Quintius the other Consul, had not set some of the Aldermen that had been Consuls, to get his brother Consul by force (if otherwise it might not be) out of the hall, whiles himself was in hand, one while with the Commons, to appease their fury, by way of entreaty and with fair words, otherwhiles besought the Tribunes to break up the assembly, persuading with them to take more leisure in this their heat and anger: for that time and space would abridge nothing of their power, but would join counsel and advise thereto: concluding withal, that both Nobles should be ruled by the people, and the Consul ordered by the Nobles. Hardly and with much ado were the Commons quieted by Quintius, but far more trouble had the Nobles to still the other Consul. At the length, when the assembly of the people was dismissed, the Consuls called the Senate together. Where after much varictie of opinions, proceeding from fear and anger, according as the one or the other swayed among them: look how much longer time they had to reclaim their mind from violent courses, and sagely with deliberation to consider of the matter: so much the more their hearts went against all contention, and further strife: insomuch, as they yielded Quintius hearty thanks, that by his travail between parties, the discord was well allayed. And to Applius they were petitioners, that he would be content, that the majesty of the Consul might be no greater than would stand with the unity and concord of the citizens. For whiles the Tribunes for their part would needs have all, and the Consuls on the other side draw all to them: between this plucking and haling, there was no strength lest in the midst: and to conclude, the Commonweal was rend, torn, and dismembered between the rulers thereof: who strove rather for the managing and rule, than for the safety and preservation of the State. Against whom Appius replied with a solemn protestation before God and man, and said, That the weal public was abandoned, forlorn, and betrayed by nothing else but foolish fear: that the Senate wanted not a Consul, but the Consul wanted Senators: who now yielded to harder conditions, than they had before time in mount Sacer. Howbeit overweighed at length by the and general consent and accord of all the Nobles, 
The ●ore said law enacted.  he was content: and so the law passed quietly, was by royal consent authorised. Then and never before, were the Tribunes created in a congregation of the tribes, and by their voices. Piso writeth, that there were three more made to the other, as if there had been but twain before: and he nameth also the Tribunes, to wit, Cn. Siccius, L. Numitorius, M. Duellius, Sp. Icilius, and L. Mecitius. Then had the Volscians and Aequians, between the civil sedition of the Romans, and the beginning of war, harried and wasted the country: that in case the Commons had made an insurrection, they might have retired to them, as to a sure place of receipt and refuge. But when all was hushed, and matters compounded between the Nobles and Commons, they removed their camp backward.  
Appius Claudi●s was sent against the Volscians: and to Quintius fell the province of the AEquians. The same rigorous severity continued Appius still in warfare, that he used at home in the city: but so much more freely, for that he was not kerbed nor held in by the Tribunes. The Commons he hated, more than his father had done afore, seeing he was overswaied, and had taken the foil at their hands: and being the only Consul, opposed against the Tribunes power, yet maugre his head, the law passed clear away, which the former Consuls his predecessors, with less ado, nor with so great hope and expectation of the Nobility, had ever hindered and stayed. This his ire and indignation, gave an edge to that fell stomach of his by kind, for to plague and punish his soldiers with imperious and lordly command. But so set they were to spurn again and disobey, that by no forcible means they could be tamed, doing all things that they did, litherly, slowly, rekelesly and stubbornly. Neither bashed they for shame, nor stood in awe for fear. If his will was they should march on a pace, they would for the nonce go fair and softly: If he encouraged them in proper person to ply their business, they would all of them slack their former service, 
The 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 of the 〈◊〉 to Appius Claudius their General.  whereunto they were entered of themselves: whiles he was in place, they would hang down their heads and look on the ground, as he passed by they would secretly curse him in their hearts. So as, that invincible stomach of his against all hatred of the Commons, would now and then grieve hereat. And when he saw that all the shrewdness and rigour that he used was in vain, and that now he could do no good with his soldiers, he fell to checking the captains and centurions, saying, They had spoiled and marred the army, terming them Tribunes of the Commons, and otherwhiles in taunting wise nicknaming them Voleroes. All this gear were the Volscians ware of, and therefore were they more eager and forward, hoping that Appius should find the Roman army as froward and disobedient, as they had been against Fabius. And to say truth, they were more crooked and unruly with Appius than with Fabius a great deal. For they were not only unwilling to have the victory as Fabius his army was, but also desirous to lose the victory and be overcome. Being brought forth and set in battle array, they shamefully took their heels and fled into their tents: and never made head and resistance, before they saw the Volscians with banners displayed, advancing against the munitions of their camp, and a foul carnage committed upon the tail of their rearward. Then were they driven perforce to fight for very necessity, that the enemy thus far forth victor, might be kept from the mure and trench: and yet so, as it was very apparent, that the soldiers passed for nothing else, but only to save the camp for being won: for some of them rejoiced at their own loss and defeature. Whereat, the stout stomach of Applius was nothing daunted, nor his heartbroken: but he minded to deal cruelly with them, and thereupon summoned a general assembly. Then the Lieutenants, Marshals and Colonels, came running unto him, advertising him in no case to try masteries, and to enforce his authority, The very ground and strength whereof resteth wholly in the accord of obedient people: adding moreover, that the soldiers commonly gave out, that they would not go to the assembly: but rather they might be heard everiewhere, calling upon them aloud, to dislodge and remove out of the territory of the Volscians: moreover that the enemy now Master of the field, was but a while since advanced to the gates and rampire, and well near possessed of them: whereby, they were not only to suspect, but might evidently see before their eyes, some great matter toward of dangerous consequence. Whereupon at last he was overruled, and (for as much as his soldiers thereby should gain nothing but delay of their punishment) remitted the assembly for that time: and after proclamation made, to set forward in their journey the next day, and to depart in the morning very early, he caused the trumpet to sound the remove, and to march away. The army being gone out of camp, and ready to be set in order of a march at length, the Volscians who were gotten up by the same sound of the trumpet, plaited upon the tail of the rearward: the noise whereof passed from thence to the vaward, and so disordered the ensigns, so troubled the ranks by reason of that fright, that neither could the direction and commandment of the captains be heard, nor the army be brought into battle array. No man minded any thing at all but to run away: and disorderly in plumpes, they fled back over the dead carcases and armours that lay on heaps, and so escaped. And never stay they their flight, until the enemy gave over the chase. At the last, the Consul having called his soldiers together that were run away so scattering, (for with all the speed that he made after to call them back, he could not reclaim them) encamped without his enemy's ground in a place of security. Then he called them all together to an assembly, and inveighed bitterly, and not without just cause, against the whole army, as having betrayed the discipline of war, & forsaken their colours: ask every one of the them what was become of their banners? And what they had done with their weapons? And as many soldiers as were unarmed, as many ensignebearers as had not their ensigns, the Centurions also and those that received double allowance, and forsook their bands and companies, he caused to be scourged with rods and to lose their heads. The whole number besides, 
〈◊〉 ●hey had the 〈◊〉 do 〈◊〉 Sig. de p●nus.  were by lot tithed, and every tenth man as it fell out, executed. But contrariwise, in the expedition against the Aequians, the Consul and his soldiers, strove to exceed one another in courtesy and kindnesses. Quintus was by nature mild and debonair, and the cruelty of his brother Consul, that never sped well, made him take more joy in that his gentle disposition. 
Q●intus beloved of 〈◊〉  Whiles the General and his army consorted thus together, the Aequians durst not confront them, but suffered their enemies to range all abroad and forray the country: so as, in no former wars got they greater booties from thence: and all was bestowed among the soldiers. Over and besides these gratuities, they had their due praises and solemn commendations, wherein soldiers take no less delight than in rewards and gifts. So, that army returned home better affected to their General, and also to the Nobles for their General's sake: reporting that the Senate had given to them a loving father, but to the other army a lordly master. This year thus spent with variable fortune abroad in war: with grievous discord as well at home as abroad, was above all most memorable and famous for the Tribe-Lie●. A matter of more note, in respect of their victory that entered into the action, than of consequence, in regard of commodity that grew thereof. For the very Liet itself lost more credit by voiding the Nobles out of that assembly, than either the Commons got strength, or the Nobles did forego thereby. But more troublesome was the year following, whiles L. Valerius and T. Aemilius were Consuls, both for the variance of the three States about the law Agraria, and also for the arraignment of Appius Claudius. Whom, being a most bitter adversary of that law, and a great maintainer and upholder of those that possessed & held the common lands, as if he had been ever a third Consul, M. Duellius, and C●. Siccius arrested & indited. Never before that day came to the bar, a person to be tried before the people, so odious unto the Commons: charged with so many wrongs done of his own, 
Appius Claudiu● arraigned at th● bar.  so many of his fathers afore him, in regard whereof they were highly displeased and offended with him. The Nobles likewise had not lightly laboured so earnestly nor strained themselves so much for any one, as for him. Who being the patron and protector of the Senate, the maintainer and upholder of their port and dignity; a man ever opposed against all the troublesome broils of Tribunes & Commons, was now delivered as a prey to the commons in their anger, and only for that he had overshot, & passed himself in heat of contention. But of all the Senators that ever were, Appius Claudius of himself alone was he, that cared not a rush, either for Tribune or Commoner, nor yet for his own arraignment. No menacing threats of the Commons, no earnest prayers of the Senators could once make him, I say not to change his apparel, and in humble manner to seek and crouch unto men for to be good unto him: no not so much, as when he came to answer for himself before the people, one whit to mollify and let fall (as it were) that rough and sharp kind of speech, that he was wont ordinarily to use. He kept the same sour countenance still, the very same frowardness and crabbedness of visage, the same spirit of boldness in his apology and defence. Insomuch, as many of the Commons were no less afraid of Appius standing prisoner, there arraigned at the bar, than they had been of him, sitting as Consul in his ivory chair of estate. In pleading of his cause, he spoke briefly & at once to the point, withthe same accusatory spirit, that he had ever used in all his pleas and actions. With his boldness and resolute constancy, he so amazed both Tribunes and Commons, that they themselves deferred the day of giving sentence, and suffered afterward the suit to hang and depend still undetermined. But not long after, even before the law day appointed was come, 
App. Claudius' diet.  he sickened and died. Whose funeral praises when as the Tribunes went about to hinder, the Commons would not suffer, that the death of so worthy a man, should be defranded of the due honour and solemn obsequies, and gave audience as quietly and attentively to the commendation of the man now dead, as they did afore to his accusation while he was alive: and with a goodly train attended his corpses to the grave.  
The same year Valerius the Consul made a voyage with an army against the Aequians, and seeing he could not train the enemy forth to fight, he made a brava do to assail the camp but there sell such a terrible storm and tempest from heaven, with hail and thunderclaps, that he was disappointed of his enterprise. And, that which made it more strange and wonderful, he had no sooner sounded the retreat, but the weather proved so fair and calm again, that he made some scruple and matter of conscience, to give a second assault unto the trench, as if it had been defended by the special power and providence of God. So, all the heat of war turned to the wasting only of the country. The other Consul Aemilius warred with the Sabines. And even there also, because the enemies kept within their walled towns, the territories were spoiled. But afterwards, the Sabines raised with the firing, not only of their villages and hamlets, but also of the good towns and burroughes, whereof in those parts there were many, and those well peopled, encountered the sorraiers: and after a doubtful skirmish, they departed asunder, and the morrow after raised their camp, & retired themselves back into a place of more security: which the Consul taking for a sufficient argument and proof, that the enemies were defeated, left them so, and dislodged likewise, without any end of the war.  
During these wars, and whiles discord continued in the city at home, were T. Numitius Priscus and A. Virginius created Consuls. Now seemed it that the Commons would no longer abide the deferring of the law Agraria. And as they were about to put it to a jump and to try the utmost by extremity, they took knowledge partly by the smoke & flame of the villages on fire, and partly by the running away of the villagiers, that the Volscians were near at hand. Which occurrent repressed and kept down the sedition which was now come to ripeness, and ready to break forth. For the Consuls forced by the Senate immediately to the war, by taking the serviceable youth with them out of the city, reduced the rest of the Commons to more quietness. And the enemies verily made no further attempt, but after they had given a false alarm and set the Romans in a foolish fear, dismarched away as speedily as they could. Then Numitius went to Antium against the Volscians, and Virginius against the AEquians: where having wellnear received a great loss & defeature by a train laid for him: such was the prowess and manhood of the soldiers, that they recovered all again, which by the negligence of the Consul had like to be lost. But better was the conduct and government of the army against the Volscians. For there, at the first skirmish the enemies were disarrayed, put to sight, and chased as far as to Antium, a city (for that time) of right great puissance & importance. The Consul durst not assault it, but wan from the Antiates Cenon, another town, but nothing so wealthy. Whiles the AEquians and Volscians thus amused the Roman armies and kept them occupied, the Sabines were come robbing and spoiling to the gates of the city of Rome. But within few days after, they themselves received more damage than they brought, by occasion that both Consuls with two annies were entered in great anger into their confines. In the end of the year some peace there was, but disquieted, as at all times before, with the variance between the Nobles and Commons. The Commons in a peevish and angry fit, would not be at the Election of the Consuls. So, by the Senators only and their followers, there were elected Consuls, T. Quintius and Q. Servilius. The like year to the former these Consuls had, seditious and troublesome in the beginning: but afterwards upon foreign war, quiet and still. For the Sabines with a running camp having passed over the plains of Crustuminum, and put all to fire and sword about the river Anio, were chased back, well near from the gate Collina and the walls: howbeit they drove away with them exceeding great booties both of people and cattle. Whom the Consul Servilius followed hard with a power ready to bid battle, but could not overtake their main army in any even ground meet to pitch a field in. Howbeit he harried and wasted the country all about, so as he left no corner clear that felt not his fingers, and returned with purchase of many rich prizes of all sorts.  
Likewise among the Volscians they sped well & had a lucky hand by the good devoir both of captain and soldior. 
Th● 〈◊〉 of the Consul Qui●●●s.  First, they joined battle upon a plain, and sought with very great slaughter, and exceeding much bloodshed on both sides. And the Romans (who for their small number were more apt to seel the loss) had lost ground and dismarched, if that the Consul by making a lie for a vantage, and crying that the enemies fled from the other wing, had not encouraged them and renewed the battle afresh. And so by giving a new charge, whiles they thought they had the better, they got the better in very deed. The Consul fearing again, by pressing too hard upon the army, to enforce them to turn & make head, sounded the retreat. Few days passed between, wherein they rested quiet, as though there had been a secret truce agreed between them. In which mean space, a great sort of people from all parts of the Volscians and AEquians repaired to the camp, thinking verify, that if the Romans ware of them, they would depart in the night season. Whereupon, at the third watch they came to make an assault upon their camp. Quintius after he had quieted the tumult, which upon this sudden alarm arose, and given commandment that the soldiers should keep themselves within their pavilions, brought forth a company of Hernicks to guard the gates, and caused certain cornetiers and trumpeters on horseback to wind and sound before the trench and counterscarpe, and so to hold the enemy in suspense and expectation until day light. The rest of the night, all was so quiet within the camp, that the Romans had time enough and good opportunity to take their repose and sleep. This show of footmen in their harnish, whom the Volscians imagined to be more than they were, and all Romans: the neighing besides, and noise that the horses made by reason of their strange riders that they were not used unto, and the sound also of their trumpets and horns that made them to set up their ears, and to stamp and fare outrageously, amused the enemies waiting ever when they would charge upon them. When it was day, the Romans being in heart and fresh as having slept their fill, came forth and embattled themselves, and at the first shock, discomsired the Volscians, wearied with long standing and overwatched withal. And yet the enemies rather gave ground and retired themselves, than seemed to be driven from their standings, because they had at their backs certain hills, whereunto they might retire behind the Principia, and not break their ranks, and so save themselves. The Consul seeing he was come to a place of disadvantage, made a stand. The footmen hardly would be stayed, calling and crying to the Consul to follow upon them seeing they were discomfited. The horsemen were more eager, riding all about the Consul, and with open mouth cried out, that they would advance before the ensigns. Whiles the Consul held off, in a mathmering what to do, for as he was assured of the valour of his soldiers, so he finally trusted the ground; they all at once set up a shout, that they would set forward, come what would: and as they cried, so did they in good earnest. And pitching their javelins fast in the ground, that they might more nimbly get up the sleep place, they took their full feeze, and ran up the hill. The Volscians having in their first brunt spent all their darts, and other shot which they had let fly, and made no spare, took up stones that lay under their feet, let drive at the Romans as they clomb up, and so thick and threefold they bestowed them, that they annoyed them sore, and beat them down the hill. Thus the left wing of the Romans was well-near overcharged, had not the Consul at the point, when as they were ready to recoil, blamed them first for their rashness, and then for their cowardice, and made them for very shame to shake off all fear. First they stood to it stoutly, & kept their ground, and after, as their strength served them, considering the vantage of the place which the enemies had gotten, they adventured to set foot forward, and won ground with a fresh shout and outcry. And taking their heir again the second time, they strain all they can, and at length overcame the disadvantage of the place. Now when they were almost at the point to win the very pitch and ridge of the hill, the enemies turned back. Whiles they ran on heaps in disarray, both they that fled, and they that followed, happened both at once in one company into the enemy's camp, which in that fright was won. The Volscians, as many of them as could escape, ran as fast as their legs would carry them to Antium. And to Antium likewise was the Roman army conducted: and after a few days siege, was surrendered upon no fresh & new force of assault, but for that presently upon their unfortunat conflict and loss of the camp, their hearts were done, and utterly quailed.   

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the third Book.  
SEditions about the laws Agraria. The Capitol taken and held by banished persons and slaves. They were slain, & it recovered. A survey and Cessment was taken twice. In the former there were found of Roman citizens 124214, besides orphan children, and such as had no children at all, as well men as women. In the other following there were 132419. Upon a great overthrow received in the war against the AEquians, L. Quintus Cincinnatus was made Dictator: & being in the country at his farm busy about his husbandry, was sent for to the conduct of that war. He vanquished and subdued the enemies. The number of the Tribunes of the Commons, arose to ten, thirty six years after their first institution. The laws of Athens were set from thence by Ambassadors, sent for that purpose: to the establishing and publishing whereof, there were ten personages elected in the room of Consuls, which were called Decemvirs, without any other Magistrates: and this happened in the three hundred and second year after the foundation of Rome. And as the government of the state was translated from kings to Consuls: so was it now from the Consuls to the Decemvirs. They having proposed ten tables of laws, and borne themselves modestly in that high dignity, were therefore by the consent of the people, permitted to remain still in office the second year. But after they had committed many insolent parts, they would not give over their room of Magistracy, but held it still the third year: until such time as their obstinate and intolerable rule came to an end, occasioned by the filthy lust of Appius Claudius: who being in amoured upon a virgin suborned one to make claim unto her as his bondslave: whereupon her father Virginius was driven of necessity to catch up a knife from a butcher's stall next by, and to kill his daughter: as having no other means to save her from the hands of him that purposed to abuse her body unlawfully. The Commons upon this soul example of filthy 〈◊〉, made an insurrection, and took the mount Aventine for their hold, and compelled the Decemvirs to leave their place, and give over their government. Of whom, Appius and one of his colleagues, (which two had principally deserved punishment) were committed to prison, and there kept, the rest were driven into banishment. This book containeth besides the victorious wars against the Sabines, Volscians, and AEquians. And the unhonest abusement or award of the people of Rome, who being chosen Arbitrators between the Ardeats and the Aricines, awarded to themselves the land where about the strife and controversy was.  
AFter the winning of Antium, T. Acmilius and Q. Fabius were created Consuls. This was that Fabius that only remained alive of all the name that perished at Gremera. Now had Aemilius in his former Consulship persuaded to distribute certain lands among the Commons. And therefore in this second likewise, both the favourers of the law Agraria were in good hope of the foresaid law: and also the Tribunes supposing verily that now by the help of a Consul, that might be brought about and obtained, which oftentimes had been enterprised against the pleasure of the Consuls; took the matter in hand and gave the attempt: and withal, the Consul still continued in the same mind. But the great landed men and many of the Nobles, finding themselves grieved, and complaining that the chief and head magistrate of the city busied himself with the Tribunes suits, & was by large giving away of other men's possessions, become popular and gracious with the people, turned the whole burden and odious heavy load of this action, from the Tribunes upon the Consul his head. And a cruel broil was toward, had not Fabius, by a device and policy to neither party offensive, made an end of the matter with expedition. For whereas, there was certain lands gotten by conquest from the Volscians the year afore, under the conduct of T. Quintius: There might (said he) a colony be brought to Antium, a city near adjoining, very commodious, and seated by the sea side: so should the Commons without any grudging or complaints of the possessors or landlords, be seized of land, and the city rest in quiet and unity. This opinion of his was accepted of all hands. And they created three especial officers or Triumvirs for the division of the said lands, to wit, T. Quintius, A●l. Virginius, and P. Furius. Then proclamation was made, That whosoever would hold any of the land, should give up their names in writing. But plenty, as the manner is, soon caused loathing: for there were so few that presented themselves, that to make up the full number of the inhabitants, they were feign to adjoin unto them certain Volscians. The rest of the multitude had rather (as it seemed) to keep a calling for land at Rome, than be possessed of land elsewhere. The Aequians craved peace of Q. Fabius, who was come against them with an army: and they themselves by making a sudden inroad into the territories of Latium, canceled the same and made it void. But the year next following, Q. Servilius (for he was Consul with Sp. Posthumius) being sent against the Aequians, kept a standing camp in the country about Latium. But by the reason of a contagious disease or a plague, that reigned in his army, they were of necessity forced to keep quiet within their tents. So their war was differred unto the third year, when as Q. Fabius and T. Quintius were Consuls. And for as much as Q. Fabius, had upon his victory before granted peace to the Aequians, he had an extraordinary commission directed unto him for the rule of that province. Who being thither gone with full assured hope, that the very fame of him, and noise of his army, would quiet the Aequians, sent Ambassadors to the Counsel of that nation, with this message: Q. Fabius the Consul, saith, that as he carried before peace from the AEquians unto Rome, so he bringeth now war to the Aequians from Rome; having now his sword in the very same hand, which he gave unto them before in friendly manner unarmed. Whose treachery it is and perjury, that is the cause of this, the gods can witness now, and in some measure will revenge hereafter. Nevertheless, he for his part, however the case standeth, desireth that the AEquians would yet bethink themselves of their own accord and repent, rather than stand to the extremity and abide those calamities and miseries that follow wars. If they would come in therefore and be sorry for that they have done, their submission should be received, and they taken into the safe protection of his clemency, whereof already they had experience. But in case they persist still in their disloyalty, and take pleasure in being sorsworne; be they well assured, that they should have the ire and wrath of the gods more than their enemies to fight against them. These words so little or nothing at all moved any men there, that the very Ambassadors had like to have been very hardly used and evil entreated, yea & an army withal was sent forth as far as Algidum against the Romans. When these tidings were brought to Rome, the indignity of the thing and the shameful manner thereof, rather than any fearful peril otherwise, raised the other Consul out of the city. So two Consular or royal armies approached the enemy in order of battle, ready to try it out presently by the dint of sword. But the day being (as it fell out) well-near spent, there cried one aloud from out of the place where the enemy kept ward: This is to make a show of war only (ye Romans) and not to war indeed: ye set your battaillons in array against night forsooth, that now draweth hard on: we had need of more daylight iwis, for the business in hand, and to try this quarrel. To morrow therefore at sun rising, see you come again into the field, ye shall have sighting fear not, your hands full. The soldiers nettled and gauled at these words, retired back into the camp until the next day, thinking the night was long, that kept them from barraile: and so for that time they refreshed their bodies with food and sleep. On the morrow so soon as it was day, the Roman host being stirring somewhat more early, stood ready arranged in array: and at length the AEquians likewise showed themselves in field. A sharp sight there was on both sides, by reason that both the Roman soldiers fought in anger and deadly hatred; and also the AEquians upon pricked conscience, that bore them witness how they embarked themselves into this danger, and were out of all hope ever to be trusted again, were forced to hazard all upon a cast, and venture the utmost. Yet were not the AEquians able to endure long, the violent fight of the Romans, but were discomfited and put to fight. And being returned within their own Frontiers, the unruly multitude for all this, were never the more inclined to peace, but reproved and blamed their Captains, That they put the trial of the issue to a set field, in which kind of fight the Romans had singular skill, and surpassed them. As for the Aequians, they were better at robbing, spoiling, and hurrying, in making reises and inroads: and a better and safer kind of service it was, here and there in sundry places, to skirmish with forces divided, than reduce all into one gross army, & to pitch a field. Leaving therefore a guard to defend that camp, they went forth, and with such a tumult invaded the confines of Rome, that the very terror thereof reached unto the city. This stir, especially coming so suddenly and unlooked for, made the Romans fear the more. For who would ever have doubted and suspected, that their enemies so lately vanquished, and in manner besieged within their own camp, could possibly think upon entering into the lands of others, and to drive booties. Besides, the rustical peasant's came in at the gates, crying, and saying, That they were not petty companies, & small handfuls of thieves and robbers, but (such was their foolish fear, augmenting and making every thing greater) whole armies and legions of enemies were at hand, and marched apace with banners displayed full against the City. From their mouths, they that were next made report unto others, and as they heard news from they knew not whom, so they set them abroad they cared not how, but ever in the carriage they added somewhat of their own, and coined lies good store. Here was running, there was crying alarm, and generally such a confusion every where, as if the city had been quite lost. By good hap Quintius the Consul was returned from Algidum to Rome. That remedy cured all and stayed the fear. When the tumult was appeased, he rebuked the people for fearing those enemies whom heretofore they had vanquished, and placed good guards over the gates. Then he assembled the Senate, and by the authority & assent of the Nobles, proclaimed justitium, or a general cessation or vacation in all courts of law: and went himself forth in person with a power, to defend the marches, leaving Quintus Servilius Provost of the city: but the enemy he found not in the territory all about. The other Consul performed his affairs passing well: who having certain intelligence, which way the enemies would come, set upon them laden with prey, and (by that means marching more heavily in disorder) made it a dear booty unto them, even as much as their lives were worth. For few of them escaped the Ambush, and all the pillage was recovered. So the return of Quintius into the City, made an end of the public Lawsteed, or above said vacation, which lasted but sour days. Then was a Cense or Assessment set of men's goods, and a muster or view taken of the number of Citizens, together with a solemn purging of the people, called Lustrum, celebrat by Quintius. And there were numbered of citizens 124214 poles, over and above men and women that lived single, or had no children, and all orphans beside. And among the Aequians afterward nothing was done worth remembrance: for they betook them to their strong towns, suffering their territory and villages to be consumed with fire, and spoiled. Thus the Consul, after he had divers times overrun the country of his enemies, with a cruel army wasting and spoiling as he went, returned home to Rome with great honour and a huge booty. Then were Coff. Aulus Posthumius Albus, and Sp. Furius. Some have written them Fusiij, who indeed are rightly named Furij. Which I note, lest any man should think they were sundry men, whereas the varietic is only in the name. No doubt there was, but that one of the Coff. would war with the Aequians: and therefore the Aequians sought for aid of the Ecetrane Volscians. Which being gladly granted and sent with speed, (such a perpetual hatred bore these Cities always against the Romans) there was great preparation for war in most forcible manner. The Hernikes having an inkling and knowledge thereof, certified the Romans afore hand, that the Ecetrans were revolted and banded with the Aequians. The Colony Antium likewise was had in jealousy, for that when the town was lost, many people fled from thence to the Aequians, who all the time of the Aequian war, served in the field, and proved the most hardy soldiers and fiercest of all others. And now when the Aequians were driven into their towns, that multitude being slipped away and retired to Antium, withdrew from the Romans the allegiance of the Coloners and inhabitants there, who were already of their own inclination unfound and not to be trusted. But before the matter was come to ripeness, and they entered into any action, the Senate upon intelligence given that they intended only, and were upon the point to revolt, gave the Coss. in charge to send for the chief men and head persons of that colony to Rome, and to inquire and learn of them in what terms Antium stood: who being come willingly enough, without any great entreaty, and convented by the Consuls before the Senate, made answer to their interrogatories in such manner, that they were sent away more suspected, than at their first coming: whereupon they resolved fully of war. Spurius Furius one of the Coss. to whom that province by lot fell, having taken his voyage against the Aequians, found the enemy spoiling and wasting in the territories of the Herniks: and being ignorant what number they were (for that in no one place they were all discovered together) he rashly joined battle, and hazarded his power, being in number and force inferior to the other. And at the first encounter he was driven back, and retired into the camp: and yet was he not past all danger and in security there: for both the night following, and the next day after, the camp was so straightly beset, and so hotly assaulted, that he could not dispatch so much as a messenger from thence to Rome. The Herniks sent word both of the infortunate fight, and also how the Consul and his army were besieged. With which news they so terrified the LL. of the Counsel, that they granted Posthumius the other Consul the solemn commission, TO SEE TO THE STATE, THAT IT SUSTAINED NO DANGER AND DAMAGE. The form of which order and decree, hath been always accounted to signify some great extremity of the Commonwealth. And thought best it was, that the Consul himself in proper person, should abide at home to enrol in the muster book, all those that were able to bear arms: that T. Quintius should be sent as Proconsull or vice-consul, with a power of confederate Allies to raise the siege and rescue the camp: and for the furnishing of this army, the Latins, the Herniks, and the Colony Antium, were commanded to send unto Quintius, Subitarie soldiers (for so they termed at that time, the aides and supplies taken up in haste and on a sudden.) Many attempts were made, much skirmishing, & sundry assaults for certain days on each side were enterprised. For the enemies being more in number, assayed in divers places and sundry ways to cut off and diminish the power of the Romans, as not sufficient and able to make head at all turns. For at one time they both made an assault upon the camp, and with all sent out certain of their forces to waste the territory of Rome, yea, and to give the venture upon the very city, if they could espy any good opportunity to offer itself. L. Valerius was left behind to defend the City, and Posthamius the Consul was sent out to restrain and withstand the wasting of the marches. No point of care or travail on any hand was slaked, watch and ward both night and day was set in the City, a good Corpse de guard appointed afore the gates, and soldiers bestowed upon the walls: and (that which was needful in so great an hurlieburlie) for certain days it was no Term, or interdiction of Law was observed. In this mean while, Furius the Cos. who at the first had quietly endured the siege and made no resistance, suddenly and at unawares sallied out at the broad gate called Decumana, upon the enemies: and whereas he might have chased them, he made some stay of that, for fear lest on some other side, they would have given assault upon the camp. But Furius the Lieutenant (who also was the Consul his brother) engaged himself too far, and upon a hot desire of pursuit and following the chase, neither saw he his fellows as they retired, ne yet the enemies as they came to charge him on the back. Thus being shut out from all the rescue, after many assays made (but all in vain) to make way through unto the camp, manfully fight he was slain. The Consul likewise hearing that his brother was environed all about with enemies, returned again to fight; but as he ran more rashly than warily into the midst of the skirmish, he was sore wounded, and being hardly and with much ado saved by those that were about him, he both disquieted and daunted the hearts of his own men, and made his enemies more fierce, lusty, and courageous. Who were so animated and set on fire, both with the hurt of the Consul, and also with the death of his Lieutenant, that nothing afterwards could stand in their way: no force was able to stay them, but that they beat the Romans again into their camp: where they were besieged a fresh, being now both in hope, and also for strength worse than they were before. So that their main State thus lying a bleeding, had utterly perished, but that T. Quintius with a supply of strangers, namely, a power of Latins and Hernikes, came to the rescue in time: who charging the Aequians behind, whiles they were wholly busied in assailing the camp, showing them within the Lieutenant's head in a great bravery and pride, at the same instant caused a sally out of the camp, by a signal that he gave them a far off, & so enclosed round about a great number of the enemies. Small was the slaughter, but great was the flight & scattering of the Aequians in the territory of Rome: upon whom (straggling here & there, and driving their booties afore them) Posthumius, who in divers convenient places had bestowed certain companies and bands of soldiers, ran violently. And as they fled every way in disarray, they lighted upon Quintius as he with the hurt Consul returned with victory. Then the Consul's army bravely did their devoir, and had a goodly day of them; and was revenged both for their Consul's wound, and also for the death of the lieutenant and the squadrons with him. Many losses and overthrows were given and taken on each side for certain days. But in so ancient a matter as this was, hard it is for a man upon his credit, to set down precisely the certain number, either how many fought, or how many were slain. Howbeit Valerius Antias boldly reckoneth the exact numbers, namely that there died of the Romans in the Hernicks country 5300: and of the Aequian robbers, who went up and down spoiling and pilling in the territory of Rome; there killed by A. Posthumius the Cos. 2400. The rest of the multitude, which laden with spoil fell into the hands of Quintius, were not so quit, nor escaped with the loss of so few men's lives: for of them the sword devoured 4000, and to account the number exactly, 200 (quoth he) and 30 just. Then returned they on all hands to Rome, and the foresaid vacation or lawsteed ended. The sky was seen much on a light fire, and other strange wonders either appeared indeed, or presented to the fearful people vain apparitions, and fantastical illusions. How ever it was, for to avert the dangers by these prodigious and terrible tokens presaged, there were proclaimed festival holydates for three days together. During which time all the Churches were replenished with men and women, making supplications and prayers for the favour and mercy of the gods. The bands and squadrons of the Latins and Herniks, after great thanks given them by the Senate for their good service in this war, were discharged and sent home. But the Antiate soldiers, 1000 in number, who after the battle was fought came tardy, and too late for tosuccour, were dismissed in manner with ignominy and shame.  
Then was the great Liete or assembly held, for the election of Magiftrates: wherein L. Ebutius and P. Servilius were created Consuls: and on the 
* The first day of August.  Calends of Sex●lis (for on that day) began the year then, they entered their Consulship. A grievous & heavy time it was, and as it fortuned, a year of plague and great mortality, both in the city and country, as well among brute beasts as men. And the receiving of the country peasant's with their cattle into the city, for fear of robbing and spoiling, increased the contagiousness of the sickness so much the more. For, that confused medley of all sorts of beasts, both annoyed and empoisoned the citizens with the uncouth and unusual stink, and also stifled with sultry heat and overmuch watching the rustical people, lying pestered together, and thrust up into close rooms and strait lodgings. Then mutual recourse one to help and minister unto another, and the very catching of the disease, set it all abroad. Thus whiles they had much ado to endure these present calamities, behold to mend the matter, all of a sudden, the Hernicke Ambassadors bring word, that the Aequians and Volscians having levied a power jointly together, were encamped within their limits: and from thence with a mighty army wasted & harried their territory. Now, besides that the small assembly in the Senate house, was to these their allies an evident token that the city was sore visited with the pestilence, they received also an heavy answer from them, namely, That the Herniks themselves together with the help of the Latins, should defend their own: as for the city of Rome, it was with the heavy hand and visitation of the gods, dispeopled by the plague: but in case the sickness decreased in some measure and took up in any time, they would willingly aid their confederates, as they did the year before, and as they had done at all times besides. Thus departed these allies, and for their ill news they brought thither, they carried with them home again a worse answer and message, to wit, That they should by themselves sustain that war alone which hardly they were able to support, if they had the power of the Romans to assist them. Long stayed not the enemy in the Hernikes country, but went forward from thence into the territory of Rome, desolate already (God wot) without the injury of war, and little need there was of calamity that ways: where meeting with no man at all, no not so much as any one unarmed, & passing over all the country, disfurnished not only of garrisons to resist, but also of people for husbandry & tillage, at length they came to the third stone, i. within three miles of Rome, to the broad port high way, called Gabina, leading to Gabes. The Roman Cos. Ebutius, was now departed this life, and his brother Cos. Servilius, lay linger on at the point of death, in small hope of recovery. Most of the peers and principal ancients were infected, and sick in bed, so was the greater part of the Nobles, & well-near all the serviceable men of war: so as they were not able to set forth an expedition or voyage abroad, as meet was in so great a tumult, no norscarse to keep any ordinary set guard at home for the defence of the city. The Senators, such as age & sickness would permit, took the charge in proper persons of watch and ward. The Aediles of the Commons went the round, and had the charge to see all well & in good order: so that upon them now rested the whole government of the state, and the majesty of the Consul's regiment. Thus when all was forlorn, no head to direct, no strength of man to execute; the Tutelar gods, protectors of the city, and the good fortune alone that ever waited upon her, preserved the main chance. This made the Volscians and Aequians to carry with them a mind and intent, rather to deal by way of robbings & spoilings, than to deal in any hostile manner like processed warriors: for so small hope had they, or none at all, of winning the city; so little heart, so much as to approach the walls, that even the very roofs of houses, which they descried a saro●, & the sight of the tombs and graves so near at hand, turned their minds clean, and daunted their courages. So as over all the camp they began to mutter with themselves, What they meant to spend time idly, and fit still without preading, in a waist and desert country; within the mortality and putrefied air and corruption, both of people and cattle; when as they might as well invade those parts that stood clear and sound, and namely the rich, plentiful, and fat fields of 
* 〈◊〉  jusculum: and therewith suddenly at once they plucked up their ensigns, and by cross ways pasted through the 
* Valm●niore.  Lavican countries, even to the mountains of Tusculum: and thither turned they the whole force and tempest of the war. In the mean season the Hernikes and Latins moved not with pity and compassion only, but also for very shame, in case they had neither withstood their common enemies, marching to Rome with a cruel army, nor relieved their besieged friends; joined their powers together, and set forward to Rome: where not finding the enemies, and following the bruit that went of them, and tracing their fresh tracks and footing, they encountered them as they came down from the hilly country of Tusculum, into the vale of Alba: Where they made no saving bargain of it, but fought to their loffe, so as their fidelity unto their allies, had but bad succesle for that present. And in Rome there was no less mortality of citizens by the sickness, than there were massacres abroad of their allies by the edge of the sword. For the other Consul, who alone survived hitherto, now died. There left this life also, other noble personages, M. Valerius, Titus Virginius, Augurs: and Ser. Sulpitius the Cumio maximas. But among the base and common sort, the violence of the disease raged and spread, I know not how far. The Senate now destitute of all help and comfort of man, moved the people to devotion, to their beads, and prayers unto the gods. And commandment was given to all men with their wives and children, to go in procession, to pour out their supplications, & crave mercy at gods hands. Thus being by public authority called forth to perform that which every man was forced unto by his own proper calamities, they filled all the temples and chapels. The dames and ancient matrons, lying grovelling and sweeping the church flores and pavement with their hair and tresses, hanging lose down, humbly be sought pardon of the gods, and an end once of the pestilence. Whereupon, were it that they had obtained the mercy of God, or that the more dangerous and contagious season of the year, was now well overpast; their bodies by little and little, having escaped the danger of disease, began to recover and wax more healthy.  
Then set they their minds about the care of the Commonweal, and after certain interreignes determined or ended, P. Valerius Poplicola, the third day of his Interreigne or Regency for the time, createth Consuls L. Lucretius Tricipitinus, and T. Veturius Geminus, or Vetusius whether ye will: who 
* 11 of August.  three days before the Ides of Sextil●●, began their Consulship. By which time the city was grown so-strong again, that it was able not only to maintain a defensive war, but also to enter the field and assail others. When the Herniks therefore gave them advertisements that the enemies were passed over into their borders: they made no delay, but readily and willingly promised their aid, and levied two Consular armies. Veturius was sent against the Volscians, to begin with them, and to war within their own country. Tricipitinus was opposed in the Frontiers of their confederates, to keep them from invasion and wasting, and went no further forward than to the Hernikes. Veturius at his first encounter and confronting of his enemies, discomfired and put them to flight. But Tricipitinus whiles he lay still encamped in the marches of the Hernikes, miss of the army of the robbers: which was conducted over the mountains of Preneste, from whence they came down into the champain, and spoiled the territories of Preneste and Gabes: and from thence they fetched a compass about unto the mountains of Tusculum. The City of Rome likewise was put in great fear, rather upon the sudden occurrent of this alarm, than for any want of power to resist their violence. Quintus Fabius at that time was Provost of Precedent of the City, who put the youth in armour, disposed guards in places convenient, and made all safe and in good security. The enemies therefore who had raised a booty out of the parts adjoining, durst approach no nearer, but cast about with their army and retired: and the further they went from their enemy's city, so much the more careless they were, until they light upon the Cos. Lucretius, who by his espials and scouts, was afore that time acquainted what ways they would take, and was ready also to try battle. So with resolute and prepared hearts, they set upon them, that with the sudden fear were amazed. And albeit they were in number fewer, yet they discomfited and put to flight a mighty multitude of them, and drove them within the hollow valleys, where because they had no ready way to get out, they kept them enclosed on every side. In such sort, that the whole name and nation well-near of the Volscians, there utterly perished. In some Chronicles I find that there were 13470 slain in the fight and chafe, and 1250 taken prisoners alive, and 27 ensigns or banners brought away. It may well be that the number perhaps doth somewhat exceed the truth, yet a great slaughter certainly there was. The Consul having achieved this victory, and gotten a mighty great prey, returned into the same standing camp again. Then pitched both Consuls together, and the Volscians jointly with the Aequians, rallied their forces thus decayed and weakened, into one place, and made one entire army. This was the third field fought, in that one year, and by the same good fortune the Romans won the victory: and having vanquished the enemies, they were masters also of the camp. Thus the city of Rome recovered herself, and returned to her ancient good estate. But this happy success in war, immediately stirred up civil troubles at home. C. Terentillus Arsa, for that year a Tribune of the Commons, 
C. Terentillus inveigheth against the regiment of the Consuls.  supposing in the absence of the Consuls, good opportunity was offered to set on foot the Tribunes actions, and their proceedings: for certain days together gave not over before the Commons, to accuse the great pride and insolency of the Nobles: but especially he inveighed against the Consul's regiment, as being too absolute, and in a free state intolerable. For in name only (quoth he) less odious and hateful it is than that of the KK. but in fact in very deed, more grienous and cruel. For why? In steed of one lord, the city hath received twain, and those having authority beyond all measure, unlimited and infinite: who being themselves at their own liberty and unbridled, turned the edge of all straight and dreadful laws, year, and the rigour of all punishment, against the Commons. But least this their licentiousness should continue for ever, he was minded to preferred and publish a law, by virtue where of there should be five men created, who should set down certain conditions, to limit and gauge the authority of the Consuls: and look what authority and commission the people granted out over them, the same should the Consul exercise, and no more, and not rule of themselves, and use their own will and licentious lust in steed of law. This act being once published, and the Nobles fearing, lest whiles the Consuls were away, they should be taken down and yoked. Quin. Fabrus Precedent of the City, assembled the Senate, who so bitterly and sharply inveighed against the law and the lawgiver himself, that if both the Consuls themselves had stood about the Tribune of purpose to contradict and cross his proceedings, 
The 〈◊〉 of Q. 〈◊〉 against the 〈◊〉 of the Commons.  there had been no threats nor terrible menaces left for them, to have thundered out. For he laid sore unto his charge, that he had lain in wait, and now having spied the time to fit his purpose, had given the venture to assail the C. W. and the State. And in case the gods in their wrathful displeasure had sent among them such a Tribune as he the year before, together with war and pestilence, there had been no remedy then, but he must have had his way, and then they had been all undone. For when the Consuls both were dead, and the city lay bedrid as it were, in a miserable confusion of all things, he would have made laws then indeed, to the utter abolishing of the Consul's authority out of the Commonwealth, and been a ringleader to Volscians and Aequians both, for to have assaulted the city. For what might not he have lawfully done by virtue of his place? If the Consuls had either proudly or cruelly proceeded against any one Citizen, he might have entered an Action against them, and convented them forsooth before those very judges, of whom peradventure some one had been by them hardly dealt withal. This would have been the course and end of it. And he that thus did, should not cause the Consul's authority and rule, but the Tribunes power to become odious and intolerable: which having been of late well quieted and reconciled unto the Nobles, began now afresh to come unto the old biace, and to be troublesome again. Neither entreated he him not to go on still as he had begun. But ye my masters (qd. Fabius') that are the rest of the Tribunes, we would request you to consider well this one point especially: That this power you have, was brought in for the succour and relief of every particular person, and not to the general prejudice and undoing of all. Again, that ye are created Tribunes of the Commons, not enemies of the Nobles. A heavy and lamentable case it is to us, odious and hateful unto you, and will breed you much ill will and displeasure, in case the C. W. now forlorn, should thus be invaded & assailed. Ye shall lose nothing of your own right, I assure you, nay you shall avoid much mislike and hatred of men, in case ye be in hand and deal with your brother Tribune, to put off this matter and defer it wholly until the Consuls coming. Why, the very Aequians and Volscians themselves the last year, when both our Consuls were dead of the plague, pressed not hardly upon us, to prosecute any proud & cruel war against us. So, the Tribunes communed and persuaded with Terentillus: and this his commenced suit or action being adjourned in outward show, but in very truth let fall quite and disannulled, the Consuls forthwith were sent for home. Lucretius returned enriched with a right great booty, but with far greater honour and renown. Who at his very first coming wan himself more glory, by laying abroad in Mars field all the prizes, that every man for three days space might know his own and have it away. All the rest, that had no owners to come forth and make claim, was sold in port-sale. By all men's consent, the Consul was thought worthy of triumph: howbeit that matter was put off, by reason that the Tribune had not yet done with his law: which was the thing that the Consul thought meet should be first regarded. The matter was debated and treated for certain days, both in the Senate and also before the people. At last the Tribune yielded to the majestic of the Consul, and gave it over. Then was due honour rendered both to the General and also to the army accordingly. He triumphed over the Volscians and Aequians: and in his triumph his own legions followed after him. To the other Consul granted it was that he should in a kind of triumph called Ovatio, ride into the city, but without his soldiers. The year next ensuing, the law Terentilla was by the whole college or fellowship of the Tribunes revived and propounded again: which put the new Consuls P. Volumnius and Ser. Sulpitius to some trouble. 
Prodigious fights  And in the same year the sky seemed to be on a light fire, and there was an exceeding earthquake. And that which the year afore was no credit given unto, was now for truth believed, to wit, That a cow did speak. Among other strange wonders it reigned flesh: during which shower, a huge number of fowls flew among, and were reported to have snatched it and carried it away as it was in falling. But that which fell down and escaped their talons, lay scattered here and there for certain days in such sort, as the sent changed not at all, nor the flesh one jot taken and corrupted. Then the books (of Sibylla) were perused by the Duumvirs deputed over matters of religion: who foretold of some dangers to ensue by a company of strangers, and gave warning to look least happily some assault should be made upon the highest places of the city, and thereof a slaughter & massacre ensue. Amongst the rest, warning was given to abstain from civil discord and mutinies: which the Tribunes found fault with, as a devised matter to hinder the law. Whereupon great debate and contention was like presently to grow. But behold, (that the revolution and course of troubles might turn about every year to the same point.) The Herniks bring news that the Volscians and Aequians for all their wings were well clipped, and their forces greatly decayed, began to gather and leavy new armies: Item, That in Antium lay the whole weight and importance of the affairs, & all depended upon it: That the Antiat coloners held their counsels and had their meetings in open show, at Ecetra, but Antium was the principal seat of the war, and from thence came all preparations and forces whatsoever. As soon as these news were reported in the Senate, order was given to muster soldiers: and that the Consuls should part between them the administration and managing of this war, so as the one should have the charge against the Volscians, and the other against the Aequians. But the Tribunes rung it out openly in the common hall before the people, That this was but a made matter of the Volscian war, and a tale devised by the Herniks, who were suborned and framed to play their parts in the Pageant, and to serve the turn of the Nobles. 
The Tribunes oppose themselves against the Nobility.  And that now verily the freedom of the people of Rome was not oppressed or endangered by plain prowess and virtue, but finely shifted off and dallied cunningly withal, by sly and crafty inventions. And for as much as now it was an unlikely thing and incredible, that the Volscians and Aequians after so great carnage committed upon them, whereby they were all in a manner killed up, should be able of themselves to wage wa●re, there were, forsooth, new enemies sought out: A faithful Colony near adjoining, was now slandered and defamed: war was pretended for a show against the guildesse and innocent Antiats, but in truth, intended with the very commons of Rome, whom they meant to drive out of the city in all haste headlong, surcharged with heavy armour, and so (by, turning out their poor fellow citizens into banishment, & sending them away, God knows whether) to be avenged at length of the Tribunes. And thus the Law (say the Tribunes, for they must think their drift is to this end and to none other) should be trodden under foot, unless whiles all is entire and whole, and nothing done, whiles they remain at home in their houses, whiles they be in their gowns, they take heed and look well about them, that they be not dispossessed of the city, and take the yoke of servitude upon their necks: assuring them that if their hearts only served, they should want for no help: and that all the Tribunes agreed and were of one mind, that there was no cause of fear abroad, no foreign war to trouble them: last of all, that the very providence of the gods the year before assured them, that their liberty might with safetic be defended. These and such like remonstrances gave the Tribunes out. On the other part, the Consuls causing their chairs of estate to be set, even in their sight and presence, began to muster. Thitherran the Tribunes down in all haste, and drew the whole assembly of people with them. And, to make as it were a proof and trial, some few by name were called, and straightways began a stir. For whomsoever the Sergeant by the Consul his commandment arrested, the Tribunes charged again that he should be let go. And neither side contained within the limits and compass of their commission and rightful authorities: but presumed of their might and strong hand, to attain unto their desired purpose. For even as the Tribunes had demeaned themselves in forbidding the muster, semblably the Senators bestirred themselves to stop the law for going forward: which was propounded every court day, and when the people might assemble. And evermore the brawl began, when the Tribunes commanded the people to avoid the hall, for that the Patritij would not endure thus to be set out and excluded. Few or none of the ancients would be present at these troublesome stirs, being such as were not to be managed and ordered by sage counsel, but wholly left to the rashness and boldness of young and green heads. The Consuls also were much absent, and forbore to be in place, for fear least in such a confused hurly-burly their majesty and dignity, might have been subject to some shameful contumely and disgrace. But there was among them one Caso Quintius, a lusty young gentleman and a stout, in regard both of his noble parentage, as also of the goodly tall parsonage and strength of his body. Besides these good parts that God had bestowed upon him, he had won himself many ornaments by sundry exploits atcheeved in wars: He had withal an eloquent speech and a good grace at the bar, so as, in one word, throughout the whole city, there was not one thought to be more ready in tongue, or raller of his hands. This Caeso standing in the midst of the Nobles, higher to be seen above all the rest, as one that in his speech and strength, carried afore him the countenance and authority of all Dictator's and Consul's, was the only man that bore off the brunts of Tribunes, 
Ceso Quintius a bitter adversary of the la● Terenulla.  and storms of the common people. Many a time were the Tribunes driven out of common hall, the Commonalty defeated and put to flight by the conduct of this Captain. Whosoever came within his reach, was sure to go away thoroughly beaten, & clean stripped. So as it evidently appeared, if this course might have been allowed, the law had soon been checked and overthrown. Now when all the other Tribunes besides, were herewith dismayed and well-near daunted. Aulus Virginius alone, being one of their fellowship, was so bold, as to enter an action against Caeso, of a capital crime. By which deed of his, he rather fired, than feared his hot and furious nature. For so much the more eagerly withstood he the law, coursed and troubled the Commons, and persecuted the Tribunes as it were with open war. The plaintiff in the mean time, suffered the defendant to run on still, and with many outrages to kindle more coals of ill will, and hatred upon his own head, and to minister further matter of crimes to be charged with. And all the while he ceased not to prefer the law aforesaid, not so much of any hope to bring it to pass, as to provoke and set on work, the giddy he●d and humorous vain of Caeso. Whereby it came to pass, that many follies oftentimes were committed both in word & deed, by the younger sort: and evermore the blame light upon poor Caeso: he alone was always charged, because he had been once suspected. But nevertheless he gainsaied and crossed the law. And Aulus Virginius ever and anon would entertain the Commons with these and such like speeches. See ye not already (quoth he) O Quirites, that ye may not now have Caeso your Citizen, and the law which you desire both together. But what mean I to speak of the law? It is your liberty that he insringeth and setteth himself against, and in pride and arrogancy he exceedeth all the T arquines that ever were. But wait, ye were best, until he be made a Consul or Dictator, whom ye see already, being but a private person, to bear himself so greatly of his strength and boldness, as to lord it over you, and rule as a king. Many soothed the Tribune and said the like, adding moreover, how they had been well knocked & beaten at his hands: and were forward enough of themselves to set the Tribune on, to proceed in his commenced action against him.  
Now was the law day of judicial trial come: and it seemed abroad, that all men verily thought that the very foundation of their liberty consisted in the condemnation of Caeso. In conclusion, driven he was with much indignity and shame, to creep and crouch unto every man, submissly craving their favour one after another. There seconded him his kinsfolk and nearest friends, the bestmen of the city. Titus Quintius Capitolinus, who had been thrice Consul, spoke in his behalf: and after he had reckoned up many honours and dignities, both of his own, and also of his family, 
〈…〉  affirmed, that neither in the house and race of Quintij, nor yet throughout the city of Rome, was ever seen so great towardness, no such show and likelihood of ripe and perfect virtue and prowess as in Caeso: saying, that he had been first his soldier, and served under him, and that with his own eyes he had seen him oftentimes fight valiantly hand to hand with his enemies in the field. Again, Sp. Fusius made this good report of him, That upon a time, when himself was in great distress & extremity, Caeso was sent unto him from Quintius Capitolinus, to help at a pinch: and that there was no one man, by whose good service, as he thought, the Weal public at that time was more relieved and restored, than by his. L. Lucretius the Consul last year before, glittering in his bright glory so fresh and new, joined with the rest, avowing Caeso partaker with him in his praiseworthy acts: he recounted his brave combats, rehearsed his noble exploits, both in his roads and voyages, and also in the pight field: advising and counseling them, that in any hand they would retain still for to be a citizen of their own city, rather than of any other, this excellent young gentleman, furnished with all good gifts of nature and fortune, like to prove a singular stay of the public affairs, into what city and state soever he should come. As for that heat and hastiness (quoth he) which was in him misliked and offensive, age and time would daily diminish, and bereave him of it: grave and sage counsel, which now was wanting, would come on a peace every day more than other. Seeing therefore his faults waxed old and faded, his virtues now were in their growth, flourished, and grew ripe unto perfection; they should permit so brave, so rare a person, to live still among them, and be a good old man in this their city. His father among the rest, L. Quintius, surnamed Cincinnatus, went another way to work: who not by iterating still his praises, for fear of heaping more matter of envy and repine, but craving pardon for his wildness and youthful demeanour; besought them for his sake at leastwise, to give the son as a present to his father, who neither in word nor deed had ever offended any person. Some took no heed and gave a deaf ear to his prayers, either for modesty and reverence, or for fear. Others complaining how they and theirs had been beaten and hardly used at his hands, bewrayed and showed plainly by their shrewd and churlish answers what their judgement was. Beside, the common mislike and malice conceived against the defendant, there was one perilous matter and crime above all, that touched him very near. And that was this: M. Volscius Fictor, who certain years before had been Tribune of the Commons, came in against him as a witness, and deposed, how that not long after the plague was in the city, he happened upon a company of youths as they made a roiot and robbery in the Suburra: where there arose a brawl and a fray, in which his elder brother, a man well in years, and not thoroughly recovered of his sickness, was by a buffet with Caeso his fist felled to the ground, and lay there for dead: so as he was feign to be had home between men's arms; & as he deemed, of that blow he died: yet might not he, as heinous as the fact was, bring his action and prosecute the law, for fear of the Consuls of these last years. As Velscius thus informed, the whole court was moved therewith, in so much that Caso escaped hardly, from being murdered, in that rage and fury of the people. Then Virginius commanded to lay hold on the man, and to have him away to prison. The Patritij again by force resisted force. T. Quintius cried out, That he who was under arrest for to make his appearance, and answer at a day for his life, and who shortly should come to his trial and be judged, ought not before sentence of condemnation, and before he had pleaded for himself, thus violently be misused. The Tribune replied again, That his meaning was not to punish him before he were condemned: howbeit, by his leave he would be so bold as keep him fall in prison, to be forth coming at the law day; that he who had killed a man, might suffer therefore, according as the people of Rome should award. Then were the Tribunes called unto for their help, who by the means of an indifferent decree then made, showed their lawful favours with speed. By virtue whereof they sorbad expressly, that he should not be imprisoned, but pronounced that it was their will and pleasure, that the defendant should personally appear, and a piece of money be promised unto the people, in case he made default and failed of his appearance. Much question there was what sum of money should be thought reasonable to be promised. And the matter was put over to the Senate to be decided: and whilst the Senators sat thereupon, the defendant was kept still in ward within the common Haul. At length they thought good and set it down, that he should put insureties. And they bound each surety in 3000 
* 9 lib. 7 sh. 6. d. sterl.  Asses. But how many of these should put in band, was left to the will and discretion of the Tribunes, who assigned and determined ten & no more. With so many sureties the plaintiff bound the defendant personally and peremptorily to appear at his day. This man was the first Roman that went under special bail and put in good pledges to make his public answer. Thus being enlarged out of the common hall and dismissed, the next night following, unawares to the Consul, he departed to the Tuscans into exile. When the day of this judgement was come, and that it was alleged for his excuse, That he was out of the town, and gone into banishment: yet nevertheless Virginius assembled the people about this matter: but his fellow Tribunes being called unto for their help, dismissed the court and licenced every man to depart. But the foresaid money was cruelly exacted at his father's hands, so that he was driven to sell up all that ever he had, and for a long time to live apart as a person confined, on the other side of Tiber, in a poor blind cottage out of the way. This process of judgement, and the preferring of the law abovesaid together, busied the city and kept it occupied. Quiet they were for any wars abroad. At what time the Tribunes like conquerors, seeing the Nobles appalled at the banishment of Caeso, supposed now their law was in manner fully established and enacted. And for as much as the more ancient Senators had dispossessed themselves as it were, of the Common weal, and meddled not for their own parts with the stare: the younger sort and such especially as were of Caeso his crew and acquaintance, were kindled the more against the Commons, and abated not their courage: marry, this good thereby was done upon them, that in some measure they tempered and ruled their furious affections and violent outrage. The first time after the exile of Caeso, that the law began again to be proposed, they being well appointed and banded together, backed also with a mighty company of their friends and favourites, set upon the Tribunes: taking the occasion when they charged them to depart out of the hall, in such manner, that no one of them above his fellows was singular, nor carried home with him any special praise or blame more than another: but the Commons complained that for one Caeso, there were now start up a thousand. All the days between, wherein the Tribunes meddled not with their law, none more quiet, none more peaceable than even they themselves. Courteously they would salute and speak unto the Commons, at all other times they would invite them home to their houses and make them good cheer, assist them and be present with them in the common hall, suffer the Tribunes themselves without any interruption or impeachment to keep their courts and hold their assemblies whatsoever: showing themselves at no time to any of them either publicly or privately fierce and cruel, but only when they went in hand with the law, for otherwise the young Gentlemen were popular enough. And not only in other causes made the Tribunes good dispatch, and went quietly through all their businesses: but also the same men were chosen again for the next year following without any one foul & cross word: so far were they from being offered any forcible violence: and thus by soft handling and gentle dealing, they had now by little & little won the Commons, and made them as it were come to hand. And so by these fine fetches and devises, for one whole year the law was shifted off, and prettily avoided. The city being now in more quiet state, C. Claudius the son of Appius and P. Valerius Poplicola, came to be Consuls. And no news this new year: for the same care still, either about preferring or admitting the law, held the city occupied. As much as the puny Nobles insinuated themselves more into the favour and familiarity of the Commons: so much more eagerly again on the other side, did the Tribunes labour and endeavour with complaints and slanders, to bring them into suspicion and jealousy with the Commons. Saying, that there was a conspiracy intended & contrived: that Caeso was in Rome: that there were plots laid to murder the Tribunes, and to massacre the Commons: that they were set on work by some great ones, even the Ancients of the Nobles, utterly to abolish the Tribunes authority out of the C. W. and to bring and reduce the city to the same pass again, as it had been before the taking and keeping hold in the Mount Sacer. Besides all this, war was feared from the Volscians and Aequians (so ordinary it was, and so duly once every year it came about:) yea and withal, another mischief newly sprung, and unlooked for.  
A rabble of banished persons, Outlaws and Bondslaves, to the number of 4500. having to their captain one Ap. Herdonius a Sabine, 
The Capitol surprised 〈…〉  surprised in the night the Capitol and Castle, and were masters thereof. Who immediately killed in the castle as many as would not be of their conspiracy and take armour with them. The rest, amid this hurly burly ran headlong down into the Market place for fear. The alarm was given on all hands: and no cry heard, but Arm, Arm, the enemies are in town. The Consuls were afraid to put the Commons in arms, and they doubted also to let them be unarmed, not knowing what sudden occurrent this should be, that thus had entered and possessed the city: whether it were foreign or domestical, arising from the malice and hatred of the people, or from the treachery and falsehood of their servants. Yet they devised to appease the uproar: and as they were busy to repress it, the more otherwhile they stirred up new: for the frighted and amazed multitude, could not be ordered by any commandment. Howbeit at length they resolved to suffer them to take arms, and not all in general, but only (for that they knew not what their enemies were) to have a sufficient and trusty guard about them, ready at all assays and dangers whatsoever. In this careful suspense and doubt, who were their enemies, and what their number was, they passed the rest of the night, disposing strong watch and ward in all meet and convenient places of the city. But the day light disclosed the war and the Captain thereof. 
The 〈…〉 Appius Herdonius, captain of the slaves.  Appius Herdonius from out of the Capitol proclaimed freedom to all bondmen that would come and follow him: taking upon him forsooth to defend the cause of most miserable caitiffs: namely, to restore home again unto their native country all such exiled persons, as had been wrongfully expelled, and also to take away the heavy yoke of slavery and bondage. Which thing he could wish it might be effected and brought about with the good will & helping hand of the people of Rome. But in case there were no hope and comfort there, than he would assay the Volscians and Aequians, yea and procure what means he could, by all hard courses and extremities whatsoever. Now the Nobles and Coss. began to see more into the matter: and besides those dangers that were in view, & presently threatened, they feared some practice from the Veientians or the Sabines: and lest, there being already so many enemies in the city, the legions of the Sabines & Tuscans should combine together, and come upon them Over and besides, lest their old enemies and perpetual, the Volsc. and Aeq. should now at once, not, as aforetime, invade their borders and drive booties, but give an attempt upon the very city, which was already in some part, taken and possessed by enemies. Many & sundry were their fears. But of all other the dread and jealousy of their own bondslaves presented unto them most imminent & present danger: for fear, lest every man harboured his enemy at home in his own house, whom neither he could trust securely, nor yet mistrust without some jeopardy: fearing lest being once discredited, he might prove the more malicious and bend to do a mischief. And to such straits they were driven, that with all their concord and agreement, they hardly were able to remedy the matter, and to stop the extremity. So greatly the future troubles like to ensue, exceeded those that presently appeared and were in sight, that no man feared either Tribunes or Commons. That mild and gentle kind of malady, in comparison of others, and rising always by occasion of rest from all other, seemed then by reason of a foreign terror, stilled clean and brought asleep. And yet see, that was the only thing in a manner that late hardest upon them, ready to bear down to the ground their state, which now began already to shrink and reel. For so furiously and madly were the Tribunes bend, that they stiffly would stand to it, and bear men in hand, That it was no war, but a vain illusion and colour of war, and no other, that had seized on the Capitol; for nothing else but to withdraw the minds of the Commons from intending and following their law: and that a sort of clients, followers, and favourites of the Nobility and Gentry were gathered together, who is they might once perceive that the law were passed, and that all the stir they had made, took no effect, would slip away soon & be gone, in more silence y'wis, than they thither came. Whereupon they called the people away from their armour and weapons, and summoned them to an assembly, to go through with their law and enact it now or never. In the mean time the Coss. held a counsel, fearing a greater mischief like to ensue from the Tribunes, than the enemies had wrought in the night season. And when word was brought that arms were laid away, and that the people had abandoned their quarters where they were set in guard, 
The Oration of P. Valerius to the people.  than P. Valer. leaving his colleague to keep the Senate together, departed hastily out of the court & went strait into the temple to the Tribunes. What work is here my Masters (qd. he) you that are Tribunes? Are ye about to overthrow the State indeed, under the conduct of Ap. Herdonius? and who was not able to solicit & do any thing with your bondslaves and servants, was his hap so good as to corrupt and inveigle yourselves? Is this your pleasure and to your good liking, whi●●s the enemy is over our heads, to have our armour laid aside, and laws preferred? Then turning his speech to the whole multitude: If ye take no regard nor care (o Quirites) of the city, if ye pass not for yourselves, yet have some reverence, and stand in fear of the gods of your native country, which by your enemies are now taken prisoners and captivate: jup. Opt. Max. that most boundtifull and almighty god, Queen juno and Minerva, with all the rest of gods goddesses (and heavenly hallows) ar● besieged: Outlaws and bondslaves are encamped about your Tutelar gods, and have in possession the protectors and patrons of your city. Is this, think ye, the form of a wise and well governed city? is it in good case in deed and as it ought to be? So many enemies not only within the walls, but also aloft upon the cliff within the Castle, overlooking and commanding both Hall and Court: and all the while, the people assemble in the hall, Senators sit in Court, like as when we enjoyed peace and were at rest: the Senator he delivereth his opinion at the counsel board: the citizens of Rome besides, are busy in their scrutinies and giving their voices. And had it nor been more meet and decent that both Nobility and commonalty, Consuls and Tribunes, God and Man, all armed together, should set to their helping hand, should run up into the Capitol to deliver, save, and set in quiet that most stately and sacred house of jup. Opt. Max.? O Father Romulus, vouchsafe, I beseech thee, that mind and that courage unto thy successors and posterity, whereby sometime thou didst recover and win again this fortress from these same Sabines, betrayed and lost by corruption, & for a sum of gold: command them to enter even that way, which thou first leddest, and thy valorous army followed after. Lo, I the Consul, so far forth as a mortal man possibly may, will follow thee an immortal god, and thy footsteps. The conclusion of his speech was this, That as he put himself in arms, so all the Romans shall do the like. And in case any man went about to hinder this, he would without regard of Consul's rule and dignity, or Tribunes authority and might, pass for no sacred or inviolable laws: but what or wheresoever he were, in Capitol, in market place, all as one, take him for an enemy, and deal accordingly. Let the Tribunes (for as much as they forbade to take arms against Ap. Herdonius) command hardly, and spare not, to arm against P. Valerius the Consul: It should be well seen that he would dare and do that by the Tribunes, which the first of his house and name sometime had done by the KK. A great broil was toward, and no other like, but that they would have gone together by the ears, and that the mutiny of the Romans, would have been a goodly spectacle to the enemies for to behold. But all this while, neither could the law be preferred, nor the Consul go up into the Capitol. The night at length stayed these brawls begun, and hushed all, The Tribunes fearing the armed forces of the Consuls, yielded to the darkness of the night, and gave over. Now when the principal authors of the discord were once gone out of the way, the Nobles went about to the Commons, intruding themselves into their companies as they were met in knots together: where they would enter into talk and discourse with them, according to the present occasions and the time, admonishing them to take heed into what danger they brought the State. For as much as now (quoth they) it is not a matter of debate between the Senators and Commons: but both Senators and Commoners, the castle and strongest hold of the city, the temples of the gods, their houses both public and private, were ready to be yielded unto the enemies. Whiles these things were a practising in the common place, for to appease the dissension: the Consuls for fear, lest the Sabines or the Veientians, enemies both, should stir and rise, were gone to the gates, and all about the walls. The same night came tidings also to Tusculum of the taking of the castle, the surprising of the Capitol, and likewise of the troubleous state where in the city stood. At that time was L. Mamilius, Dictator of Tusculum: he forthwith called a Senate together, brought in the messengers of the foresaid news, and thought it very expedient and needful not to wait until there came Ambassadors from Rome to crave their aid: for that the present peril itself alone, the urgent necessity, their social gods, and the faithful bond of league, required no less at their hands, than to send succour: adding moreover, that the gods would never give them the like occasion and opportunity again, to gratify the Romans; to bind and oblige unto them by a sound benefit and pleasure done, so mighty a city, and so near a neighbour. Whereupon it was decreed, to rescue them with all speed. The able men of service were taken up and enroled, munition and armour given them in their hands: who advancing toward Rome by break of day, seemed a far off to be enemies, and were taken for the Acquians or Volscians. But afterwards, when this foolish fear was overblown, they were received into the city: and marched down in order of battle to the market place. Where, at the very same time Pub. Valerius having left his fellow Consul to guard and fortify the gates, was setting his men in array. The authority of the man had prevailed with the people, for he promised & assured them, that if the Capitol were once recovered, and the city set in quiet, if they would suffer him to be informed what faiterous and secret mischief was underhand practised by the Tribunes under colour of this law, he would in remembrance of his ancestors, & of his 
* 〈◊〉  surname (which in regard of the affectionate love unto the people, by a special care, as it were by inheritance from his forefathers, was recommended unto him) not hinder & trouble the meetings and assemblies of the Commons, not cross and thwart their proceedings. They followed him therefore as their cheesetaine, gainsay the Tribunes what they could (for all would not serve) advanced forward, and marched up against the rising of the Capitol hill. The Tusculane legion stuck close unto them, and followed after. Citizens and Associates both, did their best, and strove who should regain the Capitol first, and have the honour of that day. Each captain exhorted and encouraged his men. Then began the enemies to fear, and wist not well what to trust unto, but only the situation of the place. The Romans and their allies seeing their fear, came forward and advanced their standards against them. Now by this time were they broken into the porch of the temple. 
〈…〉  Where P. Valerius fight manfully among the foremost in the vaward, was slain. P. Volumnius a Consular man, saw him when he fell: who gave his men in charge to cover his body, and stepped himself into the Consul's room, and fought in his stead. The soldiers for heat and eagerness of fight, took no regard, and came to no knowledge of this so great mischance, but got the victory, ere they knew that they fought without their captain. Many of the outlaws were there slain, and polluted the temple with their blood. Many taken alive prisoners, and Herdonius himself was slain outright. So the Capitol was again recovered. The captives, as they were either bond or free, were executed every one according to their condition and place. The Tusculans had thanks given them. The Capitol was cleansed, purged, and hallowed anew. The Commons, as it is reported, cast 
* Quadrants, a 〈…〉 and is 〈…〉 as a cue and●  Quadrants or mites into the Consul his house, that he might with greater pomp of funerals be brought to the ground.  
When all was appeased and in quiet, the Tribunes were earnest with the Nobles to perform the promise of P. Valerius: they were instant also with Claudius, to assoil the soul, and keep it from blame of his fellow Consul late deceased: and to permit the law to be set on foot, and go forward. The Consul flatly denied to suffer them to meddle with the law, before he had substituted a fellow in his place. And these contentions held unto the time of the grand Election, for the substituting of a new Consul. And in the month December, after much suit, and labouring of the Nobles, was L. Quintius Cincinnatus, the father of Caeso, created Consul, and presently to enter into his office. The Commons herewith were much troubled and strucken dead, now that they were to have an angry Consul, and mighty withal: considering the favour of the Nobles wherein he stood, and his own virtue and prowess besides: by reason also of his three sons, of whom there was not one, that for haughtiness of mind came behind Caeso, and for wisdom, discretion, 
The Oration of L. Quintius Cincir natns, reproving the Senate and Commons of Rome.  and moderation (when time and occasion served) went far beyond him. Who being once entered into his office, in all his public speeches and orations, continually ceased not as well to bridle, restrain and keep in the Commonalty, as also to chastise sharply the Senate; through the remissness of which degree, and want of courage, it was come to pass, that the Tribunes became now to continue still in office, and not as in the Commonwealth of the people of Rome, but as in some unruly and disordered house, with their lavish tongue reigned as it were, and ruled the roast: saying, That together with his son Caeso all virtue and constancy, all commendable qualities that graced young gentlemen both in war and peace, were chased and utterly banished out of the city of Rome. In am whereof, babblers, mutinous persons, & sowers of sedition and dissension, are become Tribunes the second, yea, and the third time: who by indirect courses and lewd practices live loosely in the city, like princes and kings. That same Aulus Virginius there, (quoth he) hath he deserved less punishment than Ap. Herdonius, because he was not in the Capitol with the rabble of other rebels? Nay much more a good deal, if a man will weigh the matter aright and truly. Herdonius, (if there were nothing else) yet by professing himself to be an enemy, advertised you, and gave you warning in a manner to arm yourselves. But he, by bearing you down so confidently, that there was no war, what did he else but disarm you, and as it were, take your weapons from you, and offer you naked to the devotion and mercy of your bondmen and outlaws? And have ye (under correction be it spoken, and saving the reverence and honour of C. Claudius here, and P. Valerius that dead is) advanced your ensigns up the Capitol hill, before you had rid the market place and common hall of these enemies? It is a shame (before God and man I speak it) when our enemies were in the castle and Capitol, when the captain and ringleader of outlaws and slaves, abode and lodged within the chapels and sanctuaries of jup. Opti. Max. to the profanation and polluting of all, that they at Tusculum should take them to their weapons before us of Rome, and that it should be doubted, whether L. Mamilius the Tusculane General, or P. Valerius, and C. Claudius, the Roman Consuls, should save the fortress of Rome: and that we, who heretofore would not suffer the Latins in their own defence, when they had their enemies in their borders, so much as once to take weapon in hand, should now ourselves have been surprised and destroyed, had not they, the very same Latins of their own accord, put themselves into armour for our sakes. Is this your succouring and helping the Commons, (O ye Tribunes) for to expose and cast them unarmed before the enemy, to have their throats cut? Iwis, if the meanest or basest person of your commonalty, which you have dismembered from the whole body of the people besides, and made it, as it were the native country of your own, and a Commonwealth peculiar only to yourselves; If any one of them I say, should bring you word, that his house were beset round about, with a meinie of servants and slaves in armour, you would think it meet that he were aided and succoured: And when jup. Opti. Max. was besieged with a power of armed outlaws and bondslaves, was he not worthy of man's help? And yet these men would be counted and held for Sacrosancti, i Sacred and inviolable, with whom the very gods themselves are not sacred and inviolate. And notwithstanding, that ye are thus overcharged and stained with sins both against God and man, ye go up and down, and say, That this year you will get your law to pass, and make it sure. Perdie, if ye prefer it again, than I must needs say the Commonweal is ill bestead, and had a shrewd turn that day whereon I was created Consul, yea and worse a good deal, than at what time P. Valerius the Consul was slain. But now first and foremost (quoth he) O Quirites, my colleague and I both, are minded to lead forth our legions immediately against the Volscians and the Aequians; how the divine providence of God hath appointed it. I know not, but surely we find the gods more gracious and favourable unto us in our wars ordinarily, than in time of peace. And in what danger we had stood of those nations, in case they had known that the Capitol was in the hands and possession of outlaws, better it is to guess by that which is past, than to try indeed by present experience. The Consul his oration moved & galled the Commons. The Nobles took hart, & were in a good belief, that the world was well mended, and the state better reform. The other Cos. more hearty to follow than to lead, and who was well content that his fellow had broken the ice before, & taken in hand to deal first in so weighty a matter, willingly challenged unto himself the charge to perform the part and office of a Consul, in the execution and accomplishment of those designments. But then the Tribunes made a game thereat, & setting light at the Consul his words, inferred again and demanded, how the Consuls would lead out an army, and no man suffer them to muster soldiers. Marry (quoth Quintius) we need no mustering at all: for, at what time as P. Valerius armed the Commons to recover again the Capitol, they were all sworn unto him, and took their oath in this form, To assemble together at the Consul his commandment, and not depart from their colours without his leave and licence. We We will and charge you all therefore, that have taken this oath to present yourselves to morrow, with your armour, at the lake of 
* 〈…〉 Rep de S. Severa  Regillus without fail. Then the Tribunes began to cavil and wrangle, and would needs have the people discharged in their conscience of that oath: alleging how when they took that military sacrament, Quintius was but a private person. There was not as yet, that neglect and contempt of the gods entered into the world, which now reigneth every where and is so rife: neither did men interpret their oaths, and construe laws, to serve their own purpose, but rather attempered and framed their lives and demeanour thereunto. The Tribunes therefore, seeing no hope to hinder the thing, began themselves to treat about settling forward the army: and the rather, because there ran a rumour abroad, that the Augurs were commanded to attend at the lake Regillus: and that by them a place should be hallowed and consecrate there, wherein the Consuls might duly commune and confer with the people, concerning all matters, according to the flight of birds: to the end that whatsoever at Rome had passed under a law, extorted by the violent force of the Tribunes; the same might there in a lawful assembly and general Session, be abrogated & made void by the suffrages of the soldiers, who all no doubt would accord to that, which should stand with the Consul's pleasure. For by reason that there was no appeal in force without the city, above one mile, the Tribunes themselves also, if they came thither, should be subject as well as the multitude besides of the people, to the commandment of the Consuls. These matters scared them indeed and put them in a bodily fear: but the greatest thing above all the rest that disquieted their hearts was this, that Quintius oftentimes had given out and said, That he would not call an assembly of the people for the election of Coff. for that the city was grown so far out of frame and temper, that it might not be reform and cured with ordinary and usual remedies: but that the Commonwealth had more need of a Dictator, that whosoever went about to trouble the state of the city, might well know that there was an absolute Dictatorship, that checked all appeals. The Senate was assembled at that time in the Capitol; thither came the Tribunes with their Commons greatly disquieted and troubled. The multitude cried out and besought one while the Consuls of their favour, another while the LL. of the Senate of their protection; but could not once remove the Consul from his opinion (such a pitch had he taken) before the Tribunes gave their word & faithful promise, that they would be wholly ruled and ordered by the Senators. Then the Consul propounded the demands and petitions of the Tribunes and Commons, and the Senate enacted these orders and decrees. First, that neither the Tribunes should that year prefer their law: nor the Consuls lead out of the city any army. Item from thence forth, the Senate deemed it not to stand with the weal public, that Magistrates should continue still in place from year to year, & that the same persons should be more than once chosen Tribunes. The Consuls for their part, were overruled and ordered by the Senators. But, say and gainsay what the Consuls would, the same Tribunes were chosen anew: and the Nobles also because they would not be one ace behind hand with the Commons, would needs choose L. Quintius likewise for their Consul again. But all the year through was not the Consul more earnest and vehement in any action and speech whatsoever than in this. 
〈…〉 against the Senate.  Should I marvel my Lords of the counsel (quoth he) that you bear no stroke with the commonalty, and your authority is so little worth among them? Why, you, even your own selves set light thereby: seeing, forsooth, the Commons broke the ordinance of the Senate, touching the continuity of Magistrates; ye also, because ye would not seem to yield one inch in rashness and folly to the multitude, are as ready and willing to infringe the same: as who would say, this were to have more rule and authority in a city, namely, to use more levity, inconstancy, and licentiousness. For it is a point of much more lightness and vanity, I assure you, For men to disannul the acts and decrees of their own making, than of others. Ye that be Senators and Fathers of the C. W. imitate, and spare not, the ignorant, lewd, and inconsiderate multitude: ye that should give good examples to others, sin ye hardly yourselves, and do amiss by the precedent of others; neither than let others by your example do well: so long as I, for my part, take not after the Tribunes, nor suffer myself to be declared Cos. against an express act of the Senat. As to you, O Glaudius, I would exhort you, that both yourself would restrain the people of Rome of this their licentiousness, that thus they have not their swinge: and also that you would persuade yourself thus much of me, That so far off will I be from thinking my honour by you impaired, that rather I will take my glory to be increased by the despising & refusing of a dignity; & the ill will and envy abated & diminished, that might grow upon the continuation thereof. Whereupon, both the Consuls jointly together made an edict and proclamation, That no man should (by his voice) nominate Quintius, Consul: and if any man did, they would not allow of his election. So there were created Consuls. Q. Fabius Vibulanus the third time, and L. Cornelius Maluginensis.  
In this year was held a sessing and numbering of the citizens. But touching the Lustrum, there was some scruple of conscience, because the Capitol had been taken, and the Consul skaine. When Q. Fabius and Lucius Cornelius were thus Consuls, suddenly in the very beginning of their year began great troubles: for the Tribunes on the one side, as their guise was, set the Commons a work: the Latins and Hernicks on the other side, sent word of great wars from the Volselans and Aequians: That the Volscian legions were already at Antium, and the Colony itself greatly suspected to rebel. Yet hardly could the Tribunes be brought to agree, that preparation should be made aforehand to prevent this war. But upon these news, the Consuls parted between themselves the charge of all affairs. Fabius was appointed to lead forth an army to Antium: and Cornelius, to abide at Rome for the defence of the city, for fear lest some part of their enemies, as the Aequians manner was, should in a running camp make roads and harry the territories about. The Hernicks and Latins, were by virtue of the league, charged with the finding of certain soldiers, so as the whole army should consist of ij. parts of confederates and one third of citizens. When, at the day appointed the Allies were come, the Consul pitched down his tents without the gate Capena: from whence when he had taken a general muster and purged his army, he marched toward Antium, and encamped himself not far, either from the town, or the standing camp of his enemies: where the Volscians seeing no forces yet come unto them from the Aequians, had no heart to fight, but made preparation how they might keep themselves quiet and safe, within their mure and rampire. The morrow after, Fabius made not one entire battle of Allies and citizens mingled together, but three battaillons severally by themselves, of three sundry nations, & ranged them along all about the counterscarpe and trench of his enemies. Himself was in the midst with the Roman legions, and gave commandment to observe heedfully and mark the signal: that the Allies also should both begin battle and also retire, when he founded the retreat. In like sort he placed the horsemen behind the Principia at the back of each battle. Thus in three sundry parts he assailed the camp, and environed it round about, and charging lustily hard upon them on every side, he beat the Volscians down from their rampire, for they were not able to endure his violence. And having gotten over all their trenches and fortifications, he drove the fearful multitude clean out of their hold, that now were retired to a side and corner of the camp. The horsemen might not easily get over the trench, and stood still of purpose to behold the fight, and to mark them when they should fly: but having once gotten them in the open fields, they chased them as they ran away on heaps: and by killing them in their fearful flight, deserved their part in that victory. Great was the execution both within the camp, and also without the rampires, as they fled: but greater was the pillage, for that the enemies had much ado to carry their armour away with them, and but that they shrouded themselves as they fled in the woods, they had perished every man. During these exploits about Antium, the Aequians having sent before them the tallest and lustiest young men they had, surprised the castle of Tusculum, upon a sudden and at unawares in the night season: and with the rest of their power they were encamped not far from the walls of Tusculum, intending to intercept and stay the army of their enemies. Tidings hereof came in post to Rome, and from Rome to the camp before Antium, which troubled the Romans as much as if news had been brought, that the Capitol was taken. So fresh in remembrance was the late desert of the Tusculans: and the like jeopardy seemed to challenge and redemaund semblable aid and succour. Fabius setting all other things aside, caused the booty in all haste to be conveyed out of the camp to Antium: where having left an indifferent guard, he hasteneth apace in order of battle to Tusculum. By reason whereof, the soldiers could take nothing with them, but their armour, and such baked or boiled meats as were at hand ready. The Consul (Cornelius) sent a convoy of victuals unto them from Rome. Thus for certain months continued the war at Tusculum. The Consul (Fabius) with one part of his host assailed the camp of the Aequians: for the other part he had let the Tusculans have, to win again their fortress. Against all force it was impregnable, but in the end famine constrained the enemies to abandon it. To which extremity being at length driven, they were by the Tusculans disarmed and compelled to pass naked under the 
* A kind of gallows made with two juveline pitched endlong in the ground, and and a third fastened overthwart to the other.  yoke. Who as they fled homeward with shame enough, were overtaken of the Roman Consul in Algidum, and put to the sword every one. After this victory, he encamped with the rest of his army at Columen, for so the place is named. The other Consul likewise, seeing that there was no danger threatening the walls of Rome, now that the enemy was discomfited and repulsed, departed himself from the city. So the Consuls entering two ways the borders of their enemies, made sharp war and spoiled the Volscians of the one side, and the Aequians on the other. I find in most writers that the Antiates in this year rebelled: and that L. Cornelius the Consul managed that war, and won the town. But for as much as there is no mention made of that matter in any ancient writers, I dare not avouch it for a certain truth.  
This war was no sooner brought to an end, but the domestical Tribunes war at home put the Nobles in fear: for the Tribunes cried out that this was cautelous and fraudulent dealing, thus to keep the armies abroad, for nothing else but to disappoint them for publishing the law. Yet nevertheless, since they had begun it, they would not give over, but go through with it and see an end. Howbeit P. Lucretius, Precedent of the city for the time, prevailed thus much with them, That all Tribunitian actions should hang and be deferred until the coming of the Consuls. There was besides a new occasion arose of fresh trouble. A. Cornelius and Quintus Servilius 
* Treasurers or 〈…〉  Questours, gave summons to M. Volscius to make his answer at a day, who laid to his charge that he without all doubt, had borne false witness against Caeso. For by many presumptions and evidences it appeared, that neither Volscius his brother, from the first time that he fell sick and took his bed, was at any time seen openly in the streets, or so much as to have sit up, and mended any whit, but of that disease which held him many months, he languished and consumed away to death: nor about that time, wherein the deponent supposed the deed was done, was Caeso once seen at Rome: it being plainly affirmed and proved by those who served together with him in the wars, that he was ordinarily all the time fight under his colours as well as they, without any passport or licence to depart. And to make this good, many there were that of themselves privately challenged Volscius, and offered to traverse the law and to be tried by any indifferent and competent judges. But when as he durst not abide the trial and to be judged, all these things put together, and so consonant one to the other, made men doubt no more of the condemnation of Volscius than of Caeso, which was grounded upon the bare testimony of Volscius. The Tribunes were only the stay; who said plainly they would not suffer the Questors to hold any sessions or judicial court, for the trial of the defendant, before they had a solemn assembly about their law. So were both these matters put off unto the Consuls coming. Who being entered with triumph into the city, with their victorious army, and no words made of the law, many men thought the Tribunes were clean daunted and stricken dead. But they (for that the year now was at an end) aspiring to be Tribunes the fourth time, left all their hot contention for the law, and reserved themselves wholly to argue and reason at the assembly for the Election of new Magistrates. And albeit the Consuls had bend all their might and main against the continuity of the Tribuneship, as earnestly, as if a law had been propounded, tending to the impairing and abridging of their majesty, yet got the Tribunes the mastery, and had the hand of them in the end. In this year peace was granted upon request and petition, unto the Aequians. And the Seffing, which the year before began, was now finished. And this was counted the tenth general Survey and solemn purging of the city from the foundation thereof. There were numbered in the Cense-booke, of citizens 132419 poles. A glorious and honourable year it was unto the Consuls, both at home and in war. For they not only procured peace abroad, but also the City was, if not in perfect concord and unity, yet in less trouble than at other times. L. Minutius, and L. Ngutius, that were created Consuls, entered upon the relics of the two matters begun the former year. And much after one sort, as the Consuls crossed the going forward of the law, so the Tribunes hindered the judicial proceeding against Volscius. But the new Questours were men of more power and greater authority. For, together with M. Valerius, the son of Valerius, and nephew of Volesus, was T. Quintius Capitolinus created Questour, a man that had been thrice Consul. Forasmuch therefore, as Caeso, the worthiest gentleman of all other, and the very ornament of the youth of Rome, could not be restored again, neither to the house of the Quintij, nor to the Commonweal, he pursued of mere piety, with just and lawful war, that false witness, who would not suffer on any hand the innocent person to have the liberty to plead in his own defence. And when Virginius, most of all the other Tribunes, was earnest to publish the law, the Consuls had two months' respite given them to consider thereof, and look into it thoroughly: to the end, that when they had advertised the people what secret fraud and inconvenience was hidden and lurked therein, they might afterwards suffer them to proceed to a scrutiny, and gather voices accordingly. This space between granted, brought the city into a good and quiet state.  
But the Aequians would not abide, that long it should continue so. Who having broken the league, which the year before was made with the Romans, chose Gracchus Clutlius for their governor and General, who was in those days the greatest man amongst the Aequians. Under the conduct of this Gracchus, they enter first in warlike manner the country of Lanuvium, and from thence into the territory of Tusculum, spoiling and ransacking as they went: and being loaden with preys and booties, they pitch their tents in 
* Roequa del 〈◊〉  Algidum. Thither repaired from Rome into their camp, Q. Fabius, P. Valerius, & A. Posthumius as ambassadors, to complain of wrongs received, and to demand amends and satisfaction according to covenant. The General of the Aequians seemed to grant them audience, and willed them to declare what message and commission they had from the Senate of Rome, unto the oak; for that himself had some other matters to dispatch the while. Now there grew a mighty great Oak hard by the General his pavilion, spreading his boughs even over it, and the shadow thereof served for a cool fitting place. Then one of the Ambassadors, as he went this way: Let both this sacred Oak (quoth he) & what divine power soever is seated in this place, hear and know, that by you first the league is broken, who now regard our present complaints, and shortly assist our valiant armies, when we shall prosecute and revenge at once the disloyal breach, both of God's laws and man's. So soon as the Ambassadors were returned to Rome, the Senate gave direction, that one of the Consuls should lead forth an army against Gracchus, into Algidum, and the other to have in commission, to waste the borders of the Aequians. The Tribunes, as their manner was, hindered the muster, and peradventure had stayed it altogether, but for a new fearful occurrent that suddenly came in the neck of the other. For a mighty power of Sabines were approached well-near to the walls of the city, robbing, spoiling, and destroying all afore them with sword and fire. The territory was piteously round about laid desolate, and the city therewith sore terrified. Then the Commons stomachs came down, and gently they took weapon in hand: and (say what the Tribunes would against it) two great armies were enroled. Nautius had the leading of the one against the Sabines: and being encamped at Eretum, with small roads and incursions, and those for the most part by night, made such foul work and waste in the Sabines country, that in comparison thereof, the lands about Rome, seemed as if they had not been once touched. Minutius in his exploits, had neither like good success, nor yet equal courage and valour of heart. For having pitched his tents not far from the enemy, and received no great foil and loss at his hands to speak of, yet he kept himself for fear within the camp. Which when the enemies perceived, they grew more bold (as commonly the cowardice of one increaseth the courage of another) and assailed the camp in the night season: but seeing that plain force smally prevailed, the morrow after they raised mounts, and cast trenches round about. But before they had with their countermures and rampires stopped up all passages, five horsemen being sent even amongst the guards of the enemies, brought news to Rome, that the Consul with his army was besieged. Nothing could there have happened so little thought of, and unlooked for: whereupon there was such fear, trembling, and quaking, as if the enemies had besieged not the camp, but the very city. Nautius the Consul they send for, and because they thought him like to do but small good, they agreed therefore to create a Dictator, who might restore again the distressed state of the C. W. And L. Quintius Cincinnatus by consent of all men was nominated. Now a world and wonder it is to hear them speak, 
I. Quintius nominated Dictator, sound digging his ground with his own hands.  that in regard of riches despise all things else; and suppose there can be no great honour and virtue, but where wealth and riches do flow in excess. This L. Quintius, the only hope of the Romans, the man who was to set upright their Empire now distressed, occupied then a piece of ground, to the quantity of some four acres, called at this day Quintia prata, i. Quintius his meadows, on the other side of Tiber, overagainst that very place, where now the Arsenal and Shipdockes are, and there was he found digging a ditch, and bearing hard on his spade, or else a ploughing the ground, I wore not whether, but busy and earnest about some rustical work, no doubt he was: and after salutations passed on both sides, between him and the Ambassadors that were sent, he was requested by them, that he would put on his best gown, and (that which might turn to the good of himself and the Commonweal) hear a message from the Senat. First, he marveled what the matter should be, and eftsoons ask of them if all were well? he willeth his wife Racilia to bring him forth his Senator's rob straightway, out of his sorry cottage: which he put on his back (but first he brushed off the dust, and wiped away his sweat, & made himself somewhat mannerly) & then came forth unto them, who in joyous manner, by way of congratulation, styled him by the name of Dictator: calling hard upon him to repair unto the city, and declaring in how doubtful terms the army stood. Then was there a barge provided ready for Quintius, at the cities cost: and being ferried over the river, his three sons met him and received him first, than other of his kinsfolk and friends, and after them the more part of the Senators. Thus attended with this frequent company, and with the Sergeants going before, was he brought to his house. Great concourse there was also of the Commons: but nothing so joyous were they, to see Quintius, supposing that government of his overgreat and absolute, and himself a man in time of his rule, too imperious. And for that night verily, nothing was done, but a good standing watch kept in the city. The morrow after, the dictator being come into the common place of assembly before daylight, appointed General of the horse, L. Tarquitius, of Noble blood descended: a man who for mere poverty had ever served on foot, but of all the flower of Rome was reputed and taken to be a brave servitor, and an excellent soldier. Then Quintius with his General of horsemen, mounteth up into the pulpit aloft: proclaimeth a public vacation or Lawsteed: commandeth all shop windows through the city to be shut, and chargeth that no man should follow any private business of his own. Then, as many as were of age to fight, were willed to show themselves in their armour, before the sun set, in Mars field, every one with victuals dressed for five days, and with twelve forked stakes a piece, for to pitch in the rampart. And that whosoever were above that age, and were unwieldy, and not meet for service, should dress and provide victuals for the next soldier unto him, whiles he himself made ready his armour, and fought for stakes aforesaid. Thus ran the young and able men to and fro, to furnish themselves with stakes, and took wheresoever they could find, and whatsoever was next hand: no man was forbidden, and so they were all ready with heart and good will, according to the Dictator his proclamation. Then went the Dictator forth with the legions of footmen, the Master of the horse likewise with his men of arms, in such good order & array, as might not only serve for a speedy march to rid ground, but also for a set battle if occasion served. In both regiments they spared not to encourage and exhort their soldiers, according as the present time required: willing them to set foot forward, to mend their pace & make speed, that by night time they might reach to their enemies: and not (say they) before there was great need: for that the Roman Consul and army were besieged, and had now three days already been penned up fast enclosed: and what might happen in one day or one night, no man knew: for oftentimes in the twinkling of an eye, & in the very turning of an hand, there fall out accidents of right great moment and importance. On afore apace, Ensign, crieth one: follow soldier, saith another. Thus went they also lustily forward, and all to gratify and pleasure their captains. So that by midnight they were come into Algidum: and so soon as they perceived their enemies to be near at hand, they pitched down their ensigns. Then the Dictator road about as far forth as he could see in the dark, and having viewed well the situation, coasting, and fashion of the camp, commanded the Marshals and Colonels to give direction, That all the carriage and baggage, should be laid up together in one place, and that the soldiers with their armour and stakes only, should come again into their ranks. What he commanded was soon done. Then in the same order that he marched, he draweth out his host in length, & compasseth the camp of his enemies, and commandeth them all (upon a signal or watch word given) to set up a shout, and presently upon the shout to cast a trench, and every man stuck down his pale in the rampire. Having given this charge, straightways the signal followed. The soldiers do that which they were bidden: the shout was heard over all the camp of the enemies, yea and into the Consul his camp: causing in the one great fear, in the other exceeding joy. The Romans rejoicing one with another to hear the shout of their fellow citizens and countrymen, with a conceit of their coming to rescue, begin of themselves from their sentinels and Corpses de guard, to threaten and terrify their enemies. The Consul set them forward and said, there was now no staying for the matter, nor delays to be made: for that it appeared by that alarm, that not only their friends were come with succours, but also had begun to skirmish: and that it was all to nothing, that their enemy's camp, was already on the outward side assaulted. Whereupon, he commandeth his soldiers to arm, and to follow hard after him. Thus in the night began the skirmish, and the legions of the Dictator by their outcry and shouting made signification, that the enemies on that side also were driven to their shifts and in great hazard. By this time the Aequians had addressed themselves to impeach them in their trenching and making of their rampire, to the end they might not be compassed about: but the alarm was given and the skirmish already begun by their enemies within: fearing therefore, lest they would break through the midst of their camp, they turned from the pioneers & workmen without, to them that fought withinforth, and thereby gave the other leave to ply their work and labour all the night long at their pleasure: and so they maintained skirmish with the Cos. until day light. Now by the break of day, they were entrenched on every side by the Dictator, and were scarce able to hold out battle with one of the armies. Then the host of Quintius, which presently upon the finishing of the trench returned to their weapons, entered upon the mures and rampires of the enemies. Here began a fresh conflict again, and yet the former nothing abated. The enemies then, seeing themselves thus distressed and so hardly driven on every side, left fight and fell to entreating: they besought the Cos. on one side, and the Dictator on the other, that they would not get the victory by effusion of blood and cruel massacre, but would permit them to go their ways naked without their weapons. The Consul he posted them off to the Dictator: who being in great wrath & displeasure, would not be contented without their shame and ignominy besides. But commanded that Cluilius their general, with other Colonels and Captains should be brought bound unto him. Item he enjoined them to abandon and quit the town of Corbio: as for the Aequians blood, he sought not for it, he had no need thereof: they might depart with their lives. Howbeit, because he would have it now at length, maugre their heads, confessed, that their nation was vanquished and subdued; his will and pleasure was, they should pass all under the yoke or gallows: the manner whereof is this. They took three spears or javelins, and set two of them pitched in the ground endlong, and the third overthwart fastened to the other. Under this kind of gallows the Dictator compelled the Aequians to go. Thus having gotten the tents of his enemies full of all kind of store (for naked he sent them under the yoke) the whole pillage he bestowed upon his own soldiers only: and rebuking sharply the Consul's army and the Cos. himself, Ye shall (quoth he) soldiers, go without your part of booty won of the enemy, whose booty ye had like yourselves to have been. And as for thee, O L. Minutius, until thou begin to have the heart and courage beseeming a Consul, thou shalt be a Lieutenant only over these legions. So Minutius being discharged of his Consulship, remained still as he was commanded, with the army. But so well were men content in those days, willingly to yield obedience to them that better could command, That this army in remembrance hereof, as of a favour received, rather than of a disgrace offered, 
36 Lb. angel gold L. Quintius triumpheth.  both ordained for the dictator a coronet of gold of one pound weight: and also when he went homeward, saluted him by the name of their Patron. At Rome the Senate being assembled together by Q. Fabius' Provost of the city, decreed that Quintius should enter the city in triumph with his army marching in battle array as he came. Before his chariot were led the commanders of his enemies: the ensigns are carried afore, than followed the army laden with spoil and pillage. Great cheer and banquets were set out, men say, upon tables at every man's door. Thus making merry, they followed the chariot with songs of triumph, with sports and merry conceits, as they are wont to do at their great and solemn feasts. The same day L. Mamilius the Tusculane, with the approbation & good liking of all men, was enfranchised citizen of Rome. And forthwith would the Dictat. have resigned up his office, but that the court, held for the trial of M. Volscius, indited of bearing false witness, stayed him, and in truth, the Tribunes would have hindered the judicial proceeding against him, if they had not stood in awe of the dictator. But Volscius was convicted and had sentence, and departed to Lanuvium in exile. And Quintius having taken the Dictatorship for six months, gave it over the sixteenth day after he entered into it. About the same time the Consul Nautius fought valiantly with the Sabines at Eretum: who besides the wasting of their fields, had an overthrow in fight. Fabius was sent into Algidum, to succeed in the room of Minutius. In the end of the year, the Tribunes began to stir, about their law: but because the two armies were absent, the Senators prevailed so much at that time, that no bills were propounded unto the people. The Commons likewise obtained, that they might create the selfsame Tribunes, now the fifth time. The report goeth, that there were seen in the Capitol, wolves chased away by hounds: for which strange fight, the Capitol was purged. And these were the acts of that year. Then followed Consuls Q. Minutius and M. Horatius Pulvillus.  
In the beginning of which year, whiles all was quiet abroad, the same Tribunes and the same law caused dissension and sedition at home: which would have grown to a farther mischief, in such heats men were, had not word been brought, as it were of set purpose, that the garizon at Corbio was surprised in the night by the Aequians and put to the sword: whereupon the Consuls called the Senate together: and order was given, that they should lead a Subitarie army, and with a running camp invade Algidum. Then was the strife about the law laid aside clean, and a new contention arose about the musters. But the Consuls with all their authority, were overswaied of the Commons, by the help and assistance of the Tribunes. At what time a new trouble put them in fear: for intelligence came, that a power of Sabines were come down already into the territories of Rome, for to fetch booties and make spoil: and from thence advanced against the city. Upon which fear, the Tribunes were content that soldiers should be priest, yet not without this covenant indented: That for as much as they had now themselves these five years been trifled off and deluded, and that this Protectorship of theirs stood the Commons in little steed, in regard of their small number, therefore, there should from thenceforth be ten created Tribunes of the Commonalty. The Nobles were so near driven and to such straits, that will they, nill they, yield they must thereto: with this proviso, that they should never after elect the same men Tribunes twice. And for fear that this act should after the war was once past, turn to nothing, like as others had done before, they went in hand immediately, 
〈…〉  to call a Court for the election of the Tribunes. So in the 36. year, from the first Tribunes of the Commons chosen, there were ten created; out of every Ciassis, two. And by an act it was provided, that in such sort they should be created ever after. The Musters then being taken and soldiers enroled, Minutius went with a power against the Sabines: but found not the enemy. And Horatius, because the Aequians after they had put the garrison at Corbio to the sword, had won Hortana besides, fought with them in Algidum. Many a man there he slew, and drove his enemies not only out of Algidum, but also out of Corbio and Hortana. As for Corbio he utterly razed it, for betraying the garrison there. After this, were M. Valerius and Sp. Virginius made Consuls. At quiet they were both at home and abroad. But great scarcity there was of corn, by reason of the untemperate and unseasonable rain that fell. A bill there was preferred, That the mount Aventine should be turned to Commons. And the same Tribunes were made again: who, all the year following, when T. Romulius and C. Veturius were Consuls, in all their hauls and assemblies, still published the law: saying, It was a shame, that their number was thus increased to no purpose, in case their affairs should lie dead in their two years, as they had done in the whole v. years past. Whiles they were earnestly debating these things, fearful messengers came in all haste from Tusculum, with news, that the Aequians were in the territory of Tusculum. The fresh desert of that nation would not suffer the Romans for shame to defer their helping hand. Whereupon both Consuls were sent with an army, and met with the enemies in Algidum in their wont haunt and accustomed place, where they encountered & struck a battle: in which were slain about 7000. enemies. The rest were put to flight. A huge booty there was gotten, which the Consuls sold outright, by reason of the want of money in their common treasury. But this caused the soldiers to repine and grudge, and in the end ministered matter unto the Tribunes, to accuse the Consuls unto the Commons. As soon therefore as they were out of their office, when Sp. Tarpeius and A. Aeternius were Consuls: Romulius was arrested and put in suit by C. Claudius Cicero, Tribune of the Commons. And Veturius was likewise troubled by L. Halienus an Aedile or Warden of the Commons. Condemned they were both the one and the other, to the great indignation of the Nobles. Romulius was fined in 
* 〈…〉  10000 Asses. Veturius in 
* 〈…〉.  15000. But for all this hard hap and calamity that befell to those former Consuls, the new were never a jote more remisie and cool in the quarrel: saying, Well may we also be cast and condemned: and both Commons and Tribunes never the nearer to compass and enact their law. Then the Tribunes giving over the law, which now by propounding only so oft, was waxen stale and old; began more gently to deal with the Senators, praying them to make an end once of all strife and contention. And in case that the laws of the Commons so disliked and displeased them, they requested them to suffer certain Lawmakers to be created indifferently out of the Commonalty, as well as of the Nobility, who might devise acts commodious and profitable to both parts, and for the equal liberty and freedom of all. As for the substance itself of this motion, the Senators refused not: but they flatly said, that none but of the Nobility should have the making of those laws. Seeing then they agreed thus about the laws, and differed only and squared about the Lawgiver, 
Ambassadors sent into Greece for an 〈◊〉 of that laws.  there were Ambassadors sent to Athens, Sp. Posthumius Albus, A▪ Manlius, and P. Sulpitius Camerinus: who were commanded to exemplify and copy out, the famous and worthy laws of Solon: to search out and learn the ordinances, customs, and rites of other cities in Greece. For any outward wars, this year was quiet, and the year following more quiet, when P. Curiatius, and Sex. Quintilius were Consuls, by reason of the continual silence of the Tribunes: which, as the expectation of the Ambassadors that were gone to Athens, and of strange and foreign laws, first and principally procured: so, two mighty great calamities that rose both at once, to wit, famine and pestilence, noisome and loathsome both to man and beast, afterwards continued. By means whereof, the fields lay waste and desolate, the city was dispeopled with continual burials: many right worshipful and honourable houses, thereby mourned. Sergius Cornelius, the Flamine of Quirinus died thereof. C. Horatius Pulvillus the Augur went of it likewise: in whose room the Augurs (his confreers) chose C. Veturias: and the rather, because he had been condemned by the people. Quintilius the Consul departed also this life, and four Tribunes of the Commons. So that this was a year, with manifold losses and calamities foully destained. But for enemies, all was quiet. After this were C. Menenius, and P. Sestius Capitolinus made Consuls. In which year likewise there was no war abroad, marry at home some troubles arose. By this time were the Ambassadors returned with the Athenian laws. And therefore the Tribunes were so much the more earnest & urgent, that once at length they would set on, to describe and put down some laws. And agreed it was, that there should be created Decemvirs, 
Ten Magistrates called Decemvirs, in 〈◊〉 for the making of laws.  above all appeal: and for the year being, there should no other officers and magistrates be in place. Now, whether any of these might be of the Commons or no, that was a question: and hereupon some debate and controversy continued for a good while. At the last, the Nobles went away with it, and had the pre-eminence, upon this condition, that neither the law Icilia, concerning the Aventine mount, nor other sacred laws should be repealed. Thus in the three hundred and second year after that Rome was built, was the form of the cities government changed the second time, and from the Consuls to the Decemviri, was the sovereign rule translated, like as before, from the kings to the Consuls.  
This change was less notable, in that it long continued not. The beginning of this Magistracy was fair and goodly to see to, but grew too rank, and exceeded in overmuch licentiousness. The sooner therefore it faded and fell away, and the former government was taken up again, and both the name and jurisdiction of Consuls returned, and was conferred upon twain. The Decemvirs created were these: Ap. Claudius, T. Genatius, P. Sestius, L. Veturius, C. julius, A. Manlius, P. Sulpitius, P. Curiatius, T. Romulius, Sparke Posthumius. Claudius and Genutius, because they had been Consuls elect for that year, had this dignity bestowed upon them, in am of the other. And Sestius, one of the Consuls the year before, because he had preferred this matter unto the Senators, against his fellow Consuls will. Next to these were counted the three Ambassadors that went to Athens, both for that they should be rewarded with this honourable dignity, for their embassage into so far and remote a country, and also because men were persuaded, that by reason of their insight and skill in foreign ordinances of strange nations, they might be well employed in setting down, and making of new. The rest made up the number. They say, that in the last scrutines and suffrages at this election, choice was made of those that were more aged, and farther stepped in years, to the end they might not so fiercely and stoutly gainsay and cross the opinions and constitutions of the other. In this new state of government, Appius was the man that bore the greatest stroke, he ruled the roast and swayed all the rest, so highly stood he in grace and favour with the people. He had so altered his nature, and became such a new man, that all on a sudden, of a cruel and terrible persecutor of the commons, he proved a very Publicola, and courter of the Commonalty, and one that lay for to get every gale of popular love and favour that might be had. Every one fat his tenth day in place of judgement, and ministered justice in their several turns unto the people. On which day, the twelve knitches of rods were born by the Lictors before the sovereign judge: as for his nine brethren, they had each of them one sergeant to give attendance. In this agreement among themselves, (which accord otherwhiles when they were private persons, had been hurtful unto them) rested only and wholly the greatest equity towards others. A proof and argument of this their moderation, it shall be sufficient to observe now in the example and instance of one only matter: For whereas they were created absolute, and past all appeal, it fortuned, that in the house of P. Sestius, a Nobleman, there was a dead body found buried, and brought forth openly into the public assembly of the people. The thing being no less apparent in view, than heinous and horrible in fact, C. ●lius a Decemvir, brought Sestius in question therefore, put him in suit to answer at a certain day, and became plaintiff unto the people, and accused that defendant, whose competent judge he was by order of law. And so he yielded of his own right: adding so much to the freedom of the people, as was taken from the power of his own jurisdiction and government. When as now both high and low gave out, that this authority was sound and uncorrupt, and fet as it were from Oracle, and Gods own mouth, and all men willing to accept of justice at their hands: then set they to it, and went about the making and giving of laws. 
The 〈◊〉 tables of ●●●●ne Laws.  And with great expectation of men, they set out t●● Tables, and called the people to a general assemb●●, commanding them in a good hour, and in the name of God to go, and (that which might turn to the good, to the benefit, & happiness of the Commonweal, of themselves, their children and posterity) to read the law there published: protesting, that they so far as ten men could withal their wisdom foresee and provide for, had devised indifferent laws, and equal for all sorts of calling, as well the best as the meanest. But for as much as the wits and heads of many men, were of deeper reach to see farther into things, they gave them good leave, to cast in their minds, and ponder with themselves each particular, yea and to reason together from point to point, and thereof to deliver their opinion openly, what was short and wanting, or what was superfluous, in every article: and look what laws the consent of all men seemed to bring in, those should the people accept, and none other: that it might appear they were not so much to approve of them, and give their assent after they were propounded, as to propose and prefer them their own selves. And when as they were thought sufficiently corrected, according to the speeches of men, and as every one spoke to the several titles and chapters of the laws, as they were set forth: then in the high court of parliament, assembled of all the Centuries and degrees of men, the laws of ten Tables were enacted and established. Which even at this day, among that infinite number of statutes, heaped and huddled one upon another, are the very wellspring and fountain of all justice, both public and private. After this, there ran a rumour abroad, That two tables were yet wanting, which if they were put unto the rest, than might the complete body as it were of the whole Roman law be finished and made perfect. The expectation thereof, now that the great Liet-day drew near for the Election, made men very desirous to create Decemvirs again, the second time. Now the Commons abroad, besides that they hated the very name of Consuls, as well as of Kings, sought not greatly for the protection of the Tribunes: seeing that the Decemvirs one after another, yielded in their prerogative, and admitted in some sort the appeal. But after that the solemn assembly for the choosing of Decemvirs, was published against the 
* 〈…〉  Trinundinum, or third market day next ensuing, to such an height was the ambition and desire of this dignity grown, that the very cheese men, and principal heads of the city (for fear, I believe, lest the possession of so great a government, in case they were not invested themselves in the place, should lie open unto some unmeet and unworthy persons) went about and made court to every man, suing in humble manner to those very Commons, with whom they had been at strife and variance, for that honour and dignity, which they themselves had with all their power and might impugned. The worthiness and reputation of men of those years, and having borne and gone through such offices, being now come in question, & submitted to the choice and judgement of others, pricked on Ap. Claudius, and set him forward. So as a man could hardly know whether to reckon him among the Decemvirs, or those that stood to be Decemvirs again. For otherwhiles he was more like one that sued for an office, than him that presently bare office: blaming personages of best quality in the city, and laying hard to their charge: but extolling the vainest & basest of the Competitors. Himself in person sorting among the Duillij and Icilij, and such like as favoured the Tribunes, went swinging and squaring in the common place, using them as instruments to venditate himself forth to the common people. So long, as at length his very brethren in office, who until that time had been singularly addicted and affectionated unto him, cast their eyes upon him, and began to mark, and marvel much what his meaning was: reasoning thus among themselves: Surely there is no soundness nor goodness herein, but all mere dissimulation and hypocrisy. Cerres, it is not for nought, that in such pride of his, there should appear so much courtesy. What? to force his own nature too much within compass: to debase himself, and suffer private men to be his fellows, was a sign of one, that made not so much hast to forego a dignity and promotion, as sought means to keep it still. Openly they durst not presume to check and withstand his ambitious desire, but assayed by pleasing and soothing him up, to repress and bridle his foolish affection. And seeing he was the youngest of his company, they all with oneaccord laid upon him the charge, to hold the high court for the Election of Decemvirs. Their drift and policy was, that he should not elect his own self: athing, which unless it were the Tribunes again, (and that was a most dangerous precedent and example) no man ever had done before. And he, with all his heart accepting thereof, made profession that he would be Precedent of that honourable court and Session, and prayed to the gods that he might perform it for the benefit of the weal public. And so, took the vantage of that opportunity, to set forward his own design, which they meant should have stopped and crossed the fame. And after he had by secret packing and canvasing with the other competitors, and given the repulse unto the two Quintij (Capitolinus, and Cincinnatus) and put beside the qui●hion his own Uncle by the father's side (C. Claudius, a most stout and resolute champion of the Nobility) with other citizens of like mark and quality: he creareth Decemvirs, such as were not for worth, port, and behaviour, to them comparable, and his own sweet self with the first. Which as there was no man thought he ever would have done, so all good men misliked when it was done. With him were elected M. Cornelius Maluginensis. M. Sergius. L. Minutius. Q. Fabius Vibulanus. Q. Petilius. T. Antonius Merenda. Caeso Duillius. Sp. Opius Cornicen. M. Rabuleius. And there an end of Appius playing another man's part. Off went his mask and viso now, and so from thenceforth, he began to show himself in his own likeness, and to live in his kind: yea and to frame his new companions to the bent of his bow, even before they were entered into office. Day by day had they their secret meetings by themselves apart from all other: and being once hereby furnished with ungracious and proud designments, which they had closely complotted together, they could no longer hold and dissimule their pride. Few might have access unto them: seld would they be spoken with, showing themselves strange; surly, and churlish to those that came unto them. Thus drew they the time on, unto the 
* 15, day of May,  Ides of May, which was the usual and solemn daierhen, of entering into offices of government. In the very beginning whereof, they made the first day of their magistracy noted, by an intimation and evident show of exceeding terror. For whereas the Decemvirs their predecessors, had observed this order, That one alone should have the rods of State borne before him, and that these regal ornaments should pass round through them all in course one after another: Behold, these came all of them abroad, and each of them had his xij. bundles of rods carried before him. So that these Lictors, 120 in number, with their rods and axes too, fastened within the rods, took up and filled the whole Forum or common place, as they went. And for as much as they were created absolutely, and their commission ran without all appeal, men made this exposition, That to go with their axes or without was all one, and made no matter at all. Thus there was a show and representation of ten KK. And this terror grew more & more not with the meanest and basest sort only, but also with the chief and best of the patricians: supposing that they sought to pick a quarrel, and to minister occasion and ouverture to some massacre: that if any man should offer either in the Senate or among the people, to speak one word concerning liberty, forthwith there should be exemplary whipping and heading, to the terror of all others. For, besides that, from the people there was no remedy and succour to be had, by reason that the appeal unto them was quite disannulled and taken away: the Decemvirs themselves, drew so all in one line together, and were so combined and linked, that there was no hope at all, that one would thwart and cross that which another did: whereas the former Decemvirs could well abide, that their judgements and sentences should be censured and corrected, by the appellation or appeal to one of their brethren in commission: yea and in some cases put off some matters from themselves to be decided by the people, which seemed properly to belong unto their own jurisdiction. For a while, the fear was to all indifferent: but by little and little, the Commons only began to feel the smart. The Nobles were forborn and escaped clear and scotfree: the meaner persons went to the walls, and with them they dealt according to their lust and pleasure right cruelly. The person wholly they regarded, and never respected the cause, as with whom favour and friendship prevailed as much as equity and right should have done. At home in their houses, they determined of matters how they should pass: and in open place they pronounced sentence accordingly. If a man had appealed to one of their bench, from him unto whom he fled for relief, he went his ways again by weeping cross, repenting that he stood not to the order and injunction awarded by the former. It was thought and spoken also abroad, but the first author would not be known, That they had conspired together, not for the present time only to do wrong and injury, but also were confedered between themselves privily, yea and had bound it with an oath, to call no assembly at all for the electing of new magistrates: but being now once invested in the sovereign rule, to hold the possession of the Decemvirship for ever. The Commons than began to look about them, to behold and advise well the countenances of the Nobles, to see if they could from them, catch some good gale of wind, some hope again of liberty, at whose hands they fearing bondage, had brought the commonweal to this hard pass. The LL. of the Senate hated the Decemvirs, they hated also the Commons. They liked not of things as they went, and yet were persuaded that the Commons were well enough served, and deserved no better: who gaping greedily after liberty were now fallen and plunged into servitude and thraldom. Help they would not with the least of their fingers, but rather heap more wrongs upon them: that having a wearisome and tedious loathing of the present state, they might fall to a longing desire after two Consuls, and wish the old world were come again. 
〈◊〉 more added to the 〈◊〉.  By this time now was the better part of the year gone and passed: and the two tables of laws were annexed to the other ten of the former year: which if they might be once confirmed and ratified by a parliament of the Centuries, there remained nothing behind, for which the commonweal should need these magistrate: but expected it was certainly, that the assembly for Election of Consuls should out of hand be published and proclaimed. Marry, there was one thing hammered in the Commons heads, By what means they might revive again the Tribunes authority; the very grand bulwark of their freedom, & a thing that now had discontinued and lain dead. But all this while there was not a word of the new Election. And the Decemvirs, who at the first presented usually unto the Commons sight, a crew of those that favoured the Tribunes, for to attend upon their persons, (a thing right plausible and pleasing unto the people:) were guarded now, with certain tall pensioners of their Nobility: whole troops of them stood about their Tribunal fears and places of judgement. These made havoc and spoil of the Commons and their goods: and look what the mind of a mighty man stood unto and lusted after, it was his hap to have it, whatsoever. Nay, there was no spare now made of their backs and sides: some were scourged with rods, some lost their heads by the axe. And because this cruelty should not go unrewarded; lightly there was none executed, if he were worth any thing, but his goods went after, and were begged or given away. The youth of the Nobility, by this kind of hire well fleshed; not only opposed not themselves to withstand these wrongful dealings and hard courses, but carried it afore them, openly professing and avowing that they wished rather their own licentiousness, than the liberty of al. The 
* 15 day of May.  Ides of May were now come about, and no new magistrates elected in the others room. Forth come the Decemvirs, (who to say a truth and to give them their right, were no other than private persons) neither with minds abated for the exercising of their imperious rule, nor with fewer regal ensigns, to set out & show their honour and dignity. When the people saw that, they made no other reckoning, but this was plain usurping of the King's government, and no better: And now farewell freedom for ever and a day. For neither had they presently, nor hereafter were they like to have any man to recover it again. So that now, not they only let fall their hearts and were discouraged in themselves, but also grew to be contemptible in the eyes of their neighbour-nations: who disdained highly, that they should have sovereignty of rule, who were not free themselves, nor enjoyed their own liberty. For the Sabines with a strong power invaded the Territories of Rome: and when they had harried far and near, and driven away booties both of people and of cat-tail, without impeachment, they gathered their army together again, that had ranged here and there up & down, and retired to Eretum, where they encamp themselves: laying this for a ground, and building their hope upon the discord at Rome, that it would stay their mustering. Not only the news that came hereof, but the flying of the country peasants, put the whole city in great fear. The Decemvirs fall to consulting what were best to do. And whiles they were to seek what course to take, and between the hatred of the Nobles and the Commons utterly forlorn and destitute, there happened also another fearful trouble in the tail of the former. The Aequians from another side were encamped in Algidum. And from Tusculum Ambassadors brought tidings that their country was wasted with excursions from thence, whereupon they craved their help and aid. These fearful occurrents so troubled and perplexed the Decemvirs, that considering the city was now beset at once with wars from two places, their stomachs were come down to consult with the Senate. They commanded therefore the Senators to be summoned to the Curia. And well they wist, what a great fit and storm of anger; displeasure and blame was toward namely, that they would burden them and lay to their charge, how they were the only cause both of the country wasted already, and of the perils like presently to ensue: looking for no other, but that there would be given an attempt and shrewd push, to abolish utterly their government, unless they stuck closely together to it, and by extending their authority sharply upon some few of the stourest, quail and crush the attempts of others. After the voice of the Bedell was heard in the Forum or common place, citing the Senators to repair into the 〈…〉 to the Decemvirs: the novelty and strangeness of the matter, (because they had laid do 〈◊〉 for along time the manner of calling them to counsel) caused the Commons to marvel and muse what was befallen, that they should after such discontinuance, take up a thing so forlet and out of use. And thus they conceived of it, that they were much beholding to their enemies, and might thank war for this, that any ancient guise and custom of a free city was come up and in ure again. They looked about on every side of the Forum, to see if they might espy a Senator: but few or none could they hear off, anywhere. Then looked they into the Curia, and behold, none at all appeared about the Decemvirs. Whereof, their own selves, even the Decemvirs could gather no otherwise, but that in the conceit and consent of all men, their government was become odious: and the Commons also thus collected and interpreted, That the Senators met not together, because private men (such as the Decemvirs were indeed) had no authority to assemble a Senate. And now, said they, is the way and entrance made to recover their liberty again, if so be the Commons would join with the Senate: and as the Nobles being called, meet not together in counsel, so the Commons likewise would refuse to be mustered. In this wise muttered and whispered the Commons. And in truth, scarcely was there any one of the Senators about the common place, and but few within the city: for very grief and indignity to see that things went as they did, they had withdrawn themselves into the country to their lands: and forgetting the state of the commonweal, they became careful of their own private affairs: thinking themselves so far forth freed from oppression and wrong, as they were remote and sequestered from the society, meeting and conference, with so lordly and imperious rulers. When they would not assemble at their summons, the officers were sent unto their houses, both for to strain and take away stresses for their contumacy and disobedience: and also to inquire and learn, whether they refused to come at their commandment, of set purpose or no. And word they bring back, that the Senators were in the country. The Decemvirs were better paid to hear that, than if answer had come that they were at home and refused to obey. Then they gave commandment that they should be sent for: and they warned a Senate house against the next day following: where they assembled in more number than they looked for. Whereupon the Commons supposed that their liberty was bought and sold and utterly betrayed by the Nobles, for that the Senate had yielded obedience to them (that now by right were our of their office) as if they had given lawful summons, who being private men had no power at all, so to do. But they showed more obeisance and submission (as we have heard say) in coming to the counsel house, than any disposition to deliver their minds and opinions there, to the liking & pleasures of the Decemvirs. First, L. Valerius Potitus, as it is recorded, after that Appius Claudius had proposed unto them the cause of their meeting, before they were required their advice in order and course, claimed the liberty of the house, to speak in the behalf of the commonweal. But when as the Decemvirs denied it flatly, yea and forbade him with threats, upon pain of their high displeasure: he inferred again and menaced, that he would go forth unto the Commons, and so began a broil and tumult. 
M. Horatius Barbatus against the Decemvirs.  M. Horatius Barbatus likewise took part with him, and was nothing behind in stournesse to maintain the quarrel, terming them the ten Tarquin's: and are ye avised (quoth he) how the Kings were in times past expelled by the Valerij and Horatij? And yet the name it was not of Kings, that men were so weary of and loathed in those days. For why? It was right lawful to call jupiter by that name: whereby Romulus also the founder of this City, and other Princes his successors have been called: yea and the name hath been used and is retained still as a solemn title, 
A King Sacrificer instituted in the free state.  in the sacred rites of holy Kirke. Nay, it was the pride and oppression of the king, that then was odious, and nothing else: which enormities, if they were in those days in the king himself, a lawful prince, or in the king his son intolerable, who can abide and endure the same in so many private persons? I advise you therefore to take heed how you debar men of their liberty of speech in counsel house, lest ye drive them thereby to speak their mind and complain without the counsel house. Neither see I any reason at all, why it were not as lawful for me a private man, to assemble the people to an audience, as for you to call the Senate together to a counsel. Make trial whensoever ye will, ye shall find how much more forcible our just grief will be, in recovering our liberty again, than this greedy desire of yours, in holding and upholping still your usurped, unlawful, and tyrannical rule. You have propounded here unto us, for sooth, concerning the Sabines war: as who would say, the people of Rome can be at greater war with any than with those, who having been created Magistrates only for the publishing and enacting of certain laws, have left now neither law nor justice at all within the city. Who have taken away their Comices, i Courts, and Lietes of Election, their yearly Magistrates, the successive change and course of bearing rule, the only thing that maketh Isonomise, and equality of freedom. Who being but private men, are possessed both of regal ornaments, and also of royal government. After the expulsion of the kings, the Magistrates that succeeded were of the Nobility: in process of time, upon the rising of the Commons and their departure, there were officers chosen out of the Commonalty. I demand of you, and I would gladly know, of whither State and body are ye? Are ye, I pray you, popular, and of the common people? What have ye ever done with advice and approbation of the people? Are ye Nobleses and Peers? who now for a whole years space almost, have held no counsel of Senators. And now that ye have assembled them, you restrain them from speaking for the Weal public. Well, presume not too much, neither bear yourselves upon the timorousness of others. For, trust me truly, the indignities that men already suffer, seem more irksome and unsupportable, than whatsoever else they can doubt and fear hereafter. As Horatius spoke these words aloud, and the Decemvirs could not be think themselves of some indifferent and mean course, either in anger to be revenged, or in lenity to pardon and put up all, nor wist whereto this matter might tend and proceed in the end: 
〈…〉  then C. Claudius, uncle to Appius the Decemvir, began to speak, rather by way of prayer and entreaty, than in checking and reproving wise, and besought Appius for his brother's soul sake, who was his own father, to remember and regard more that civil society wherein he was borne, than this ungracious and wicked confederatie, contracted with his fellow Decemvirs. And this request I make (quoth he) tendering your private estate more than the Commonweal. As for her, if she might not by fair means, and with their good wills, obtain her own due and right, she would by soul ways, and in spite of their hearts recover it in the end. And for as much as, of much debate & strife there en●ue commonly heats of anger and cankered rancour, I am in dread and horror what the sequel and issue will be of these jars. Now when as the Decemvirs would not permit the rest to speak, but only to the point proposed & occasion of their meeting, yet they were abashed to interrupt the speech of Claudius & to cut him off: but suffered him to go on until he made an end. And in conclusion his opinion and sentence was, that he would not (to abide by it) agree, that any Act of the Senate should for that time pass in that behalf. And all that were present took his words so, as if Claudius deemed no otherwise of the Decemvirs, than of private men. Many of them also, such especially as had been Consuls, were of his mind, and said as much. Another opinion there was, more rough and sharp in outward show, but far less forcible and effectual in deed: advising and willing the Nobles, to make no more ado, but to go together and choose and Interregent. For this man seemed yet, to account and judge them Magistrates, (bad though they were) that had called a Senate, and held them in counsel: whereas the former, that would not abide any Act to pass, 
〈…〉  reckoned them but for private persons. Thus when the Decemvirs cause began to shrink and go downward, L. Cornelius Maluginensis, brother to Cornelius the Decemvir, being reserved of purpose to give his opinion in the last place of all the Consular Senators, such as had been Consuls, pretending a care that he had of the war, took part with his brother and his Colleagues, saying, that he marveled much by what misfortune or destiny it happened, that the Decemvirs should be challenged and oppugned, especially by those that had stood for the Decemvirship, or by their friends and associates: and how it came about, that in so many months space, whiles the city was at rest and without fear of war, no man made question or doubt, whether they that were in place, and governed the State, were lawful Magistrates or no: and now at last, when the enemies are in manner at the gates, they should sow civil dissension, unless this were the meaning of it, that in a troubled state it would not be so clearly seen and perceived, what they went about. But no man is able (qd. he) to set down a true doom, and allege a ruled case in so great a matter as this is, to men, whose minds are busied and wholly possessed of a greater care. And therefore my opinion is, that concerning that point which Valerius and Horatius charged the Decemvirs with, namely, That before the Ides of May their government was determined, and they out of office; the Senate should discuss and debate, when as the wars now at hand were dispatched, and the Commonweal brought once again to quietness. And that Appius Claudius should make this reckoning even now aforehand, and know, that he is to tender a reason of that high court of parliament, which for the election of Decemvirs he called and held, being a Decemvir himself: namely, Whether they were created for one year only, or to continue still, until the other laws which yet are wanting, were ratified and confirmed. As for the present time, he thought good that all other matters should surcease, and be passed over, save the war only: the rumour whereof, if they thought to be false, and that they were but tales that not only the messengers, but also the Ambassadors of the Tusculans reported, than his advice was to send out espials, who upon their discovery might bring more certain tidings. But in case they gave credence to messengers and Ambassadors both, then with all speed possible to muster, and the Decemvirs to have the conduct of the armies, and to lead them whither they thought meet: and that nothing else should be thought upon before this. Which opinion of his, that it might prevail and take effect, the puny Senators by importunate canvasing, obtained. Then Valerius and Horatius both, rose up the second time more fierce and eager than before, calling upon them aloud, that they might be permitted to speak concerning the Commonweal: and in case they might not be suffered by reason of the side, to have the liberty of speech in the counsel house, they would speak their mind without, before the people. For neither could private men (as they were) debar them in Senate house, or in open assembly; and to give place unto their imaginary, and pretended imperial ensigns, they would never be brought. Then Appius supposing the matter well-near come to this pass, that unless the violence were resisted with like boldness, their rule was at an end, and their authority conquered: Ye were not best (quoth he) to speak but to the matter, whereupon we sit in consultation. And when Valerius replied again, and said plainly, That he would not hold his tongue for a private man's commandment: Appius sent a Sergeant unto him. Whereupon, Valerius cried for help to the Quirites, from the porch of the Counsel house. Then L. Cornelius clasping Appius about the middle, without regard to content him whose good he pretended, stayed the strife. So by the mediation of Cornelius, leave was granted to Valerius for to say his mind at his own pleasure. But, for as much as his liberty proceeded no farther, than to some few words, the Decemvirs held on their purpose still, and had their desire. The Nobles also, such as had been Consuls, and the Ancients, upon an old cankered hatred that they bore still against the Tribunes authority, where unto they supposed the Commons were much more devoted and affected, than unto the government of the Consuls, were rather inclined and willing that the Decemvirs of their own accord should themselves afterwards forego their office, than that upon hatred and malice received against them, the Commons should take heart of grass, and hold up head again. For if with gentle handling of the matter, without stir and clamour of the people, the regiment returned again unto the Consuls, it would haply come to pass, that either by means of wars coming between, or through the moderation of the Consuls in their government, the Commons might in time forget the Tribunes quite.  
Thus whiles the Nobles were silent and made no more words, a muster was proclaimed, and the younger sort of the people, seeing the government of the Decemvirs absolute and without appeal, made answer to their names. And when the legions were enroled, the Decemvirs took order and agreed between themselves, who should go forth to the wars, and who should have the command of the forces. The chief and principal of the Decemvirs were Q. Fabius, and Appius Claudius. And for that there seemed greater war at home than abroad, the Decemvirs supposed the violent nature of Appius, sitter to repress all troubles and mutinies in the city: and considering with all the disposition of Fabius, to be less constant and resolute in goodness, than active and quick in military service, (for this man having been in times passed of great worth, both at home, and also in war; the Decemvirship, and the conditions of his colleagues together, had so greatly changed, that he chose rather to be like Appius than himself) to him therefore was imposed the charge of the war against the Sabines, together with M. Rabuleius and Q. Petilius joined in commission with him. M. Cornelius was sent into Algidum, with L. Minutius, T. Antonius, Caeso Duillius, and M. Sergius. And they ordain and appoint Sp. Opius as assistant to Appius Claudius, for the defence and government of the city, and to have the full authority of all the ten Decemvirs. But the Commonweal sped no better abroad in warfare, than it fared at home. The only fault in the Generals was this, That they had made themselves odious to their soldiers and citizens: all the weight else lay in the soldiers themselves. Who to the end that nothing might go well forward and prosper under the leading and conduct of the Decemvirs, suffered themselves to their own shame, and dishonour of their captains, to be defeated: for the armies were both by the Sabines at Eretum, and also by the Aequians in Algidum discomfited. They that fled from Eretum in the dead of the night, had encamped and fortified upon an high ground nearer unto the city of Rome, between Fidene and Crustumenia. And when the enemy pursued them still and provoked them to fight, they would never come forth into the plain and even ground, to encounter with them in a pight battle, but stood upon their guard and defended themselves, trusting in the situation of the place & their rampire, and nothing upon their own manhood and force of arms. But in Algidum they committed a more foul and beastly fault, and received with all a greater loss and overthrow: insomuch as having lost their camp with all their tents, the soldiers being turned out of bag and baggage, their harness and implements of necessary use, retired for refuge to Tusculum, hoping there to be entertained as guests, and to live upon the protection, mercy and devotion of their hosts and friends: who failed and deceived not their expectation. But to Rome there came such fearful news, that the Senators and Nobles laying apart now all hatred against the Decemvirs, thought good to keep watch and ward in the city: and commanded as many as were able to bear arms, to keep the walls and guard the gates: they gave order also to send harness and armour to supply their want at Tusculum: moreover, That the Decemvirs should abandon the castle at Tusculum, and with their soldiers take the field and keep the camp: That they likewise should dislodge and remove from Fidene, that lay fortified there, and remove into the country of the Sabines: so that by making wars upon the enemies first, they might scare and divert them from pursuing their intent of giving assault unto the city of Rome. Besides these damages and foils sustained at the enemy's hands, the Decemvirs committed both in war abroad, 
〈…〉  and also in the city at home, two most wicked and horrible facts. For whereas one L. Siccius, during their abode in the Sabines country (upon an odious conceit & malice against the Decemvirs) had gone up and down, and in secret talk whispered in the ears of the common soldiers, some mention of creating Tribunes, and of another insurrection and departure: him the Decemvirs dispatch afore, to espy out a convenient plot of ground to encamp in. Now they had given those soldiers in charge, whom they sent to accompany him in that expedition, to set upon him in some fit place of advantage and to kill him. And kill him they did, but to their own cost: for whiles he sought in his own defence, some of those that laid for his mischief, died for it, and lay along about him for company: for being a right stout and strong man of his hands, he stood to it courageously: and notwithstanding he was beset round about, he defended himself very manfully. The rest that escaped bring word into the camp, that Siccius was fallen unawares into an ambushment, and whiles he fought lustily, was with certain other of the soldiers slain. At the first, credit was given to him that brought the news. But afterwards, when as there was a band of soldiers thither sent by the permission of the Decemvirs, to bury them that there lay dead: they observing none of their bodies there, to be disarmed and despoiled, and Siccius lying in the midst in his armour, and all the rest of the dead with their faces towards him: no corpse of enemy, nor footing of them departing thencefro, brought away with them his dead carcase, and made report, that undoubtedly and past all peradventure, he was murdered by his own company. Hereupon was the whole camp fulfilled with hatred and detestation of this fact, and generally it was agree, that Siccius forthwith should be conveyed to Rome, had not the Decemvirs made haste to solemnise his funerals soldier like, at the public charge of the common treasury. So, interred was he with exceeding sorrow and mourning of the soldiers, but to the most shameful obloquy and infamy of the Decemvirs, amongst the common sort.  

The 〈…〉  Now followeth the other heinous deed committed within the city: which began of wanton lust, and had as foul and shameful an end, as that, which upon the carnal abusing and bloody death of Lucretia, cast the Tarquin's out of the city, and deprived them of their regal dignity: that both KK. and Decemvirs, might have not only the like success and issue, but also one and the selfsame cause, of losing their rule & dominion. Appius Claudius enamoured upon a virgin, a commoners daughter, lusted to the abuse and spoil of her body. The father of the maiden L. Virginius, was of good calling, and in place of credit in the camp that lay in Algidum, and had the leading there of a company: a man of honest example and conversation of life, both at home and also abroad in warfare. His wife likewise of virtuous disposition: so were their children nurtured and taught accordingly. He had espoused and affianced his daughter in marriage to one L. Icilius, a man of stout courage (as having been Tribune) and whose virtue and valour, had been well tried and approved in the quarrel and defence of the commonalty. This damsel in the prime of her years, passing fair and beautiful withal, Appius (I say) cast a fancy and liking unto, and so burned in love of her, that he assayed with gifts and fair promises to win her good will. But seeing all guarded and surely fenced with maidenly shamefastness and honesty, he bent his mind wholly to cruel and proud violence. He suborneth and setteth on a favourite and follower of his, one M. Claudius, to make challenge and lay claim unto her as his bondmaid: and not to give place nor yield her unto them, that required to have her at liberty out of his hands, during the suit, and until she brought proof of her freedom: supposing, because the father of the virgin was absent, he had good opportunity to work this feat, and compass his intended injury. As the maiden therefore was coming into the market place, (for there were the schools for peties kept, of reading and writing) the Decemvirs man (a broker to serve his master's lust) laid hold upon her, avowing that she was his bondservants daughter, and therefore his bondmaid: commanding her to follow him, and threatening besides, that if she made any stays, he would have her away perforce. The fearful girl here at was amazed, and her nurse withal cried to the Quirites for help: whereupon the people came running & flocked together all about them. Now was the name of Virginius her father, and likewise of Icilius her spouse, very gracious and popular: so that the love and favour wherein they stood, raised friends and acquaintance: and the indignity of the thing besides, moved the will multitude to tender the cause of the damosel. When as therefore she was now past danger of violence, the party that made claim unto her, said there was no need that the people thus should gather together, for his meaning was to proceed only by order of law, and not with any violent course. And so he cited her to the court, minding to commense his action against her, and put her in suit. Then they that were present to assist her, persuaded her to follow. Now when they were come before Appius, sitting judicially upon his tribunal seat, the plaintiff or challenger aforesaid, declareth against her, and telleth a tale full well known to the judge himself, being the author and deviser of the whole matter and argument: Namely, that the maiden was borne in his house, and by stealth was from thence conveyed home to Virginius, and so was his supposed and reputed daughter: this he averred to have certain knowledge of, by pregnant evidences and witnesses: and would make proof thereof to be most true, and let Virginius himself be the judge, whom the greater part of this wrong deeply touched: in the mean while, it was but meet and reason, that the bond maid should go with her master. The friends and advocates of the damosel, having alleged and pleaded in her behalf, that Virginius was absent and employed in the affairs of commonweal: and if he had word thereof, would not fail but be at home within two days: that it was no reason, that whiles a father was away, he should be in contention and controversy about his children: they required of Appius therefore to defer and put off the hearing of the whole matter, until her father's coming; and that according to a law by himself in that case made and provided, he would grant her to be at large and stand at liberty, for to bring in proofest that she was not bond: and that he would not suffer a maiden of those years, ripe and ready for a husband, to be more in hazard and danger of her good name, than prejudiced in the trial of her freedom. Appius made a long preface and discourse before his decree, namely, how much he favoured and tendered the cause of liberty, and to that effect, alleged the selfsame law which the friends of Virginius pretended for their purpose and demand. But so far forth, and no otherwise, should there be in that law assured safeguard of freedom, as the case altered not in circumstance of causes and persons. For, this privilege and benefit held only in those that were claimed to be free, where any man whosoever might go to law and plead. As for her, who was in her father's hand and at his disposition, there was no other man else, unto whom the Master that maketh challenge, is to yield the right of his possession. His pleasure therefore was, and thus he decreed, That the father should be sent for: and that in the mean reason, he that made title to her, should not be prejudiced thereby, but that he might lead away the wench, promising and assuming to have her forthcoming, and to present her in court, at the return of him who is pretended and nominated to be her father. Against this injurious decree, when as many men rather muttered and murmured, than any one durst refuse and contradict it, P. Numitorius, the maiden's uncle by the mother's side, and Icilius her espoused husband, happened to come in place: and having way made them through the throng and press, the multitude thought verily, that by the coming, especially of Icilius, Appius might have been resisted and crossed. But then the Lictor pronounced that Appius had passed an order and decree already, and put Icilius back: who cried out aloud, (for so manifest and horrible a wrong had been enough to have moved a very Saint, and set on fire a right mild natured person) Nay Appius (quoth he) thou hadst more need to set me back with force of arms, 
〈…〉  if thou wouldst go clear away, and not be spoken to, for that which thou wouldst do in hucker mucker. This maid, I tell thee, I mean shall go with me: I purpose to have her to myself, an honest and pure virgin, and enjoy her in lawful marriage, as my wedded wife: call therefore unto thee all the Lictors besides (thou were best) that belong to thy companions: cause both rods and axes to be made ready: I tell thee, Icilius his espoused wife, shall not abide in any place without her father's house. What? although ye have taken from the Commons of Rome the Tribunes assistance and protection, and the privilege of Appeal, two principal bulwarks for defence of their liberty: ye are not therefore allowed to rule and tyrannize, and to fulfil your lust upon our children & wives too. Exercise your rigour and cruelty, and spare not, upon our backs and sides in scourging us, yea upon our necks and heads also, in taking them from our shoulders: so ye forbear to assail our chastity and honesty. Whereunto, if any violence shall be offered, I will for my part, call for the help of the Quirites here present, in the behalf of my spouse: and Virginius for himself will call to the soldiers, in regard of his only daughter: we will cry for help of God and man: and cost it shall our lives before thou go away with this decree, and put it in execution. I require and charge thee, O Appius therefore, to be well advised, and look how far thou dost proceed. Let Virginius when he is come, see to his daughter, how he dealeth about her: and let him know thus much for certain, that if he give place to his plaintiffs assertion, and forego the present possession of her, he shall go seek his estate and propriety that he hath in his daughter. As for me, in this quarrel of maintaining the freedom of my spouse, I will lose my life, before I fail in my faithful promise to her made. Hereat the whole multitude was moved, and like it was, that some mutiny and fray would presently have ensued. For the Lictours had hemmed in Icilius on every side. Howbeit they proceeded no farther than to big words and high threats: whiles Appius laid hard to Icilius, That he did not this so much in the behalf and defence of Virginius, as, (being himself an unruly person, and even already breathing forth a Tribunes spirit) sought means, and picked occasion of an uproar and sedition. Howbeit for his part, he would not that day minister unto him any matter thereof. And that he might now well know, that he did not this to feed his malapert sauciness, but in regard of the absence of Virginius, and for the name of a father, and the tender respect of freedom, he would not that day fit to hear and determine the matter, nor award a definitive judgement in that case: but would request Mar. Claudius, to suspend his action, and to forbear and yield so much of his own right, as to suffer the maiden to be bailed and go under sureties, and to be at her liberty until the next day. But in case her father appeared not in court the morrow after, he gave Icilius, and such as he was, to wit and understand, that neither the law should want the patronage of the maker, nor the Decemvir fail in courage and resolution: neither would he call together his fellows officers and sergeants, for to keep under such seditious and turbulent spirits as he was: but would content himself with his own Lictors, and do well enough. The time now of effecting this injury, being thus deferred, and the maiden's advocates gone aside, they agreed first of all upon this point, that a brother of Icilius, and a son of Nymitorius, two lusty and nimble young men, should be dispatched straight from thence to the gate: and that with all speed possible Virginius should be sent for home from the camp: for that it stood the maiden upon, as much as her whole estate and life was worth; that he would be present and ready in due time the day following, to preserve her from this hard course, and wrongful proceeding. According as they were bidden, they set forward, and spared no horseflesh, until they brought tidings hereof to her father. All this while the plaintiff that made challenge to the maiden, was very instant with Icilius to bail her, and put in sureties. And he again made answer, That he went about it as fast as he could, and did nothing else: but indeed, trifling out the time for the nonce, until the messengers that were sent to the camp, were gotten afore well onward on their way. Then the whole multitude on all sides held up their hands, in token that they offered themselves every one unto Icilius, ready to become bound. Whereupon, he burst out into tears for tender heart. Gramercy (quoth he) my masters all, to morrow I will use your helping hand: for this time I am sped of sureties enough. So was Virginia set at liberty, and bailed by the suretyship of her kinsfolk. Then Appius, after he had stayed a while, because he would not seem to have sitten for that matter alone, when he saw all other suits and causes ommitted, in regard they had to it, and no man coming to him for justice, he arose got him home to his house, & wrote unto his brethren Decemvirs into the camp, that they should not give Virginius his passport, but keep him fast in durance, and in ward. This wicked practice (as God would have it) came short. For Virginius already had gotten his discharge, and was departed forward on his journey, in the evening by the setting of the first watch. And very early in the morning came the letters for to stay him, but all in vain. For Virginius by break of day was arrived: by which time the whole city resorted into the common place, standing and waiting wistly for his coming. And thither, he himself being in soiled and simple array, brought his daughter in her old worn clothes, accompanied with certain wives, and a great number of advocates and friends: Then and there began he to go from one man to another, and to labour them hard: and not only besought their assistance by way of entreaty and prayer, but also required it as due and deserved: saying, that he stood daily in field ready to sight in defence of their wives and children: neither could there be reported of any man more hardy exploits and valiant pieces of service in war, than of himself. But what booteth or availeth all this (quoth he) to save the city from enemies, in case our children be forced to abide the utmost extremities that befall unto cities taken by the enemies? thus went he about preaching as it were from one man to another. Semblably Icilius cast forth and redoubled like speeches freely and spared not. But the train of women, with their still & silent weeping, moved men more than any words utteted. All this notwithstanding, Appius in his obstinate mind (so disquited was he & wholly possessed with a forcible spirit of humorous madness rather than of amorous passion) ascended up into the tribunal. Where, as the plaintiff first of himself was framing some short complaint, that by reason of partial favour and making of great friends, he could not have law and justice the day past: before that either he had made an end of his demand, or given leisure to Virginius for to put in his answer accordingly: Appius interrupted the speech, and began himself. What preamble it was that he made before his decree, peradventure some ancient writers have for truth recorded. But for as much as I cannot any where find, in so shameful a decree, that which carrieth but a show and soundeth like a truth: therefore, that only which is of all agreed upon, I thought best to set down, even the sentence barely without any preface at all: namely, That he judged her in the behalf of the Plaintiff to be his bond-servant. First, all men there, wondered at this unworthy & foul act: and being strucken therewith astonished, for a good while after, stood still and held their peace. But afterwards, when as M. Claudius, went to lay hand on the maiden, amongst the dames that stood about her, and was received with a piteous lamentation, 
Virginius his words to Appius.  and cry of the women: Then Virginius beckoning with his hands and shaking them at Appius: To Icilius (quoth he) have I betrothed my daughter and not to thee O Appius: brought her up I have for honest and chaste wedlock, & not for unclean and filthy whoredom: to be a wife another day, and not an harlot. Is this the manner of it, like bruit and wild beasts without all regard, to leap and run upon you care not whom, and to fulfil your fleshly lust? How these that be here will suffer such pranks, I know not: but they that are in camp with sword in hand, I hope, will never put them up. Now when as he that challenged the maiden was by a knot of women and advocates that stood about her repelled back, then proclaimed the bedell and commanded silence. And the Decemvir having his head intoxicate, and altogether carried away with unbridled lust, broke forth and said, That he had certain intelligence and was informed of a truth, by manifest and assured evidences, (and not induced and led thereto by the reviling taunts of Icilius yesterday, and the violent proceedings of Virginius, whereof he had the people of Rome to bear witness, and which might give some light and presumptions) That the night past, there were meetings and conventicles in the city, and all to raise a mutiny and insurrection: and therefore, he not ignorant of such a broil and roiot toward, was come down into the common place with a guard of armed men: not minding to hurt any one that would keep the peace, but only by virtue of the majesty of government and authority, to repress such as troubled the peaceable state of the city: therefore it were best for them to be still and quiet. Go Sergeant (quoth he) cause the people to avoid the place, and make room for the master to lay hand upon his bondslave: and after he had thundered out these words full of ire and wrath, the multitude of themselves gave back and made way: so the poor silly wench stood all forlorn and left as a prey to their injurious clutches. Then Virginia's seeing all past help and no other remedy: Well Appius (quoth he) pardon me first I beseech thee, if upon a fatherly affection and grief of heart, I have letfall some shrewd and cursed words against thee more than was be seeming: Then, give me leave here before the virgin, to inquire of her nourice the truth of this matter, that if I have fathered her untruly, I may goehence better paid & satisfied in my mind. Leave being granted, he led his daughter and the nurse apart from the rest, near to the church of Venus Cloacina, hard at the shops, called at this day Nova Taberna, i. the new shops or standings: and 
Virginia 〈◊〉 killed by h●r in her Virginius.  and there having caught a knife from a butcher, he thus spoke: My sweet daughter, no other means have I but this only to set thee free: and so he strake the damfell to the heart: and looking presently to the judgement seat, Here with this blood I sacrifice thee Appius, & thy head to the devil. Appius with the cry that arose upon so horrible a fact, being much troubled, commanded Virginius to be apprehended: but he with bloody blade in hand, made way where he went, until with a number that followed him apace to bear him company, he recovered the gate. julius and Numitorius took up the bloodless corpse, and held it aloft to the people: blaming and cursing the wickedness of Appius: pitying the unhappy and unfortunate beauty of the damsel: and bewailing the hard exigent and extremity of the father. The Matrons followed after and cried: Is this the condition and fortune allotted unto parents for getting & bearing children? Is this the hire and guerdon of chastity and virginity: with other like speeches, which in such a case, women in their grief of mind use to utter: whose sorrow as it is more heavy, proceeding from weak and tender hearts, so it yieldeth and affordeth more pitiful and lamentable words, as they make their plaints & dolorous moans. But the men, and Icilius above the rest, had no other talk but of the Tribunes authority, and the appeal unto the body of the people, how they were taken away from them, and of other public indignities and common discontentments. The whole multitude partly upon the hainousenesse of this wicked act, and partly for hope by this occasion to recover again their liberties, were all up at once in an uproar. Appius one while commanded Icilius to be called, another while for his disobedience and contumacy to be attached and convented before him. At the length, seeing no way made unto the Apparitours, for to come by him, passed himself with a crew of tall gentlemen of the Nobility that were of his guard through the throng, and commanded to have him away to prison. By which time, there were gotten about Icilius not only the multitude, but the chief captains and ringleaders of the multitude, L. Valerius and M. Horatius: who having thrust the ferjeant back, said withal, that if Appius had anything to charge him with by order of law, they would bail Icilius, and maintain his cause against him, who was but a private person: but if he went about to offer violence, he should soon meet with his matches. Hereupon grew a fierce brawl and broil. The Decemvirs officer serreth upon Valerius and Horatius to lay hold upon them: but his rods were by the multitude broken to fitters. The Appius gerreth him up into the commonplace of audience, for to speak unto the people. Horatius and Valerius follow after him up, to do the semblable. Them the assembly heard with patience, but they hissed at Appius and cried out against him. Then Valerius took upon him, and commanded the Lictors to give attendance no longer upon a privatperson. Whereupon, Appius his heart was done and his courage quailed: & to standing in fear of his life, he was same to cover his face and to withdraw himself in disguised manner, & took an house over his head, near unto the common place (unknown to his adversaries) there to save himself Sp. Opius, for to rescue & succour his colleague, rushed from another side into the place: and there he might see force & might, to have gotten the upperhand of authority. After many devises and consultations, wherewith he was distracted, & framing himself to yield consent on everyside, at length by the advice & persuasions of many there about him, in great fear he commanded the Senate to be called together. This appeased the multitude, for that they were in hope that (by means of the Senators, who many of them, seemed to mislike the acts and proceedings of the Decemvirs) that government of theirs should come to an end. The Senate devised and took order, not to provoke the Commons too far: and withal to have a more provident and specialleie, that the coming of Virginius into the camp, bred no mutiny in the army. Whereupon were sent certain of the puny Senators unto the host, that lay encamped upon the hill Vecilius, who advertised the Decemvirs from the Senate, to endeavour all they could to keep the soldiers in good order, from commotion and sedition. But there Virginius raised a greater uproar and tumult than he had left behind him in the city. For besides that, he was seen coming with a crew and train almost of four hundred men, who incensed with the indignity of the late accident, accompanied him voluntary from the city, his naked drawn knife, and himself bespreint and imbrued with blood, caused the whole camp to turn their eyes upon him. Moreover, their gowns seen in sundry places within the camp, made a greater show of citizens in number than was indeed. Being demanded of them what news, and what the matter was, he wept, and for a good while held his peace. At the last, when as now the multitude, that for fear ran confusedly together, began to stand still and keep silence: 
The complaint and more of Virginius in the camp.  he declared orderly from the beginning to the end, everything in particular, as it was done. Then lifting up his hands to heaven, and calling to all his companions and fellow soldiers, he be sought them not to impure that soul act unto him, whereof in truth Appius Claudius was the author and cause: nor to detest and abhor him as a parricide and murderer of his own children: saying, that his daughter's life was more dear unto him than his own, if she might have lived free and honestly, But when he saw her once haled by force, as a bondmaid to be ravished and made a strumpet, he thought it better to be bearest of his children by death, than by contumely and reproach: and so upon mere pitifulness incurred the show and appearance of cruelty. And but that he reposed some hope in the aid of his fellow soldiers, trusting that they would be revenged for his daughter's death, he would not have remained a livesman after her. I know well (faith he) that you also have daughters, sisters, and wives of your own: And it is not the death of my child that hath killed and mottified the lust of Appius, but rather the longer it escapeth unpunished, the more outrageous and unbridled would it be. So that by the calamity of another man, ye are well taught and warned to beware of the like injury. As for me, I have buried my wife before, who died on God's hand: and now my daughter, for that she might not finish the course of her days, with the safety of her maidenhead and chastity, hath died, I confessed, a pitiful and lamentable, but yet an honest kind of death. As to Appius, (quoth he) now can he not fulfil his lust in this my house: and for any other violence of his whatsoever, I carry the same mind and heart still, to defend mine own body, wherewith I have already saved my daughter. Nowlet other men look to themselves and their children, as well as they can. As Virginius uttered these speeches aloud, the whole multitude with one accord cried and protested, they would not fail, but both revenge his grief, and maintain their own freedom. The citizens also in their side gowns, intermingled among the soldiers, made the selfsame complaints: showing how much more horrible those things were in the eye to be seen in fact, than they could found unto the ear by bare relation: and withal reported, how at Rome the matter was well-near dispatched already, for that there were certain come after them, even hard at their heels from thence, who brought word that Appius had like to have been murdered, and was departed into exile: and so far prevailed they with them, that they gave the alarm, plucked up their standards, and took their way to Rome. The Decemvirs being sore troubled, both at these present occurrents which they evidently saw, and also to hear these news, in what bad terms all things stood at Rome, ran up and down, here one, and there another, into sundry parts of the camp, for to appease the tumult. When they went to work mildly and gently, they had not a word of them again: but if any one laid his commandment upon them, and extended his authority, they would beard them and answer, That they were men, and more than that, men in arms and soldiers. Thus march they in order of battle toward the city, and take the amount Aventine, and there settle themselves. And as they encountered any, all their song was this, to exhort and encourage the Commons to recover their franchises, and to create Tribunes of the Commonalty. Not a word was heard else, tending to any violence. Opius assembled the Senate together: where it was agreed, not to proceed by way of rigour in any case: for as much as they themselves had given the occasion of sedition. But three ancient personages, such as had been Consuls, were sent Commissioners in Embassage, as it were, Sp. Tarpeius, C. lulius, and P. Sulpitius with commission, to demand of them in the name of the Senate, by whose commandment they had abandoned the camp, or what their intent was thus in warlike manner to keep the Aventine: and why leaving to war with their enemies, they had thus invaded their native country? They were not to seek of an answer, only there wanted a man to give the answer: for as yet they were grown to no certain head, upon whom they might rely: and singly by themselves they durst not incur the hatred and dangerous displeasure that might ensue. This only the multitude with one voice cried aloud, to send L. Valerius, and Marcus Horatius unto them, for to those they would make a resolute answer. The Commissioners being dismissed, Virginius putteth the soldiers in mind, and advertiseth them, how erewhile, in a matter not of the greatest importance, they were in fear and perplexity, because the multitude was without an head: and how an answer was returned, although not altogether unprofitable and besides the purpose, yet agreed upon at a venture, and not proceeding from any public counsel. But now his opinion was, that there should beaten chosen to bear sovereign rule: who for the honour of warfare and soldiers, should be called military Tribunes. And when this dignity was to him offered first, 
You speech of Virginius, refusing a dignity.  Nay (quoth he) reserve still these your good persuasions and judgements of me, unto more happy days and favourable times both to me and you. For neither doth the remembrance of my daughter suffer me to take joy of any honour in this life, nor (as the state standeth now troubled) is it good for you to have them to be your Magistrates, who of all other are most exposed to ill will and displeasure, and in nearest danger to be hardly thought of. If I may serve you in any stead, you may make bold, and have no less use of me, remaining still a private person. So they create Tribunes military, ten in number. But all this while was the army as unquiet in the Sabines country. For even there also, by the instigation of Icilius and Numitorius, the soldiers fell away from the Decemvirs and departed. For their minds were no less troubled and disquieted with the remembrance renewed, of the late murder of Siccius, than kindled and set on fire by the fresh news of the death of Virginia, so villainously, so shamelessly laid unto and challenged, and all to satisfy the lust of another. Icilius, so soon as he heard say, that there were ten military Tribunes created in Aventine, fearing lest the Election in the city should follow the prerogative of the military Election in the camp, as a precedent to create the selfsame men Tribunes of the Commons, being a man well seen and experienced in these popular affairs, and reaching himself at the same dignity and promotion, wrought so with his adherents and friends, that before they went to the city, they should likewise elect the selfsame number with equal authority. Who entered the city with banners displayed, at the gate Collina, and marched through the mids thereofin warlike order, up to the Aventine. And there joining and uniting themselves unto the other army, they gave in charge to the twenty military Tribunes, to create out of their number twain for sovereign governors to rule all. So they elected Marcus Opius, and Sextus Manilius.  
The Senators being in great care for the commonweal, fare in counsel every day: where they spent time ofmer in wrangling and jarring, than in sage advice and politic counsel. The murdering of Siccius, the wanton lust and loose life of Appius, the shameful disgraces received in the wars, were laid in the Decemvirs dish. At length they concluded that Valerius and Horatius should go to the Aventine. But they refused and would not go, but upon condition that the Decemvirs would give up the ensigns and ornaments of that magistracy and government, which by right they should have for gone and departed fro, a full year before. The Decemvirs were grieved and complained, thus to beset down and made no better than privatmen, and said flatly they would not be deposed from their place of rule, before those laws were fully enacted and confirmed, for which at first time they were created. The Commons having intelligence by M. Duillius, (who had been a Tribune of the Commons) that by reasons of continual debate and contention in the Senate house, there was nothing done and agreed upon, removed from the Aventine unto mount Sacer. For Duillius ceased not to suggest, and plainly affirm unto them, that the Senators and Ancients of the city would never sadly think upon any care and provision to be made, until they saw the city abandoned and desolate: moreover, That the mount Sacer would put them in mind of the constant resolution of the Commons; and that they should well know, that matters would never be settled and brought to concord, without they restored unto them their power and authority again. So they take their way by Nomentana Vis, which at that time was named Ficulensis, & encamped themselves in the mountain Sacer; doing no harm to any creatures as they passed along: following therein the modesty of their forefathers. The whole commonalty followed after the host: there was not one who for age was able to travail on foot, that drew back & carried behind. Their children and wives be are them company, in piteous wife moaning themselves, and ask them: where to they would leave them behind in that city, where neither their honest chastity might be guarded, not yet their liberty secured and kept safe. When as now, by reason of his uncoth and strange desolation, all seemed at Rome waste and void, and none to be seen in the public place, besides a few of aged men: and when the Senators were called into the Senathouse, the common place appeared empty, naked, and forlone: then there were more besides Horatius and 
The remorstranres of Horatius and Vakerius, with other in the Senate, against the Decemvirs.  Valerius that cried out and said. What look ye for still my LL. of the counsel? What? and if the Decemvirs will make no end of their peevish frowardness, will ye let things run at six and seven, until all come tumbling down, or be of a light fire? And what goodly dominion is this, that you huggle so in your arms, that you clip and hold so fast? Will ye minister justice and give laws to empty housed and bare walls? Are ye not abashed and ashamed, that there should be seen in the Place, a greater number well-near of your Lictors and officers, than of gowned citizens, and of all other men whatsoever? How and if the enemies should come against the city, what would ye do? Nay, what if shortly the Commons should march in arms, seeing we weigh their insurrection and departure so lightly? Will ye, together with the ruin and downfall of the city, end your rule, and not asore? Well, to be plain, ye must either have no Commons at all, or else allow them to have their Tribunes again: there is no mean, there is no other remedy. Sooner shall we went our Magistrates of the Nobility, than they will be without their Pattones and Officers of the Commonalty. They wrung and wested from our forefathers that power and authority firenew, and whereof they had as then, no proof and experience: how think ye then, that having rasted now the sweetness of it, they will endure the want thereof? especially seeing, that we our own selves are not of so temperate carriage in our government and command over them, but that they have need of some succour and releese. And when these and such like reasons were on all hands often alleged and laid abroad, the Decemvirs overweighed with the general consent & unity of the house, promised: That seeing it was so thought good, they would be wholly ordered and ruled by the Senators. This only they besought at their hands, and admonished them of, by way of a proviso, that they would take order for the safety and security of their persons: and not by shedding their blood, to flesh the Commons, and to nuzzle them up, and acquaint them with exercising cruelty upon the Nobles and Senators. Then were Valerius and Horatius sent with commission to reclaim & call home the Commons, upon such conditions and capitulations, as they should think convenient: yea, and to set all things in good order and make a final composition, with a special charge to provide for the safeguard of the Decemvirs, against the raging ire and violence of the multitude. These mediators took their journey, and were received into the camp with exceeding joy of the Commons, as being doubtless, their very saviours and redeemers, approved both in the beginning of their troubles, and now also at the very end and upshot of all. In regard whereof, they were welcomed with thanksgiving Icilius was the mouth of the multitude, and their prolocutor. Who when they came to debate and reason about the articles of covenants, and that these Delegates and Committees, required of the Commons, What the demands & points were that they stood upon? 
The demands of the Commons in mount Sacer.  Being already provided aforehand of purpose what to say, demanded such conditions, as it was well seen, that they reposed more hope, and relied themselves rather in equity, and indifferency, than enforce of arms. For they require, Imprimis, to have the Tribunes power on foot again; and the appealing unto the people revived: which before the creation of the Decemvirs had been the only helps and succours of the Commons, Item, that no man should be called in question, nor any way touched in life, limb, or goods, for gathering the soldiers or Commons together by way of commotion, for recovering again their liberties and franchises. Only, their demand concerning the punishment to be inflicted upon the Decemvirs, savoured of cruelty. For they deemed it meet and reason, that they should be yielded into their hands, and then they threatened to burn them quick with fire. 
The answer of Valetius and Horatius to the Commons.  To these articles the Committees spoke in this wise. As for those capitulations, which upon counsel and deliberate advise ye have articled, they are so reasonable and indifferent, that without your suit, they ought to have been offered unto you frankly and freely: for ye request to enjoy such things as concern the defence of your liberty and freedom, and maintain not your licentiousness, to the offence and hurt of others. But as to your ire and wrath, it is to be pardoned, rather than to be followed and yielded unto: as who, under colour of hatred and detestation of cruelty, run headlong into cruelty: and before, in a manner, that ye be set free yourselves, ye will be rulers and lords over your adversaries. Alas the while, and will our city never be at rest, and cease from punishing: but that either the Nobles will scourge the Commons of Rome, or the Commons whip the Nobles? As for you, ye had more need of a shieldywis, than a sword. Humbled he is enough, and too much humbled, who liveth in a city on even hand, and equal with others, under the same laws, neither doing 〈◊〉 taking wrong. And if ever at anytime you mean to show yourselves dread and to be feared, when you have once recovered your Magistrates and ordinances again, when ye have the law in your own hands, to censure and judge according to your own discretion, then may ye give your doom of our lives and goods, as each cause requireth. Now for this time it sufficeth, that ye claim and have your freedom again. Hereupon they all submitted themselves to the deputed Delegates, permitting them to do what they would. Who seeing they had brought all matters to so good a conclusion, promised to return with all speed. So they took their leave. And when they had declared to the Senators the demands of the Commons, all thereft of the Decemvirs, perceiving no mention at all made of their punishment (a thing more than they looked or hoped for) denied no one point thereof. But Appius, man of a fell and cruel nature, and who above all the other was most odious, and lay open to the malice of the people, and measuring the hatred of others toward himself, by his own ranckour that he bore against other men: I wot well (quoth he) what ill fortune will betide me shortly: and I see plainly, that our adversaries hold off to bicker and buckle with us, no longer than until they have weapons given them in their hands. To satisfy this their malice and hatred, we must part with our blood: nothing else will content them. For mine own part, to renounce my Decemvirship I weigh not: neither pass I how soon I do it. Then was an Act made by the Senate, that the Decemvirs out of hand should surrender their place: & that Q. Furius the Archbishop or High priest, should create Tribunes of the Commons: provided always expressly, that the mutiny of the soldiers, and insurrection of the Commons, should turn no man to displeasure and harm. 
●spand● government  These Acts being passed, and the Counsel risen, the Decemvirs came abroad into the open place of assemblies, and there to the exceeding joy of all men, they resigned up all their power and authority. Tidings here of were carried to the Commons, by the mediators aforesaid: and look, what people soever remained behind in the city, went now forth to accompany them. As this multitude passed along forward, they were encountered upon the way, with another joyful company from out of the camp. Who rejoiced mutually one in the behalf of the other, that both freedom and concord were restored to the city again. Then the mediators in the general assembly of them all spoke and said: To the great good, happiness and felicity of you and of the C.W. be it spoken, Returned in God's name into your own country, to your houses, wives and children: but see, that as ye have demeaned yourselves modestly in your way hither, hurting and spoiling no man's lands and possessions, notwithstanding the need ye were driven unto of so many things: so ye carry the same moderation and stay of yourselves homeward into the city. Go into the Aventine from whenceye came: and there for good luck sake, where ye laid the first foundation and groundwork of your liberty, create ye shall your Tribunes of the Commons. There, will the high priest be ready and give attendance, to call an assembly for the grand Election. Great was accord alacrity and cheerfulness, that they showed in approving all that was propounded. So from thence they turn their standards and ensigns, and as they marched to Rome, they strove a-vie with all they met on the way, who could show most joy and gladness: they pass on through the city armed as they were, yet peaceably and without noise, until they came into the Aventine. Where the chief priest immediately held the 
* 〈…〉 the magistrates  Comices, 
〈◊〉 of the Commons 〈…〉  in which they created for Tr. of the C. first and foremost L. Virginius, next after him L. Icilius and P. Numitorius, Vackle by the mother's side of Virginia: all authors of their insurrection and departure: then, C. Sicinius, descended from him in right line who was the first Trib. of Comm. created in mount Sacer, (as we find in records) and M. Duillius, who before the choosing of Decemvirs, had right worthily and notably borne the Tribuneship, and in all combats & bickerments with the Decemvirs, stuck close to the commonalty and never failed them. After these, were elected, more for hope than any former defart, M. Tilinius, M. Pomponius, C. Apronius, Ap. julius, C. Opius. Then C. Icilius immediately in the very entrance into the Tribuneship, preferred a bill unto the Commons, and the Commons enacted it, That the departure and insurrection of the common people against the Decemvirs, should not be laid to any man's charge, nor bring him into trouble. Then without farther delay M. Duillius went through with an Act of his own, to wit, That there should be Consuls created, with reservation of liberty to appeal unto the people. All these things passed in the Comices of the Commons, assembled in the meadows named Flaminia, which now they call Circus Flaminius.  
Then, by an Interregent were Consuls created, L. Valerius and M. Horatius, who presently began their government. 
Consuls elected again.  Whose popular Consulship, 
Consuls elected again.  as it was without wrong doing to the Senators and Nobles, so it was not without some offence committed of their part: For whatsoever was provided for the liberties of the Commons, they supposed it abridged somewhat of their power and authority. And first and foremost, whereas it was a question and cotroversie not well cleared in law, Whither the Nobles were bound to stand to the Acts of the Commons: they made a law now in a general Session, by the suffrages of the Centuries, That what ordinance soever the Commons (being parted by Tribes) had by their voices granted, it should comprise and bind the whole body of the people. By which law, the Tribunes acts were armed with a most sharp and keen weapon to strike withal. Moreover, The other consular law concerning Appeal, the only fort and strength of liberty, which by the Decemvirs absolute power had been overthrown, they not only revive again, but also fortify the same for the time to come, by making a newlaw, forbidding expressly that no man should create any magistrate absolutely without the liberty of Appealing: & whosoever should create any such, he might rightfully and lawfully be killed, and that murder should not be counted a capital crime. And when they had sufficiently strengthened the Commons, on the one side with the benefit of appealing, and on the otherside with the Tribunes power: in favour of the Tribunes themselves, that they also might seem sacrosainct and inviolable (a thing now almost grown out of remembrance) they renewed that high privilege, with certain solemn ceremonies, which having been of long time sorlet and neglected, were now brought up again and put in ure. And they ordained them to be inviolate, as well in a reverend regard of religion & scruple of conscience, as also by a special law in that behalf provided: namely, that whosoever hurt either Tribunes of the Commons, Aediles, Judges, or Decemvirs, his head should be accursed and devowed to jupiter, and his family sold in port-sale sale at the church of Ceres, Liber and 
* Pro●erpin● secundum Arm●h. & 〈◊〉.  Libera. By virtue of this Act, the great Expositors of the law, deny that any man is sacrosainct or inviolable: but (say they) it is enacted only, That whosoever hurt any of them, shall be accursed. And therefore, an Aedile may be attached and led away to prison by superior Magistrates. Which although it be not warranted by law (for he is hurt, who by this law ought not to be hurt) yet it is a good argument to prove, that an Aedile is not inviolable. Marry, as for the Tribunes, they were indeed by virtue of an ancient oath of the Commons, at what time as they first created that power and authority, inviolable: as they would seem to expound and make construction of the law. Others have been, that thus open and interpret the law, That in this selfsame Act of Horatius, the Consuls also, yea and Pretours too, (because they are created by the same auspicia or birdsignes that the Consuls be) were comprised, and had the benefit thereof. For a Consul is called by the name of a judge. But that exposition is confuted, for that in those days it was not the manner to term the Consul a judge, but the Praetor only. And thus much concerning the Consular laws.  
The same Consuls also brought up this order and custom, that all the Acts of the Senate should be brought into the church of Ceres, and presented unto the Aediles of the Commons: which aforetime were suppressed and smothered, yea and corrupted or perverted at the will and pleasure of the Consuls. After all this, M. Dullius a Tribune of the Commons, propounded unto the Commons a law, and they let it pass and granted it, That whosoever should leave the Commonalty destitute of their Tribunes, or create any Magistrate absolute without Appeal, should be scourged, and lose his head for it. All these Acts, as they passed against the wills and minds of the Nobles: so they went clean without their contradiction: for that, all this while hitherto, there was no rigour and severity that seemed to extend and reach to anyone particular person among them. But afterwards, when as both the Tribunes power, and also the Commons freedom, were once well and surely grounded: then the Tribunes, supposing now it was full time, that they might safely and without peril give the onset upon them, severally one by one, made choice of Virginius to be the first accuser or plaintiff, and Appius Claudius the first defendant. And Virginius had not so soon arrested Appius to answer at a day, and Appius come down into the Common place, guarded with a company of tall young gentlemen of the Nobility: but presently upon the sight of him and his guard about him, the remembrance of that most cruel and detestable tyranny was refreshed and renewed. 
Virginius his accusation of Appius.  Then Virginius: Speeches (quoth he) and Orations were devised for doubtful causes: and therefore will I neither spend time in accusing him before you, from whose cruelty ye have by force of arms delivered yourselves: nor suffer this wretch, over and besides his other wicked pranks, to show in the defence of himself his audacious impudence. Therefore, as touching all other lewd parts of thine and wicked designments, O Appius, which thou hast for these two years ungratiously & impiously enterprised and practised one in the neck of another. I will do thee some favour, & pardon thee: but for one crime only, unless thou canst acquire thyself the better, namely, that thou being the judge, against all order of law, didst not grant unto the party defendant, the benefit of liberty to go at large, during the time of the suit depending, until she might bring proofs of her freedom; for this, I say, I command thee to prison. Now had Appius no hope at all, either in the Tribunes helping hand, or in the doom and judgement of the people. How be it he both called upon the Tribunes for succour: and also seeing himself tugged and haled away by the officer, & no man state his hand; I appeal (quoth he) unto the people. This one word in maintenance of freedom, being heard to come out of that mouth, that lately had given sentence on his side, that impeached the freedom of one, and challenged the party for bond, caused silence. And when every man to himself secretly muttered in this wife: I see well (when all is done) there are Gods in heaven, and such gods as neglect not the affairs of mortal men. Pride and cruelty (although it be long first) at length will surely have a fall, and thoroughly be punished. Lo, how he is now sane to appeal, who aforetime abolished and took away all appeal: he humbly craveth relief of the people, who heretofore trod underfoot all rights and franchises of the people: and see how he is carried to prison, destitute and deprived of the benefit of liberty, who awarded and adjudged a free body to bondage and servitude. Amidst these words I say, that might be overheard in that confused humming of the assembly; Appius also was perceived to call unto the people of Rome for relief and mercy. 
〈…〉  He reckoned up withal, the deserts of his ancestors in the behalf of the C.W. both at home in the city, & abroad in the wars: he alleged his own unhappy affection (when time was) to the commonalty of Rome, and partaking with them: and namely how with the exceeding displeasure of the Nobility, he resigned up his Consulship, & all for to bring in and establish, equal & indifferent laws to both parties. He rehearsed moreover his own laws, which not with standing they remained still in force and strength, he, the lawgiver himself, was going to prison. But concerning his own proper parts and deserts good or bad, he would then make trial thereof, (he said) when he should be permitted judicially to make his defence: as for the present time, he pleaded the common benefit of the city, to wit, that being a Citizen, he might at the appointed day, speak for himself, and stand to the doom of the people: neither feared he the hatred and malice of men so much, as to repose no hope at all in the equity and mercy of his neighbours and fellow citizens. But and if he were cast into prison and not suffered to come unto his answer, than he would once again call upon the Tribunes of the Commons for their help, and admonish them, not to follow and imitate them, whom they would seem to hate. And in case the Tribunes will be known and avow, that they are linked in the same bond and covenant, to abolish and take away the benefit of calling unto any one of them by way of mediation, (against which they have charged and blamed the Decemvirs for complotting and agreeing together) than he said, that he appealed unto the people, and had recourse for succour unto the laws concerning appeal, made as well by Consuls as Tribunes, that present year and no longer ago. For who may ever hereafter (quoth he) have benefit of appeal, if it be not lawful for me, who stand yet not condemned, nor attainted, and have not pleaded for myself? what commoner, what mean person may find relief by those laws, if Appius Claudius may not? It will be seen in me, and mine example shall be a precedent and proof to others, Whether by these new statutes, lordly rule, or equal liberty be established: whether the calling for help by way of mediation and intercession, or by plain appealing against the wrongful proceedings of magistrates, be granted in very deed, or but only pretended in bareshew, under vain colourable pretences and foolish letters patents. 
The reply 〈◊〉 of Virginius upon Appius  Against all this, Virginius made his rejoinder and said, That Appius was the man alone exempt out of all benefit of laws, and excluded from all civil and human society. Let men but look back toward the tribunal fear, the very well head as it were and receptacle, the fortress and hold of all wickedness: whereon that perpetual Decemvir practising his cruelty upon the goods, the bodies and lives of free citizens, menacing whipping cheer and hangman's work unto all persons; a contemner both of God and man, guarded with a crew of executioners and butcherly tormentors, rather than sergeant, proceeding on from spoil and bloodshed to set his heart on lechery and carnal lust, plucked a maiden by birth free, from out of the very arms of her father, as if she had been taken captive in war; and that, in the fight of the people of Rome, and gave her away to one of his followers, even to a groom of his bedchamber. Where, by a cruel decree of his, and detestable sentence, adjudging her bond, he caused the father to lay violent hands upon his own daughter: where he commanded, the espoused husband and Uncle of the Virgin (that took up her body half dead) to be had away to the Gaol, as being more displeased with them, for disappointing and putting him beside his purpose of abusing and spoiling her, than for the murder upon her by them committed. Adding moreover and besides, That he had built a prison, which he used to term The habitation and dwelling house of the Commons of Rome. And therefore, plead he eftsoons, and as often as he will, his appeal, I will not give over (quoth Virginius) but as often tender a judge between, and be able to prove, that he gave not sentence, and pronounced her free, 
Appius committed to prison  but bond: but in case he will not abide to be consured by a competent judge, than I command him to be carried to prison, as attaint and convicted. Thus was he committed toward: and as there was none misliked of this proceeding, so everieman was greatly troubled in spirit, to see so great a parsonage punished, & the very Commons themselves thought their liberty too large and excessive. The Tribune set him down a day (before hand) to plead for himself & make his answer.  
Amid these affairs, there came to Rome Ambassadors from the Latins and Hernicks, to congratulate, and to show their joy and great contentment, for the unity and concord between the Nobles and the Commons: in token whereof, they brought as a present unto jup. Opt. Max. a crown of gold, not very massy in weight, but according to their ability, which was not much, yet answerable to their devotion: which men performed rather with religion and zeal in those days, than in portly show and magnificence. By relation and intelligence from them they were certified also, that the Aequians and Volscians prepared war with all the power they could make. Whereupon, the Consuls were commanded to part their provinces between them. To Horatius befell the Sabines, and to Valerius the Aequians and Volscians. And when they had proclaimed musters against these wars, such was the forward affection and favour of the Commons, that not only the younger folk, but also a great sort of those that by law were dispensed with, and discharged from warfare, and lived of their pensions, offered their voluntary service, and were ready to enter their names into the mustermasters book: whereby the army was not only in number greater, but also for the goodness of men, more puissant, as having the old, beaten, and experienced soldiers among them. But before they went out of the city, the Decemvirall laws, (which now are known by the name of the twelve Tables,) they set up openly to beseen, engraven in brass. 
The laws called the twelve tables.  Some writers have delivered, that the Aediles performed this office, as they had it in charge from the Tribunes. C. Claudius, who upon a detestation and deep hatred of the Decemvirs lewd and wicked enormities, but especially above all others, of the insolent pride of his brother's son, which he could no longer abide, had removed and departed to Regillus, his old native country. He being now a very aged man, returned to sue and entreat for his deliverance out of danger, whose vices he abhorred: and in sullied weed and poor array, 
C. Claudius his petition in the behalf of App. Claudius.  accompanied with those of his lineage, and other his followers and vassals, went through the common place, and laboured every man one by one, Beseeching them not to set that brand of ignominy, and bring such a stain upon the house and name of the Claudij, as that they should be thought worthy of imprisonment and irons: nor suffer a man of most honourable quality, a singular pattern of Nobility to his posterity in time to come, the lawmaker and founder of the Roman laws, to lie in chains amongst felons, night-theeves & robbers by the high way side: but to turn away their minds a while from anger and wrath, and incline to a due regard and consideration of matters: and rather at the suit and earnest petitions of so many of the Claudji, to forgive them one man, than for the hatred of one man, to reject the prayers of so many suppliants. As for himself, he protested that he did thus much for kindred and names sake. Neither was he reconciled unto him, and they made friends again: yet could he wish, that his adverse fortune & poor condition were relieved. Concluding with this in the end, That as their liberty was recovered again by virtue and prowess, so the concord of all degrees and estates might be established sure by clemency. Some there were whom he moved, more in regard of his own kindness and love, than in any respect of him for whom he spoke. But Virginius prayed them, To take pity and compassion rather, of him and his daughter, and to give ear to the prayers and supplications, not of the Claudij, who have had the day, and tyrannized over the Commons, but to the nearest friends of Virginius, the three Tribunes, who being created for the aid and succour of the Commons, do now themselves implore and beseech the help and assistance of the Commons. And verily these tears were thought more reasonable, and like to speed Thus when Appius law all means of hope cut off, before the foresaid day appointed was come, 
Appius killeth himself  killed his own self. Soon after this, Sp. Opius, who of all the rest next unto Appius, was most hated: for that he was in the city at the very time when this unjust doom and sentence of his colleague happened to be pronounced, was attached by P. Numitorius. But Opius was the worse thought of and more prejudiced, by occasion of an injury by himself done, than for not stopping the wrong intended by Appius to Virginia. For a witness was produced to depose against him, one, who having served in the wars seven and twenty years, had been rewarded and honoured extraordinarily eight times. This valiant servicour, thus adorned with those gifts & marks of valour, in the view and sight of the people of Rome rend his garments, and showed his back and sides, & the skin all broken with scourging: beseeching no other favour, but if Opius the party accused, could justly charge him with any trespass and offence by him committed, he should not spare him, but now a private person as he was, exercise and redouble his cruelty upon him once again. Well, Opius likewise was had to prison: and there before the law day, ended his life. 
Opius dieth in prison  The goods of Appius and Opius both, the Tribunes did confiscate. Their compartners also and fellow Decemvirs fled their country and were banished, and all their goods also were forfeit and confiscate. And not so much as M. Claudius, the party that laid claim unto Virginia escaped, but he was arrested to answer at a certain day, and was condemned. Howbeit Virginius of himself released him his life, and would not take the extremity, so he was sent away and confined to Tybur, as it were into banishment. Thus the poor spirit and ghost of Virginia, more happy after her death than fortunate during her life, having wandered abroad, and haunted so many houses for due revenge of her adversaries: at last, when there was not one guilty person of them left unpunished, gave over her walking, and rested quiet.  
Now were the Nobles in exceeding fear, beholding the same countenance already in the Tribunes, which they had observed in the Decemvirs. But then M. Duillius, a Tribune of the Commons, wisely and politickely restraining and keeping within a mean this excessive power of others: We have enough (quoth he) both of our own liberty, and also of revenge of our ene●ue: and therefore I will not suffer for this year, any man more to be arrested or imprisoned. For I do not like that old faults done and passed, and now as it were canceled and razed out, should be revived again, and brought in question, since that by the punishment of the Decemvirs, satisfaction had been made for the new: and the continual care and diligence of the Consuls both swain, for the maintenance of your freedom assureth me, that nothing will be committed hereafter, that may require and need the power of the Tribunes. This moderation at the first hand of the Tribune, put the Nobles out of their fear: but made the Consuls to be thought the worse of, (for that they had been so addicted, wholly to the Commonalty) in that a Magistrate of the Commons had more regard of the safety and liberty of the Nobles, than the proper Magistrate of the Nobility: and because the adverse part had their full of revenge and punishment of the Nobles, before it did appear that the Consuls would once seem to stop the course & stream of their licentiousness. And many there were who gave it out, that the Consuls bore themselves too remiss and slack in the matter, and little respected the good and credit of the Nobles, in that they had approved and confirmed the Acts that were proposed by the Tribunes. And no question, troubled as the state was then of the C.W. they were forced to give place, and do according to the necessity of the time.  
When the Consuls had set all things in good order within the city, and surely grounded the state of the Commonalty, they went either of them into their own province. Valerius against the armies of the Aequians and Volscians, which now had joined together in Algidum: where full politicly he held off, and stood upon his defence only: for if out of hand he had put it to the hazard of a battle, I cannot tell, but I greatly doubt (considering how the hearts of Romans and enemies both, were affected, presently upon the unfortunate conduct of the Decemvirs) it would have turned to their great loss, and cost them an overthrow. He therefore having encamped a mile off from the enemies, kept his soldiers within the camp. The enemies ranged in battle array, took up the whole ground between both camps, and when they made bravadoes, and challenged them to come forth and fight, not one Roman would answer them again. At length the Volscians and Aequians, weary with long standing still, and in vain expecting battle, thinking verily, that the honour was in manner yielded unto them, departed: some into the country of the Hernikes, other some to the territories of the Latins, for to raise booties and make spoil: leaving behind them rather a competent guard for defence of the camp, than a sufficient power to maintain a field-fight. Which when the Consul perceived, he paid them again with the like measure of fear, as they before had from them received; and with his army ready embattled, biddeth them battle: who being privy to themselves what forces were wanting, forbore to fight: whereupon the Romans presently took a better heart unto them, and made account that their enemies were overcome, being in such a fear within their rampire. When they had stood thus a whole day ready to fight, they retired back in the evening and gave place to the night. And the Romans full of good hope, refreshed their bodies and made much of themselves, but the enemies nothing so hearty and courageous, send out messengers every way in fearful haste, to call again the forraiers. Such as were near at hand came running back into the camp: those that were father off, could not be found not met withal. Now when it was once day light, the Romans issue forth of the camp, intending to give an assault upon the rampire, unless they would come forth and fight. But when it was far forth day, and the enemies stirred not all, the Consul commanded to advance with their ensigns. The Aequians and Volscians seeing their battle coming forward, began to chase and take foul disdain, for very shame that their rampire and trench should protect victorious armies within the camp, rather than their weapons and valour defend them in plain and open field: and were earnest likewise themselves with their Generals for the signal of battle, and at length after much importunity obtained it. Now were some of them sallied out at the gates already: and others followed hard after at their heels, keeping their array, and every man coming orderly into his file and rank. By which time, the Roman Cos. before the battle of the enemies stood surely furnished with their full strength, came on still and gave the onset: charged them before they were all come forth, yea and ere they were well marshaled that came abroad, being a multitude, waving (as it were) to and fro every way for fear, and looking about themselves, and to their fellows: & to masker their troubled heads the more, he assaileth them with a great shout and main violence. At first the enemies gave back: but after they had gathered their spirits together, and were come again to themselves, and that their captains on every side rated them, and asked them whether they would yield unto them, 
The Oration of Valerius the Consul, to his soldiers.  whom before they had overcome, the fight began again to be renewed. The Consul on the other part, willed the Romans to remember, that this was the first day, wherein they being newly set free, were to fight likewise for the freed city of Rome: and therefore they were to win a victory for themselves, and not after victory gotten, to be a prize for any more Decemvirs to prey upon. For they fought now under the conduct and standard of Appius, but of the Consul Valerius: who as he was descended from the deliverers of the people of Rome, so he was one of them himself: exhorting them to show now, that in former battles of late days, it was long of the leaders and not of the soldiers, that they archeeved no victories: saying, it were a foul shame for them, to have had more stomach against their own neighbours and citizens, than heart against their enemies; and to have stood more in fear of servitude at home, than of bondage abroad. As for Virginia, she was but one, whose honesty and chastity was in time of peace hazarded: and Appius it was only, and none but he, that in regard of his unbridled and dissolute lust, was the dangerous citizen. But if the fortune of war should fail on our side, and go against, us, then shall our children all be in jeopardy, to be abused and spoiled at the hands of many thousands of enemies. Unwilling I am (quoth he) to bode such miseries and to osse the city unto those calamities, which both jup. and our stockfather Mars, forbid and forfend to light upon it, founded upon so lucky signs and happy foretokens, at the first beginning: I put you in mind rather of the Aventine hill, and mount Sacer: that where within these few months you recovered your freedom, thither ye may carry back again your Empire, safe and sound, unsteined and unfoyled: that all the world may see that Roman soldiers are as forward and nobly minded after the banishing of the Decemvirs, as they were before their creation: and that by the bringing in of equal and indifferent laws, the manhood and prowess of the people of Rome, is no whit decayed nor diminished. Having uttered these words among the ensigns of the footmen, he made speed to the corners of the horsemen. Go to, brave gallants (quoth he) excel the footmen in valour and chivalry, like as ye exceed them in honour and degree. At the very first shock and encounter, the footmen forced the enemy to recoil: and being now recoiled to your hand, setspurs to, gallop after them apace, and chase them out of the plain field: they will never abide your violent charge: for even already they are at a bay, and stand rather at a stay, than make any resistance. Hereupon they gird out lustily, and run their horses among the enemies, disordered already and in disarray by the service of the footmen. And having broken through their ranks, and passed forth even to the rearward; certain of them cast about in the void and open ground, and when the enemies were about on all sides to fly, they turned most of them away from their camp, and overriding them, they got between them and home, and scared them wholly from thence. The footmen and the Consul himself, with the whole strength of the main battle, made forward to the camp, assailed the tents, won them, and besides a great slaughter, obtained a booty far greater.  
When news of this battle was brought, not only into the city, but also unto the other army into the Sabines country, it was received in the city with joy only and solemnity: but in the camp it set the soldiers hearts on edge, and enkindled them to strive for the like honour and renown. Now had Horatius already, partly by sending his soldiers forth, to make reises and outrodes: and partly by training and proving them in light skirmishes, enured and acquainted them to trust unto themselves, and have confidence in their own good service, rather than to remember the shameful disgrace & foil, received under the leading of the Decemvirs. And even those small bicker had done them much good already against they should venture upon a set field, and heartened them in assured hope to win the victory. The Sabines again for their part, still lusty upon their good succesie the year before, ceased not to provoke and urge their enemies: eftsoons ask them what they meant after the guise of robbers, to run in and out in small companies, so to trifle out the time, and thus by piece meal to make of one entire battle many petty and small skirmishes? Why rather fought they not one field for all, and without more ado, hazard all upon a cast, and commit the whole to the trial of fortune, to see unto what side she will incline. Then the Romans, besides that of themselves they had gathered hart and courage enough, were with the indignity of this challenge also set on fire: considering, that when the other army was at the point now, with victory to return into the city, their enemies began to insult and crow over them with reproachful terms: and if now they were not meet and even with them, when should they ever be able to make their parts good? So soon as the Consul perceived the soldiers thus to mutter and mumble within the camp, he assembled them all together, 
〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 to his 〈◊〉  and thus he spoke: Sirs (quoth he) what success hath been, and how the service hath sped in Algidum, I suppose you have already heard, namely, such as beseemed the army of a free state and people. By the policy of my fellow Consul, and the manhood of his soldiers together, achieved is the victory. As for myself, that course will I take, and that resolute mind will I carry, which you my soldiers shall afford unto me. The war may be drawn out in length profitably: it may be also-dispatched and ended speedily. If protracted it shall be, look how I have begun already to train you, with the same discipline still I will exercise you, and bring to pass, that your hope and prowess may increase every day more than other. If your hearts now serve you well, and that you like to fight it out, Go on in the name of God, and in token of your willing hart and valorous prowess, now set up such a cry and shout, as you will make when you first join battle, and give the charge. After that they had with exceeding cheerfulness shouted aloud: God bless us all (quoth he) I will fulfil your desire, and bring you forth to morrow into the field for to fight. So the rest of that day was bestowed in making their harnish and weapons ready. When morrow was come, the Sabines so soon as they perceived the Romans ranged in battle array, came forth also themselves, as ready and desirous of fight, as they. Here was a battle struck, such as might beseem two armies, that trusted on both sides in their own valour, and made full account of that days honour. The one eager and greedy to recover their ancient glory, wont evermore to have the upper hand, the other proudly bearing themselves, upon a new victory lately achieved. The Sabines besides, mended their strength well with a stratagem, for when they had equally divided their battaillons every way, they reserved two thousand drawn out of therest, extraordinary without the ranks apart. Who in the very time of the conflict, should hotly charge the left point of the Romans: they advancing overthwart with their ensigns, and flanking them on the tone side, pressed shrewdly upon that one point, and overcharged it, well near environned all about. Then the horsemen of two legions, 600 almost in number, alight on foot from their horsebackes, and as their fellows were even now ready to recoil, rush forward with all speed to the forefront: and withal, made head against the enemy. And first, they put life unto them again, for that they entered equally with the footmen into danger and bare even part thereof: afterwards, for very shame, they gave more boldness and animated them to fight. For abashed they were, that horsemen should be put to double service in both kinds of fight, on horse and on foot: and professed footmen not able to countervail the horsemen, who had taken them to their feet. So they advance forward to the battle, which on their part was abandoned, & make haste to recover the ground which they had lost. And with a trice at one instant, not only the fight was renewed, but also a battailon of the Sabines began to shrink. The horsemen closely among the ranks and files of the footmen, got again to their horses, and from thence road speedily unto the other side, reporting to their fellows the victory: and withal, sharply charged the enemies, who now were affrighted, because the stronger wing of their side was discomfited: neither were there any in this battle also, that were seen to perform better service than they. The Consul, as an overseer, beheld all the manner of it, praising those that stood to it manfully and rebuking where they fought but faintly. They were not so soon chastised and reproved, but presently they bore themselves like hardy men and did right good service: and look how much that praise excited some, so much shame stirred up other. Then with a fresh shout and outcry, they bent their whole force on all sides, and compelled the enemies to turn their backs: who were not able after this, to abide the violence of the Romans. The Sabines, scattered here and there all over the fields, left their tents for a spoil to their enemies: where the Romans recovered again not the goods of their Allies, as before in Algidum, but their very own, which they had lost by the harrying and spoiling of their lands.  
For this twofold victory achieved in two sundry battles, the Senate right sparingly, (such was their misery) decreed in the name and behalf of the Consuls, one days thanksgiving and procession, and no more. But the people, the second day likewise, without order and warrant from authority, solemnised the same in great numbers. And this popular procession, disorderly as it was and without formality, was with more good will and better affection of men celebrated, than the other. The Consuls of set purpose (as it was agreed afore) came within the compass of those two days into the city: and summoned the Senate to assemble in Mars field: where, as they were about to make some speech of their exploits and worthy acts, the chief and principal lords of the Senate, complained and showed themselves grieved, that the Senate was assembled for the nonce, among the soldiers, to strike a terror into them. Whereupon the Consuls, because they would give no occasion of quarrel and faultfinding, called away the Senate from thence into Prata Flaminia, where now the temple of Apollo standeth: a place, which even then they called Circus Apollinaris: where they being denied triumph with one voice and general consent of the Nobles: L. Icilius, a Tribune of the Commons, propounded unto the people, to know what they thought of the Consul's triumph. And among many that stepped forth to cross and dissuade the bill, 
C. Claudius against the Triumph of the Consuls;  C. Claudius above all others cried out aloud, that the Coss. intended to triumph over the Nobles and not over their enemies: and that they sought a thank by way of recompense for a private favour done to the Tribune, and not for an honourable reward, for any virtue and worthy act. For never (quoth he) aforetime, was there held any treaty of triumph before the people: but evermore it was referred to the Senate, to consider and determine of that honour. Neither had the Kings at anytime, impaired the majesty of that highest court and degree: what should the Tribunes than meddle so much, and have their hand in all matters by virtue of their authority, as to suffer no public counsel at all to remain in force? For a city can never be counted free, nor laws equal and indifferent, but when each degree and estate retaineth still their own privilege, and hold their proper pre-eminence. When the rest of the principal Senators had spoken much to the same effect, all the Tribes notwithstanding in general, allowed by their suffrages that which the Tribune had propounded. This was the first time that ever any triumph was granted by the voices of the people, without the authority and assent of the Senators. But this victory of the Tribunes and the commonalty, had like to have turned to a dangerons surfeit of licentious liberty: by reason that the Tribunes conspired together and were fully agreed, to be chosen Tribunes again: and to the end that their own ambition should be lesfe seen above others, they alleged to the Coss. for a sufficient reason (that they likewise should continue still in place of government) the agreement and consent of the Senators: through whose holding together and drawing in one line, the liberties of the Commons, to the great disgrace and reproach of the Consuls, were infringed and endamaged. For what would come of it, say they, if before the late laws were fully established, the (new) Consuls with their factious banding, should set upon the new Tribunes: for we must not look to have always such as the Horaty and Valery, to be Consuls, men that would not regard their own weal before the freedom of the comminalrie. As it happened very well for that time, it fell to M. Dutilius his lot especially, to be chief precedent of the Comices and Election: who like a prudent and wise man, foreseeing the hartburning and hatred, like presently to ensue, upon the continuance of the same magistrates still in place, said flatly, that of the old Tribunes he would not propound any one: and when his brethren in office laboured earnestly with him, to permit the Tribes to go to a free scrutiny, or else yield up the charge to him allotted, of holding the assembly, unto his brethren, who would keep the same and manage the matter, according to law rather than to the will and pleasure of the Nobles: Duillius then, seeing their earnest contention, caused the Consuls to be called into their own pues and fears, and demanded their minds concerning the Election of the Consuls: and when they answered that they would create new, he having once gotten them to be the authors of a popular sentence, and not popular themselves, went forth together with them into the assembly of the people. Now when the Consuls were brought out into their presence, & were asked the question, what they would do, in case the people of Rome should elect them Consuls the second time, and that, in remembrance of their liberty received and recovered by their means, and for their good service in war, and worthy acts by them performed: he finding them constant in the same mind still, and nothing altered from their resolution: after he had commended the Consuls, for their steedfast perseverance unto the last (as altogether unlike to the Decemvirs) went presently to the new Election. And when he had created five Tribunes only, seeing there were not other competitors enough to reach unto sufficient voices of the Tribes, in comparison of the other nine Tribunes his colleagues who openly stood to be chosen again: he broke up the assembly, and from that time forward called no more about any Election. For he said, That he had fulfilled the law in that behalf, which without setting down any precise and definite number of Tribunes, so that there were some left behind and rooms void, gave authority to those that were created, to choose and take unto them more colleagues, to make up the number. And therewith he recited the words of the law, which run in this form. IF I SHALL PROPOUND TEN TRIBUNES OF THE COMMONS TO BE CREATED, AND THEY SHALL THAT PRESENT DAY MAKE FEWER THAN TEN: THEY BY VIRTUE OF THIS LAW, SHALL BE ACCOUNTED TRIBUNES, WHOM THOSE ELECTED SHALL CHOOSE AND TAKE UNTO THEM FOR THEIR FELLOWS, AND AS LAW FULL SHALL THEY BE HELD, AS THOSE WHOM THIS DAY YE SHALL CREATE TRIBUNES OF THE COMMONS. Thus when Duillius persisted still resolute unto the end, saying, That in any case the state might not bear xv. Tribunes; and having thus conquered the greedy ambition of his colleagues: with great favour and the good liking as well of the Nobility as the Commonalty, he gave up his room. The new Tribunes now in the electing and making choice of their companions, curried favour with the Senators, and framed themselves to their will and pleasure, in choosing to them two of the Nobility, and those that had been Consuls, to wit Sp. Tarpeius and A. Aeternius. And Consuls there were created Sp. Herminius and T. Virginius C●limontanus. Who bearing themselves in a mean between Commons and Nobles, and not greatly inclining to one side or other, had peace as well at home as abroad. L. Trebonius a Tribune of the Commons, being highly offended with the Senators and spitefully bend against them, and saying withal, that in the cooptation of the rest of the Tribunes, he had been cunningly overraught by them, and betrayed by his colleagues, proposed a law, That whosoever hereafter propounded unto the Commons any Tribunes to be elected, should not give over, but still propound, until he made up the full number of ten. Thus continued he all his Tribuneship in persecuting and molesting the Nobles, never letting them to be quiet: whherupon he was surnamed 
* ●ough o●●igo●o●●.  Alper.  
After this, M. Geganius Macrinses, and C. julius being created Consuls, appeased the contentious orations of the Tribunes, which were begun and raised against the young Gentlemen of the Nobility, so as without any bitter invectives against that authority of the Tribunes, they preserved still the sovereign majesty of the Nobles: and by means of decreeing musters against the wars of the Volscians and Aequians, stayed the Commons, and kept the City from all sedition and discord: saying, That by civil unity, all would be at quiet abroad: whereas through discord of citizens, foreigners took heart. The care likewise of outward peace, was the cause of inward and intestine concord. But evermore the one state disquieted the moderation of the other: for whiles the Commons were still and in good temper, the puny Senators began to offer them wrong & hard measure. And when the Tribunes would have assisted the weaker side, at first it booted little, and small good they did: but afterwards they themselves escaped not without abuse and hurt: and especially in their latter months, when as they received injuries, both by reason of the meetings and packing together of the mightier sort, and also for that toward the end of the year, the edge and vigour commonly of all authority waxeth dull and groweth feeble and weak. So that now the Commons had little or no confidence at all in the Tribuneship, unless they might have such as Icilius to be Tribunes: and as for these two years last passed, they had them but in bare name, and not to any effect and purpose. The elders and ancient fathers of the Senate on the other side, as they believed verily that their youth were too cocked and lusty: so they were of this mind, That if there needs must be trespass and excess, they had leiffer those of their own degree and cote should exceed measure, and have greater stomach, than their adversaries. So ticklish and dangerous a thing it is to keep a mean in maintenance of liberty: whiles under a colour of wishing and desiring equality, every man advanceth and lifteth up himself so, as that he thrusteth and beareth down another: and in pretending a care and regard that men should not stand in awe and fear of them, they make themselves dread and fearful to others, and so the wrong that we put off and shove from ourselves, we impose upon others. As if there were no remedy, but that we must either do, or suffer injury.  
Then were made Consuls, T. Quintius Capitolinus the fourth time, and Agrippa Furias: who found neither sedition within, nor war without. But yet both the one and the other was near at hand. For now could no longer the dissension of the citizens be held in, but needs it must break out. And both Tribunes and Commons rose against the Nobles. For in all the folkmotes and meetings of the people, one or other always of the Nobles and Senators were served with process: whereupon grew fresh troubles and new contentions. At the first noise whereof, as if the signal of battle had been given, and the alarm stricken up, the Aequians and Volscians took arms: and withal, their leaders and captains (such as gaped greedily after spoil and pillage) had borne them in hand and persuaded them to believe, That for these two years past, they could not go through with their musters proclaimed: for that the Commons refused to obey, and broke their allegiance: which was the only cause, that there were no forces sent out against them. Besides, say they, The use and manner of their warfare, is now with their licentious looseness, discontinued and clean decayed: Rome was now no more a commonwealth and country to her citizens: For, all their anger, quarrels and malice, that they bore aforetime against foreign nations, was now turned upon their own selves: so that at this time they had fit occasion and good opportunity to surprise them, blinded as wolves with mutual rage & woodness one against another. Hereupon they joined their whole power, and first wasted the country of Latium: and afterwards seeing none to encounter them and make defence (to the exceeding joie of those that were the authors of this war) they came harrying and spoiling all the way to the very walls of Rome, even before the gate Esquilina, there braving and vaunting in reproachful and scomfull terms before the whole city, telling them how they had laid their fields & territories waste. From whence they retired themselves without revenge and loss, driving their booties afore them, 
The Oration of Quintius the Consul, to the people of Rome's  and marched along to Corbio. Quintius the Consul seeing this, assembled the people, and there (as I have heard) he made to them a speech in this wise. Albeit I am not privy to myself, and my conscience accuseth me not of any fault, O Quirites, yet am I exceedingly abashed and ashamed to come forth into this assembly of yours: that ever you should know, or the posterity hereafter understand, how the Aequians and Volscians (who of late days were hardly comparable to the Hernicks) came when T. Quintius was the fourth time Cos. in warlike manner with banner displayed to the walls of the city of Rome, and went their ways again clear and without any hurt by them received. This shameful dishonour, if I had known it would have light so just in this year (and yet for this good while the world hath so gone, and such hath been the course of our life and conversation, that my mind ever gave me there was no goodness toward) I would have avoided this place of dignity, either by banishment or death, if there had been no other way to escape it. And might indeed have Rome been taken in the time of my Consulship, if those weapons which were under our gates had been in the hands of valorous men? Then had I indeed enjoyed sufficient honour already, then had I lived long enough, and a little too long, and might have died well when I was but the third time Consul. But who were they, I pray you, whom these most base and cowardly enemies of our, despised and set so light by? Were we they that are your Cousuls, or you (Quirites) the people of Rome? If we were in the fault, take from us as unsufficient & unworthy persons, our rule and government: and if that be not enough, let us over and besides be well punished, and abide the smart. But if the blame be in you Quirites, let neither God nor man chastise your trespass and offence, only do you repent yourselves, and be sorry therefore. It was not your cowardice that they scorned and despised, neither was it their own valour wherein they trusted. For why? they having been so often defeired and driven out of the camp and the field, fined with forfeiture of lands, forced to go under the gallows, and brought into servitude, knew very well both themselves and you also. No no, the variance and discord between our own states and degrees, is the only bane, and nothing else, of this city; the jars and debates, I say, between the Nobles and the Commons. Whiles neither we have any gage or stay of rule and command, nor you know mean of freedom and liberty: while you are weary of Noblemen rulers, and we likewise of the Commoners Magistrates, they have gotten heart, and wax bold. Now, (Gods will) what mean you to do, and what would you have? Tribunes of the Commons ye longed and hunkered after: for quietness and concord sake, we let you have your longing. Decemvirs you had a great miss of, & them you desired: we granted and permitted them to be created. Weary you were anon, and all too weary of Decemvirs: we forced them to forego their office. And when your anger continued still against them, being become private persons again, we suffered to be put to death, and to be exiled, most noble and right honourable men. When you would needs elect a new your Tribunes of the Commons, you chose them at your pleasure. To create Consuls from out of your own faction, although we knew it hurtful and prejudicial to the Nobles, yet have we seen that dignity proper to Nobility, given away as it were, and made common with the Commonalty. The assistance of Tribunes, the appealing to the people, the laws and Acts devised by the Commons, to be rendered and imposed upon the Nobles, to bind them thereto: and that, under the pretence and colour of 〈◊〉, or equal and indifferent laws, our own rights and privileges should be overthrown, we have abidden, and do still endure. When will there be an end once of discord and dissension? Shall we never have one city of it? Shall we never have this to be the common country of us all? We can be content much better to be at quiet, when we are vanquished, than whiles we are victors. And is it not enough for you, that you are dread and feared of us? but still you seek for more? Against us it was, that you took the mount Aventine, against us it was that you held and kept the mountain Sacer. For when the gate Esquilina, was well-near surprised by the enemy, and when the Volscians our enemies were ready to climb our trench and banks, and to scale our walls, none of you there was to be seen, for to remove and set them farther off. Against us ye play the men, against us ye can be armed. Well then, go to: When ye have here beset the Senathouse, taken up the market place and common hall with soldiers, filled the jail with Noblemen, and those of the cheefelt and best quality, then with like courage and stoutness of heart, sally forth of the gate Esquilina. Or if you dare not venture so much, behold and view all afore you from the walls, discover your lands and territories with fire and sword wasted and consumed, your goods and cattle had and driven away as booties and prizes, your fermes and horses burning and smoking in every quarter. But all this time the Commonweal only (you think) by this means is in worse plight and poorer case, the villages fired, the city besieged, and the enemy goeth his way with the honour of the war. And in what taking, I pray you, is your own private estate the while? Tidings will come anon to every man particularly, from out of his own livings and possessions, of his proper losses: and what have you at home (if a man may ask) to make supply again? Will the Tribunes make you restitution, and amends for all your damages? You shall have words of them your fill. They will not stick to speak, to rail, and let fly slanders freely before you against the heads of the city. Laws upon laws you shall have huddled thick and threefold. Assemblies, convocations, and seditious invectives good store. But from these their folkemotes, never came there any of you home to his house, richer of one grey groat or single denier, nor in better state to live than before. Was there ever any one carried aught from thence to his wife and children, but hatred and malice, displeasure and rancour, grudges & hartburnings, both public and private? From which at all times ye have been shielded and defended, if not with your own virtue and innocency, yet by the help and aid of others. But certes, when ye served in wars under the conduct of us your Consuls, and followed not the leading of your Tribunes: when you served I say in camp, and not in the hall and common place: when in battle your enemies quaked to hear you shout, and not in your folkemotes, the Romans were in dread of you utas and outcries: than you won prizes, and conquered lands from your enemies, than you returned home with triumph to your houses, full of riches and wealth, full of honour and renown, as well public as private. Where as now, you suffer your enemies to depart, fraught and loaden with your goods. Stick to your Warde-Leetes, as if you were nailed and fast pinned to them: dwell still in your hall, and lead your lives continually there: yet must you needs war when all is done, fly from it as fast as you can. grieved it you indeed, and thought you it a trouble and a painful thing, to take an expedition so far as into the Volscians and Aequians country? Lo, the war is come even unto your gates: if it be not put from thence, it will anon be within the walls, it will scale the castle and Capitol, it will follow you, even into your houses. Two years ago, the Senate gave order and commanded, that there should be soldiers mustered, and an army conducted into Algidum. But we sit still at home and do nothing, but chide and scold (as it were) one at another, like cursed and shrewd women, contenting ourselves, and joying in a present peace: and little seeing, that of that rest, there will come sundry wars again, and that right shortly. I know full well, there are speeches more pleasing and plausible than these. But to speak the plain truth for your good, rathan to flatter and soothe for your pleasure, if mine own nature and disposition did not teach and admonish me, even very necessity doth force and constrain me. Willing would I be, and most willing, O Quirites, to please you: but much more would I have you to be in safety, think whatsoeverye will of me. It falleth out commonly, as a thing that cometh by kind, that who so speaketh to a multitude in his own cause, and for himself, is better liked, and heard with more applause, than he whose mind aimeth at nothing else but a public weal. Unless peradventure you think these common flatterers, these clawbacks, and men-pleasers, which give you no rest, neither in war nor peace, does tirre you up and provoke you for your good. But will you have the truth? ye being once solicited and pricked on by them, serve their tumes in good stead, either for their honour or gain. And because they see themselves to be of no worth and regard, while the states do agree, they desire to play small game, rather than to sit out: to be captains of misrule and lewdness, rather than of nothing: and in one word, to be the heads, the ringleaders and guides of troubles and dissensions. Whereof, if you be so blessed and happy, as to be weary now at length, and will betake yourselves to the ancient manners and fashions, both of your own, and of your ancestors, in am of these new fangles, I will refuse no punishment: nay, let me be put to the most shameful death that is, if I do not before many days pass over my head, defeat, discomfit and put to flight these robbers and harriers of our fields, and send them packing out of their own camp, and finally translate and remove this terror of war, wherewith ye now are so affrighted and astonished, from our gates and walls, even unto their own towns and cities. Seldom at any time else, had there been a speech delivered by a popular Tribune, more acceptable unto the Commons, than was the sharp Oration at this present of a most severe Consul. Yea and the very youth, which amid such terrors of war, had been wont to refuse soldiery, the only keen and sharp weapon they had to fight withal against the Nobles, now desired war and to be in arms. Over and besides, the country kerns that fled (to Rome,) such also as were spoiled & wounded in the villages about, reported more foul and cruel outrages in their ears, than were presented unto their eyes, and set all the city in an hot and angry broil. Now when the Senators were assembled together in the Counsel house, then verily they all cast their eyes upon Quintius, beholding and regarding him well, as the only patron and maintainer of the majesty of Rome: but the chief peers and Lords of the Senate spoke out and said: That he had made an oration, beseeming the sovereign government of a Consul, beseeming so many Consulships by him already borne, beseeming the whole course of his life, that had passed off through many honourable dignities, and yet always deserved more. As for other Consuls, they either in flattering and soothing up the Commons, had betrayed the dignity of the Nobles: or else in seeking by hard courses to maintain the rights, pre-eminencies and royalties of their state, and to tame the multitude, have thereby made them more fell and untractable. But T. Quintius, he hath made a speech, respective and tending, as well to the royal dignity of the Nobles, as to the concord and unity of the States, and principally regarding the condition of the times. They would request him therefore, together with his brother Consul, to take in hand the care of the commonweal. They would request the Tribunes likewise, to join in one accord with the Consuls, and show themselves willing and forward, to have the war kept off and put back from their city walls: and in so fearful and dangerous a case, to reclaim their Commons to their due obedience to their Nobles: saying moreover, That the native country, the common mother of them all, calleth unto the Tribunes and craveth their aid, now that the territories are wasted, and the city at hand to be assaulted. Whereupon, they all agreed generally o decree a muster, and presently to make a levy of soldiers. And when the Consuls, had pronounced before the whole people then and there assembled, that it was no time as then to hear excuses, but that all the younger sort, should betimes the next morning by day light, be ready to attend in Mars field: and that after the war was ended, they would find out and appoint a time, to inquire into their allegations and reasons, that entered not their names: and that he should be taken for a traitor and rebel, whose excuse they allowed not: the whole manhood and youth of the city showed themselves the morrow after in readiness. Each cohort or regiment chose their centineres or captains, and every Regiment had two Senators for their provost marshals. All this was performed (by report) with such speed and expedition, that on the very same day, the standards and ensigns were by the Questors had forth of the armory and chamber of the city and brought into Mars field: and by the fourth hour (or ten a clock) the same day, set forward and advanced out of the field. And this new army, with a few bands of old soldiers, who willingly of their own accord followed them, marched on and rested, at ten miles' end. The day following they discovered their enemies, and at Corbio encamped close unto them. And by the third day, there was no stay on both hands, but they must needs encounter and fight. For why? The Romans for anger were sharp set: the enemies again, upon a guilty conscience that they had so often rebelled, were grown desperate. Now, whereas in the Roman army the two Consuls were in equal commission, yet gave Agrippa place unto his brother Quintius, and yielded unto him the entire and absolute command. A course most profitable in the managing and execution of great affairs. And being thus preferred, he again in courtesy answered and requited the others gentleness and inclination to submission, in this wise, by imparting unto him all his counsels: by parting with him all his honour and praise, and by making him his equal, who was indeed his interior and underling. In the battle, Quintius commanded the right point, Agrippa led the left: Sp. Poslbumius Albus, the Lieutenant general, had the conduct of the main battle. And P. Sulpitius the other Lieutenant, they set over the horsemen. The footmen of the right point fought most valiantly, and the Volscians received them with equal valour. Sp. Sulpitius with his men of arms, broke through the main battle of the enemies: and albeit he might have retired himself the same way again unto his company, before that the enemies could bring their ranks again into order, that were disarrayed: yet he thought it better to charge them upon their backs. And in one moment he had discomfited and quite defeated his enemies, by assailing them behind, and thus affrighting them on both sides, but that the Volscian and Aequian horsemen recharged him, held him play in his own fight, and so kept him occupied a good while. Thereat, Sulpitius said, it was no time now to linger and to drive off, but to beltirre themselves, crying out aloud, that they were environed round, enclosed within their enemies, & excluded from their own fellows, unless they set to, and bend their whole force, quickly to dispatch the horse-fight: and that it would not serve, to put the horsemen to flight and save their lives: but kill both horse and man, that none might ride back again from thence into the battle to renew the fight. And to make head and resistance against him and his horsemen, they were never able, since that the main thick battle of footmen had given him ground already. Good care they gave to his words, and soon hearkened to his direction: & with one entire assault they gave a fierce charge, and defeated the whole power of the cavalry, unhorsed and dismounted a number of them, and with their javelins gored both them and their horses. And there's an end of the horse-service. Then they set upon the battle of the footmen, and dispatched messengers unto the Consuls with news, what they had done: where also by that time, the battle of the enemies began to shrink. And when tidings came unto the Romans that were already upon the point of victory, they verily were more encouraged: but the Aequians that were about to recuile, were strucken with greater fear. In the main battle first began the overthrow, namely, whereas the men of arms before had broken the array. After them, the left point also began to be distressed and driven back, by Quintius the Consul. But in the right there was hardest hold, and most a do. Where, Agrippa being a tall man of his hands and young withal, seeing in every part of the battle things go better than where he was: caught the ensigns from the ensigne-bearers, advanced them forward his own self, yea and fell to flinging some of them against the thickest of his enemies. For fear therefore of so shameful a disgrace, the souldiorsbeltirre themselves, and freshly assailed the enemy. And so on all hands alike, they achieved the victory and won the field. Then came a messenger from Quintius, and brought word, that he had the better hand, and was now ready to give an assault upon the camp, but would not break in, and enter thereinto before he knew for certain, that they in the left point, also had gotten the upper hand, and made an end of the battle. In case therefore he had discomfired the enemy, he should join his forces to him, that the whole army altogether might gain the spoil and pillage of the tents. So Agrippa, who also for his part was victor, came to his brother Consul and the camp of the enemies, and met with mutual congratulation one to the other. There, finding but a few to defend, whom they discomfited in the turning of an hand, they broke into the rampire and munitions, without conflict or skirmish: and so besides the recovery of their own goods again, which they had lost by the overrunning of the country, they gained also a rich booty, and retired back with their whole army. I cannot learn, that either they themselves required triumph, or the Senate offered them any: and no cause appeareth upon record, why they should either refuse, or not hope for that honour. For mine own part, so far as I can guess in so long distance of times, seeing that Valerius and Horatius, who over and besides the conquest of the Volscians and the Aequians, had the honour also of dispatching and finishing the Sabines war, were denied triumph at the Senate's hand; these Consuls might not with modesty, sue for the same; having performed but half the good service of the others: lest if they had gotten it granted, there might have seemed more regard had of the persons, than of the deserts.  
But this noble and honourable victory over the enemies abroad, thus achieved, was obscured and foully distained with a shameful doom of the people, in a controversy of their allies, about the bounds and meres of certain lands. 
A controversy between the Atdeares and Aricines, decided by the people of Rome.  The inhabitants of Aricia and Ardea, having warred oftentimes one with the other, about some lands in question between them, and by giving and taking sundry foils and overthrows outwearied, chose the people of Rome their Vinpire, to decide and determine this quarrel. And when they were come with their counsel to plead the case, the Magistrates granted a court of Assizes of the people. Where was much arguing and dispute on both sides before them: and after the witnesses were deposed, and that at length the Tribes should be called to the scrutiny, and the people give their voices: there steps forth an old father, one P. Scaptius, a Commoner. And I (quoth he) for my part, O Consuls, if it be lawful to speak for the good of the State, will not suffer the people to err, and be deceived in this question. When as the Consuls denied him audience, as being an old fool, and of no credit: and commanded bim (as he cried still that the public cause of the city was betrayed) to behad away, he calleth for the assistance of the Tribunes. The Tribunes then, who lightly are ever overruled by the multitude, rather than able to rule them, yielded unto the Commons: That for as much as they were desirous to hear what the old man could say, Scaptius should speak his mind at large. 
The evidence given by old Scaptius●  Then setteth he the tale on end, and beginneth thus: I am (quoth he) fourscore winters old, and three on the head of it: and even upon that very ground, for which all this strife and variance is, I served as a soldier, when I was no young man neither, but one that had been priest to wars, and received pay twenty years afore. And it was, I remember well, during the siege before Corioli. Hither am I now come, to give evidence of a thing by long continuance of time, worn out clean and forgotten of other men, but fresh in my knowledge and remembrance: to wit, that the lands thus litigious, and in controversy, had been sometime within the confines of the Coriolanes: and after the winning of Corioli, were seized by right of conquest, to the Commons of the people of Rome. I marvel much therefore, by what custom and prescription, the Ardeates and Aricines, who never had right and interest, and were not postlesled of the land, (so long as Corioli stood in prosperity) should hope to defeat the people of Rome thereof, whom being the LL. in fee of the ground, they had chosen for their Arbitrator. As for me, I have but a small while to live, and one foot already is in grave: and yet I cannot find in my heart, but (to that land, which whilom, I being a young and lusty soldier, did my best to fight for, and conquered with sword in hand) make claim now that I am aged, by word of mouth, the only means left me to recover it. I advise the people therefore in good sadness, that in a vain respect of bootless modesty, they condemn not their own cause, nor give away their right. The Consuls marking well what audience was given to Scaptius, and that he was heard not only with silence, but also with good liking and contentment, cried out upon this abominable practice: calling both heaven and earth to witness, and therewith sent for the Lords of the counsel: and joining with them, went to the Tribunes, fell in hand with them, and instantly besought them not to go forward with this most lewd action for the present, & a more shameful precedent for the time to come: namely, that Umpires and daies-men, should convert the thing in suit unto their own and proper vantage: especially considering, that, Admit it were a lawful thing for a judge himself to have an eye and regard to his own commodity: yet would there not be so much gained and gotten by coming thus between, and interverting the land, as there would be damage and hindrance another way, in alienating by those hard courses, the hearts of their good friends and Allies. For the losses (verily) and cracks of name and credit, are such as may not be valued at any price. And should the ambassadors indeed, say they, go their ways home with this goodly catch? and make report abroad how they have sped? should our confederates hear this? should our enemies come by the knowledge thereof? with what grief the one? with what joy the other? Think ye that our neighbour nations will impute, attribute, and ascribe this, unto the speech made by Scaptius, a prating old busy body & one that loveth to hear himself speak in assemblies? Nay this is certain: well may Scaptius be famous and much talked of, in the playing of this pageant: but the people of Rome shall incur the obloquy, to have acted the part under the viso of Scaptius, of a cunning promoter, and a false interceptour to himself, of other men's right in suit. For, what judge at any time in a private matter, hath done the like, as to award the thing in question, unto himself? Why, even Scaptius, past all shame and grace as he is, would never have done it. These and such like words, spoke both Consuls and Senators aloud in all their hearing. But the covetousness of men, and Scaptius that first set them a longing and their teeth a watering, prevailed more than they all. The Tribes were called to the Scrutiny of their voices, & gave judgement, That the lands pertained to the common Territory of the people of Rome. Neither can it be denied, but it would have so appeared indeed, in case it had been tried before other judges. But now, for all the goodness of the cause, is not the ignominy of the arbitrement one jote the less: Nay, the Aricines and Ardeates themselves, thought not more shamefully and hardly of it, than the very Senators and Peers of Rome. The rest of the year continued quiet, from all troubles as well domestical as foreign.   

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the fourth Book.  
THe law concerning marriage between the Nobles and the Commons, was proposed, and with much ado enacted by the Tribunss of the Commonalty: not withstanding, the Nobles withstood it. Tribunes military with full authority of Cousuls, were created. Under this kind of Magistracy was the State ruled for certain years, both in city and in war. The lands of the Ardeates, which had been awarded from them by an arbitvement of the people of Rome, were restored again unto them, and Coloners' sent to inhabit the same. In the time of a great dearth and famine at Rome, one Sp. Melius, a Roman knight, dealt corn amongst the people freely, at his own proper charges: by which deed he won the favour of the Commons: and thereby aspiring to be king, was at the commandment of Quintius Cincinnatus, the Dictator, slain, by the hands of C. Servilius Hala, General of the Horsemen. L. Minutius, who disclosed the treason, had a bullock with guilt horns given him for a reward. The Ambassadors of the Romans, which were murdered by the Fidenates, had their Statues or Images erected at the Rostra, or the common Cross of the city, because they died in the service of the Commonwealth. Cornelius Cossus a Colonel, having slain with his own hand Tolumnius, the king of the Veientians, wan and bare away the second royal spoils. Mamercus Aemylius the Dictator, limited the government of the Censureship, within the compass of one year and six months, which before that time continued five years: and for that act, was shamefully disgraced by the Censors. Fidene was conquered and subdued, and thither were Coloners' scent to dwell. Whom the men of Fidene slew, and revolted from the people of Rome: and by Mamercus Aemylius the Dictator were subdued, and the city forced. The conspiracy of the bondslaves was suppressed. Posthumius a Tribune military, was for his cruelty slain by his own soldiers. The soldiers than first, and never before, had their pay out of the common treasury. Moreover, this book containeth the wars against the Volscians and Veientians, the Fidenates and Falisci.  
THERE succeeded Consuls after these, M. Genutius and P. Curiatius. A year full of broils, both at home and abroad. For in the beginning of the year, both Canuleius, a Tribune of the Commons, proposed a law, concerning alliance of the patricians with Commons, by way of marriage. Whereby the Nobles supposed their blood to be desteined, and the rights and privileges of families and houses confounded. Also, whereas at first the Tribunes by little and little had moved, That one of the Consuls might be created out of the Commons: now the matter proceeded so far, that of ten Tribunes that then were, the other nine propounded this in plain terms for a law, That it might be in the people's power to choose both the Coss. (if they would) either out of Commons or Nobility. Mary, if that should come to pass, the Nobles thought indeed that the sovereign rule and authority, was not only made common with the basest sort, but also translated altogether from the great men andbest of the city, to the commonalty. Glad were the Senators therefore to hear say, that the people of Ardea, for the wrongful awarding away of their lands from them, were revolted: and that the Veientians had wasted the frontiers of the Romans: and that the Volscians and Aequians grudged and muttered for the fortifying of Verrugo. So much preferred they any war, miserable though it were and dangerous, before a shameful and dishonourable peace. Having heard therefore these news, and taken them in the worst manner: to the end that amidst the rumour and bruit of so many wars, the Tribunitian troublesome suits might stay and be dead for the time: they command musters to be taken, soldiers to be levied, all furniture of war, and all manner of force to be prepared, and (if it might be) with more indevor, than it had been when T. Quintius was Consul. Then C. Canuleius, after some hot words which he spoke aloud in the Senate, namely that the Consuls by frighting the Commons, went about but in vain, to avert them from the regard of their new laws: and that so long as he had any breath in his body, they should never go through with muster, unless the Commons had first ratified those things, which by him and his brethren had been propounded: forthwith assembled the people together. 
〈…〉  Thus at one instant the Consuls animated the Senate against the Tribune, and the Tribune incited the people against the Consuls. The Consuls gave it out plainly and said, that no longer now might these furious courses of the Tribunes be endured. Now were they come to the very height & extremity, and raised more war in effect, at home, than the enemies abroad. Which thing (no doubt) happened not so much through the fault of the Commons, as of the Nobles, nor of the Tribunes more, than of the Consuls. For look what thing was best rewarded in a city, the same always most increased: thus men in peace (we see) prove excellent, thus in war they come to be singular. In Rome (say they) seditions sped ever best, and have been reputed both to each one in particular, and to all in general most honourable. But let the Senate call to mind the dignity which they themselves had received from their fathers, & compare it with that which they were like to leave to their children and see, whether they may boast as the commonalty doth, how that their condition is much bettered and more glorious than before. Well, neither is there any end now, nor ever will be, so long as the authors of seditions be as highly advanced, asthe seditions themselves are prosperous and fortunate. See what matters and how great hath Canuletus attempted! He would bring in a minglemangle and conconfusion of kindreds and howls, a perturbation in the managing both of public and private affairs: that nothing might be sincere and entire, nothing pure and undefiled: that all difference and distinction being taken away, no man might know either himself or his. For what thing 〈◊〉 do these mixtures of states and degrees by marriages draw after them, without all order and discretion; but that like bruit beasts in a manner, Commons and Nobles may go and couple together? so that the children between them borne, shall not be able to tell of what blood he is descended, and to what religion he doth belong, being a apparel, as it were, the one half a Noble, the other a Commoner; and not well suiting and according with himself? They thought it not enough (belike) that all divine and human laws, were confused and shuffled together: for now these mutinous persons, these busy heads and troublers of the common people, address themselves to shoot at the Consulship. At first, they sounded in private speeches and secret 〈◊〉, only, how to compass, That one of the Consuls might be created out of the body of the Commons: but now they go roundly to work, and carry it before them: they are so bold to prefer laws (forsooth) that the people might make them both, either Nobles or Commons, at their good pleasure. Whereby (no doubt) they would make choice from out of the Commons, of the most seditious persons of all other. We shall have then the Canuleians and Icilians to be our Coss. But jupiter (that great good god) forbid, that ever the royal & imperial majesty, should come to that loweb or desperate pass: die they would a thousand deaths rather, than suffer so great a shame & indignity: knowing this assuredly, that their ancitours also, if they had once suspected or foreseen, that by granting the commonalty every thing as they desired, they would not have proved more bonair and buxom towards them, but rather more churlish & untractable: and when they had obtained their first suits, to proceed still to demand worse and worse, one thing after another: they would sooner have endured at the first, any contesting and debate whatsoever, than suffered those hard conditions to be imposed and put upon them: and because they had once relented, that Tribunes should be created, therefore to grant them again the second time. So that as now, there is no ho with them, nor end of quarrels will be none, so long as in one and the selfsame city, Tribunes and Senators remain together. Nay verily, either this state must be put down, or that office utterly adolished. And better late than never, to withstand and meet with their rash and desperate boldness. What? shall they without controlment, first sow discord at home, and then stir up sorreine wars abroad? and afterwards, against those wars which themselves have raised, debar and hinder the city, for to take arms and defend itself? and when as they, have as good as sent for the enemies to come to their doors, then, not suffer an army to be levied against them. But let Canuleius (if he dare) speak these words out in the Senate, That unless the Nobles suffer his laws, as if he were a Conqueror, to be admitted and received, he will stay the mustering? For what else is that, but to threaten that he will fallen and betray his country, and suffer it to be assailed and lost? What encouragement will such a word give as that, I say not, to the commonalty of Rome, but to the Volscians, Aequians and Veientians? Will not they hope, under the conduct of Canuleius, to be able to scale the Capitol and the castle, if so be the Tribunes shall take from the Nobility their courageous hearts, as they have bereft them already of their right, their honour and dignity? Let him know therefore, that the Consuls are ready, first to show themselves to be captains and leaders, against the mischievous practices of their own citizens, before they will make head against the armed forces of their enemies? lest these matters were debated of with great contention & heat in the Senate house, Canuleius for the maintenance of his laws, and to cross the Consuls, made this Oration unto the people. How greatly the Nobles have despised you, 
The Oration of Canuleius to the Commons, against the NoLilitie.  ●O Quirites, how unworthy they have ever thought you, to live among them within the walls of one city, me thinks I have, as often heretofore, so now especially & most of all perceived: in that they have risen up altogether so fiercely to check and withstand our proposed laws. Wherein, what pretend we else, but to tell them and put them in mind, That we are, as well as they, citizens: and although we are not of the same wealth, yet we inhabit the same country with them? In the one, we request marriage; a thing to borderers, yea and to foreign nations usually granted: and to speak of ourselves, we also have afforded even to our conquered enemies, the benefit of our city, which is far more than marriage. In the other, we move no new matter, but only claim again and challenge that, which is the people's right, to wit, that the people of Rome may bestow their offices and dignities, upon whom they please. What reason have they then, I pray you, to set all on an uproar, as if heaven and earth should go together? and what is the cause, that erewhile I had like to have had violence offered unto me in the Senate? What moved them to break out and say, they could not forbeate nor keep their hands from me, and threaten to abuse and violate the sacred authorities of the Tribunes? Set case that the people of Rome may have their free voices & suffrages, to elect the Consuls whom they will, and that no Commoner be denied, so he be worthy of the highest place, for to obtain the sovereign dignity. How then? cannot this city possibly stand any longer? and is our Empire come to an end for ever? And all one it is (belike) and importeth as much, to disable a Commoner, for being made Consul, as if a man inferred, that a bondman or a freed libertine should become Consul. Perceive you not yet (my Masters) in what contempt you live? They would, if they might, bereave you in some measure of this day light: that ye breath and speak, that ye have the shapes of men, they think much, they repine, and it goes to their heart. And what else? They give it out flatly and say (if God will) it is unlawful, that a Commoner should be a Consul. I beleech you hear me a little. If we may not be allowed to read the Chronicles, nor to peruse the Highpriests records and registers, know we not those things then, that even all strangers know? namely, That Consuls entered in place of kings, & succeeded them, and have no other right, pre-eminence or dignity at all, than kings had before? Think ye ' that men have never heard, that Numa Pompilius, a man not so much as a citizen of Rome, much less then, a Patrician and nobly descended among them, was sent for out of the Sabines country, and by the people's voices, and the assent of the Nobles, created king of Rome? Also, afterwards, how L. Tarqvinius, who was no Roman borne, no nor yet so much as an Italian, but the son of Demaraius the Corinthian, a stranger inhabitant at Tarquin's, and from thence removing, albeit king Ancus his sons were living, attained likewise to the crown? Moreover, how Servius Tullius after him, the son of a captive woman of Corniculum, whose father was unknown, whose mother abondwoman, through wit and virtue, obtained & held the kingdom? For what should I speak of T. Tatius the Sabine, whom Romulus himself, the father and founder of this city, admitted to reign together with him? Well, so long as no stock was disdained, no race rejected, wherein appeared sparks of virtue, the Roman Empire became mighty, and flourished. Scorn ye then at this day, a Consul out of the Commonalty, when our forefathers despised not kings that were aliens and strangers? No, nor when the kings were expelled, was this city denied and shut against foreigners, that were valorous, and men of action. The kindred and whole name (I am sure) of the Claudij, after the kings were exiled, we not only admitted into our city, from out of the Sabines, but also received into the number of the patricians and Noblemen. And may a mere foreigner indeed become a Nobleman, and so a Consul? And shall a citizen of Rome, if he be of the Commonalty, be wholly disabled and out of all hope for ever being Consul? Tell me I pray you, Think ye it not possible, that a valiant and hardy man, approved both in war and peace, being one of the Commons, may prove like to Numa, L. Tarqvinius, or Servius Tallius? and if he do, whether shall we suffer him to govern the Commonweal or no? And whether will ye have our Consuls, such rather as the Decemvirs (the most wretched and wicked persons under the sun, who, by your leave, were at that time of the Nobility) than strangers and new comers, which of all the Kings were simply the very best? But forsooth, presently after the KK, were deposed and expulsed, there was not one of them Com. a Consul. What of that? aught no new thing to be ordained, and which hath not been already taken up asore? For many things have not yet been practised, (as in a state newly incorporate) ought not such then to be put in use, if they be thought expedient? While Rómulus reigned, there were no Bishops nor Augurs: by Nyma Pompilius they were created. There was no Sessing of the people at all in the city, no description of Hundreds and Classes. By S. Tullius they were instituted. Coss. were never heard of before: when the KK. were driven out, they were elected. The time was, when neither the absolute rule nor yet the name of a Dictator was known. In our father's days it first began. Tribunes, Aediles, Questors there have been none: it was ordained they should be made. Within this ten years, we have both created and also abolished our of the commonweal, Decemvirs for the making and penning of our laws. And who doubteth, but in a city founded for ever to endure, and increasing still infinity, there will be brought in new governments, new priesthoods and sacerdotal dignities, new privileges both of kindreds and private persons? And even this one thing in question, to wit, that the Com. and Nobles might not join in marriage, were not the Decemvirs they that first within these few years made that Edict? A most shameful ensample and precedent in a free state, and tending to the manifest wrong of the Commons. Can there be any greater or more notorious injury, than that there should be in a city one part and member, as defiled and polluted, thought unworthy of the bond of marriage? What else is this, but to suffer exile and confining within the samewals, when they debar us that we should not be either allied in affinity or knit in kindred? They provide (forsooth) and take order that blood should not be mixed, nor families confused. How then? If this do pollute this great gentry of yours, which most of you descended from the Sabines & Albans, have not by right line from the patricians, but by cooptation and election into the number of the Nobles, as being chosen either by the favour and graceof the Kings, or else by the people's voices after the KK. were expelled: could not your wisdoms have kept your blood uncorrupt by some private means and provision: namely by taking heed neither to espouse wives from among the Commons, nor to suffer your daughters and sisters to be married to any other than Nobles? No commoner (ye might be sure) would have forced a daughter of any noble house: no, these insolencies of lascivious lust are appropriate to gentlemen only of the Nobility: none of us would have compelled any of you against his will, to make covenant and contract of matrimony. But y vis, that by an express law it should be forbidden, and that marriage between Nobles and Commons should be condemned, that is it, which to the commonalty is a plain contumely and open injury. And why confer ye not and lay your heads together, that the rich may not marry with poor? That, which at all times and in all places, hath been a matter left unto particular policy & consideration, namely, That into what house soever a woman cast a liking & fancy, there she might be married: and into what family a man obliged himself by word, promise and covenant, from thence he might take a wise: even that, restrain ye within the bonds of a most proud and tyrannical law: whereby ye might break in sunder all civil society, and of one city make twain. Why forbid ye not by a positive law, that a commoner should not dwell by a Nobleman, or go the same way that he doth, or frequent the same feast, or converse in the same market or common place of assembly? For in effect what difference is there, if a gentleman marry a commoners daughter, or a commoner espouse a gentlewoman? What right I pray you or condition of state is thereby changed? surely the children still take after the father. Neither seek we for any thing else by matching with you, but only this, that we may be reckoned in the number of men and of citizens. Neither is there any cause, why you should so contend and stand upon it (unless it do you good to cross and take a pleasure to exercise yourselves in working us disgrace and shame.) Finally I would gladly know whether the sovereign government of the state resteth in you or in the people of Rome? When the Kings were driven out, got you thereby to yourselves lordly sovereignty, or purchased all men equal liberty? It must needs be granted, that the people of Rome may at their pleasure publish and ordain a law. And will ye then as soon as any law whatsoever, is by them proposed, appoint a muster presently for their punishment? and as soon as I that am Tribune, shall begin to call the wards to give their voices, shall you that are Consuls, by and by swear all the younger sort, press them to warfare, lead them forth unto the field, and menace the Commons, menace I say, the Tribune also? What? If ye had not twice already good experience, how little these goodly threats of yours prevailed against the Com. when they agreed and stuck together, it were somewhat. Will ye say, that ye forbore to strive, ye tendered our good, and for pity spared us? Nay rather, to say a truth, was not this the cause that no sray was made, For that thestrongerside was also the more cool and modester of the twain? Neither (O Quirites) will there now, I warrant you, be any combat, nor blows dealt: they will always assay and found, what stomachs and hearts ye have, but never will they seel your fists, and try how keen your swords be. Therefore to these wars (be they falsely pretended, or truly indeed or reported) O ye Consuls, the Commons are ready priest to follow you: provided always, that by granting them liberty of mutual marriage, ye will make at length this city one: that they may be linked, joined and united unto you, by private alliance and affinity: that hardy and valiant men may have hope and possibility, to honours and dignities: that they may be allowed fellowship and society in the Commonweal: Finally, that (which is due unto equal liberty) they may one with another in alternative course, obey annual magistrates, and be obeyed again in their turns. If any of you shall gainsay and withstand these conditions, prate still and talk at your pleasure of wars: multiply and make them as many and as great as ye will. There is not one shall give his name, not one shall take arms, not one shall fight for those proud Lords, with whom they can have neither fellowship of dignity in the commonweal, nor alliance of marriage in private estate. Now when as the Consuls also were come forth into the open assembly of the people, and that they fell on all hands from continued and long orations, to short dispute and altercation: the Tribune demanded why a commoner might not attain to a Consulship? Unto whom the Consul returned an answer, as to the substance perhaps truly, so for the present contention not very wisely and to the purpose: Namely, because that no commoner had the Auspexes: which was the cause why the Decemvirs ordained distinct marriages, lest upon a doubtful and mingled issue, there should follow a troubled confusion of the Auspexes. But hereat, the Commons ston and stamped most of all: that as odious men unto the immortal gods, they were flatly denied and deemed unworthy to observe the flight and singing of birds. And never gave they over their heats of clamorous debate (whiles the Commons had gotten unto them a most sharp Tribune to set them a work, and were themselves in obstinacy no whit behind him) until at length the Nobles were overcome and driven to grant, that the law as touching marriage should pass: supposing by that means especially, that the other Tribunes would either clean give over their suit for making commoners Consuls, or at least wise put it off, until the war were ended: and that the Commons in the mean while being well pleased and contented with marriage among the Nobles, would be willing and ready to levy a muster. Canuleius for this his victory over the Nobles, and for the favours he got among the Commons, became a great & mighty man. Whereupon, the other Tribunes were kindled to the like combat: and for the proceeding of their law also, endeavoured with all their might and main. And albeit the rumour of the war increased daily more and more, yet they hinder the levy of soldiers. The Consuls seeing now that no decree and order could pass the Senate house, by reason that the Tribunes interposed their negative voice: took counsel together with the chief of the Nobility at home in their private houses. And well they saw that they must yield either the victory to their enemies, or the buckler to their own citizens. Of all the Senators that had been Coss. only Valerius and Horatius were not present at these counsels. C. Claudius his opinion was, That the Consuls should put themselves in arms against the Tribunes: But the two Quintij, Cincinnatus and Capitolinus, abhorred all bloodshed and violent proceedings against those, whom by a solemn covenant made with the Commons, they had received and accepted for to be as sacrosainct and unviolable. But in these counsels they grew to this point in the end, that they suffered military Tribunes of equal power with the Consuls, to be created indifferently from out of the Commons and Nobles: provided always, that as touching creation of the Consuls, there should be no alteration from the old manner asoretime. And wherewith were both Tribunes and Cómmons well satisfied and contented. A general assembly therefore was proclaimed for the choosing of three Tribunes in Consul's authority, which being once published: ford with as many as had spoken or done ought tending to sedition, and above all others those that had been Tribunes of the people, began in their whited robes to take hold of men and run too and fro about the common place labouring for this dignity. At the first, the Nobles partly in despair of obtaining the place (seeing the Commons to set a slote) partly for disdain and indignation to bear any honourable office jointly with them of so base condition, were scared and affrighted from standing therefore: at the last (but they were forced thereto first by the heads and the chief Lords of the Senate) they were content to be competitors and suitors for the dignity: lest they might seem to be fully excluded forth of the possession of the Commonweal, and leave it entirely for the Commons. The event and effect of this Court, showed plainly, that men's minds are otherwise affected in contending about liberty and dignity, than presently after such contentions laid away, they are in weighing and judging aright without passion and affection. For the people satisfied herewith, that there was some account made of the Commoners, and that they were not shut out, elected military Tribunes all of the Nobles. This modesty, this equity, this noble mind, where shall a man now adays find in one person, which then was to be seen in the whole people? In the three hundredth and tenth year after the city of Rome was founded, 
Military Tribunes first created, with Consuls, 〈…〉  were the first military Tribunes created, that bare office in the room of the Consuls, to wit, A. Simpronius Aratinus, L. Attilius, and C. Cecilius: in whose government, concord at home caused also peace abroad. There be writers, who affirm, That upon occasion of the Veientian war, and the rebellion of the Ardeates, because two Consuls were not able to manage so many wars at once, therefore were three military Tribunes chosen: without making any mention of the law published, concerning election of Consuls of the Commons: and that they were invested both in the jurisdiction, and also in the ornaments of the Consuls. Howbeit, the exercise of that government, stood not fast and sure, nor continued long. For within three months after that they entered, they forwent their office, by a decree of the Augurs, as if there had been some error in their creation. It was alleged that C. Curiatius, who was Precedent of that court of Election, had taken his quarters amisle for the observation of the lucky signs by flight of birds, and not according to the Augurs skill.  
There came from the Ardeates to Rome, Ambassadors, complaining of wrong received, in these terms: That if it might be redressed, and amends made, and their grounds restored, they seemed willing to abide still in league and amity. Answer was made them by the Senate, that the judgement of the people, already passed, could not be reversed by the Senate, if it were for nothing else but for concord sake and agreement of the States: besides, they had neither any precedent to lead them thereto, nor law and authority to warrant them. Marry, if the Ardeates would wait their times, and put to the Senate's arbitrement and discretion, the redress and casement of their injury pretended, it would come to pass, that in process of time they should not repent of governing their passions, and bridling their choler: and should well know, that the Nobles had a good regard, that there should no wrong be offered unto their friends, as they were careful, that if any were offered, it should not long continue. Thus the Ambassadors, promising, to make a true report, unto their citizens of the matter, wholly as it was: were friendly dismissed, and had their discharge.  
The Senators seeing now the Commonweal, without any sovereign magistrate of the chair and of State, went together, and made an Interregent: and whiles they strove whether Consuls or Tribunes should be created, the Interregent continued many days. The Interregent and the Senate laboured, that there should be an Election of Consuls: the Tribunes on the other side, and their Commonalty, were for the Tribunes Consular. But the Senators prevailed, because both the people seeing they were to confer the one office or the other, upon the Nobles, surceased to strive any more: and also the cheese of the Commons, chose rather to have that Election, wherein they should not be once propounded, than wherein they were sure to take the repulse, as unworthy. The Tribunes also gave over to contend any longer to no purpose, and without effect, seeming thereby somewhat to gratify and pleasure the LL. of the Senate. 
Consuls chosen again.  So T. Quintius Barbatus the Interregent, chose for Consuls L. Papyrius Mugilanus, and L. Sempronius Atratius. Whiles these were Consuls, the league with the Ardeates was renewed. And this is the only evidence and prose, that they were Consuls that year, for that neither in the ancient yearly records, nor in the calendars of the magistrates, they are found at all. I take it, because the military Tribunes were created in the beginning of that year: and therefore, although these Consuls were in their stead chosen, yet their names were left out, as if the other had remained in office the whole year.  
Licinius Macer affirmeth, that they are mentioned both in the composition with the Ardeates, and also in the linen books or registers in the church of juno Moneta. Albeit there had been so many terrors and bravadoes, threatened from the borderers, yet both abroad & at home, all was quiet. And whether Tribunes only, or Consuls also chosen in the room of Tribunes governed in this year; certain it is, that the next following, had Consuls M. Geganius Macerinus the second time, and T. Quintius Capitolinus the fifth time. This was the very year when the Censors office came up first. A thing that rose of a small beginning: which notwithstanding afterwards, increased to that height, that it had government of the manners and discipline of the Romans: and under the jurisdiction thereof, the Senate and Centuries of the order of knights, the distinction of worship and shameful disgrace, were reduced. Likewise, the survey of public and private Aedifices, yea, and the tributes, revenues & subsidies of the people of Rome were at the disposition, ordering, & discretion of that office. The beginning of which thing arose upon this occasion: For that the people in many years' space had not been assessed and numbered, and seeing the Cense could be deferred no longer, nor the Consuls (by reason of wars, from so many nations imminent) had leisure to go about and accomplish that business: the Senate therefore made a motion, that the charge being painful, and not for the majesty of Consuls to busy themselves in, required a special Magistrate, and a peculiar officer by itself. Under whom should attend the Secretaries and clerk: who likewise should the keeping and charge of the rolls and public records: and at whose discretion should pass the schedules & instruments of all Assessments. The Senators therefore accepted gladly of this ouverture, although it were but a trifling matter: yet because there should be the more Magistrates of the Nobility. Supposing (I ween) it would come to pass, as (it proved indeed) that shortly the power and wealth of those, who bore the office, should win more authority and credit unto the thing. Yea, and the Tribunes also made no great ado, but suffered it to pass, being an office (as it was in truth, no other at that time) rather of necessity and attendance, than of show, port, or honour: because they would not seem to be cross and peevish in every small matter. When as therefore this dignity was of the principal of the city refused, the people by their voices chose to that Office, Papyrius and Sempronius, of whose Consulship there was some doubt: to the end, that by that office they might supply and make up the defect and miss of a Consulship. 
Censor a first created.  And of the exercise and function itself, Censors were they called.  
Whiles these things were a doing at Rome, there came Ambassadors from Ardea, craving as well in regard of their most ancient amity, as also of the late league renewed, their helping hand for their city, well-nigh undone and overthrown. For, peace (which wisely and by right good advice they had kept and maintained with the people of Rome) they might not enjoy at home, by reason of inward debate and domestical quarrels. The cause and beginning whereof, as it is reported, arose from siding and factions, which have been and will be to most States more pernicious, than foreign wars, than famine or plague, or other adversities, which men at attribute to the anger and wrath of God, as the extremity of all public calamities whatsoever. There was a maiden, a Commoners daughter & no better, by birth, but for her rare beauty of singular note and passing renown: whom two young men were suitors unto. The one of the same condition or estate that the maiden was of, and who relied upon her guardians and tutors, who also were of that degree and calling: the other a gentleman, enamoured on her, only for her beauty. As for him, he had the good wills of the best in the city, by whose means the strife of partaking, entered even into the house of the damosel. For the Gentleman in the mother's judgement, was the more welcome and better liked of, whose desire was, that the maiden should be preferred by marriage, and be most worshipfully bestowed. The Guardians also banded themselves, and laboured for their party. But when as the matter might not be ended within doors, it came tovit in law. And when the reasons and allegations were heard, both ofth mother, and also of the Guardians, the judges pro having amongst those of their bend and faction, complained of that injurious award, with a troop of men by force, set the maiden out of the mother's house. Against whom arose a stronger power of the gentry, and followed the young Gentleman, who was incensed and set on fire upon this injury offered. Whereupon ensued a cruel fray. The Commons being defeated, went forth (there unlike to the Commons of Rome) armed as they were out of the city, and took for their hold a hill, and invaded the lands of the Nobles with fire and sword: and having gathered to them a multitude of Artisanes and handicrafts men, whom in hope of spoil they had called forth, they purpose and prepare to besiege the city also, which asoretime had been altogether unacquainted with the like stirs. In such sort, as no kind of calamity that followeth war, was wanting: as if the poor city had been tainted, infected, and poisoned with the furious madness of two brainsick young men, seeking a woeful and deadly marriage, with the utter ruin and destruction of their native country. And neither part thought it enough to war and fight at home among themselves. For the Nobles solicited the Romans for to rescue their besieged city: the Commons stirred up the Volscians, to help to force and sack the city. The Volscians under the conduct of Aequus Cluilius came first to Ardea, and against the walls of their enemies, raised a countermure, and cast a trench, and blocked the town round about. Which ridings being brought to Rome, forthwith M. Geganius Consul, went forth with an army, and encamped himself three miles from the enemies: and the day being now far spent & drawing toward night, he commandeth his soldiers to refresh and make much of themselves, and take their rest: and afterwards at the release of the fourth watch, he brought forth his ensigns, set his men to work, and sped his business once begun, so that by the sun rising, the Volsciansmight see themselves invested more straightly by the Romans, than the city beleaguered by them. And on another side the Consul had joined a sconce to the wall of Ardea, by which way his soldiers might go and come in safety. The captain of the Volscians, who had to that day prepared no victuals, but sustained his army only with the corn which he had for the present from day to day robbed by ●orraying the country, seeing himself entrenched, and of a sudden to be destitute of all things, called the Consul forth to emparle, saying. That if the Romans coming was to raise the siege he would remove and dislodge from thence. To which again the Consul made this reply, That vanquished men were to take, and not to make articles of conditions: neither should they, as they were come at their pleasure to assault the allies of the Romans, so depart again when they l●t to Volsci. He commandeth therefore to yield their General, to lay down their weapons, confessing themselves overcome, and to be at his devotion. Otherwise he would be a bitter and mortal enemy unto them, whether they departed or tarried still, and carry home to Rome the Victory of the Volscians, rather than their faithless peace. The Volscians, when they had assayed that small hope they had in their weapons (for all hope else was cut off) besides all other things that were cross unto them, encountered in a place of great disadvantage for fight, but worse for flight: and seeing themselves on every side beaten down and slain, turned from fight to entreating, delivered up their captain, yielded their weapons, were driven under the gallows, and in their single doublet and hose with great shame and calamity, were let go and sent away. And sitting them down to rest themselves, not far from the town Tusculum, the Tusculans upon an old grudge and hatred against them, set upon them thus disarmed and naked as they were at unawares, and were so meet with them, that scarcely there remained any one to carry news of their ill day and unfortunate overthrow. Then the Roman Cos. appeased the troubles at Ardea: beheaded the chief captains of that commotion, and confiscated their goods to the common chest and chamber of the Ardeates. And so by this great favour and benefit of the people of Rome, they supposed the injury of the former arbitrement was done away and recompensed. But yet the Senate of Rome, thought somewhat behind still for the canceling of the memorial of a public avarice. 
See the end of the former book.  The Consul returned, triumphing into the city, leading Cluilius the captain of the Volscians before his chariot, with the spoil borne afore him of the enemies, whom he had disarmed, and brought under the yoke. Quintius the Consul again for his part, in his long rob and gown of peace, countervailed (a thing not usually seen) the glory of his Colleague in his bright armout: who had so great regard at home to entertain concord and peace among the citizens, by ministering justice indifferently, as well to the highest as the lowest, that the Senators reputed him a severe Consul, and the Commons accounted him as meek and gentle a person. And more he won at the Tribunes hands by countenance and reputation, than by contention and debate. His five Consulships wherein he carried himself after one and the selfsame manner and order: the course of his whole life, ever Consull-like, caused his person to be in a manner more reverenced than his honourable place. By this means, whiles these were Consuls, no words were made of military Tribunes. Then created they for Consuls M. Fabius Vibulanus, and Posthumius Ebutius Cornicen. These Consuls, by how much greater & more glorious the acts both at home and abroad, were achieved by those, whom they saw they were to succeed (and surely that year was right memorable among the borderers, as well allies as enemies, and namely, because the Ardeates in so hard distress, were by them succoured) so much the more earnestly endeavoured for their part, to raze out of men's minds the infamy of that judgement aforesaid, and made an Act and decree of the Senate in this form, THAT FOR AS MUCH AS THE CITY OF THE ARDEATES, BY REASON OF CIVILETROUBLES, WAS DISPEOPLED AND BROUGHT TO A SMALL NUMBER OF CITIZENS, THERE SHOULD BE ENROLLED CERTAIN INHABITANTS TO BE SENT THITHER FOR A GARRISON, AND DEFENCE AGAINST THE VOLSCIANS. This was openly engrossed in public Tables, and Instruments, for a policy, that their secret intent and purpose of reversing and disannulling the arbitrement, might not be perceived by the Tribunes and the Commons. But they closely complotted, that when they had enroled a far greater number of Rutilians than of Romans, for to inhabit Ardea, neither, should any other lands be divided, but those which by that infamous and unhonest award were intercepted: nor that one foot or clot of ground should be assigned to any other Roman, before the whole lands were parted among all the Rutilians. Thus the domain that had been in question, returned again to the Ardeates. The Triumvirs for the conveying of a Colony to Ardea, were created these, Agrippa Menenius, T. Claelius Sicul us, and M. Ebuties Helua. Who, besides that, they offended the Commons by their ready service, and nothing popular, in regard, that they assigned and set out to their allies, that land which the people of Rome judged their own, were not well thought of neither, by the chief of the Nobility: because in the execution of their charge, they did nothing of affection, and for favour. Howbeit they avoided all troubles and dangers that were toward them (albeit they were accused by the Tribunes before the people.) For when they had registered and placed the Coloners, they remained still themselves in the same Colony, which they had as witness of their innocency, and just dealing.  
In this year and the year following, when Caius Farius Pacilius and Marcus Papyrius Crasius were Consuls, there was peace at home and abroad. The plays which had been vowed by the Decemvirs, according to the senates decree, during the time of the Commons insurrection and departure from the Nobles, were this year set forth. Petilius sought for some occasion of sedition, but in vain. Who being made Tribune the second time, albeit he harped still upon one string, and threatened the self same things that he had before, yet he could not bring about, that the Consuls should propose unto the Senate, concerning the division of lands among the Commons: and when as with great ado he had obtained thus much, that the Senators should be moved and their opinions asked, whether they would have an election of Consuls or Tribunes (consular:) determined it was at length, that Consuls should be chosen. So, that the menaces of the Tribune, that he would hinder the muster, was a ridiculous matter of game: seeing that when the borders were at quiet, there was no need either of war or preparation for war. After this great quietness of the state, followeth a year (wherein Proculus Geganius Macerinus, and L. Menenius Lanatus were Consuls) for sundry calamities and perils memorable: namely Seditions, Famine, and hazard of receiving upon their necks the yoke of King's rule again, and that, by the sweetness of a Largesse. There wanted only foreign war: wherewith if the commonweal had been afflicted too, hardly could the help of all the gods above, have recovered the State. These calamities began with hunger. But whether it were, for that the year was unreasonable for corn, or that they were so droned of the plausible & seditious orations, and of the city itself, that they sorelet and neglected the Tillage of their ground, it is uncertain. For both the one and the other is reported. The Lords of the Senate blamed the idleness of the Commons: and the Tribunes of the Commons laid the weight, one while upon the fraud and naughtiness, another while upon the negligence & remissness of the Consuls. At the last, the commoners enforced and drove the people (but not against the will of the Senate) to choose L. Minutius Master of the provision or principal purveiour of come and victuals: a man who in that office proved more lucky to preserve the liberty of the city, than happy in the exercise or ministery of his charge: albeit at the latter end, he deserved and had, both praise and thank, for bringing down the price of come. Who, notwithstanding many embassages sent both by sea and land to the neighbour nations round about, and all to little purpose (but that out of Hetruria there was brought some little sprinkling of corn) nothing eased and mended the Market: and therefore he turned again to the dispensing or dealing the present dearth indifferently among all, by forcing every man to confess what corn he had, to open his garners, to bring it forth, to vent and fell that, which he had more than would serve a month. But when by this practice, and by defrauding servants a portion of their daily food, and by accusing the come-mungers and exposing them to the furious ire of the people, he had with all his hard courses and sharp inquisitions rather laid open than eased the present need and necessity: many of the common people despairing of all hope, rather than they would live thus miserably tormented, pining and wearing away in hunger, covered their heads, and threw themselves headlong into Tiber. Then Sp. Melius, by calling a knight or gentleman of Rome, a man (as in those days) exceeding rich, enterprised a thing, commodious I must needs say, but a dishonest precedent of dangerous consequence, and proceeding of a worse mind and intent of his. For having with his own money bought up the come out of Hetruria by the means of his friends and vassals, whose ministery he used: which thing (I believe verily) was an hindrance that all the public care and providence, took small effect, and nothing helped the general want and scarcity, he devised to bring up a free dole and distribution of come: and to the end that when he had once by this benefit and liberality won the hearts of the Commons, than he might, what way soever he went carrying a port and majesty with him above the degree of a private person, draw after him a train of the people, promising him by their favour of support, undoubted and assured hope of a Consulship. But himself (as man's nature is unsatiable) not content herewith, aspired to higher matters than fortune promised him, and those unlawful, and beyond his reach. And for as much as even the very Consulship was to be wrested from the Nobles against their wills, he plotted to make himself a King, and thought that, the only guerdon due for so deep reaches and designs, and worthy that great contention and bickerment which lie was to abide with much toil and sweat of brows. Now drew the Election on a pace for Consuls, which thing prevented him afore he had brought his devises to full ripeness and perfection. Consul was created L. Quintius Capitolinus the sixth time, a man most unfit for his turn, that should go about innovations and to change the state: & with him was joined Agrippa Menenius, surnamed Lanatus. And L. Minutius was either made again the master victualler, or else created he was at first without limitation of time, to continue so long as the case should require. For there is no certainty thereof, but only the name of Corn-master, recorded both years in the linen Books or Registers among other magistrates. This Minutius was vigilant, and as careful for the commonweal, as Melius for his private wealth: and upon occasion that men of the same quality, to wit, the Commons, were conversant in both houses, namely in his own and in the house of Melius, he came to the knowledge by their means, of Melius his treason: and declared unto the Senate the whole complot. Namely, That there was armour and weapons good store, carried into the house of Melius: that he kept conventicles there, & made seditious Orations, and that it was passed all peradventure that he practised to be King. As for the time of working the feat and to put it into action, as yet it was not determined & certainly known: all other things were already agreed upon. Item that the Tribunes were bribed and hired to sell and betray the liberty of the city: That to certain chieftains of the multitude divers charges were appointed. And herewithal, he excused himself (and said) That because he would not be reputed the author of any uncertain or vain intelligence, he uttered these matters somewhat with the latest, and later well near, than might stand with the common safety of the Weal public. Which news after they were heard, and that on every side the chief Senators had given both the Coss. of the former year a check, for that they had suffered those Largesses of corn, and tolerated meetings of the Commons in a private house: and rebuked the new Consuls also, for that they had stayed so long and waited till a matter of so great importance was by the corn-master detected and declared unto the Senate, which required a Cos. to be not only the enformer, but also the reformer: Then T. Quintius answered, That the Consuls were blamed without just cause, who being bridled with the laws of appealing, tending to the great prejudice and disannulling of their sovereign government, had not commission sufficient by virtue of their place, to punish the thing according to the heinousness and quality thereof, as they had courage and heart thereto: and that there was need now, not only of a valiant and stout man, but also of one that was freed from all bonds of laws and tied to none. And therefore he would name L. Quintius for Dictator: in whom there was courage answerable to to that absolute authority. When all men liked well thereof: Quintius himself at the first refused: demanding what they meant, to object and expose him, an unwieldy man and so far stepped in years, to so great a trouble, and manifest danger. Afterwards, when as they replied on all hands, and alleged how in that heart of his for all his age there was more valour, and in his head more policy than in all men besides; heaping on him right due and deserved praises, and commendations; and whilst the Consul also importuned him still and gave not over: then Cincinatus, after he had prayed to the Gods immortal, that his decrepit old age in so fearful a case, might not turn either to the loss or dishonour of the commonwealth, was by the Consul pronounced Dictator. And he forthwith nominated C. Servilius Hala General of the horsemen. The morrow after, when he had set and disposed certain guards, in divers places of the city, and was come down into the Common place: the common people wondering at the strangeness of the matter, had their eyes upon him: and the adherents and complices of Melius, and he himself their captain, saw well that the force and power of this so great a magistrate was bend against them. But they that were not acquainted with those plots and designs that tended to the setting up of a king, asked one another, what tumult or sudden war, should require either a dictators majesty, or that Quintius after sourscore years of age, should be the only Ruler of the city. With that, Servilius the General of the horsemen was by the Dictator sent to Melius: Who said unto him, The Dictator calleth thee. Whereat he being afraid, asked again, What he would? and Servilius said, That he was to make his answer and purgation, of a crime that Minutius had informed against him, before the Senate. Then Melius began to retire himself back into the rout of his followers, and looking about at the first, shrunk only away from him, and refused to obey. At the last, the Apparitor at the General of the horsemen's commandment, began to force him to go with him: but he being rescued by the standers by, found his feet and began to fly, & be sought the aid of the commonalty of Rome: saying, That the faction of the Nobles conspired his overthrow, and persecuted him for the good he had done unto the Commons, and for his liberality bestowed upon them: beseeching them to help him in that extremity, and not to suffer him to be murdered afore their face and in their very fight. As he spoke these words, Hala Servilius overtook him, and killed him outright: and being spreint with his blood thus stain, and guarded with a crew of tall gentlemen of the Nobility, he bringeth word to the Dictator, how Melius being cited to come unto him, put back the Apparitor, and raised the multitude: and now had suffered due punishments for his deserts. Then (quoth the Dictator) On forth in this valour and virtue of thine, o C. Servilius, thou deservest great praise, and hast delivered the commonwealth this day from Tyranny. Then as the multitude murmured and made a stir upon some doubt, what they should think of the fact, and what might be the occasion thereof; he commanded them to assemble together, and openly avowed the deed, and pronounced that Melius was justly slain: 
The Oration of Quintius the Dictator's, to the people of Rome.  yea, albeit he had been clear from seeking to be king: for that, being summoned and convented before the Dictator, and that by the General of the horsemen, he refused and came not: for myself (quoth he) was set judicially to examine and inquire of the cause: & upon the trial thereof, Melius should have sped no worse than his cause deserved: but because he went about by violence to withdraw himself from judgement, by violence therefore was he restrained. Neither was he to be proceeded against as a citizen, who being borne in a free state, where justice & law were in force: and in that city, whereout he was not ignorant that the K.K. were sometimes expelled: and where in one & the same year, Collatinus sisters sons, and the sons of that Cos. that was deliverer of his country, detected of a complot and conspiracy of receiving again into the city the KK. blood, were by their own father beheaded: out of which city, Tarqvinius Collatinus Cos. for the detestation only of the name being commanded to give up his office, suffered exile: in which city, many years after Sp. Cassius for practising and plotting only to be King, suffered condign punishment: wherein also of late time, the Decemvirs, for a tyrannical pride, were deprived of their goods, banished their country, and bearest of their lives. That in the same city (I say) Sp. Melius should conceive any hope of reaching to a kingdom? And a man (I pray you) of what quality and condition? And yet, no gentility of birth, no dignities nor deserts serts were sufficient to make way to any for lordly rule and tyranny. 
* 〈…〉  Howbeit, the Claudij and Cassis, by reason of the Consulships and Decemvirships of their own, by reason of the honourable estate and reputation of their ancestors, & the worship and glory of their lineage, took upon them, became haughty and proud, and aspired to that, whereunto Sp. Melius had no such means to induce him: who might have sit him down, well enough, and rather wished and prayed to God, than hoped once for so much, as a Tribuneship of the Commons. And supposed he, being but a rich corne-mudgin, that with a quart (or measure of come of two pounds) he had bought the freedom of his fellow citizens? or thought he by casting morsels of bread and victuals asore the common sort, that the victorious people, conquerors of all nations about them, might be alured into thraldom? & whom the city could hardly brook to be a Senator, him they should endure their King, to have the regal ensigns and the government of Romulus, the first founder of the city, descended first from the gods, and to them ascended up again; why, it was a thing not so wicked as monstrous. Neither was this act sufficiently satisfied for, with the shedding of his blood, unless the house and walls, within which so horrible madness was conceived and forged, were cast down & razed: and unless these goods, which were tainted & infected with the prices and hire that should have purchased the kingdom, were forfeit and confiscate. He commanded therefore the Questors, to sell those goods, & to bring the money into the common Treasury. And then he caused forthwith his dwelling house to be overthrown and made even with the ground, that the plot or flower thereof, might be a monument of a wicked attempt, smothered and stifled in the very hope and hatching thereof. This is the place which was called afterwards Aequimelium. As for L. Minutius he had an ox with guilded horns given him for an honour and reward, without the gate Trigemina. The Commons therewith were not miscontented, for that to them he divided Melius his corn, at the price of one 
* 〈…〉  Ass a 
* 〈…〉  Modius. Among some authors I find, that this Minutius forsook the Nobles and went to the Commons, and was taken in to be the eleventh Tribune of the Commons, and appeased the mutiny that arose upon Melius his death. But it was not like that the Senators suffered the number of the Tribunes to be increased: and especially, that such an example should be given and taken up by a man of their coat: or that the commonalty would not keep it still, if it had been once allowed, or at least wise attempt it again. But above all, this confuteth & reproveth the false title of Tribune set upon his image, for that a few years before, it was by a statute expressly provided, That Tribunes might not choose and take untothem a colleague in office. Q. Cecilius, and Q. junius, and Sextus Titinius were the only men of all the college of Tribunes, that propounded not the law for the honour of Minutius: but rather accused unto the Commons, both Minutius and Servilius, and ceased not to make complaint of the cruel and unworthy death of Melius: and in fine prevailed so much, that there should be an Election for Military Tribunes rather than for Consuls: nothing doubting, but it six were chosen (for so many at that time might be created) some of the Commons also, by promising to revenge the death of Melius, might step in and be elected. The Commons for all they were tossed that year with many and sundry troubles, chose no more than three Tribunes with Consul's authority; and among them, L. Quintius the son of Cincinnatus: Upon the hard conceit and hatred of whose Dictatorship past, they thought to pick some occasion ofquarrell and tumult: and Mamercus Aemylius, a man of great credit and reputation, was by voices preferred afore Quintius, and obtained the first place. And L. julius they created for the third.  
Whiles these bare sovereign rule, Fidene the Colony of the Romans, revolted to Lar Tolumnius, the king of the Veientians, and to the State of the Veientians. And besides their revolting, a more horrible fact they committed. 
〈…〉  For at the commandment of Tolumnius, they slew C. Falcinius, & C. julius, Sp. Nautius, & L. Roscius the Roman Ambassadors, who came to demand the cause of this their change and sudden alteration. Some here do excuse and elevate the act of the king, saying, that upon a lucky cast of dice he uttered a doubtful speech, which was by the Fidenatians so taken, as though he seemed to bid the Ambassadors to be killed, and that (sorsooth) was the occasion of murdering the Ambassadors (a thing incredible, that at the coming in of the Fidenatians, his new allies, who were to consult with him and ask his advice, about a murder that should break the law of Nations, his mind should not be turned away from earnest studying about his game) and so this heinous fact proveth to be but an error. More credible it is, that he had a further meaning and deeper reach: namely, that the people of the Fidenatians A should be bound unto him, and only rely upon him, being attaint with the guiltiness of so soul a murder, and not to look and hope for any mercy or meed at the Romans hands. The Statues of these Ambassadors which were at Fidene murdered, were set up openly at the charges of the city in the Rostra. [A public cross (as it were) or pulpit in Rome, out of which the Magistrates made Orations to the people, beautified with the beakheads-of ships and their brazen pikes, called Rostra.] Thus was there like to be a cruel conflict with the Veientians, & Fidenates. Who besides that they were people confining on their frontiers, had also in the beginning of their war given so wicked & horrible a cause of quarrel. Therefore when as the common people and their Tribunes, in regard of the care for the public State, were at quiet; there was no question, but that M. Geganius Macerinus the third time, and L. Sergius Fidenas (named (I suppose) so, upon the war which afterwards under his conduct was fought) should be created Consuls. For this man first encountered with the king of the Veientians on this side 
* A river now called Teveron.  Anio, & got the victory: but not without much bloodshed of the Romans. So that the grief was greater for the loss of his own soldiers, than the joy for the discomfiture of his enemies. And the Senate, as in all fearful times and dangerous occurrents, ordained Mamercus Aemylius to be created Dictator. Who, out of the brotherhood of Tribunes military in Consul's authority, the year before, named for the General of his horsemen, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, who had been a Tribune with him, a toward young Gentleman, and a worthy son of so worthy a father. To those soldiers that were by the Consul mustered and levied, were the old Centurions, experienced and skilful warriors, adjoined: and the number of those, which in that last battle were slain, was supplied. The Dictator commanded to follow him as Lieutenants, Quintius Capitolinus, and M. Fabius Vibulanus. This greater power and authority, and the man likewise nothing thereto inferior, drove the enemies out of the Roman ground, & set them farther off, even beyond Anio. Who removing their camp still backward, seized upon the hills between Fidene and Anio: neither durst they come down from thence into the open plains, before that the Legions of the Falisci came to succour. Then at length, the Tuscans encamped themselves under the walls of Fidene. And the Roman Dictator likewise rested and abode upon the banks of the Confluent (where both rivers run into one) and flanked himself there by. And when he had cast up a trench & rampire affront, reaching across from the one river to the other, the morrow after he brought his power forth, & set them in order of battle. The enemies were of sundry minds. The Faliscians', who hardly could away long soldiery far from home, and trusting withal in their own selves, that they were good enough, required battle. The Veientians and Fidenates had more hope in drawing out the war on length. Tolumnius, albeit the advise of his own men liked him better, yet because the Faliscians' should not endure linger warfare, sendeth a trumpet, and proclaimeth battle against the morrow. The Dictator and the Romans, for that the enemies for the present, shifted off fight, took more heart unto them: and on the next morning, when as now the soldiers gave out brave words, and menaced, That unless they might have battle, they would assault both the camp and the town: the armies of both parts came forth into the midst of the plain, between the two camps. The Veientians, as being more in number and having to spare, sent couvertly out certain companies to fetch a compass behind the hills, who in the time of the conflict should set upon the Roman camp. And in this order stood the main army of three nations together embattled. The Veientians kept the right point, the Faliscians' the left, and the Fidenates the middle of the battle. The Dictator in the right point advanced his standard against the Faliscians', and on the left Capitolinus Quintius charged the Veientians: and against the main battle between both, marched the Colonel of the cavalry, with his cornets of horse. Thus as they stood araunged in battle array, for a pretty while was there silence on either side, and all quiet. For neither would the Tuscans begin first, unless they were urged: and the Dictator looked eftsoons backward toward the Capitol of Rome, that the Augurs should set up a signal aloft (as it was agreed between them) so soon as the flight of fowls gave approbation accordingly: which he no sooner espied, but he put out presently the men of arms, with a great shout against the enemies. The army of the footmen followed hard after in the tail, and seconded them with a lusty charge. But on no hand were the Tuscan legions able to abide the force of the Romans. The cavalry stood hardest to it, and made head still. For the king himself, the best horseman and most valiant of them all, when as on every side his enemies charged & pressed sore upon him, rode affront them, held out and maintained fight. There chanced then to be among the Roman horsemen, a Tribune or Martial, one A. Cornelius Cossus, a goodly tall man of body, and as valiant and strong withal. Who set before his eyes the noble house from whence he was descended, and carried this mind, as it was right honourable already by his ancestors, left him so to recommend the same to his posterity more glorious & renowned. This man seeing the troops of Romans, waving to and fro, for fear of the violence of Tolumnius, which way soever he bent and turned; and knowing him by his rich and royal furniture, wherein he bore himself like a brave knight, riding all over the battle. Is this (quoth he) the forswome breaker of human league, is this he that hath violated the laws of arms, and of Nations. Now will I presently, if it be Gods will that anything in the world shall remain wholly and inviolate, be his priest, I will sacrifice & betake him to the ghosts of our Ambassadors deceased. Herewith, setting spurs to his horse, with bend spear in rest, he road full against that one enemy, singled from the rest; smote him, & dismounted him from his horse. Then bearing upon his staff, alight presently on foot, & as the king was getting up again, he overthrew him backward with the boss of his target, and laid him streaking along, and after many wounds given him, at length fastened him with his spear to the very ground. And when as he was once dead, he disarmed and despoiled him, and strake off his head: and carrying it aloft on his lance, presented a fearful spectacle to the enemies of their king slain, and so discomfited them. Thus was the strength of the horsemen defeated also, which only had made the battle doubtful. The Dictator having put likewise the legions of footmen to flight, pursued them still, and drove them to their fort, killing them all the way in the chase. Many of the Fidenates which knew the coasts of the country, fled into the mountains, and escaped. Cossus with his horsemen passed over Tiber, and brought home into the city a great booty out of the country of the Veientians. As this battle was in fight, there was a skirmish also in the Roman camp, with that part of the forces, which (as it is aforesaid) was sent by Tolumnius to surprise it. Fabius Vibulanus first defended the rampire, ordering his men all withinforth, in compass like a garland: and while the enemies were wholly bend about the assault, he with the Triarij or soldiers of the rearward, suddenly issued forth at the gate, called Principalis, on the right hand, and gave an hot charge upon them. Upon which they were affrighted, but there ensued the less slaughter, because the number was smaller. Howbeit, they fled no less in disarray, than those in the very battle. Thus the Dictator having prosperous success every where, returned with triumph into the city, by the decree of the Senate, and grant of the people. In which triumph the greatest show and goodliest sight of all, was Cossus, bearing the rich and royal spoils of the king, slain by his own hand. For of him the soldiers chanted divers rude ballads without rhyme and metre, comparing him in their songs with Romulus. Which spoils, with a solemn manner of dedication, he bestowed and hung up in the temple of jupiter Feretrius, near unto those of Romulus, which were the first and only spoils, until that time, called Opima Spolia. And as he went, he withdrew from the Dictator's chariot, the eyes of all the people unto himself, and he in manner alone, carried away the magnificence and glory of that festival day. The Dictator by order from the people, presented in the Capitol for the honour of jupiter, a golden crown, weighing one 
* 16 lib. sterl in angel gold.  pound weight, raised out of the common money of the city.  
Thus have I set down (as following all other writers before me) that Aulus Cornelius Cossus, a Colonel or Martial, brought into the temple of jupiter Feretrius, the second royal spoils. Howbeit, over and besides, that those spoils only are by right accounted Opima, or royal, which a General hath taken from a General, and we acknowledge none for General, but him under whose conduct and high Commission a war is managed, the very title also written upon the spoils, doth check and reprove both them and me. The words whereof are these, THAT COSSUS BEING CONSUL, WAN THOSE SPOILS. When I once heard say, that Augustus Caesar himself, the founder or repairer of all temples, entered into the house of jupiter Feretrius, which he re-edified, being by injury of long time fallen to decay, and read it so written in a linen jack or curaze: I thought it little better than sacrilege, to discredit and cancel the testimony of Cossus himself concerning his own spoils, and of Augustus Caesar, the benefactor of that very temple. Which error, if it grow hereon, That so ancient records and Chronicles, and that the books of the Magistrates, which being of linen, and laid up in the temple of Moneta, Macer Licinius doth eftsoons quote and cite as his authors, do represent unto us A. Cornelius Cossus, the seventh year after Consul, with Titus Quintius Pennus: let every man abound in his own sense, and have his opinion by himself freely. For more than all this may be alleged to prove, that so famous battle could not be transferred to that year: because that for three years space about the Consulship of Cossus, there was no war at all, in a manner, by reason of pestilence, and dearth of corn: so as some records, as it were, mourning, and bewraying the calamity of the time, deliver unto us nothing but the bare names of the Consuls. In the third year, after that Cossus was Consul, he was Military Tribune in Consul's authority, and in the same year General of the horsemen also: in which government he fought another notable battle with horsemen. But hereof a man may conjecture and guess what he will. But (as I think) we may toss these things of small importance, to and fro, according to every man's opinion: and when all is done, the author of this battle his own self, having set up these fresh and new spoils in a holy place, in the sight of jupiter himself standing thereby, to whom they were vowed, and Romulus also, two witnesses, not to be despised nor abused with a false title, hath written himself, A. CORNELIUS COSSUS CONSVIL.  
When Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis and Papyrius Crassus were Consuls, the armies were led forth; the one into the Veientians country, and the other into the Faliscians', and booties both of people and cat-tail were from thence driven and carried away. As for the enemies themselves, no where in the country were they to be seen, nor any battle was fought: and yet for all that, the towns were not assaulted, because the people at home died of the pestilence. And within the city, Sp. Melius Tribune of the Commons sought occasions and pretences to move seditions, but without effect. Who supposing by the popular favour of his name to prevail and raise some mutiny, both arrested Minutius to make his answer, and also put up a bill for the confiscation of the goods of Servilius Hala: laying hard to Minutius his charge, that Melius was falsely accused and circumvented by him: and burdening Servilius with the murdering of a citizen uncondemned. All these surmises were with the people of less credit and importance, than the author himself. But the violence of the sickness still increasing more and more, troubled them: besides the fearful and strange prodigious tokens: but especially, the fresh news that divers houses in the country were by many earthquakes cast down. Whereupon the people went in solemn procession and made their supplications, whiles the Duumvir going afore pronounced the prayers, and the people said after him word for word. But the year following, when C. julius the second time, and L. Virginius were Consuls, was more contagious by reason of the plague, and caused both in town and country, so great a fear of utter desolation, that not only there were none set forth in any roads without the territory of Rome to raise booties, whiles the Nobility and Commons had no mind of making war: but the Fidenates also of their own accord, who before time had kept themselves either within their owns, or mountains, or fortresses, entered now into the lands about Rome, and forraied all the country. After this, having gotten also unto them a power of the Veientians (for the Faliscians' could not be induced either by the calamity of the romans, or prayers of their confederates, to take arms again) these two nations passed over Anio, and not far from the gate Collina displayed their ensigns. So the fear was no less within the city than in the country. Then julius the Consul bringeth the forces abroad, and placeth them upon the rampire and the walls: whiles Virginius assembled the Senate in the temple of Quirinus, for to ask their opinion. Where agreed it was, to create for Dictator, A. Servilius, surnamed (as some say) Priscus, or as other, Structus. Virginius making no longer stay than until he had consulted with his colleague, by his permission declared the Dictator in the night season. And he nominated for his General of the cavalry, Posthumius Ebutius Helua. The Dictator commanded every man to be ready without the gate Collina, by the break of day: and so many as were able to bear arms were in a readiness. The standards and ensigns were taken forth of the treasury or chamber of the city & brought to the Dictator. Whiles these things were in doing, the enemies were retired and with drawn to the higher grounds and places of advantage: and thither marched the Dictator, with his army in order of battle. And encountering with them not far from Nomentum, he discomfited the legions of the Tuscans, and drove them into the town of Fidenae, and cast a trench about it. But neither could the town be scaled for the high site thereof and the strong walls about it; and to lay siege unto it might not avail: for that they had come not only to suffice the ordinary need of men besieged, but also plenty to spare, of their old store and provision gathered aforehand. Thus the dictator being without all hope both of winning it by assault, and also of forcing them to yield by composition, purposed in certain places for the nearness to him well known, at the backside of the city which was slenderly guarded, most neglected, and for the natural situation the surest, to undermine unto the castle. And he himself in places farthest off from thence, approached close under the walls, 
〈…〉  with his army divided into four parts, to succeed one another by turns in order: and so, by continual skirmishing day and night, he kept the enemies at a bay & withdrew them from all perceiving and intelligence of the work under ground: until such time as by digging through the hill from the camp, there was a way and passage made strait up into the castle. And when as the Tuscans were wholly amused upon the vain threatenings, and bravadoes of their enemies before them, nothing minding the present danger wherein they stood: behold, the alarm of their enemies even over their heads, made an ascrie, that the town was taken. In this year Cn. Furius Pacilius and M. Geganius Macerinus, Censors, appointed and dedicated the Large Hall, 
Villa Publica.  named Villa Publica in Mars field: and there first by them was held the Sessing and numbering of the people. I find in Macer Licinius, that in the year following, the same Consuls were made again, namely julius the third time, and Virginius the second time. But Valerius Antias and Q. Tubero, do name M. Manlius and Q. Sulpitius for the Consuls that year. Howbeit in so different a report, both Tubero and Macer profess that they followed the linen Records: and neither of them both conceal, that which the ancient writers have set down, namely, That the same year were Tribunes military, in Consul's authority. Licinius without doubt is addicted to those linen Registers, & Tubero is uncertain of the truth. But among other antiquities, not known by reason of long time, this also is left in doubt and not cleared.  
After the winning of Fidene, great was the fear in Hetruria: whilst not only the Veientians were scared, fearing the like destruction: but the Falisci also, remembering the war begon first with them, 
A General Diet 〈…〉  albeit they were not assistant in their rebellion. When as therefore these two States had sent their ambassadors abroad to the twelve Cities about them, and obtained a Diet or general parliament of all Hetruria should be assembled at the temple of 
* ●spand●  Votumna: the Senate, as if some great troubles were like thereof presently to ensue, thought good that Mamercus Atmilius, should be created dictator ●he second time. By whom, A. Posthumius Tubero was named General of the horsemen. And with so much greater endeavour made they preparation of arms than in the last war afore, by how much more danger there was from all Hetruria banded together, than had been from two nations combined & no more. But this business was much more quieter than all men looked for. When as therefore news came by merchants, that the Veientians were flatly denied help, and bidden to end that war by their own means and forces, which they had begun on their own heads: nor seek to embark them in the association of their misery and adversity, unto whom they had not imparted their mind and hope in their upright state, and when they were in their ruff: then the dictator, to the end he should not seem to be created in vain, seeing all matter of acquiring renown by war was cut off, desirous yet in time of peace, to do some notable piece of work for a monument, setteth in hand to abate and diminish the Censorship: either supposing it to be too high an office, or else offended not so much with the greatness of the honour, as with the continuance and length thereof. Having therefore assembled all the people together: 
The Oration of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the people.  For as much as the immortal Gods (quoth he) have undertaken to govern the commonweal abroad, and performed all safe and sure: I for my part concerning that which is to be done at home within the walls, will take order and provide for the freedom of the people of Rome. The greatest preservation and defence whereof, resteth in this, when offices of great command are not long enduring: but when they be limited by term of time which may not be restrained or gauged in jurisdiction. As for other magistracies they are from year to year: but this of the Censors continuing five years, is very heavy and grievous. And hard it is for men to live so many years, even a great part of their life, in danger of the same rules still. Minded therefore I am, to propose a law, That the Censorship continue no longer than one year and six months. 
The office of 〈◊〉 reduced from the term of five years, ● one and an half.  with great applause and consent of the people, the next day after, he both published the law and enacted it. And now that ye may (qd. he) o Quirites, know in very deed, how I mislike of these long lasting offices, here presently I render up my Dictatorship. Thus having given over his own place, set a limitation to the rule of others, and absolutely ended one, with exceeding congratulation and favour of the people he was brought home to his house. The Censors taking it grievously that Mamercus had abridged an office of the people of Rome, displaced him from his own tribe, laying on him an eightfold tax in the subsidy book, disfranchised and disabled him from giving his voice, and made him no better than a Tributary. Which disgrace (they say) he took with a noble stomach, 
Mamercus Armilius distr. 〈◊〉 and made 〈◊〉  looking rather to the cause of this shameful note, than to the ignominy itself. Moreover the Lords of the Senate, albeit they were willing enough that the Censorship nails should be pared and their power taken down, were offended yet, with this example of the rigour and severity of those in place: for as much as they all saw plainly, that they should be both longer time and oftener under Censors; than Censors themselves. But so great an indignation of the people (by report) grew hereof, that by the authority of no man but of Mamercus himself, could they be restrained from offering violence to the very persons of the Censors. And the Tribunes of the Commons, with their continual orations and remonstrances, prohibited the Election of Consuls. When as the matter was well near brought to the point of an interreigne, they obtained at length with much heave and shove, 
Tribunes Militatie in Consul's room, chosen again.  that there should be military Tribunes chosen, with Consular authority. But reward of this their victory whereat they shot, could they get none: namely, that a commoner might be chosen for one. They were all of the Nobility that were created, to wit, M. Fabius Vibulanus, M. Folius, and L. Sergius Fidenas.  
The plague that year was the occasion of quietness from all other troubles. A temple than was vowed to Apollo for the health of the people. Howbeit, great loss was there both in town and country, by the mortality of men & murrain of cat-tail, one with another indifferently. And fearing lest the husbandmen of the country should be famished, they sent for corn into Hetruria and the country of Pomptinum, to Cumes, and at last even into Sicily. And not a word all this while about the election of Consuls. So there were military Tribunes elected, with Consul's authority, all again of the Patritij, namely, L. Pinarius Mamercus, L. Furius Medullinus, and Sp. Posthumius Albus. That year the violence of the sickness abated: neither was there any danger or fear of scarcity of corn, because they had made provision aforehand. Great sitting and consultation there was in the general Diets of the Volicians and Aequians, and in Hetruria at the foresaid Temple of Volumna about making war. There, the matter was put off for one whole year: and by an act or decree it was provided, that no assembly or parliament during that time should be held: notwithstanding the people of the Ve●entians complained, but all in vain, that the same fortune was like to happen unto Veij, which had fallen already upon Fidene, even the utter subversion of the state. In this mean season, at Rome the chief heads of the Commons having aspired and gaped now a long time, but still in vain, after higher place of dignity and honour, took their vantage whiles all was quiet abroad, and began to have their conventicles and meetings in the houses of the Tribunes, and there entertained secret counsels. Some complained that they were much despised of the common people: for whereas in so many years, there were Tribunes military created with Consul's authority, yet never was there ' any one of the commonalty advanced to that dignity. Our forefathers (say they) in great wisdom and deep forecast, have done well to take order, that none of the Nobility at any time should have access to any office of the commonalty: for if that were not, the Commons should have had ere this, some of the Patritij for their Tribunes: so odious are we become to those of our own cote, and are as little set by of the Commons as of the Nobles. Others excused the people, and laid the fault upon the Senators: by whose ambition, by whose crafty fetches and subtle policies it came to pass, that the Commons were stopped from the high way to advancement and promotion. But if the Commons might have any respite or breathing time, and not be solicited and tempted by their prayers interlaced with threats: they would remember themselves and those of their own calling, in giving of their voices: and having once gotten assistance unto them, would also win the highest pitch and sovereign type of authority. For the abolishing therefore of this ambitious seeking and standing for offices, they agree and resolve, that the Tribunes should prefer and publish a law, that no man might wear white more than ordinary, or refresh the bright hue of his upper garment, while he sued for any dignity. A small matter now a days and may seem scarcely worth the debating in serious counsel, which notwithstanding at that time, set both Nobles and Commons in a great heat of contention. Yet obtained the Tribunes so much, that this law passed: and it appeared, that the Commons when their blood was once up, would affect their own, and wholly incline to them in their suffrages. But to the end that they might not have their full scope and put it in practice, an Act of the Senate was, that there should be held an Election of Consuls. The occasion thereof, was a tumult or commotion: which, as the Latins and Hernicks advertised them, arose from the Aequians and Volscians. T. Quintius Cincinnatus, the son of Lucius (surnamed also Pennus) and C. julius Mento were elected Consuls. Neither was this fearful news of war entertained any longer. For the enemies having by a sacred law (which amongst them was of greatest force to levy an army) mustered their power, set forth two mighty armies from both parts, into Algidum, and there met. Where the Aequians and Volscians, severally by themselves encamped strongly, and more earnestly studied the captains to fortify their camps, and to train and exercise their soldiers, that at any time afore. Whereupon, the news was more fearful that the messengers brought to Rome. So the Senate agreed to create a dictator. For, although those nations oftenuines had been vanquished by them, yet now they rebelled in more forcible manner, and with preparation, than at any time before. Also, by reason of the late sickness, the youth and flower of the Romans was sore diminished. But above all, the private discord of the Consuls one with another, and the debate and difference in all their counsels, terrified them most. There be that write, how these Consuls had but unlucky fortune, and lost a field in Algidum: and that it should be the cause of making a dictator. But this one thing is certain, that howsoever else the Consuls disagreed, yet they jumped in one to cross the wills of the Senators, in that they would not nominate a dictator, until such time as, after news brought, still worse and worse, and yet the Consuls would not be ruled by the Senators: one Quintus Servilius Priscuss, a man, who right worthily and honourable had borne the highest offices, 
The speech of Q. Servilius Priscus.  made this speech: My Masters, ye that are Tribunes of the Commons (quoth he) in this exigent and desperate case, the Senate calleth for your assistance, that in so great hazard of the Commonweal, ye by virtue of your authority, would force the Consuls peremptorily to make a Dictator. Which speech being once heard, the Tribunes supposing now they had good occasion offered, to stretch and extend their power to the full, departed aside: and in the name of their College or society, pronounced, That it was their pleasure and will, that the Consuls should be obedient unto the Senate: and in case they proceeded to do farther, than the consent of that most honourable house would bear them out, they would command them to ward. The Consuls chose rather to be overruled of them than of the Senate: saying yet withal, that the prerogative of the highest government was by the Senators betrayed, and the Consulship made thrall and subject to the Tribunes power, if so be the Consuls might be compelled to do aught by vigour of the Tribunes authority, and (than which, a private person could fear no more) be sent also toward, or committed to prison. The lot fell to T. Quintius (for in this also they could not agree between themselves) to nominate the Dictator: who named A. Posthumius Tubertus, his wife's father, a grim sir, and a man of most severe and stern government. By whom was L. julius nominated for General of the cavalry. Herewithal was proclaimed a vacation or lawsteed, and that throughout the whole city they should go in hand with nothing but war. The taking knowledge of such, as pretended to be freed and exempt from soldiery, was put off until the war was ended. So that they that were before doubtful, suffered themselves to be enroled: and soldiers were levied out from the Hernikes & Latins, who from both places obeyed the Dictator to their uttermost. All these things were dispatched with exceeding expedition. Then the Dictator having left C. julius the Consul, for the defence of the city, and L. julius the General of the horsemen for all sudden occasions incident unto wars, that they might not be to seek for any thing, whereof they had need in the camp, took with him Aulus Cornelius the High priest, and saying after him certain prayers, word or word, he vowed great and stately plays, in regard of this tumultuous and troublesome war: and thus departing from the city, and dividing his wholearmie between himself and Quintius the Cos. at length he approached the enemies. And like as they had discovered the two camps of their enemies, a little space distant one from another, so they also, about a mile from the enemy, entrenched themselves: the Dictator near to Tusculum, and the Consul to Lanuvium. So these four armies, and as many fortified camps, had a spacious and large plain in the middle, sufficient not only for small excursions to skirmish in, but also to display their armies of both sides. And all the time that they lay encamped one against another, they ceased not to make light skirmishes: for the Dictator was well content, that his men by making proof, and comparing their strength and puissance with their enemies, and assaying by little and little to try the event of these bickerments, should conceive aforehand some hope of the entire and general victory.  
The enemies therefore having no hope left, to speed well in a set field and pight battle, assailed by night the Consul's camp, and put all to the hazard of a doubtful issue. The sudden cry and alarm, awakened not only the Consul's Sentinels, his corpse de guard, and so his whole army, but the Dictator also, out of their sleep. And where need was of present help, there failed not the Consul, either in courage or counsel. Some soldiers ward & defend the gates, others compass the trench, ranged in a round array. In the other camp of the Dictator, look how much less stir there was, so much more leisure had they, and studied what was most needful to be done. Forthwith aid was sent unto the Consul his camp, under the leading of Sp. Posthumius Albus, a lieutenant. The Dictator himself in person, with part of his power, fetching a small compass about, gained a place most apart from all noise and tumult, and from whence at unawares he might charge upon the back of the enemies. And leaveth as Vicegerent in the leaguer Q. Sulpitius: and to M. Fabius a Lieutenant, he committeth the conduct of the horsemen, commanding him not before day to stir with his horse, as being unruly and hard to be managed in tumults and troubles of the night. And all things else, that a provident and industrious captain in such a case might command and do, that commanded he, and did orderly. But for one thing above the rest, he showed singular proof of policy and courage, and worthy no mean praise: in that he sent out first M. Geganius with certain chosen squadrons to assail that camp of the enemies, from whence he knew by his espials there was departed a greater part of the forces. Who after that he surprised the enemies there, amused wholly upon the event of other men's danger, careless and secure for their own selves, and therefore neglecting their scouts and guards, won their hold, in manner before the enemies knew well it was assailed. From whence the Dictator having descried a smoke (which was the signal agreed between them) crieth aloud, that the enemy's camp was won, and commandeth news thereof to be carried every way. Now it waxed broad day light, and all was clearly to be seen: by which time both Fabius with the horsemen, had given the charge, and the Consul also had made a sally out of the camp, upon the enemies that now already were feared. But the Dictator on the other side, charging upon the rearward and the middle battle, came on every side with his footmen, and horsemen in train of victory against the enemies: who were forced to turn round and fight every way, according to the dissonant outcries, and sudden alarms. Thus being environned round about, they had in the midst died for it every one, and suffered punishment due for their rebellion, had not Vectius Messius, 
The speech of Vectius Messius to his fellow foldiours.  one of the Volscians, a man more renowned for his valiant acts, than noble by his parentage, rebuked with a loud voice his fellows, being ready now to cast themselves into rings, & said: What? will ye here without making your defence, without revenge, offer yourselves to be devoured of the enemy's sword? What do you with our armour and weapons? Why began ye war first? Are you troublesome & unruly in peace, & cowards in war? What hope have ye in standing still? Do you look for some god from heaven to protect and deliver you? You must make way by dint of sword. Go to then, and stick to it like men, and that way whereas ye shall seem go afore, follow ye after, as many of you as mind to see again your home, your parents, your wives and children. It is neither wall, nor rampire and trench, but armed men that must withstand armed men. In valour ye are their matches, but in respect of necessity, (which is the last and strongest engine of all other) ye are the better. When he had these words spoken, and done accordingly, with a fresh shout they followed after, and made head to that quarter whereas Posthumius Albius had placed against them his cohorts: and compelled the victors to lose ground, 
The valour of Vectius Methes, a Volscian.  until such time as the Dictator came to succour his men, thus distressed and now ready to recoil: and so he bent thither all the force of the whole battle. In one only man, Messius, rested all the hope and fortune of the enemies. Many a man was there hurt on both parts, and many a one slain outright, and left dead in the place. So as now the very Roman Commanders, fought not without bloodshed. Only Posthumius being smitten with a stone, which had broken and bruised his head, went out of the medley: for neither the Dictator, woun ded as he was in the shoulder, nor yet Fabius, albeit his thigh was almost nailed to his horse, nor the Consul, for all his arm was quite cut off, once retired or departed out of that dangerous combat. But Messius amids the enemies that there lay dead on the earth, with a guard about him of most hardy & tall men, passed through in forcible manner, and escaped clear to the Volscians leaguer, which as yet was not lost: and so the whole battle inclined thither. The Consul, after he had chased them, scattered in plumpes here and there, even as far as to the trench, assaileth the very camp and the rampire. Thither also bringeth the dictator his power on another side. Neither was the assault less hot there, than the fight was sharp afore. It is said moreover, that the Consul threw an ensign within the rampire, to animate the soldiers, that they might more eagerly get up after it: and so by recovering the banner again, was the first breach and entrance made. Thus the Dictator having broken through the mure, came to close fight and handstrokes even within the camp. Then began the enemies every where to fling from them their weapons, and to yield themselves prisoners. So being themselves and their pavilions taken, they were all sold, but those of Senators calling. Part of the pillage was restored to the Latins and Herniks, namely, to as many as knew their own goods: part thereof the Dictator sold in portsale. And leaving to the Consul the charge of the camp, road himself triumphing into the city, and gave over his office. Of which his noble and famous Dictatorship, they blemish the memorial, who write, that A. Posthumius (the Dictator his son, for that upon advantage offered of a fortunate service, he departed without leave from his quarter and guard) was after his victory archieved, by his father's commandment beheaded. But I list not to believe it. And lawful it is for me so to do, among so divers opinions: and a good proof it is on my side, that such imperious and rigorous proceedings were called Imperia Manliana, 
〈…〉  & not Posthumiana. For like it is, that he who had given the first example of such cruelty, should have gotten afore all others, that noted title of cruelty. Besides, Manlius it was, that was surnamed Imperious. But Posthumius is not marked with any odious note at all.  
C. julius Consul, in the absence of his Colleague, without any casting of lots, dedicated the temple of Apollo Quintius having discharged his army, when he was returned into the city, took not that well. But it was no boot to complain in the Senate house. Moreover in this notable year, so full of brave and worthy acts, there is recorded one thing, that was thought in those days nothing pertinent to the state of Rome, namely, that the Carthaginians (so great & mortal enemies in time to come) passed the seas than first: and (upon the occasion of civil diffention and discord among the Sicilians) with a power landed in Sicily, for to take part with a side and faction. In the city of Rome the Tribunes of the Commons laboured, that Military Tribunes might be with Consul's authority chosen: but it could not be obtained. Consuls were made, Lu. Papyrius Crassus, and L. julius. The Aequians Ambassadors suing to the Senate for a league, and for that league, pretending eftsoons to yield themselves, and be in subjection; obtained a truce only for eight years. The Volscians after their overthrow in Algidum, fell to continual debate and contention, whiles some persuaded peace, and others war: so long, until at length they grew to brawls and mutinies. So on every side the Romans were at rest. The Consul's understanding that the Tribunes of the Commons were complotted (for one false brother among them bewrayed and detected all) to put up a bill, 
〈◊〉  and make a law, concerning the estimation of fines and penalties (a thing right pleasing and acceptable to the people) they themselves prevented them, and preferred it. Then were Consuls, L. Sergius Fidenas, the second time, and jostius Lucretius Tricipitinus. In whose year nothing was there done worthy of rehearsal. After them succeeded Consuls, A. Cornelius Cossus, and Titus Quintius Pennus the second time. The Veientians made roads into the lands of the Romans. And a rumour went, that some of the Fidenatian youths were accessary unto them, and had their hands therein. For which were appointed as Commissioners to make inquisition, L. Sergius, Quintus Servilius, and Mamercus Aemylius. Some of them were confined to Hostia, for that they could make no sound excuse, and justify their absence for certain days out of Fidene. So the number of the inhabitants there, was increased; and their lands, who were slain in the wars, assigned unto them.  
In that year happened an exceeding great drought. For not only there wanted rain water from above, 
A great drought about Rome, and much mortalius 〈…〉.  but also the very earth lacking her natural moisture, scarcely sufficed to maintain the running stream in main rivers. The scarcity of water besides about springs that were dried up, and the small rils and brooks caused a great death and mortality of cat-tail for default of drink: whereof some died of the scab: by contagion where of the people also were diseased generally. The malady first began among the rustical sort, the bondslaves and hines: and afterwards spread into every corner of the city. Neither were men only tract and diseased with this infection: 
Rome 〈…〉  but their minds also were troubled and possessed with sundry sorts of superstitious religions, and those for the most part strange and foreign: whiles upon vain and foolish prophecies, they brought new rites and ceremonies of sacrificing into men's houses; and made good gain of such as were given to superstitious devotion, and made conscience of every little thing: until such time as now it grew to a public offence, and the chief of the city were ashamed to see in every street and chapel, strange and unaccustomed purgatory sacrifices and expiations, for to procure the favour & mercy of the Gods. Whereupon the Aediles had in charge and commission, to look straightly to this disorder: and that no other gods were worshipped, than those of the Romans: nor after any other manner than had been usual in their native country. So their anger against the Veientians and desire of revenge, was put off unto the next year following, when C. Servilius Hala, and L. Papyrius Mugilanus were Consuls. And even then, they made some scruple to proclaim war immediately, or to make out any power against them: but they thought good to send their Heralds afore, to make claim for their own and challenge restitution. For whereas of late years there had been a field fought with the Veientians before Nomentum and Fidene: whereupon there followed no peace but only a truce concluded: both the time was now expired, and also before the day they had rebelled. Yet were there Heralds sent unto them. And when they had demanded a mends by a solemn oath and other ceremonies according to the ancient manner, they might have no audience, neither were their words regarded. After this, there arose some question, whether the war should be proclaimed with the people's allowance and suffrages, or the Senate's decree were alone sufficient. The Tribunes by giving out and threatening that they would stop the musters, obtained in the end, that Quintius the Consul should propound this matter concerning the war unto the people. And it passed clear through all the Centuries. Herein also had the commonalty the better of it, for that they prevailed that there should be no Consuls chosen the year following. 
Four military Tribunes in Consul's authority.  So there were four Tribunes military created with Consul's authority, T. Quintius Pennus immediately from his Consulship. C. Furius, M. Posthumius, and Cornelius Cossus: of which Cossus had the charge and government of the city. The other three after they had mustered, took a journey to Veij; and made good proof how hurtful in war is the rule of many Commanders. For whiles every man was inclined to his own counsel and advice, and took divers courses one from another, they made way for the enemies and gave them advantage. For the Veientians taking their opportunity and time, entered upon the army thus distracted, whiles some commanded to found the retreat, others the alarm and to strike up the battle. Whereupon they were disordered and put to flight. But for as much as the camp was near at hand, thither they retired themselves in safety: so, as the shame they got was more than the harm in this diffeature. The city was pensive and hereupon sorrowed, as not used to take foils and overthrows. The Tribunes they hated, and required a dictator: in whom rested ever the whole hope and stay of the city. And when as even in that behalf, they made a matter of conscience, because there might not be any dictator nominated, but by a Consul, the Augurs were consulted withal: who resolved them of that doubt and rid them of their scruple. So A. Cornelius (a consular Tribune) nominated Mamercus Aemilius dictator: by whom he was himself also pronounced Grand Master of the horsemen. At such default was the city then, of right valour and true virtue, that notwithstanding the prejudice by the Censors, yet there was no remedy, but the whole government of the state should rest upon that family, which had been wrongfully disgraced and unworthely noted by the Censors.  
The Veientians proud of their late good success, albeit they sent their Ambassadors about all the nations of Hetruria, boasting and vaunting that in one battle they had discomfited three Roman Generals: yet could not they with all their soliciting, persuade any to be seen to take part with them in public action: but they procured divers from all parts for hope of spolle, voluntarily to aid and assist them. The people of Fidene only agreed to rebel. And as though it had been in no wise lawful, to begin any war but with some wicked, heinous and execrable fact: like as asore they had embrued their hands, & bathed their swords in the blood of Ambassadors, so then, they began with murdering their new received Coloners: & so banded themselves with the Veientians. Then consulted the Princes and States of those two nations, whether they should make Veij or Fidene the seat town of the war. Fidene was supposed the fitter and more commodious. So the Veientians passed overthe Tiber, and translated the war to Fidene. Great fear was there at Rome, to see the army of their enemies removed from Veij, & emplanted at Fidene. And being shrewdly daunted by their late overthrow besides, encamped even before the gate Collina. On the walls were armed soldiers placed, vacation in all courts of law was ordained, shop windows, thutte up; and all more like a leaguer than a city. Then sent the dictator the criers about into all streets and carrifours, to summon the citizens thus terrified, to a general assemb'y. 
〈…〉  Where he rebuked them for carrying such wavering and doubtful hearts upon so small accidents and events of fortune, having received but a flight loss and final foil: and that, not through the manhood of the enemy, or cowardice of the Roman army; but only through the disagreement and difference of the leaders. Also for that they were afraid of the Veientian enemy, whom five or six times afore they had put to the worst and vanquished: and especially of Fidene, which had been oftener in a manner won; than asiaulted: As for the Romans and their enemies (faith he) they are even the same still that always for so many hundred years; they had been: bearing the same minds, the same bodily strength, and the same armour: and even myself am the same Mamercus Aemilius, and no other, who heretofore discomfited at Nomentum, the Veientians and Fidenatians, with the Faliscians' power also adjoined unto them. And as for A. Cornelius, he will no doubt be the same General of horsemen in this battle, as in the former war he was: at what time he being a Knight Martial, flew Lar Tolumnius the King of the Veientians, in the fight of two armies: and brought into the Temple of jupiter Feretrius, the rich armour of him despoiled. Wherefore ye ought to remember this, that we have on our side triumphs, spoils and victory: whereas with the enemies remaineth the wicked and detestable fact of killing the Ambassadors, against the law of all nations: also the massacre of the Fidenatian inhabitants, in time of peace: the breaking of truce, and their revolting now seven times, to their ruin and overthrow. Take weapon therefore in hand like men: for I trust assuredly, that so soon as we shall join our camps together, and encounter these most wicked enemies, they shall have no long joie of the late shameful discomfiture of the Roman army. And the people of Rome shall understand, how much better they have deserved of the Commonweal, who made me dictator now the third time, than those, who for clipping the Censors wings and abridging them of their kingly rule, had distained and disgraced my second Dictatourship with the shameful blot of ignominy and reproach. After this speech, when he had made his vows accordingly: he encamped a mile and an half on this side Fidene, flanked on the right hand with the hills, and on the left with the river Tiber. And commanded T. Quintius Pennus his lieutenant, to gain the hills afore, and be possessed secretly of that cape or hill, which was on the back part of the enemies. Himself the next morrow, when as the Tuscans, (full of pride and stomach for the prosperous success of former days, which was much better than their service in fight) came forth into the field: after he had stayed a while, until the scouts and espials brought word, that Quintius was gotten safely unto the hill top near adjoining to the castle or sort of the Fidenatians, he advanceth forth his standards: and with his footmen ranged in battle array, marched against his enemies with full pace: commanding his General of the horsemen not to charge without his warrant: for that he himself as need should; equity, would give the signal for the aid of his cavalry to come in, willing him then, to quit himself like a brave Knight in remembrance of his glorious combat with a King: of his rich present and oblation: and of Romulus and jupiter Feretrius. Thus the legions assail one another and encounter right hardily. The Romans kindled and inflamed with rancour and malice, termed the Fidenatians, wicked and godless wretches: the Veientians, robbers and thieves; trucebreakers both, polluted with the abominable murder of Ambassadors: stained with the execrable massacre of their cohabitants: faithless and treacherous allies, cowardly and dastardly enemies: thus both in word and deed they satisfied their hatred to the full. And at the very first shock forced their enemies to shrink. At which instant all at once, there issued out of the open gates of Fidene a strange army, not heard of nor usual, before that day. A mighty number armed with fireworks, and shining all over with burning lights, after a fanatical and mad manner, ran as if they were carried with spirits, upon their enemies: and with the uncouth fight of this kind of fight, amazed the Romans a pretty while. Then the Dictator busy in fight, having sent both for the General of the cavalry with his troops of horsemen, and also for Quintius from the mountains, hastened himself to the left point: which being terrified with a scarefire more like than a battle, had given place unto the flame, & stepped back. Where with a loud voice he thus spoke: What? will ye be overcome with smoke like a swarm of bees, 
〈…〉  & lose your ground, & recoil from your naked & unarmed enemies? will ye not put out this fire with redoubled stroke of brandishing swords? And will ye not every man for his part, if we must needs fight with fire, and not with weapons, pull from them their torches and firebrands, and fling them again at their own heads? Go to, I say, like hardy men, mindful of the renown of Romans, remembering the prowess of your fathers, and your owneselves. Turn this fire upon your enemy's city, and consume Fidene into ashes with her own flames: this disloyal Fidene, which by no favours and good turns of yours, ye were ever able to win & pacify. The blood of your Ambassadors, the blood of your Coloners thither sent to people their city, your frontiers and borders by them wasted, put you in mind of no meaner revenge. At the dictators commandment, the whole battaillon was moved and encouraged. Some latch the firebrands as they flew, others by force snatch them from them, so that now both battles were armed with fire. The General of horsemen for his part, reneweth the horse-service: commanding them to pluck the bits out of their horses mouths, and was the first himself, that setting spurs to, rode with bridle in horsenecke, into the midst of the fire: and the other horses also being pricked forward, and eased of their bridles, carried the riders with full career against the enemy. The dust rising together with the smoke, took the light from men's eyes, and horses both. And that fight which had terrified the soldiers; nothing at all affrighted the horses. Wheresoever therefore the men of arms road, they bore down all afore them as if some houses had come tumbling upon their heads. Herewith happened a new alarm to be heard, which having caused both armies to wonder and listen thereunto, the Dictator crieth out aloud, That Quintius the Lieutenant and his regiment, came upon the back of the enemies: and himself reenforcing the shout, advanceth his ensigns forward more freshly. When as now two armies, and two divers battles, pressed sore upon the Tuscans, and environned them both before and behind: and that the enemies could neither fly back to their camp, nor yet retire or withdraw themselves unto the mountains, from whence a fresh supply of enemies, made head, and affronted them: and that the horses being unbrideled, carried the riders every way, hither and thither: the most part of the Veientians ran scattering in disorder, and highing them apace, toward the Tiber: & the Fidenatians that remained, to the city Fidene. But in that tearful flight they ran upon their own death. Some were killed on the banks of the river, others were driven into the water, and the stream and whirlepits carried them away. And even they that were cunning swimmers, what with weariness, and what with faintness of their wounds & with fright, sunk and were drowned: so that few of many swum over in safety. The other army fled through their camp into the city. The same way also the Romans followed forcibly after: and Quintius especially, together with them who crewhile came down from the mountains, and were the freshest soldiers for fight (as who came last into the battle) & so afterwards entered pell mel among their enemies into the gate, climbed upon the walls, and from the walls set up a banner to their fellows, in token that they had won the town. Which as soon as the dictator espied, (for now by this time had he made an entrance into the forlorn, and abandoned camp of his enemies) he brought the soldiers, upon desire to run to a spoil, and hoping of a greater saccage in the city, straight unto the gate. And being gotten within the walls, marcheth directly forward to the castle, whereinto he beheld the multitude to fly for refuge and safety. The execution in the city was no less than in the field: which continued until they threw away their weapons, and craving nothing but life, yielded themselves to the Dictator. So both city and camp was spoiled and sacked. The morrow after, the Dictator disposed of his prisoners thus, He drew them by lot, and gave to every horseman and Centurion one, and to as many as had done more valiantly than other, two apiece: the rest he sold in portsale. And so with triumph brought home to Rome his victorious army, enriched with a great booty: and having commanded the General of the horsemen to resign up his office, himself also surrendreth his own, upon the sixteenth day after his creation, yielding up his government in peace, which in time of war, and in a fearful state he had received.  
There be some that have recorded in their Chronicles, that there was a battle fought with the Veientians at Fidene by ships upon the water. A thing verily, no less impossible than incredible. Considering that even at this day, the river is not broad enough for such a purpose: and at that time, (as by ancient men we have learned) it was far narrower than now it is. Unless haply in crossing over the river some vessels or bottoms, that were put out to meet and to receive them, were stayed. And so, men making the matter greater (as usually it cometh to pass) have desired a vain title of a naval victory at sea. The year following, there were military Tribunes, with Consul's authority, A. Sempronius Atratinus, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, L. Furius Medullinus, and L. Horatius Barbatus. Then was there a truce granted unto the Veientians for twenty years, and to the Aequians for three years, whereas they had made suit for more. Rest there was also from all feditions and broils in the city. The year following, having neither war abroad, nor yet fedition at home, was famous yet for the plays which in time of war had been vowed: both in regard of the great preparations that the Military. Tribunes made, as also for the frequent resort and concourse of the Nations adjoining. The Tribunes with Consul's authority, were Cl. Crassus, Sp. Nautius Rutilius, T. Sergius Fidenas, and Sextus julius Tullus. The fight of these games and pastimes, whereunto those strangers were come by public consent of their States, was unto them more acceptable, in regard of the courtesy of those friends that gave them entertainment. 
The Tribunes Orations to the Commons.  After these plays, there ensued seditious Orations of the Tribunes of the Commons, who rebuked the common multitude, for that they being besotted with admiration of those whom they had so hated, kept themselves in perpetual thraldom. And not only durst not attempt to put forth themselves for to bring in again the possibility to have Consuls of their part, as in times past: no nor so much as in the creation of Military Tribunes (the Election of whom was indifferent as well for Commons as Nobles) were mindful or thought either upon themselves or their friends, and those of their own body. And therefore they should surcease to marvel, why no man pleaded for the benefit of the commonalty. For, travail is well bestowed, and danger well adventured, where profit & honour might be hoped and looked for. And nothing is so difficult but men would employ themselves to enterprise the same, if for the adventuring of great exploits, there might be proposed as great rewards. But, that any Tribune of the Commons should run desperately and blindly into a world of brangles and troubles, with great hazard of his person, and no hope at all of fruit and profit in the end: for which contention, he might be sure that the Nobles against whom he strove, would persecute him with deadly and irreconcilable malice: and at the Commons hands, for whom he thus contended, he should be honoured and advanced never the more, it was a thing neither to be expected, nor required. The only méanes to get courage and magnanimity, is advancement to high place of honour and dignity. And as for them, they would not disdain the meanest commoner that was, if they themselves might be no more despised. To conclude, the matter were worth the trial in one or two, whither any commoner were sufficient to bear a great office of state; or whether it were a wondrous thing and strange miracle, that a valiant and hardy man should arise out of the commonalty. With much a do (say they) we got and obtained, that Tribunes military with Consul's authority might likewise be chosen out of the commonalty: and men approved both in war abroad and in affairs of State at home, had sued therefore. In the first years they being nipped by you, and so having the repulse, were had in derision of the Nobility: so that at length they forbore to give themselves thus contumeliously to be misused and made fools. We see no cause therefore, why that law also should not be repealed, wherein a dignity was granted, and never like to be obtained. For less shame would there arise, if the law were not indifferent nor respective unto them, than as unmeet persons and unworthy, thus shamefully to be passed by and take the repulse. These & such like speeches were heard with so good an ear and general applause, that some of them were incited forward to sue for the Military Tribuneship: whiles every one promised in the time of his office to do great matters and to propose, some one thing some another, for and concerning the benefit of the Commons. Pretending great hopes of dividing the common lands, and planting of colonies abroad, and laying tributes and impositions upon landed persons, for to pay soldiers wages. But the Tribunes military then in place, devised to spy out a time, when upon some occasion of the absence of much people departed out of the city, the Senators by a privy and secret warning, should at a certain day be called home: and then, whiles the Tribunes of the Commons were away, an Act of Senate should pass in this form: That for as much as it was noised that the Volscians were entered into the lands of the Hernicks to forray and rob, the military Tribunes should go to see whether it were so or no, and that in the mean while there should be held a general assembly for the Election of Consuls. The Tribunes military took their journey accordingly, and left Appius Claudius the Decemvirs son, governor of the city, a stour young gentleman and a forward, who from his very cradle bore an inward grudge and hatred against the Tribunes and the Commons. And bootless it was either for the Tribunes of the Commons to find themselves grieved with those, who made the decree, now that they were absent, nor yet had they cause to quarrel with Appius Claudius, because the thing had been contrived and passed afore his time. So, Consuls were created, C. Sempronius Atratinus, and Quintus Fabius Vibulanus.  
A foreign matter, but yet worthy to be remembered and here inserted, is reported to have happened that year: to wit, that Vulturnum a city of the Tuscans, which now is Capua, was by the Samnites taken: and that it came to be named Capua of one Capis their captain, or (which soundeth more like a truth) of the champain field. But they won it by this means. For upon occasion that the Tuscans were wearied with former wars, they were admitted into the society of their city and territory. And on a solemn festival day, when as the citizens had filled their bellies, and were sound asleep, these new Coloners' the Samnites, set upon the old inhabitants, and in the night season slew them all.  
But now to return. Things passing thus (as I said before) the Consuls abovenamed upon the 
* 13 of December  Ides of December, entered their government. By which time not only they which were of purpose sent to learn the news of the Volscians, brought word that war was at hand, but Ambassadors also from the Latins and hernics, gave intelligence of the same. And namely, that never at any time afore, the Volscians were more busy and occupied, either in choosing of good captains, or in levying an army, giving out these speeches abroad and in every place, That the time was now come, either to forget warfare, and lay away soldiery, and for ever make account to bear the yoke of thraldom; or else not to give one foot, nor come behind those with whom they strove for sovereignty, either in manhood or in painful travel, or in discipline of warfare. And surely they were no vain tidings that those messengers reported. But the Senators would take no such knowledge, nor be greatly moved at the matter. And withal, C. Sempronius, unto whom the charge of that war was allotted, presuming upon fortune, as if she were always right constant and at command, and leading an army of a people used to victory, against those that were wont to be overcome, did all things rashly and negligently. So as to speak a truth, there was more Roman discipline in the Volscian host, than in the Roman. And so, fortune (as oftentimes else) went with virtue. At the first encounter, which by Sempronius was unheedfully and unadvisedly begun, before that either the battaillons were reinforced & strengthened with fresh supplies of succour, or the horsemen ranged in convenient place, they ran together, and came to handstrokes. And the first token which way the victory would incline, was the manner of shout at the first charge; which by the enemy was more loud, more shrill and continual: but by the Romans dissonant, unequal, dead and cold, often begun, and often renewed: and by their uncertain and variable noise, they bewrayed the inward fear of their hearts. Whereupon the enemies so much the more eagerly charged them, pressing upon them with their shields, and laying at them thick with their bright swords: on the other side, the Romans helmets wag, and their crests nod every way as they look about them: and as they were to seek what to do, so they tremble and run together on heaps: one while the ensigns stand still, and were abandoned of the foremost fight in the vaward, another while they retired in again amongst their own squadrons. Yet was not the flight certain, nor yet the victory. The Romans sought more to cover and shroud themselves than to fight: to ward blows rather than to strike. The Volscians set forward their ensigns, pressed upon the main battle, and saw more enemies under foot slain than running away. And now in all places the Romans recoiled, notwithstanding Sempronius the Consul both rebuked and all so exhorted them to stick to it: for neither his commandment nor the authority and majesty of his countenance availed aught. And immediately had they all turned their backs on their enemies, 
The valo● of Sex Tampani●.  if Sex. Tempanius, a Decurion of horsemen, had not in this desperate case, with a resolute courage and ready advice, helped at a pinch. Who cried with a loud voice, that those horsemen which would the safety of the commonwealth; should dismount off their horses. And when the Cornets of horsemen bestirred themselves at his words, no less than if the Consul had given commandment, Unless (faith he) this troop of men of arms, stay the violence of the enemies, we see the last of the Roman Empire. Follow therefore in stead of banner displayed, the point of my lance: let both Romans and Volscians see, that no nation is comparable to you, either for foot or horse. Whose encouragement being approved and received with a shout, he advanceth forward, bearing his staff aloft: and what way soever they go, they enter and make room with forcible sway: and where they see their fellows in greatest distress, thither they make speed, opposing their targuets afore them. And thus in every place whereas they thrust themselves forcibly, was the fight renewed: and doubtless the enemies had turned their backs, if possible it had been, for so few to have performed everything at once. Now when as the General of the Volscians, saw his men not able to withstand them, he gave a signal and charge to give way to this new band of enemies, to wit, these Targattiers: until such time as they had put themselves so forward, that they might be excluded from their fellows. Which being done, these horsemen were enclosed on every side: neither could they break through that way which they went, because the enemies were there thickest, where they had made their lane before. The Cos. then, with the legions of the Romans, having lost the fight of those that had been a shield of defence and bulwark erewhile to the whole army, lest that so many hardy men thus environed, should be overpressed by the enemies; resolved to adventure any peril or hazard whatsoever. The Volscians were likewise divertly occupied & troubled. For on the one side they bore off the Cos. and legions: on the other side they affronted Tempanius sore, & the horsemen: who seeing that after many assays and offers they could not break forth to their fellows, got up unto a certain little hill, and cast themselves into a ring and stood to their defence, not without doing some mischief to their enemies: neither gave they over fight until night. The Consul also maintained the battle so long as he could see, and kept the enemy play. So the night parted them a sunder, and uncertain it was who had the upper hand. And for that the event was unknown, who sped the better, so great a terror came upon both parts in their camps, that leaving the wounded and a great part of their carriages behind, both armies as taking themselves losers, recovered the mountains that were next unto them. How beit the hill or bank aforesaid, continued still beset round about, until midnight. But when word was brought thither to the Assailants, how that their camp was abandoned: they thinking their fellows vanquished, were also for their part affrighted, & made shift and fled in the dark as well as they could. Tempanius, fearing an ambushment, kept his men there together until day light. Then went he down with a few to discover the coasts: and finding by enquiry made of the wounded enemies, that the tents of the Volscians were left and forsaken: he was full glad thereat, and called down his soldiers from the mount, and entereth into the Roman camp. Where seeing all void and forlorn, and finding the same desolation which was amongst the enemies: before that the Volscians upon knowledge of their error should return again, he took with him those hurt soldiers that he could: and not knowing to what quarter's the Consul was gone, marcheth forward the next way to the city of Rome. And thither already the bruit of this unlucky fight, and of abandoning the tents, was arrived. But above all the rest, those horsemen were bewailed, & great moan & lamentation was made for them as well in private as in public. The Cos. Fabius, seeing the city also terrified with this news, kept ward before the gates: by which time, they might discover the horsemen aforesaid a far off: but not without some fear of their parts, doubting who they were. But being soon known, they caused so great contentment after former fear, that in most joyful manner, the noise went through the city, how the horsemen were returned safe with victory. And out of those mourning and sorrowful houses, which a while afore had bid adieu to their friends and kinsfolk, and bewailed their death, they ran into the streets and high ways by heaps. The fearful dames also & wives, forgetting, for joie, all decent and womanly modesty, went out to meet the army, fell every one with open arms upon their own husbands and sons, took them about the neck, clipped and kissed them, and with all their hand and heart received them, yea and for exceeding joy were almost past themselves.  
The Tribunes of the Commons, who had challenged & accused M. Posthumius and T. Quintius, for that by their default, there was an unlucky fight before Veij: seemed to have good occasion and opportunity offered now, by bringing the Consul Sempronius into fresh and new hatred and disgrace, for to renew the conceived displeasure and malice of the people against them. Having assembled therefore the people together, with open mouth they declared, that the Commonwealth was betrayed first, at Veij by the leaders, and afterwards, because they went clear away withal, and unpunished, therefore the army in Volsci was likewise lost by the Consul: 
〈…〉  and that a troop of most valiant knights were thus cast away and given to be murdered, and the camp shamefully left and forsaken. Then C. julius, one of the Tribunes, commanded Tempanius the horseman to be called, and before them all said, I would know of thee o Sixtus Tempanius, whether thou think that C. Sempronius the Consul, either began battle in good time, or strengthened his battaillons with good succours and supplies? or whether thou thyself, when as the Roman legions and footmen were discomfired, of thine own head and policy, causedst the horsemen to alight on foot, and thereby reenforced the fight? Afterwards, when thou and thy men of arms were shut out from our battle, whether either the Consul himself came to rescue, or sent any succour unto thee? Last of all, whether the morrow after, thoir hadst any aid or rescue at all? Whether thou and thy troop of horsemen broke through into the camp by your own hardiness and valour? And whether ye found in the camp any Consul or army, or rather the pavilions abandoned, and the soldiers left behind, hurt and wounded? To these premises and points, hast thou to speak this day upon thy virtue, and the faith of a soldier: by which only, in this warre-service the Commonweal hath stood preserved. Finally, where C. Sempronius, and where our legions be? Whither thou were forsaken thyself, or whether thou forsookest the Consul and the army? And to conclude, whether we have lost or won the field? To these demands, Tempanius made (as they say) no fine Oration, but a grave pithy speech like a soldier: not full of selfe-praises; nor showing any gladness for the fault of another, 
The modest answer of Tempanius, to the former Interrogatories.  and answered in this wife: How great skill (quoth he) of martial feats, and what sufficiency is in C. Sempronius, it is not for me a soldier to judge, nor yet to make any estimate of my General: but it was for the people of Rome to determine thereof, at what time as by their suffrages and voices, in a solemn Election, they chose him Consul. And therefore ye are not to inquire of me, and to be informed, either of the polliciesof a General captain, or virtues and duties of a Consul: deep points to be examined, weighed, and discoursed by great wits, reaching heads, and high minds. But for that which I with mine cie saw, I am able to make report and testify: namely, That before himself was excluded out of the battle, I beheld the Consul fight manfully in the vaward, encouraging his men earnestly, and even amongst the Roman standards, and pikes of the enemies, busily employed. After which I was carried from the fight of my fellows: how be it by the stir, noise and shouting, I well perceived, that the conflict continued until night. Neither was it possible (as I thought) for them to break through unto the hill which I kept, by reason of the multitude of enemies between. As for the army, what is become of it, I know not: But I suppose, that as I myself in an extremity and fearful case, defended myself and my men, by advantage of the ground: so the Consul for to save the army, took some more safer place to encamp in. Neither think I verily, that the Volscians stood in better terms than the Romans fortune was. And the darkness of the night (no doubt) caused error and confusion on every side, and in all places. After which speech when as he besought them, not to hold him any longer, wearied with travail, and faint of his wounds: he was with exceeding praise both of his valiant service and also of his modest speech, licensed to depart.  
Whiles these things thus passed, the Consul by that time, had marched by the way of Lavicum as far as to the Temple of 
m* The goddess of rest and Repose.  Quies: thither were wanes, draught-beasts and sumpter horses sent from the city, to receive and ease the army, toiled out with fight, and tired by journeying all night. Within a while after, the Cos. entered into the city: who endeavoured not more, to put the fault from himself, than to extol Tempanius, and give him his due deserved praises. Now whiles the city was sad and heavy for this hard hap, and angry also with the captains: behold, M. Posthumius, who before had been accused, was now presented unto the people, for to wreak their choler & malice upon. He had been a Tribune Military in place of a Cos. at Veij, and now was condemned, 
●● lib. 5 sn.. sterl.  and a fine set on his head of ten thousand Asses of brass. But as for Titus Quintius, his fellow in government, because that among the Volscians he had served fortunately as Consul, under the conduct of Postbumius Tibertus the Dictator: and likewise at Fidene, as Lieutenant of the other Dictator Mamercus Aemylius, and laid the whole fault of that other time from himself, upon his colleague before condemned: he was found unguilty & acquit by all the Tribes. It is said that the fresh remembrance of his father Cincinnatus, late a right worshipful citizen, helped him much: Yea and Capitolinus Quintius a very aged man, did him no hurt, who humbly besought them that they would not suffer him, having but a while in this world to live, for to be the carrier of so heavy news unto Cincinnatus. The Commons made Tribunes of the commonalty, Sex. Tempanius, A. Sellius, Sex. Antiflius, & Sex. Pompilius in their absence: whom also the horsemen had chosen for their captains or Centurians, in the former exploit, by the advice and counsel of Tempanius. But the Senators, because now for hatred of Sempronius, the name of Consuls misliked and offended them, determined that military Tribunes with Consul's authority, should be created. So there were chosen L. Manlius Capitolinus, Q. Antonius Merenda, L. Papyrius Mugilanus.  
In the very beginning of the year L. Hortenfius the fifth Tribune of the commonalty, accused C. Sempronius the Consul of the former year. And when as his other four fellows in office, in the sight of the people of Rome besought him, not to trouble their guiltless captain, in whom nothing could be blamed or found fault withal, but adverse fortune: Hortensius could hardly abide, but thought it was but to prove and try his resolute constancy: and that the party accused, trusted not upon the prayer and intercession of the Tribunes, which only for a show was pretended, but upon their support & assistance. And therefore turning one while to Sempr. himself, demanded what was become of that haughty courage and stomach, so ordinary in those of Senators calling? and where was that magnanimity which rested and relied upon innocency? since that he having been a Consul, was feign to shelter and shroud himself under the shadow and protection of the Tribunes? Another while directing his speech to his fellow Tribunes: but you my Masters (qd. he) what will ye do? if I prosecute mine action against him still, and convict him in the end; Will ye take from the people their right, and overthrow the authority of the Tribunes among the Commons? When they again said and inferred, that the people of Rome had absolute power to do what they would, both with Sempronius, and all others: and that they neither would nor could abridge the people of their judgement. But if (say they) our prayers in the behalf of our General, who was to us in steed of a father, may not avail, then will we together with him change our weed for company. Nay God forbid (quoth Hortenfius) The Commons of Rome shall never see their Tribunes arrayed in soiled & mournful apparel. And as for C. Sempronius, I have now no more to say to him, since that he hath carried himself so, whiles he was general, as that he hath gained thus much, as to be so dearly beloved of his soldiers. Neither was the kindness of those four Tribunes more acceptable to the Commons and Nobles, than the good nature of Hortensius, who at their reasonable request, was so easy to be pacified and entreated.  
It was no long time that fortune fawned upon the Aequians: who embraced the doubtful victory of the Volscians, and took it as their own. The next year after, when Cn. Fabius Vibulanus, and T. Quintius Capitolinus, the son of Capitolinus, were Consuls: by the leading of Fabius, unto whom was allotted that province, nothing was done there worthy of remembrance. For when as the Aequians had made semblance of a battle, & brought their army only in fight, they were in fearful wise soon discomfited, and shamefully fled, ministering no matter of great honour to the Cos. And therefore was he denied triumph. But yet because the ignominy of the loss which happened by Sempronius, was partly allayed, it was granted that he might enter Ovant into the city. 
〈…〉.  [A General was said to enter Ovant into the city, when ordinarily without his army following him, he went on foot, or road on horseback only, and the people in their Acclamations for joy, redoubled Oh, or Oho. So that Ovatio is as much as Ohatio: Howsoever, some think that Ovatio took the name of sacrificing a sheep. But he road in triumph, when his soldiers attended him in his chariot, crying to Triumph. In this he carried a branch, or ware a garland of laurel, in the other of Myrtle. So that the Ovation was a less honour than the Triumph. And it was granted to inferior persons, & for meaner desert. Whereas, none usually might triumph, unless he were Dictator, Cos. or Praetor, & had slain in field 5000 enemies at the least, won much spoil and pillage, & augmented the State of the Roman Empire.] Like as the war was dispatched with less ado than they feared: so in the city, after a calm & peaceable state, there arose between the Com. and Nobles, a world of discords & troubles more than they expected. Which began upon occasion of doubling the number of Questors. For when the Consuls had propounded, that besides two Questors or Treasurers of the city, there should be other twain ready to attend upon the Consuls, for all services and charges belonging to war: and when the Nobles also with all their power had approved it, the Tribunes of the Commons entered into a contention with the Consuls, and required that some of the Questors (for until that time they had been created from out of the degree of the Patritij only) might be like wise of the Commons. Against which demand, at the first, both Consuls, and also the Nobles, laboured with might and main. But afterwards having granted thus much, That as the use and practice was in creating of Tribunes, with Consul's authority, so in like manner, in the Election of Questor's, the people should have their free liberty to choose. And seeing they gained little thereby, and could effect no good, they wholly let fall their former matter, about increasing the number of the Questor's. But although it were thus by them given over, the Tribunes took it in hand again, and set it on foot: yea, and other seditious actions besides eftsoons sprang forth, and among the rest; those also concerning the law Agraria. Upon which troubles, when as the Senate was of mind, that there should be Consuls rather than Consular Tribunes created; and by reason of the Tribunes stepping between with their negative voice, no decree of the Senate could pass, the government of the Commonweal was devolved from Consuls to an 
* The vacancy of the sovereign magistrate.  Interreigne, but not without exceeding great debate: for that the Tribunes kept the Patritij from meeting and packing together. Now when as the greater part of the year following was spent, with much strife and contention between the new Tribunes and certain Interregents, whiles one while the Tribunes stayed the Nobles from assembling together about the choosing of an Interregent, and another while crossed the Interregent for granting out any Act of Senate or warrant, for the election of Consuls: at the last, 
The Oration of L. Papyrius Muguillanus, to the Nobles & Commons of Roa. ●●  L. Papyrius Mugillanus, being declared Interregent, sometimes rebuked the Nobles, and sometimes blamed the Commons, and said: That the Commonwealth neglected and forlome of all men, was taken into protection of the gods, and guided by their care and providence: standing upright and safe only, upon the truce observed by the Veientians, and the slow speed or small haste that the Aequians made to war. From whence, if any trouble should happen to arise, it is your will (quoth he) and pleasure belike, that the state should be surprised and assailed, whiles it is without any Magistrate of the Nobility. For neither is there an army ready, nor yet a captain to raise an army. What? think ye to put back foreign war abroad by civil discord at home? Which if they both should come together, there were no other remedy, though all the gods in heaven should set to their helping hand, but that the Commonweal of Rome should utterly be subverted. Yet rather remit every one of you somewhat, of the rigour of your full jurisdiction, and (for the love of God) take some indifferent course to join in unity: the Nobles for their part, by suffering Military Tribunes to be created in am of Coss. the Tribunes again, by no more thwarting and interposing their negative, but that four Questors may be chosen by the free voices of the people, from out of the Commons & Nobles, one with another. First therefore was the High court held for choosing sovereign Tribunes: and Tribunes there were created in Consular authority, all of the Nobility, namely, L. Quintius Cincinnatus the third time, Sex. Furius Medullinus the second time, M. Manlius, and A. Sempronius Atratinus. When this Tribune last named, was precedent of the Election for Questours, and the son of Antistius a Tribune of the Commons, and a brother besides to another Tribune, one Sex. Pompilius stood for the dignity, among certain other of the Commoners: neither all their own means that they could make, nor all the voices they could procure, were able to prevail, but that the people preferred persons to the place, according to their gentry and high birth: namely, whose fathers and grandfathers they had seen Consuls. All the Tribunes of the Commons stormed and chased at this, 
The complaints of Pompilius and Antistius against Atratinus the tribune military.  but especially Pompilius and Antistius, being set on fire at the repulse of these their friends. What should this mean (say they) that none of the Commons, neither in regard of their own merits, nor considering the injuries at the Nobles hands, ne yet for desire they might pretend to the first handsel of that authority, which now was lawful, and never heretofore: that none of the Commons (I say) was created, if not a Military Tribune, yet not so much as a Questour? What? that neither the father's prayer in the behalf of his son, nor a brother's suit in favour of a brother, being Tribunes both of them, invested in that sacred authority, and which first was erected for the maintenance of common freedom, could aught at all prevail? Surely there is some fraud and juggling in the matter: and A. Sempronius, hath in the Election used more art and cunning than truth and fidelity. Complaining that by his injurious and indirect dealing, their friends had taken the foil. When as therefore they might not by any violence touch his own person and attach him, being sensed with innocency in this Action, and secured by virtue of the office which then he bore: they wreaked their selves and discharged their choler upon C. Sempronius, the cousin germane of Atratinus by the brother: and with the help of M. Canuleius, one of their colleagues, arrested him for the ignominious service in the Volscian war. Eftsoons also the same Tribunes made some words & motion in the Senate house, concerning the division of lands, and revived the law Agraria (which C. Sempronius at all times most sharply and eagerly had withstood. Supposing, as it fell out in deed, that the accused person should either by giving over the cause, be less esteemed of the Nobles: or if he stood to it still until the time of judgement drew near, he should displease and offend the Commons. But he chose rather to be the object of the displeasure and malice of the people, that were opposed and bend against him, and so to wound his own private estate: than to betray the common and public cause: and persisted resolute in the same mind still, that there should no bribing donative be granted, 
〈…〉  that might win and procure favour unto those three corrupt Tribunes. For it is not land and living (quoth he) that they shoot at, for the benefit of the Commons; that is not their seeking: but their drift is to work and procure displeasure unto me: and therefore I will for my part, abide that storm and tempest with a resolute mind. And the Senate ought not to esteem either of me, or of any citizen else so highly, as to buy the sparing of one man so dear, even with the harm and damage of the whole state. The day of judicial trial came. When as he had pleaded for himself, and seemed nothing daunted at the matter: yet, for all that ever the Nobles could do, who tried all means, but in vain, to mitigate and delay the heat of the Commons, condemned he was in 
* 〈…〉  fifteen thousand Asses. The same year Posthumia a Vestal Nun, was called in question for incontinency and incest, and came to her answer. A Virgin guiltless for any deed done: but scarcely of good name and fame: by reason that she was s uspected for her apparel and going more light & garish in her attire: yea, and for her wit, more conceited & pleasant, than became a maiden, and nothing respective of the speech of the world. Her trial was put over to a farther day, and she (after she had twice pleaded) in the end was acquit: only the high priest by the advice, and in the name of the whole college: schooled her, and gave her warning to leave her sports, taunts, and merry conceits: and in her raiment to be seen not so deft as devout, and wear her garments rather sainctly than sightly. The same year was Cumes, a city inhabited at that time by the greeks, taken by the Campanians.  
The year following had military Tribunes with Consul's authority, Agrippa Menenius Lan●tus, P. Lucretius Tricipitinus, Sp. Nautius Servilius. A year, by the happiness and good fortune of the people of Rome, more notable for a danger escaped, than for any harm received. Certain bondservants had conspired to fire the city in divers places far asunder: 
〈…〉  for this intent, when the people should be busily occupied, here and there, to save their houses, then by force and arms to surprise the Castle and Capitol. But jupiter turned away and disappointed their wicked designs. For by the peaching and information of twain, the rest of the malefactors were taken and executed. But those that disclosed and revealed the conspiracy, had ten thousand pound in brass money (which was in those days thought to be a great riches) weighed them out of the City chamber, 
〈…〉  and freedom besides, for their reward.  
After this, began the Aequians to renew war: and word was brought to Rome by credible persons, that certain new enemies also, to wit, the Lavicans, joined together in counsel with the old. These Aequians, were good neighbours: for once a year ordinarily, they used to put the city of Rome to the pains of warring with them, and not miss. Ambassadors than were sent to Lavicos, who brought doubtful answers from thence: whereby it appeared that neither at that instant they were ready to war, nor yet were like to continue long in peace. The Tusculans were charged, to take good heed, and have an eye that way, that no new stirs and troubles should arise at Lavicos. There came Ambassadors from Tusculum, to L. Sergius Fidenas, M. Papyrius Mugillanus, and C. Servilius, the son of Q. Servilius Priscus: (by whom, being dictator, Fidene was won) who were Military Tribunes in Consul's authority the year following. These Ambassadors brought news that the Lavicans were out, and in arms, and joining with the Aequians army, had forraied the country of Tusculum, and encamped themselves in Algidum. Then was war proclaimed against the Lavicans. And when by a decree made by the Senate, that two of the Consular Tribunes should go to war, and one manage the affairs of Rome: there arose a contention on a sunday, among the said Tribunes. Every one thought himself the meetest and most sufficient man, to be general of the war, refusing the charge of the city, as a base, dishonourable, and thankless office. As the Senators mused and wondered, to see amongst those that were fellows in government, so undecent a strife and contention; then Q. Servilius: Seeing that (quoth he) there is no reverend regard, either of this honourable house, or of the commonwealth: the father his countenance and dread majesty, shall end this debate. My son without any lot casting, shall govern the city as Precedent. God grant, that they which love war so well, may manage it with more discretion and concord than they wish it. As for a general muster to be levied out of all the people indifferently, that was not liked of. So ten Tribes were drawn by lot, out of which, the younger fort were priest forth to war under the conduct of the two Tribunes. The strife which began to be kindled among them in the city, through the same desire still of sovereignty, broke forth and grew much hotter in the camp. In nothing agreed they, striving whose opinion should stand: each one would have his own way: his own commandments obeyed and none else: one despised another, and were despised one of the other: until at length, upon the Lieutenant's reproof, they grew to this point, and this order was taken: That they should each other day, rule one alone by himself absolutely. Which news being brought to Rome, it is reported that Q. Servilius, a man for his years and long experience right skilful, prayed of the immortal gods, that by the variance and discord of the Tribunes, the commonwealth sustained not more harm, than they had received at Veios. And as if there were no doubt, but that some great loss and overthrow was ready to happen, he was instant upon his son, to levy soldiers, and to provide munition for war. Neither proved he a false and vain prophet. For by the leading of L. Sergius, whose day it was to rule, when as the enemy under a colour of fear, withdrew unto the trench, and to trained them thither upon a foolish hope to win the camp, even under the very camp of the enemies in an uneven ground of disadvantage, they were suddenly charged by the Aequians, discomfited and chased down the valley: and many in their fall, which was greater than the flight, were trod under foot and slain, and with much ado that day kept they their own tents. The morrow after, when as now the enemies had beset a great part of the camp, they shamefully fled away, at the back gate, and forsook the camp. The Captains, Lieutenants, and the strength remaining of the army, which kept to their ensigns and colours, went to Tusculum. Other that were scattered here and there about the fields by sundry ways, made haste to Rome, and reported there the overthrow to be greater than indeed it was. Less was the trouble and sorrow, because men looked for better issue and success: and also for that, there was help and succour (which they were to have an cie unto in so fearful a case) provided by the Tribune aforehand. At whose commandment, when as the tumult was by the inferior magistrates appeased in the city, espials were sent out in haste: who brought word that the captains and the army was at Tusculum: and that the enemy had not removed his camp. And then (which encouraged them most of all) by the senates decree, Q. Servilius Priscus was chosen dictator, a man whose providence over the commonweal, the city as many other times afore, so in the event of that war had experience of: for that he only suspected the contention of the Tribunes afore this unhappy soil. Who having nominated General of the horsemen, his son (as some say) by whom being military Tribune, himself was declared dictator (for others there be that write how Servilius Hula was that year General of the horse) went forth with a fresh army to war, and having joined unto him those which were at Tusculum, he pitched his tents, two miles from the enemy. But see the fruit of good success. The pride and negligence which had been amongst the Roman Captains, went from them to the Aequians. Therefore in the first beginning of the conflict, when the dictator with his horsemen whom he sent against them, had disordered and put out of array the foremost ranks of the enemies, than commanded he the ensigns of the legionary footmen with all speed to follow hard upon: and one ensign-baerer of his own, who made some stay, he slew with his own hand. Then were they so earnestly set to give an hot charge, that the Aequians could not abide their force: and being in fight overthrown, when as they fled all amain to the camp, the assault thereof was both shorter and with less ado, than was the battle. When the camp was taken and spoiled, and that the dictator had given the pillage unto the soldiers: and that the horsemen, which chased the enemies from the camp, had brought word back, that all the Lavicanes were overthrown, and a great part of the Aequians were fled to Lavicos: the day following was the army also led thither, and the town compassed and beset round about, scaled, and sacked. The dictator having brought home to Rome his victorious army, upon the eight day after he was chosen, gave over his office. And in very good time, before there was any sedition stirred up about the law Agraria, by the motion of the Tribunes of the Commons, 
A Colony planted at Lavicos.  for the division of the Lavicanes lands: the whole body of the Senate appointed that a Colony should be sent to Lavicos. So there were sent from the city a thousand and five hundred to inhabit there, and two acres a piece given them of land.  
After the winning of L●vicos, there were created Military Tribunes with Consul's authority, to wit, Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, and L. Servilius Structus, with P. Lucretius Tricipitinus (all three the second time) and Sp. Veturius Crassus: and the year following A. Sempronius Atratinus, the third time, and these twain, M. Papyrius Mugillanus, and Sp. Nautius Rutilius the second time: for these two years there was peace abroad, but discord at home about the laws Agratia. They that troubled the people, were Sp. Mecilius, who now the fourth time, and Metilius, who the third time were made Tribunes of the Commons, both absent. And when they had published their Act, That all lands conquered from the enemies, should be divided by the poll: by which Ordinance, the possessions of a great part of the Nobility became confiscate, (for since their city was situate and built in a strange ground, there was in a manner no land lay to it, which had not been purchased by the sword, neither enjoyed the Commons any, but that which either had been sold or assigned to the Commons) this seemed to be a bone cast between the Nobles and the Commons, to set them together at strife and contention. Neither knew the Military Tribunes any way to take counsel in this case, albeit one while they assembled the Senate, and another while met in private conference with the Nobility. Then Appius Claudius, (the nephew or grandsonne of notorious Appius the Decemvir, 
〈…〉  created for the making of laws) the puny of all the counsel of the Nobility, made (as it is reported) this speech, and said, That he would impart unto them that which he had received by tradition from his ancestors, to wit, an old devise, and appropriate to his house, for that his great grandsire App. Claudius, had showed unto the Nobles the only way, to abate and take down the Tribunes power, namely, by the coming between and negative voice of their fellows. For men new come up, and risen to promotion, might soon by the authority of the chief rulers be brought from their purpose, & made to change their mind, if otherwhiles those great men in place would use some speech unto them fitted and framed rather to the time and present occasion, than respective to their own high place and dignity: for evermore the heart and courage of such, is according to their degree and wealth. And when they see once their fellows possessed first afore them of the cause, and thereby crept wholly into all the favour with the Commons, and that no room is left for themselves to have any part thereof, they will be willing enough to incline and condescend unto the Senate, and take their part: by means whereof, they might wind into the love and good grace of that universal state, and particularly with the principal lords of the Nobility. Which speech, when they all had approved, and especially Q. Servilius Priscus, who praised the young Gentleman, for that he was not grown out of kind, nor degenerate from the stock and race of the Claudij, than every man was set about this business, to see whom of the College or company of Tribunes, they could win and draw to cross and stop the Act for going forward. The Senate now being broken up, the chief of the Nobles caught hold of the Tribunes, and were in hand with them, persuading, exhorting, and assuring them, that they should every one in private gratify not only, but also the whole body of the Senate in general: and never gave over, until they had procured six of them to interpose their negative, and to cross the law. The morrow after, when as of purpose a matter was propounded afore the Senate, about the sedition which Mecilius & Metilius had raised, by a Largesse of dangerous consequence; such speeches were by the principal of the Nobles delivered, that each one for himself confessed, that now they were to seek for counsel, and saw no other help nor remedy but in the authority of the Tribunes: to the protection and safeguard of which Magistracy, the Commonweal betook herself, and fled for succour, as being beset with danger, like some poor private person, and had no other means to save herself: saying, That it would be both for themselves, and also for their authority, an honourable thing, if it might appear, that the puissance of their Tribuneship were not more employed in molesting the Senate, and making discord among the States, than in resisting the peevish wilfulness of their colleagues. Whereupon arose a great noise through the whole company of the Senators, whiles out of all parts of the Court there assembled, they called upon the Tribunes for their helping hand. Then after silence made, they (who for the favour of the Lords of the Senate, were made aforehand to their cause) declared and confessed, that they were ready to cross that act, by their fellows published, seeing the Senate judged it to be prejudicial to the Commonwealth. These Tribunes for the offer of their good service, were by the Senate highly thanked. But the authors and patrons of the Act aforesaid, calling together an assembly of the Commons, when they had inveighed against their fellows most sharply, terming them betrayers of the Commons wealth, and slaves to the Nobles: and using other bitter speeches, gave over their action and suit.  
Two grievous wars had continued all the year next following (wherein P. Cornelius Cossus, C. Valerius Potitus, Quintius Cincinnatus, and M. Fabius Vibulanus, were military Tribunes in Coss. authority) but that the Veientian war was deferred by the superstitious fear of their own princes; whose grounds, Tiber (overflowing the banks) had spoiled, & overthrown also the villages & houses that stood thereupon. The Aequians likewise by reason of their loss received three years before, made no great haste to aid and assist the Volanes, a people of their own nation. For they had made certain roads into the Lavicanes country, confining upon them, and warred upon the inhabitants, lately there planted. Which trespass by them done, they hoped to have been able to maintain, by the banding and assistance of all the Aequians: but being forsaken of their allies, they lost both their town and territory, only by siege, and one light skirmish, and never fought for it anymemorable war. L. Sextius also Tribune of the Commons, assayed to make an Act, that there might be sent to Volae as well as to Lavicos, Coloners' to people it: but by the negative of his confreeres, who showed, that they would not suffer any Statute of the Commons to pass without the assent of the Senate, it came to nothing.  
In the year following, the Aequians having recovered and won again Volae, and brought a Colony thither, fortified the town with a fresh power, at what time were Tribunes Military in Consul's authority at Rome, Cn. Cornelius Cossus, L. Valerius Potitus, Q Fabius Vibulanus the second time, and M. Posthumius Regillensis. The war against the Aequians, was committed to this Posthumius, a man of a crooked disposition, as his victory showed more than the whole course of the war. For having levied an army in haste, and brought it before Volae, after some small skirmishes, he ●amed the Aequians, and at length entered the town. And when he had done with the enemies, he began to quarrel with his own soldiers: for whereas during the time of the assault, he had given out by proclamation, That they should have the saccage after the town was once won: he broke promise with them. For I am induced to believe that this was the cause rather why the army mutined and was discontented, than for that in a town lately sacked before and in a new Colony, there was found less spoil than the Tribune made boast of. But this displeasure and anger once conceived, was made the worse, after that he returned into the city: for being sent for by his fellows, upon occasion of the Tribunitian seditions, there escaped him an indiscreet speech, I must needs say, yea, and without all sense, wit, and honesty. Which he let fall in an assembly of the Commons: wherein it happened, that as Sextus, a Tribune of the Commons, was preferring the law Agraria, & saying withal, That he would propose an Act, that Coloners' should likewise be sent to Volae, for that they were worthy to have both the town and lands of Volae, who had by sword and spear conquered the same. Posthumius caught the word out of his mouth: And that shall my soldiers dearly aby (quoth he) unless they be more quiet. Which word being overheard, offended not so the Com. presently there in place assembled, as the Lords of the Senate a while after. Moreover, the Tribune aforesaid, an active man, and eloquent withal, having among his adversaries met with a proud humorous spirit, and an insolent and intemperate tongue, which walked so freely and so long by his provocation, that he uttered these speeches, which bred not only ill will and displeasure to himself, but also wounded the cause, and the whole state of the Patritij. This Sextus (I say) was busy, and quarreling with none of all the Military Tribunes, more than with Posthumius. And even at that time, taking advantage of the same cruel and unhuman speech of his: 
The Oration of Sextius against Posthumius.  Here ye not, o ye Commons (quoth he) how he threateneth mischief unto his soldiers, as unto bondslaves? And yet his beast ye will think more worthy of so great dignity wherein ye have placed him, than those that endue you with house and land, that send you abroad to inhabit Colonies, that provide habitation for you against old age, that tendering your wealth, take part and defend you against so cruel and proud adversaries. Begin now henceforth to mervell why so few take in hand to maintain your cause. For what may they look for, and hope at your hands? for honours? which ye bestow rather upon your adversaries, than those that are affectionate defenders of the people of Rome. Ye sighed even now and groaned again, at the words uttered out of this foul mouth. But what matter makes that? If ye were now to go to an election, and to give your voices, ye would no doubt for all that, prefer this man (who threateneth to mischief you) afore them that are willing and desirous to establish your lands, your dwelling places, and the whole state of your substance and living. But when that lewd language of Posthumius was reported once to the soldiers, it bred a far greater indignation (besure) within the camp. How now? (say they) is he, who hath intercepted our booty, and defrauded us poor sovidiours of our due, not content therewith, but must menace mischief besides unto us, as his varlets? When as therefore they openly muttered thereat, and the Questor or Treasurer P. Sestius thought that the mutiny might be restrained with the same violence by which it was first raised ●he sent an Officer to one clamorous soldier, that kept a yauling above the rest. Whereupon arose an outcry and a brawl: and he got himself a good rap with a stone for his labour, that he was feign to go out of the press. And he that smote him, spoke aloud besides, and bad the Questor take now that for his pains in a mischief, which the General had threatened his soldiers. Posthumius in this hurly-burly was sent for, and he when he wascome, made all worse and worse with his sharp examinations, tortures, and cruel punishments. At the last, when he could not see ●o make an end, nor bridle his choler: they all ran on heaps together, at the lamentable cry of those whom he commanded to be choked in the mire, and killed under the hurdle: and he half besides himself, full foolishly stepped down in more haste than good specd from the Tribunal seat, to chastise one that contested with him, and made a great brawling. Now when as the Lictors and Centurions every where laid about them to make way, and ill entreated the multitude in the throng, they moved their patience so much, that in that furious fit of the soldiers, the Military Tribune was by his own army stoned to death. 
〈…〉  Which horrible act, after it was noised at Rome, and the Military Tribunes by the senates authority, were about to fit in commission for the examination of the death of their colleague, by way of rigour and torture: the Tribunes of the Commonalty opposed themselves, and resisted them. But that contention depended upon another quarrel. For the Senate doubting least that the Commons for fear of those examinations intended, would in their anger create Tribunes military from out of their own body and degree; were very careful, and studied all they could, that Consuls might be chosen again. But when as the Tribunes of the Commons would not suffer an act of the Senate to pass, and hindered also the election of the Consuls, the matter came to an Interreigne. But in the end the Nobles had the upper hand. For when as Q. Fabius Vibulanus the Interregent, held a Court for the said Election, there were created Consuls A. Cornelius Cossus, and L. Furius Medullinus.  
In the beginning of these Consul's year, the Senate made a decree, that the Tribunes with all speed possible should propose unto the Commons, concerning the inquisition of Posthumius his death: and that they should make chief Commissioner and judge, whom they would. The Commons by the consent of the whole people, 
〈…〉  gave the Consul's commission to see it done, and performed accordingly. Who notwithstanding, that with exceeding moderation and lenity, they dispatched and ended the matter, by punishing a few, who (as it was credibly thought) made themselves away: yet could they not for all that bring about, but the Commonalty took it very heinously, and in the highest degree, saying, That the Acts & Ordinances, which had been propounded concerning their weal & commodities, those lay a long time asleep in the deck, and nothing done: but an order granted for their bloodshed and death, that was presently put in execution. Of so great force and importance was it. Now this had been the fittest time, that after these mutinous soldiers were chastised, the division of the Volane territory, should have been offered unto them, for to comfort their poor hearts again. By which deed (no doubt) their hot desire and longing after the law Agraria, had been abated, which tended to dispossess at length the Nobles of the common grounds, which they injuriously were seized of. But this indignity stuck in their stomachs, and was taken nearer to the heart, when they saw the Nobility so stiffly bend, not only to keep the common grounds in their hands, which they held by force: but also unwilling to divide among the people so much as the waist and void ground, lately gotten by conquest from the enemies: but that it was like, within a while (as all the rest) to be a booty, and dividend, to be shared among a few.  
The same year, were the legions led by Furius the Consul, against the Volscians: who harried the borders of the Hernicks. But finding not the enemy there, they won Ferentinum, whether a great number of the Volscians had retired themselves. The booty there, was less than they hoped for: by reason that the Volscians, seeing small hope of keeping the town, trussed up and carried away both bag and baggage in the night, and quit the town: which was won the morrow after, being left well near destitute and empty. All the lands were given freely to the Hernicks. When this year now was passed in good quiet by the modesty & peaceable carriage of the Tribunes, then in place: there succeeded another Tribune of the Commons L. Icilius, when Q. Fabius Ambuslus and C. Furius Pacilius were Consuls. Whiles this man in the very beginning of his year, was busy in stirring new seditions (as if it had been a task imposed upon his name and lineage) by proposing of the Agrarian laws: 
A pestilence.  behold, there arose a pestilence, more fearful than hurtful, which turned away men's minds, from their public assemblies and accustomed contentions, to tend their houses, and to care for the cherishing of their bodies. And (as men verily think) the sickness was less dangerous than the seditions were like to have been. When as the city was now excused, as it were, & well escaped, with the sickness only of many, and death of very few: 
A famine.  presently after this pestilent year, followed (as it is commonly seen) a great death of corn, by reason of the neglect of tillage. M. Papyrius Atratinus, and C. Nautius Rutilius being Consuls. This famine would have been more grievous than the plague, had they not provided well for come, by sending forth their Ambassadors to the neighbour nations all about, inhabiting along the Tuscan Sea & the Tiber, for to buy grain. Proudly were the Ambassadors prohibited all commerce and traffic with the Samnites, who held at that time Capua and Cumes: but chose bountifully were they relieved by the tyrants or potentates of Sicily. And such was the willing endeavour of Hetruria, that great store of victuals came down the Tiber. In what desolation the city was, during this affliction, the Cos. tried by this: that when they could not furnish an Embassage, but with one Senator, they were compelled to adjoin two Knights unto them. And setting a side the sickness & dearth, there was no trouble either at home or abroad for those two years. But when these storms were once overblown, & that care past: then began again the old troubles wherewith the city had usually been disquieted: dissension at home, & war abroad.  
When M. Aemylius and C. Valerius Potitus were Consuls, the Aequians made preparation for wars, and banded with the Volscians. Who albeit they took arms by no public commission; yet such as would of themselves serve for hire or wages, followed the wars. At the bruit of which enemies (for they were already come over into the country of the Latins and Hernicks) whiles Valerius the Consul mustered his men and levied soldiers: M. Menenius a Tribune of the Commons, & a publisher of the Agrarian laws, opposed himself against him. And when as by reason of the protection and assistance of the Tribune, no man would be compelled to take a soldiers oath against his will: suddenly news came, that the Castle of Carventus was by the enemies forced. This dishonour thus received, as it was a cause that Menenius was hated among the noblemen, so it gave to the rest of the Tribunes, who were already framed and prepared to withstand the law Agraria, more just cause to resist their colleague. The matter being thus for a long time protracted by much debating, the Consuls called both God and man to witness, that whatsoever shame or loss, either had been already received, or were like to be sustained by the enemies: the blame should be imputed to Menenius, who hindered the mustering. And Menenius protested again aloud, that if the unlawful landlords, would surrender the tenure of the common fields which they unjustly detained, he would not stay the musters. Then the nine Tribunes, by setting down a decree between them, made an end of the strife: & pronounced by authority of their college, that they would assist C. Valerius the Cos. (all contradiction of their colleague notwithstanding) to award any penalty restraint or chastisement, upon them that refused to be enroled for warfare. The Cos. being armed with this decree and warrant, after he had caused some few to be had away by the neck & laid fast, that called upon the Tribune for help, the rest for fear were sworn to serve. Thus the army was led forth to the Castle of Carventus. And although the soldiers were as odious to the Consul, as wickedly bend against him, yet at the very first coming, having manfully and lustily dispossessed the garrison, they recovered the fort. The soldiers who were slipped away from the hold, and gone a boothailing, by their negligence gave the Romans a fit opportunity to enter and to surprise it. And a good booty there was: by reason that they had continually gotten prizes, and laid up all there as in a place of safety. Which being sold in portsale, the Consul commanded the treasurers for to bring the money into the common chamber of the city: giving out these words withal, that the army should then have part of spoil, when they denied not their service in war. Hereupon both Commons and soldiers were more angry with the Consul. And therefore when as by a decree of the Senate he entered the city Ovant, in a petty triumph, the soldiers according to their licentious manner (in that case permitted) followed after with songs and sonnets, answering one another in rude rhyme and gross merer, by alternitive staves. Wherein the Consul was greatly blamed, but Menenius the Tribune, his name was set out to the height, his praises were blasoned and extolled aloft: and at every time that he was named, the affectionate favour of the people that stood in the streets appeared, by clapping of hands and great applause, striving a-vie to exceed the songs chanted by the soldiers. Which caused the Nobles to look to it, and troubled them more than the malapert sauciness of the soldiers with their Consuls, which is an ordinary and usual fashion among them. And Menenius (who doubtless had been one of the Military Tribunes, if he had sued for it) was excluded from that dignity by an Election of Consuls. So there were created Consuls. Cn. Cornelius Cossus, and L. Furius Medullinus the second time.  
Never took the Com. the matter more to the hart, that the Election of Tribunes escaped their hands: which grief of theirs in the Election of Questors, they both showed & revenged. For this was the first time that the Questors were made of the commonalty: so that in choosing of 4, there was but one place left for C. Fabius Ambustus, a Nobleman: and 3 of the commonalty, Q. Silius, P. Aelius, & P. Pipius, were preferred before young gentlemen, of most noble houses. I find that the persuaders of the people to use their full liberty in bestowing their voices, were the three Icilij, (descended of that house, which ever was most maliciously bend against the Nobles) who were for that year chosen Tribunes of the commonalty, & possessed the people's heads with a world of great matters, after which they gaped greedily: but so, as they flatly gave out and said, They would not stir at all, if the people had not courage enough, so much as in the election of Questors, which only the Senate had left indifferent to the commonalty and Nobility, to effect that which so long they had desired, and now by law was warranted. Thus the Commons assured themselves hereby of a mighty great victory: and esteemed not the dignity of Questourship to be the end and type of honour, but that thereby they seemed to have made a way and ouverture for new risen upstarts, to be advanced to Consulships and triumphs. The Nobles chose stormed, not for that their dignities were made common and imparted to other, but for the utter loss thereof: protesting that if things went so on end, they would neither get, nor bring up children any more: who being put from their Ancestors place, and seeing others in possession of their dignity, should be disabled for bearing rule and authority in the stare, and be good for nothing but only to be made priests for Mars, and Flamines for jupiter, employed about nothing else but to sacrifice (forsooth) for the people. Thus on both parts were their minds nettled and provoked, whiles the Commons took heart, and had three champions of great reputation to back them, and maintain their cause: and the Nobles, seeing all would prove like to the Questors Election (if it lay in the people's choice) addressed themselves to the Election of Consuls, which as yet was not so free, and indifferent both for Commons and Nobles. chose, the Icilij persisted still, and urged the point, that in any hand Tribunes Military should and must be created. For now it was more than time that the Commons had their part in offices of state. But no Action hitherto belonging to the offices and charge of the Consuls had been presented unto them, by the hindering whereof they might wring from them, that which they desired and sought for. But see, how even then, in wonderful good opportunity, word was brought that the Volscians and Aequians were departed out of their own Confines, and made an expedition into theLatine pale for to rob and spoil. To the which war, when as by virtue of an order from the Senate, the Consuls began to muster: the Tribunes laboured tooth and nail to hinder it: giving out that this occurrent fortuned happily on their sides and the Commons. Three there were of them, and all most quick active and courageous men: yea (and for commoners) of good birth, and worshipfully descended. Whereof twain took in hand, by their continual travail to attend and watch the Consuls, to keep them a work, and either of them to hold one occupied: the third, was appointed to entertain the commonalty: and in all assemblies, with their Orations, one whiles to rain them in, another while to give them the head, as occasion required. But all this while, neither Consuls went through with the musters, nor the Tribunes with the election which they desired. But afterwards when fortune began to incline to the Commons side, messengers came with news, that whiles the soldiers that lay in garrison at the Castle Carventana, were stepped aside to get a booty, the Aequians having slain a few warders that kept the hold, entered it: and that all the soldiers were slain: some as they ran into the fort again, others as they were scattered in the fields. This thing falling out so cross against the whole State, gave strength yet unto the designments of the Tribunes. For being dealt withal, that now at length they would surcease from hindering the war, nothing would prevail: for that they neither gave place to the public calamity and necessity, nor yet regarded their own private peril of displeasure: & they obtained in the end that an Act of Senat was granted for to choose Tribunes Military. How beit with this express proviso, it was capitulated; That none of them who had been Tribunes that year of the Commons, should be eligible and propounded: no, nor chosen again Tribunes of the Commons for the year following. Whereby, no doubt, the Senate noted and pointed at that Icilij, whom they charged to seek to be Consuls, for a reward of their seditious Tribuneship. Then went the mustering forward, and preparation of war, by consent of all the States.  
Sundry authors write diversely and make doubt, whether both the Consuls went to the Castle Carventana, or whether one of them stayed behind in the city for to hold the foresaid Election. In this they disagree not, but set down for certain: that when they had assailed the Castle a long time without effect, they were compelled from thence to remove: and that Verrugo in the country of the Volscians by the same army was recovered, and that great forraying there was, and driying of booties, both in the country of the Aequians and also of the Volscians. Now at Rome, as the victory of the commonalty rested in this, that they had the Election which they desired: so in the issue and success of the Election, the Nobles had the better. For besides all men's hope and expectation, there were three Tribunes Military chosen with Consul's authority, all of the Nobility, C. julius Tullus, Cn. Cornelius Cossus, C. Servilius Hala. Men say that the Nobles used a subtle practice and cunningdevise, which even then the Icilij charged them with: to wit, that by intermingling a many of unworthy and unmeet competitors with others of mark and quality, they had alienated the people's hearts from the commoners, seeing them to be men of no worth, and loathing the notable baseness that appeared in their persons.  
After this, tidings came, that the Volscians and Aequians (were it that the castle of Carventus which they held and guarded still, put them into some hope: or their garrison & fort lost at Verrugo drove them into anger) were up in arms, with all force ready to make war: that the Antiates were the principal and chief in this intended action: that their Ambassadors had solicited the people of both Nations, rebuking their cowardice, for keeping within their walls, and suffering the Romans the year before, to harry and drive booties in their territories, and the garrison of Vertugo to be surprised and lost. Moreover, that not only hosts of armed men were sent against them, but Colonies also were planted in their frontiers and marches: & that the Romans not content to divide their lands and goods among themselves, had bestowed upon the Herniks the town Ferentinum, which they had won from them. At these speeches they were kindled and set on fire: and in all places whether they went to solicit, the younger sort and able men in great number were levied. So the youth and manhood of all those Nations, gathered together to Antium, where they encamped themselves, and expected the enemy. Which tidings being brought to Rome, caused more fear than need was. And the Senate presently (which in all fearful occurrents was ever their last remedy & refuge) gave order that a Dictator should be created. Which thing julius and Cornelius, two military Tribunes (they say) took in great displeasure. And hereof ensued much hartburning & dissension: whiles the LL. of the Senate of one side complained in vain of their grievances, That the Tribunes Military would not be ordered by the authority of the Senate: & at the last had recourse to the Tribunes of the Commons for help: alleging withal, that the very Consul's power upon the like occasion had been by their authority overruled and set down. And the Tribunes of the Commons on the other side, rejoicing at the discord of the Senators, made answer again, and said, That for their parts, they were not able to yield any succour at all, who were of no reckoning themselves, being reputed neither in the roll of citizens, ne yet so much as in the number of men. But if so be (say they) dignities and honours were communicated to us, than would ●ee provide and take order, that by no pride of any magistrate whatsoever, the senates decree should be made frustrate and disannulled. And in the mean while, seeing the Nobles were exempt from all reverence of laws, and regard of Magistrates, let them of themselves also exercise the Tribunes authority if they would. This discord falling out so unf●ly, when so great war was in hand, occupied and possessed men's heads a long time: whiles julius and Cornelius one after another, thus reasoned and discoursed: That seeing they themselves were captains good enough for the conduct of such a war, it was not meet, that the honour once bestowed upon them by the people, should be made void and taken from them. 
〈…〉  Then Servilius Hal●, who also was a Tribune Military spoke and said: I have been silent thus long, not for that I was doubtful in mine opinion, or to seek what to say, (For what good citizen (quoth he) would have his advice by himself, and go from the public counsel?) but because I had leiser, that my brethren of their own accord should give place to the senates authority, than to suffer the Tribunes power to be called for, against them. And even now also, if the case would permit, I could willingly give them time and space to retract again their too too obstinate, perverse and peremptory opinion. But seeing that the necessities of war, wait not upon human counsel, I will have more respect and consideration of the weal public, than of the favour of my brethren. Wherefore, if the Senate persist still in that mind and resolution of theirs, I will the next night following nominate a dictator. And if any one withstand me, I will ask no more, than the power and virtue of the Senate's Act. By which speech of his, having won deserved praise and thanks of all men, he declared Publius Cornelius Dictator, and was himself by him nominated General of the horsemen. A singular example to teach as many as beheld him and his Colleagues, That otherwhiles favour and honour soon fall to them that lest desire the same. The war was small and nothing memorable: for in one easy and slight battle were the enemies overthrown and slain at Antium. The army upon this victory wasted the Volscians country, wan by force the castle upon the lake Fucinus, and within it took three thousand prisoners: having chased all the rest of the Volscians within their walls, not able to keep their frontiers. The dictator, after he had performed this war in such sort, as only he might not seem to neglect his wont fortune but keep it still in ure, returned into the city with greater felicity than glory, and resigned up his place.  
The Tribunes military, making no words at all of the choosing of Consuls (for anger, I suppose, that a Dictator had been created) published the Election of Tribunes Military. But then the Senators were in greater care and perplexity, seeing their cause betrayed even by those of their own company. Wherefore, as in the former year, by foisting in the basest of the Commons for competitors, they had caused even men of good worth to be despised: so, now by procuring the principal of the Nobility, both for honour and for favour, to stand for the dignity, they obtained all the places to themselves: so as no one Commoner could be chosen. So there were created four, all having afore born that Magistracy, L. Furius Medullinus, C. Valerius Potitus, Cn. Fabius Vibulanus, & C. Servilius Hala. This man was chosen again to the place, as well in regard of other virtues and worthy parts, as for the late favour which he won by his rare moderation, and singular carriage of himself.  
In that year, for as much as the time of truce with the Veientian Nation was expired, they began by Ambassadors and Heralds of arms, to challenge of them amends and restitution. Whom, as they entered into their territory, the Embassage of the Veientians encountered in the way, requesting them not to go forward to Veij, before they had presented themselves to the Senate of Rome. Who being thither come, obtained of the Senate, that for as much as the Veientians were at civil discord among themselves, they would not claim any Almendats at their hands. Lo, how far they were from seeking their own vantage by other men's distress & calamity. Also at the Volscians hands they sustained damage by loss of their garrison at Verrugo. But (see what a thing it is to slack the time) For whereas the soldiers besieged there, by the Volscians, and sending for aid in due time, might have been rescued if speed had been made, the army which was sent for succour, came too short, and after the fray was ended. Only this exploit they did: The enemies, who after their fresh massacre committed upon the garrison, were gone abroad straggling for to raise booties, were by them overtaken and put to the sword. The cause of this slackness was imputed to the Senate, rather than the sovereign Tribunes: who because intelligence was given, that they in the garrison resisted and defended themselves most manfully, little considered, That there is no prowess of man whatsoever, but by valour again it may be overmatched. Most brave and valiant soldiers they, that neither while they lived, nor after death were unrevenged.  
The year following, when P. and Cornelius, both surnamed Cossus, C. Fabius Ambustus and L. Valerius Potitus were Tribunes Military in Consul's authority, began the Veientian water, by occasion of a proud & arrogant answer returned by the Senate of the Veientians: Who commanded that the Ambassadors which came to claim a mends, should take this for their dispatch: That unless they departed presently out of the city and country, they would serve them as Lar Tolumnius had done others before. The Senators of Rome hardly could digest that and therefore decreed, that the Military Tribunes, should propose unto the people as speedily as might be, even the day before to morrow, concerning proclamation of open war, and sending defiance to the Veientians. Which as soon as ever it was noised and published, the younger sort and men of service, murmured and muttered in this manner: That as yet they had not fully ended the war with the Volscians: that even of late two whole garrisons were lost, and their throats cut, and the forts kept still with danger and great hazard. There is not (say they) a year passeth over our heads, but one field or other is fought: and as if we had not work and trouble enough already, there was now intended new war with a most mighty nation confining upon them, and which was like enough to raise against them all Hetruria. And as they were forward enough of themselves to conceive thus, and utter these speeches, so the Tribunes of the Commons were not behind to buzz more matters into their heads, and set all on a light fire. Who gave out stillefrsoons, That when all was done, the greatest warring was between the Nobles and Commons: and that the Commons for the nonce were to be toiled out with travail orwarfare, and exposed to the enemies for to be murdered: and that they were to be kept far off from the city, and as it were confined and sent out of the way: lest by being quiet at home, & minding their freedom and colonies, they should consult and devise, both how to dispose of the common grounds, and to give their voices freely. And ever as they could meet with any old beaten soldiers, they would hold them with talk, take them by their hands, reckon up how many years they had done service in war, fall to telling of their gashes and scars, ask them what whole place they had left in their bodies for to receive new wounds, and what blood was behind to spend and shed, in the quarrel of the commonwealth? When as by iterating these and such like speeches, both in their private talk and conference, and also other while in their public assemblies, they had turned clean away the hearts of the commonalty from taking war in hand: the foresaid Act propounded, was put off until a farther day, and lay still for the time. Which no doubt, had been nipped in the head, and never would have passed farther, in case it had been referred and subject to the hard opinion and conceit of men, as than they stood affected. In the mean whiles agreed it was, that the Military Tribunes should conduct an army into the Volscians country. C●. Cornelius alone was left at Rome. The three Tribunes, after that they perceived the Volscians in no place encamped, and nothing minded to try a battle, parted themselves three ways to waste and harry the frontiers. Valerius he marcheth to Antium, Cornelius to Ecetre. And every way as they went, they spoilt all before them, both house and field, and all to amuse and keep the Volscians occupied that way. But Fabius without any forraying at all, came directly to assault Anxur, which was the service most desired. Now Anxur was that, which at this day is calledTarracine, a city seated upon marshes. And on that side Fabius made show of assault. But there were four cohorts under the leading of C. Servilius Hala sent out to fetch a compass: who having gained the hill that overlooketh and commandeth the town, from that higher ground, with a mighty shout and outcry assailed the wall, where it was disfurnished of guard to defend it. At which sudden alarm, they were amazed who manned the wall of the base town against Fabius: and suffered them to set ladders to, and to scale. By which means every place was full of enemies. And upon the walls for a good while there was nothing but killing, as well those that fled, as those that resisted, armed and unarmed, one with another. So that, albeit they were too weak, yet forced were they to fight: because in yielding they saw no way but one. But upon proclamation once made, that none but armed men should be killed: all the multitude besides willingly were disarmed. Of which number there were upon two thousand & five hundred taken alive. From the saccage Fabius kept the soldiers, until his Colleagues were come: saying, that Anxur was taken as well by those armies, which had driven away the rest of the Volscians from the defence of that place, as by themselves. Who being come, the three armies jointly ransacked it, & had the pillage for their labour of that rich town, that had gathered wealth a long time. Which courtesy & bountifulness of the commanders, was the first thing that reconciled Commons and Nobles together. Over and besides this munificence of the Rulers, the Nobles also began in most happy hour to be liberal unto the multitude. For before that either the Com. or Tribunes made the motion, the Senate decreed, that soldiers might have their pay out of the city chamber: whereas before that time, every man in that service had borne his own charges. Never was there any thing, by report, so joifully accepted of the Commons: who ran by heaps together to the counsel house: took the Senators by the hands as they came forth, and said, They were now truly called Patres, i Fathers, confessing that now the day was come, that in the quarrel of so bounteous a city, there was no man would so long as his breath lasted, spare either limb or life. Seeing that this commodity they should have to help them, namely, that during the time that their bodies were employed, & busily occupied in the defence of Commonweal, their private estate should stand at one yet, and not decay. And for as much as it came of themselves, and never moved by any of the Tribunes of the Commons, nor called for and craved importunately, by their importune speeches; that was it, that multiplied their joie, and made the boon itself much more acceptable. But the Tribunes of the Commons (who only had not their part in this common joy and concord of all States) came in with their vie, and said, that it would not prove so joyous and happy to the Nobles all in general, as they supposed: that this course and order taken, was at the first sight better than it would be found in the practice and execution. For how could that money possibly be made and raised, but by levying a tribute or payment of the people? they were therefore liberal, but of other men's purses. But admit or say that the rest would bear it, yet those neither could nor would endure it, who were past warre-service, and lived upon their pensions and annual salary: who would grudge and repine, that others hereafter should serve in war for more gain than they had in their time done; who having been charged with the pay of their own service, should now again be put to contribute to the wages of others. With these words they moved part of the Commonalty. Last of all when there was a levy exacted, the Tribunes also proclaimed, That they would bear as many out, as would not contribute to the soldiers pay. The Nobles continued still to maintain that which they had so well begun, and were the first that opened their purse, and for that as yet they had no silver coin, some of them carried gross pieces of brass in wanes to the treasure house, and made a goodly show of contribution. When as the Nobles had most faithfully paid according to the rate of their wealth: the chief of the Commons also, friends of the Nobility, as it was afore agreed, began to lay their penny to theirs: whom when the common sort saw both to be commended of the Nobles, and to be admired and reverenced of the soldiers as good citizens: they all upon a sudden, refusing the Tribunes assistance, began to strive who should pay first. And the decree or act being once passed; of proclaiming war against the Veientians, the new Tribunes Military led an army to Veios, consisting much upon voluntary soldiers. Now the Tribunes were T. Quintius Capitolinus, P. Quintius Cincinnatus, C. julius Tullus the second time, A. Manlius, L. Furius Medullinus the third time, and M. Aemylius Mamercus. And these were the first that besieged Veij.  
About the beginning of which siege, when the Tuscans held a counsel in a solemn assembly at the temple of Volumna, they could hardly agree upon this point, Whether the Veientians should be defended by general war of the whole Nation, or no. The year following was the siege not so hot, by reason that some of the Tribunes, and part of the forces, were called away to the Volscian war. The Tribunes Military in Coss. authority, that year were C. Valerius Potitus the third time. M. Sergius Fidenas, P. Cornelius Maluginus, Cn. Cornelius Cossus. C. Fabius Ambustus, Sp. Nautius Rutilius the second time. With the Volscians there was a pight field fought between Ferentinum and Ecetra. Wherein the Romans had the day. Then the Tribunes began to lay siege to Artena a town of the Volscians: where, by reason of a sallying forth by them attempted, the enemies were driven back into the town, and the Romans took occasion and vantage thereby, to break in with them pell mel, and so they won all, save only the castle. Into this fort naturally fenced, a good company of armed men betook themselves: but beneath the castle, many a man was either slain or taken prisoner. Afterwards was the fortress besieged also: Neither could it by assault be forced, for that there was a guard sufficient to man it, considering the bigness of the place: nor gave the assailants any hope of yielding, for before the town was lost, they had conveyed all their public provision of come into the castle. So that the Romans had for very wearisomeness departed from thence, but that a bondslave betrayed it unto them. Who let in certain soldiers at a steep high place, and those were they that won the fortress: for when the warders were by them slain, the rest of the multitude with sudden fright were soon overcome, and yielded. Thus, when both the castle and town of Artena was sacked and spoiled, the legions were brought back from the Volscians, and all the Romans power employed against Veij. To the traitor aforesaid, there was given besides liberty, the pillage of two households for a reward. And he was named ever after Servilius Romanus. There be that think Artena was a town of the Veientians, and not of the Volscians: the occasion of which error is, for that there was a town of that name between Cere and Veios. But that town the Roman kings destroyed: and it belonged to the Ceretes, and not to the Veientians: but this other, whereof we have reported the destruction, was in the country of the Volscians.   

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the fifth Book.  
AT the siege of Veij, the soldiers had bolds made them for to winter in. Which being a new● kind of service, stroke an beat in the Tribunes of the Commons, who complained that they had no rest from warfare, so much as in the winter season. Then the Gentlemen of Rome began first to serve upon their own horses. When the Alban lake overflowed, a certain prophet or wisart was taken captive from the enemies, who should interpret that strange wonder. Furius Camillus, after ten years siege, wan Veij: be translated the Image of juno from thence to Rome. The tenth part of the spoil and saccage besent to Apollo at Delphi. The same Camillus being Tribune military, Whiles he laid siege unto the Falisci, sent back again to the parents, his enemy's sons that were betrayed unto him: Whereupon the Falisci yielded themselves, and so by his righteous and iust dealing, obtained victory over them. When one of the Censors C. julius was deceased, M. Cornelius was substituted in his place: Which was never done again afterwards, because in that five years space, Rome was taken by the Gauls. Furius Camillus, being indicted by L. Apuleius a Tribune of the Commons, departed into exile. When as the Senones a people of the Gauls, besieged Clussum, and the Ambassadors sent from the Senate to conclude a peace between them and the Clusines, fought themselves in persons against the Gauls in the Clusines army. The Senones hereupon made quarrel, and with a cruel army came against the city of Rome: and after they had defeated the Romans at the river Allia, they were Masters of the city, all but the Capitol, into which the able and serviceable young men of the city betook themselves. The elders with their ornaments of state belonging to the offices that each one had borne, they slew sitting in the porches and entries of their houses. And when they were now gotten up to the top of the Capitol, by the back side of the hill, they were discovered by the gaggling of geise, and were turned down, principally by the valour of M. Manlius. Afterwards when through famine the Romans were forced to covenant and grant for to give them the sum of 1000 pound weight of gold, and for that to buy their redemption from the siege: Furius Camillus, who was created Dictatom in his absence, came with an army, whiles the gold was in weighing: and drove the Gauls out of the city, after they had been possessed of it six months, and slew them. A chapel was built to Locatius: in that place where before the taking of the city, there was a voice heard, that the Gauls were coming. Whereas it was purposed and propounded to remove to Veij, because the city of Rome was burnt and razed: that course by the advice and authority of Camillus was crossed and dispatched. The people was moved thereto the rather, by occasion of the osse of a word spoken by a Centurion, who being come with his band of soldiers into the Forum, was heard to say thus, STAND SOLDIERS, HERE WILL BE OUR BEST ABIDING PLACE.  
WHEN peace elsewhere was obtained, the Romans and Veians were at war, with such mutual malice & hatred; that it seemed, whether part were vanquished, should come to final destruction. The assemblies for the Election of the rulers of both nations, far differed one from the other. The Romans augmented the number of Tribunes Military in Consul's authority: for eight of them (so as never afore) were created: M. Aemylius Mamercus the second time, L. Valerius Potitus the third time, Appius Claudius Crassus, M. Quintilius Varus, M. julius Tullus, M. Posthumius, M. Furius Camillus, and M. Posthumius Albas'. The Veientians chose, being weary of suing for dignities every year (a cause sometimes of civil discord) made themselves a King. Which offended the people of Hetruria: who as they abhorred all regal government, so they hated the person of the King himself. He had aforetime oppressed that nation, in regard of his greatness and pride withal: in that he had violently put down their solemn plays, the intermission whereof was held unlawful and detestable. For upon a time, in an anger that he received a repulse, and by the Suffrages of the twelve nations, another was preferred before him to be high Priest, in the very midst of their solemn Games and sports, he took from them the very players and actors, whereof a great sort were his own servants. That people therefore, given to superstition above all other, and so much the rather for that they excelled in the skill of religious observing the same, decreed to deny the Veientians their aid, so long as they were governed under a King. This decree was suppressed and not spoken of at Veij for fear of the King, who would have accounted him that should report such a rumour, for a sour of sedition, rather than an author of news. The Romans, albeit they heard that all was quiet from Hetruria: yet because they were advertised that in all the diets and counsels of that nation, the question was on foot and much debated, made their fortifications at Veij, so as they stood two ways: some looked towards the city against all sallies and eruptions of the townsmen: others fronted Hetruria, to stop all succours that haply might come from thence. But the Roman captains having greater hope in long siege, than in quick assault, began to build wintering harbours (a strange thing to Roman soldiers.) Their intent was all winter time to keep continual war. Which after it was told at Rome to the Tribunes of the Commons (who now a long time could find no matter and occasion of troubles and alteration) they leapt forth into the assembly of the people, sounding and soliciting the minds of the Commons, and eftsoons saying, That this was the only matter, why a set pay was appointed for the soldiers: and that they were not ignorant, That the gifts of enemies would prove to be besmeered with poison: That the freedom of the Commons was bought and fold: That their young men were sent away far off, and as it were banished from the city and commonwealth, so that now they had not so much spare time as winter, nor any season else of the year, for to visit home and see unto their estate. What think ye (say they) is the cause of continuing this warfare? No other verily should they find it but this, least by reason of the frequent number of those young men, in whom the whole strength of the commonalty consisted, there might be something dealt in, and effected, concerning their commodities. Over and besides they complained how they were much more hardly used, than the Veientians. For as for them, they spent the winter within their own houses, defending their city, fortified both with goodly walls, and also by natural situation of the place: but the Roman soldiers abode by it still in labour and travail, throwded under booths of poor hides, overwhelmed with snows and frosts, not laying away their hamesse and weapons, so much as in winter: the ordinary time of rest from alwars both by sea and land. This manner of hard bondage, neither the Kings, nor those proud and imperious Consuls (before the Tribunes authority was ordained to take them down) ne yet the Lordly ruling dictator, nor the insolent and unsupportable Decemvirs, ever enjoined; thus to dwell in in continual soldiery, as these Tribunes Military do: who exercise upon the Commons of Rome, an absolute and kingly authority. What would they do another day, when they were Consuls or Dictator's indeed, who now but representing only the Consul's government (as vice Consuls) are so cruel and unreasonable? But we are well enough served, and justly have deserved no less. For that there was not so much as one place for a commoner, amongst eight Tribunes. Aforetime, the Nobles were wont with much heave and shove, to fill but three rownes: and now they go eight in a rank together, to obtain all charges and dignities of State and government: and in that throng, a Commoner cannot have a place amongst them, to put his colleagues in mind (if he did nothing else) that they that go to warfare were freemenyet, and citizens with them, and not bondslaves. Who in Winter at the least, aught to be brought again to their houses and homes, and once a year visit their loving parents, their sweet children, and best beloved wives: to make some use of their liberty, and choose their Magistrates. These and such like speeches, whiles they broadly uttered and multiplied, they met at length with an adversary that was able to match them, Appius Claudius, left for the purpose at home by his brethren in office, to restrain the Tribunes seditions: a man ever from his tender youth trained up in the broils and contentions of the Commons. Who certain years before (as we have said) gave shrewd and unhappy counsel to dissolve and put down the Tribunes authority, by the contradiction and inhibition of their own Colleagues: This man being not only in wit prompt and ready, but also exercised by long practice, made at that time this or such like speech: 
The Oration of App. Clau●ius.  If ever doubt were made, o Quirites, whether the Tribunes of the Commonalty have for love of your good or their own particular vantage, been always the authors and beginners of discord and dissension, this year I know assuredly, ye need no more to stand in doubt. And as I rejoice that ye are at length come to an end of this your long wandering, so I congratulate both you, and the Commonweal for your sake, that this error is cleared, and especially in the midst of your prosperity. Is there any man maketh question now, that the Tribunes of the Commons were not offended, nor took snuff so much at the injuries at your hands received (if haply there have sometimes been any) as at the bounty of the Nobles, towards the Commons, in allowing pay to those that serve in war? What think ye else, either they feared then, or would at this day disturb and disquiet: but only the concord and agreement of the States? Which they suppose tendeth most, and is sufficient; to abolish and overthrow the Tribunes authority. And verily, as naughty Artisanes or lewd leeches, seek for work still, and would be ever doing: so they likewise desire to have some thing or other out of frame and amiss in the Commonweal; that to the repair and cure thereof, they mightbe ever sent for and employed. For whether do ye, (and speak truth) maintain or impugn the commonalty? Are you the adversaries or the advocates of them that serve in the wars? Unless peradventure this be your saying, Whatsoever the Nobleses doc, it misliketh us, be it for the good of the common people, or to their prejudice and damage. And even as masters forbid their own servants and slaves, to have any dealing at all with strangers, and think it meet and reason, that they meddle neither hot nor cold with them: even so forewarn ye the Nobles from all commerce and intercourse with the Commons: to the end, that neither we by our courtesy and liberality, should allure and win them; nor they again become dutiful and obeisant to us. How much more ought you (I pray you) if there were any spark (I say not) of civility, but of common humanity and good nature in you, rather to favour, and as much as lieth in you, softer and cherish, as well the gracious kindness of the Nobles, as the willing service and obedience of the Commons? Which accord, if it were perpetual, who would not undertake to warrant, that this signory and Empire, within a while, might prove the mightiest and most renowned of all those States that border hard upon our confines? As for this purpose intended, and plot devised by my Colleagues, whereby they would not have the army withdrawie away from the siege of Veij, before the service were brought to an end: how it would be not only profitable, but also necessary, I will hereafter argue and prove. Now for this time, I list rather to treat and speak of the present condition and state of those, that are employed there in warfare. Which Oration of mine, if it were pronounced, not before you only, but also in the camp, and there canvassed & scanned of, by the very army itself, I suppose, would seem equal, and be received for good and reasonable. Wherein, if nothing else should come into my head to speak, I would content myself, and rest satisfied with the only speeches given out by the very adversaries. They said of late, That pay was not to be allowed to the soldiers, for that never before it had been allowed. How then can they now be offended, and so male content, if they who have some new commodity coming to them, be enjoined also new labour proportionably? For never lightly is there travel any where without gain, nor gain commonly without travel and employment. Pains and pleasure, things of themselves in nature most unlike, yet by a natural kind of society (I know not how) are linked together. The soldier (aforetime) thought much to bestow his labour and service upon the Commonweal, at his own proper charges: yet was he glad with all his heart, that one part of the year, he might look to home, husband his land, and get maintenance to find himself and his, both at home in city, and abroad in war. Now, taketh he contentment, and is well pleased, that the Commonweal is gainful to him: and with joyful heart receiveth his wages. Let him likewise be content, with patience to forbear his house and family (since he is at no great charge) somewhat longer than ordinary. Might not the Commonwealth, if she would call him to a reckoning, justly say: Yearly pay thou hast, perform therefore thy yearly service? Dost thou think it reason, to receive full wages for the whole year? and to be employed but six months for it? Much against my stomach, o Quirites, enforce I this point, and dwell still in this one part of my Oration. for in this wise aught they to reason that have mercenatie and hired soldiers: but we will use them as fellow citizens, and think it meet likewise that they entreat us kindly, and speak unto us as to their native country. Either it behoved us, not to have begun the war at all: or else to proceed forward, now it is begun: yea and for the honour of the people of Rome, to finish it with all speed possible. And finished it will be, if we press upon our enemies thus besieged: if we depart not afore we have accomplished our hope, by the winning of Veij. And surely, if there were no other cause but this, even the very shame and indignity of the thing, might force us to continue siege unto the end. In old time, the whole power of Greece laid siege full ten years to one city, and that for one only woman: How far (good god) from their own home? how many lands and seas between? Are we then loath and weary being within 20. miles of our dwelling place, and almost in the sight of our ownecittie, to endure the toil of one years siege? Because (forsooth) we have but small cause given us to war: and not griefs enough that might justly provoke us to abide and see the end. Seventimes already they have rebelled: In peace never were they true. Our country have they spoiled and wasted a thousand times. The Fidenates they have caused to revolt from us. Our inhabitants there by us placed, they have slain: and against all law of nations they were the principal instruments of that unworthy and unhuman murder of our Ambassadors. All Hetruria would they have raised up against us, and at this day about it they go. And when our Ambassadors came to demand amends, they had like to have run upon them and killed them. And ought we then with these kind of men to stand at a bay, and to war coldly and by leisure? But if so just an hatred as this move us not: do these things (I pray you) near a whit move you neither? Their city is environed and beleaguered with deep trenches: blocked with mighty sconces, whereby the enemy is penned up and pinned within his own walls. His fields he cannot till, and whatsoever was afore tilled, hath been destroyed by war. If we dislodge and withdraw our army back, who doubteth, but that they (not for desire only of revenge, but upon necessity also and constraint to pray of other men's goods, having lost their own) will invade and overrun our country? So that by this means we defer not the war, but bring it within our own borders and confines. But now as touching that which properly indeed concerneth soldiers (of whom our good Tribunes of the Commons would now in all the hast seem to have so great regard, from whom ere while they would have wrested their wages:) but what is that (I say?) A trench they have cast, a rampire and platform they have raised, (matters of exceeding travail and labour) so far about: sconces at the first a few, but after as their army increased, they have erected very thick in every place. Forts they have built, not only to command the town, but also looking toward Hetruria, to impeach the avenues if any aid should from thence come. What should I speak of the rolling frames and towers, the mantilets and other Fabrics? What should I speak of the tarraces, torteises, rams, and all other engines of assault and battery? Think ye it meet, that after so great toil and pains taken, now that the works at length are brought to an end, these things should be left and abandoned, that against summer we should be new to begin again, and sweat a fresh about the same? How much less travail rather is it to keep these munitions already made? to be instant, and constant to endure, and abide? yea and to rid our hands of all the care at once? For surely we may soon dispatch the service, if it be plied thoroughly and followed on still without stay; and if we ourselves by these intermissions and respites between e, make not a long piece of work of it, and draw our hope a length. Thus much of the labour and loss of time. What else? Considering these so many parliaments, these diets and Counsels continually in Tuscan, about sending aid to Veij, can we forget the danger that we incur by deferring the war? Indeed (as things now presently stand) I confess the Tuskanes with the Veientians are angry, they hate them and deny to send: and for any thing by them done, we might win Veij out of hand. But who dare warrant, that if the war be delayed, they will hereafter be of the same mind? Seeing that if the Veientians have any rest and breathing time given them, they are like, to send oftener their embassages, and those more honourable than heretofore. Also the King who newly is set up and created at Veij (the only thing that now offendeth the Tuscans) in process of time, may be changed for another governor, either by agreement of the State (thereby to reconcile the hearts of the Tuscans) or of his own accord: who will not peradventure that his princely regiment should be hurtful to the safety of his subjects. See how many things, how many inconveniences follow and ensue upon that course and manner of proceeding. The loss of the fabrics and fortifications, with so great labour already prepared and achieved: the imminent and present wasting our own borders: the Tuscans war in steed of the Veientians. These your devices, o ye Tribunes, are much what like to his, that offering a sick man some kind of meat or drink, for the very present to gratify him withal, to please his palate and to content his tallage, maketh his disease long and peradventure incurable: who might have been recovered out of hand; in case at once, he would have resolutely endured the right cure of a skilful physician. And certes, if it were not material to the managing of this war in hand, yet would it import much to martial discipline, that our soldiers should be acquainted, not only with the sweet fruit of a victory achieved, but also if occasion required longer time, to abide this tediousness: and to wait for the end of their hope, be it never so long: and if war be not finished in summer, to stay for winter: and not as summer birds, by andby in the fall of the leaf, to look about and seek for housing, harbour and covert. Consider, I beseech you, and see. The love and pleasure of hunting, carrieth men into mountains, woods, and forests; through frost and snow, after their game: shall not we then use the like sufferance in the needful exploits of war, which pastimes, sports, and delights, are wont to draw and fetch out of us? Think we the bodies of our soldiers so effeminate, their hearts so tender and delicate, that they cannot for one winter abide in camp, and forbear their home, but must needs war as men at sea, watching times and seasons, and observing the quarters of the year? Cannot they endure both parching heat and chilling cold? They would blush and be abashed verily, if a man should therewith charge them: and they would stand stiffly in this and avouch, That they had both in body and mind manlike sufferance and patience: and that they were soldiers as well for winter as summer: and that they set not the Tribunes a work for any patronage of cowardice & shelter of idleness: but remembered well enough, that their forefathers were not under shade for fear of sunburning, nor had their houses over their heads for taking cold, when they first created and ordained that magistracy of Tribunes. This rather is beseeming the valour of your soldiers, this fitteth well the name of Romans, not to have their eye upon Veij only, and this war now in hand, but to seek for fame and glory both by other exploits, and also with other nations in time to come. And think ye that there would ensue hereupon a small crack of credit, and hazard of reputation? Would ye have the neighbour nations confining upon us, conceive thus of the people of Rome, That if a city could receive their first brunt, and abide their assault for a very small while, it need not after to fear any more? Or rather should not this dread and terror of our name spread all abroad, both far and near, That no wearisomeness of long siege & assault, no violence of bitter winter, is able to raise the Roman army from any town once by them invested? as knowing no other end of war but victory? and whose manner of service is not by way of violent force more than of obstinate continuance, which (as in all other military occasions) so in besieging of cities is most needful: the greatest number whereof, being either by strong bulwarks and other fortifications, or by natural situation impregnable, yet by famine, by hunger and thirst, process and tract of time only doth force and overthrow. As it will (I doubt not) Veij at length: unless the Tribunes of the commonalty succour our enemies: unless that the Veientians find that relief and aid at Rome, which they seek in vain throughout all Hetruria. For can there ought happen to the Veientians so wishedfor, as that first the city of Rome should be full of variance, and then the camp (as it were by a contagion from thence) as full of mutinies? But chose I assure you, amongst the enemies, so good order there is and government, that neither the tediousness of long siege, ne yet the loathing of kingly rule, hath caused any stur or garboil among them. No not the denial of help from the Tuscans hath one whit troubled and distempered their minds: but die he shall forthwith, that is the author of sedition. Neither shall any man there be suffered to speak those words, which are spoken here amongst you without any punishment or controlling. He deserveth the bastanado, to be dry beaten and well cudgeled, that forsaketh his colours, or departeth from his guard and quarter. But here, in open assemblies, they that persuade and counsel not one or two soldiers, but whole armies to leave their standards and ensigns, and abandon the very camp, have audience with applause. In so much, that whatsoever a Tribune of the Commons speaketh, although it were to betray the city, and undoethe whole state, ye are used to hearken and give good ear to him: and being ravished and carried away with the sweetness of that authority, ye suffer under it to lurk any misciefe whatsoever. There remaineth now no more but this, that the words they give out here with open mouth, the same they might iterate in the camp among the soldiers, to corrupt the army, and not suffer them to obey their captains. For to such licentious liberty they are grown at Rome, that they fear and reverence neither counsel nor magistrate, neither laws nor ancient customs, neither decree of Senators, ne yet the discipline of military service.  
Now was Appius with his orations good enough for the Tribunes, & able to meet them at every turn: But see; (a thing that no man would have thought) a loss and foil received before Veij made Appius to have the better hand of the cause, wrought a greater unity among the states, and kindled an ardent desire to assail Veij more hotelie, and to besiege it with more resolution. For when they had raised up a mount near to the city, and approached in a manner to the walls thereof, with their rolling towers & roufed mantlets, whiles (I say) they were not so vigilant in the night season to tend and watch these Fabrikes, as they were busy and earnest in the day time to rear and plant them; behold, all of a sudden the enemies opened a gate, and armed in great numbers, especially with burning firebrands, set all on a light fire: and in the space of one hour consumed both the mount and the mantlets, which had cost so long time in making. And many a man besides that came to help (but in vain) by sword and fire lost his life. Which being reported at Rome, made all men heavy and sad, and caused the Senators to take care and fear, how upon this accident, they might possibly prevent and stay, either commotion in city, or mutiny in camp: doubting lest that the Tribunes would have insulted over the Commonweal, as if they had gotten a great conquest. At what time, they that were by calling Gentlemen and so assessed, and had no horses of service assigned them from the city, after some consultation together among themselves, suddenly came into the Senate: and having liberty granted of speech, promised to serve in the wars with horses of their own. After that the Senate had right honourably thanked and given them most gracious words, the news thereof was no sooner bruited through the market place and whole city, but behold, all on a sudden the Commons came running unto the counsel house, saying, that as they were then to serve as footmen, so they offered their service to the Commonweal extraordinarily without mustering, whether they should be led, either to Veij, or to any other place whatsoever. And if they were conducted to Veij, they would not return again (they say) from thence, before they had won that city from their enemies. At which words, the Senators so exceedingly joied above measure, that hardly they could temper themselves. For they took not order, as they did by the Gentlemen and horsemen afore, that they should be praised by the mouth of the Magistrates thereto appointed, nor called them into the counsel house, there to give them an answer, neither could they keep themselves within the counsel house door. But every one of them in his own behalf so well as he could, signified from aloft, both by word of mouth, and gesture of hand, unto the multitude standing in the Comitium, a general joy conceived: saying, That the city of Rome in that concord and unity would be happy, invincible, and perpetual: commending the horsemen, praising the footmen, extolling and magnifying that very day, and confessing that now they had surpassed the courtesy and bounty of the Senate. So that Nobles and Commons both, for joy wept again who could weep most, until the Senators were recalled into the court: where a decree was made, That the Tribunes Military should assemble the people, and give thanks both to horsemen and footmen, and promise in the name of the Senate, that they would be mindful of their affectionate kindness to their country: and to signify that it was their pleasure, that they all, who had offered extraordinary service so willingly, should have their pay notwithstanding: yea, and for the horses also there was assigned a certain rate and proportion of wages. This was the first time that the Gentlemen began to serve on horseback for money. This voluntary army marched to Veij, and not only repaired again the works which had been destroyed, but also went in hand to erect new. And from the city was provision of victual brought, with great care of convoy than afore, that nothing might be wanting to an army so well deserving of the Commonweal.  
The year following had for their Military Tribunes in Consul's authority, C. Servilius Hala the third time, Q. Servilius, P. Virginius, Q. Sulpitius, A. Manlius the second time, and M. Sergius the second time. In these Tribunes time, whiles every man's care was bend to the Veientian war, The fort of Anxur being neglected, by occasion that the garrison soldiers were disbanded and ranged much abroad, and commonly received Volscian merchants into the town, was suddenly surprised, by reason that the warders of the gates were betrayed. Less company of soldiers there were slain: because that all of them (besides those that were sick) found themselves occupied and traded all the country over, and in the cities adjoining, like to lawless lackeys that follow the camp. Neither was there better success at Veij, wherein rested the chief care now, of all their public affairs. For not only the Roman captains were more angered one at an other, than courageous against the enemy: but also the forces of the enemies were increased by the sudden coming of the Capinates & the Falisci. Which two nations of Hetruria, because they inhabited next, supposing when Veij should be forced and lost, that their turn would be next to be warred upon by the Romans: and the Faliscians' besides, upon a special grudge and old quarrel of their own, for that asore time in the Fidenate war, they had intermeddled and interessed themselves: sent their ambassadors to and fro, and by binding themselves by a solemn o'th' one to the other, came unlooked for with their power to Veij. And by chance they assailed that side and quarter where M. Sergius a military, Tribune had the charge of a sconce. Who gave a great alarm and caused exceeding fright: because the Romans supposed certainly that all Hetruria was raised out of every part, and there present, with all the power they could make. The same imagination animated the Veientians also within the city, to make a falley. So was the camp of the Romans assailed on both sides. And whiles they ran together up and down, and turned their ensigns every way, and could hardly keep the Veientians within the strength of their fortress, nor yet repulse the violence from their own fortifications and rampires, and defend themselves from their foreign enemies behind: their only hope was to have help from the greater leaguer: that the legions in sundry places might make head, some against the Capenates and the Falisci, others against the sally of the townsmen. But Virginius had the charge of that main camp, one that bore a private grudge and inward malice against Sergius, and was hated again of him. This man, when word was brought that most of the Fabrics and bulwarks were assaulted, that the ramparts & trenches were won, and that the enemies on both sides charged lustily, kept his soldiers well appointed in arms: saying, that if there were any need of help, his Colleague should send unto him, if he would. And he for his part was not so arrogant & insolent, but the other was as peevish and wilful. Who because he would not seem to seek unto his adversary, nor crave aid at his hand, chose rather to be vanquished of his enemy, than to overcome him by help of a fellow citizen. Thus between them for a good while the poor soldiers went to wreck, and were slain. At the last, forsaking their rampires, a very few of them escaped into the main camp. But the most part, with Sergius himself wentthrough to Rome. Where when he had laid all the fault upon his fellow in government, it was thought good that Virginius should be sent for out of the camp: and that in the mean while their deputies & lieutenants should command the forces. hereupon was the matter debated in the Senate, & the two Tribunes kept a taunting & reviling: & many hard terms were dealt between them. Few there were that tendered the common good, but took part either with the one of the other, as each of them were fancied & beloved. Howbeit the LL. of the Senate thought good, howsoever that so shameful chance happened either through the default, or unlucky fortune of the captains, not to expect the ordinary full time of the election, but that presently there should be new Tribunes military created, to enter into their office on the 
* 1 day of October  kalends of October. To which opinion when they were all agreed, the other Tribunes military nothing gain said it. But Sergius and Virginius (for whose sake it appeared that the Senate was weary of the magistrates that year) at the first made means and besought them not to disgrace and discredit them so: and afterward assayed to cross the decree: denying that they would give over their place, before the 
* The 13 day of December.  Ides of December, which was the set and usual day of entering yearly into new offices. Amid this business, the Tribunes of the Commons, who had kept silence even against their wills, so long as men were at unity and the affairs of the city prospered, upon a sudden brake out and threatened sharply the two Tribunes Military, that unless they would submit themselves, and rest in the authority of the Senate, they would commit them to ward. Then C. Servilius Hala, a Military Tribune, stood up and said, As for you and your threats, o ye Tribunes of the Commons, in good faith, I would gladly see once, that there were no more power and authority in these here, than will and stomach in you. But who seeth not that there is no striving against the authority of the Senate? And therefore hold ye content: and forbear you to seek opportunity and occasion upon our variance to offer wrong. And my brethren for their parts shall either do that which the Senate thinketh good: or else if they shall continue stubborn still in their contumacy, I will presently nominate a Dictator, to force them to leave their office. This speech was approved with a general accord. And the Senators being glad that without the terrors and scarbugs of the Tribunes authority, there was found out another greater power to bridle magistrates: the two military Tribunes aforesaid, were overweighed with the consent of all parties, and held a new election of military Tribunes, to begin their government on the 
* 〈…〉  Kalends of October: and before that day they resigned up their places. Thus were L. Valerius Potitus the fourth time, M. Furius Camillus the second time, M. Aemilius Mamercus the third time, Cn. Cornelius Cossus the second time, C. Fabius Ambustus, and L. julius Tullus, Tribunes military in Consul's authority.  
In whose time many worthy Acts were performed both at home and abroad. For not only they had war in sundry places at one time, namely at Veij, at Capena, against Falerij, & with the Volsci, to the end that Anxur might be won again and recovered from the enemies: but at Rome also, what about musters and paying the tribute for soldiers pay, there was much trouble. Besides there was some variance, about taking in certain Tribunes of the Commons to the rest: and the two arraignments of those, who a little before had governed in Consul's authority, caused no small stir. But the principal care of the Tribunes military, was that the muster should go forward. Neither were the younger sort and serviceable men only priest forth, but the elder also compelled to give their names, and to keep watch and ward in the city. But look how much greater was the number of soldiers, so much more money they needed for their payment. And the same was levied by a contribution: but unwillinglie of as many as tarried at home. For that besides the levy, they were enjoined to become soldiers also, in defence of the city & to serve in person for the Commonwealth. These things, grievous as they were of themselves, so by the seditious Orations of the Tribunes in their assemblies, they seemed more grievous and heavy. Who argued and discoursed thus, That wages was appointed for soldiers to this end, only that what by warfare, and what with exactions and impositions, they might undo the Commons, and make an end of them at once for ever. One war (say they) hath now continued three years, and the same, for the nonce, ill managed, that it might be drawn out the longer. Again, in one muster there were armies enroled for no fewer than four wars, whereunto beardless boys and old crasiemen, were taken up and haled forth. Now there was no difference of winter or summer: so as the poor Commons at no time can have any rest. Who now at last are taxed also and racked to the uttermost, so that after they have brought home with them their bodies overtoyled with travail, weakened with wounds, and last of all, wasted and spent with age: and finding all things at home unhusbanded by reason of the long absence of the masters and owners, they must be feign to pay Tribute even out of their poor decayed quickestocke, and repay again with great usury to the Commonwealth, their wages received in war, as it were upon interest.  
Between the musters of one side, and the leavy of soldiers pay on the other side, and their minds occupied about greater affairs, at the Election of Tribunes of Commons, the number could not fully be made up: Whereupon there was great labour made, that into the rooms that were void, there should be some of the Nobility taken in and admitted. When that could not be obtained, yet to impeach and overthrow 
* 〈…〉  the Tribunes law, it was effected or brought to pass that they should assume unto them for Tribunes of the Commons. C. Lacerius, and Marcus Atilius, by the might and practise no doubt of the Patrilij. It happened, so that the same year C. Trebenius was a Tribune of the Commons, who would seem to undertake the patronage and defence of the law Trebonia, and discharge it as a duty to that name and house belonging. He spoke aloud and said, that whereas the Tribunes Military had won that, whereof some of the Nobles had borne the repulse in their first suit, 
〈…〉  and that the law Trebonia was disannulled, in that certain Tribunes of the Commonalty were taken into their fellows, not by suffrages and free voices of the people, but by the rule and commandment of the Nobles: and that the matter was come to that pass, that either Noblemen, or their favourites and followers were to become Tribunes of the Commons: that their sacred laws were taken from them perforce, and the Tribunes authority wrested from out of their hands by violence: All these inconveniences he complained to have happened through the fraudulent practice of the Nobles: and the mischievous lewdness and treachery of his own companions in office. Thus whiles there grew great hartburning among them, and that not the Nobles only, but also the Tribunes of the Commons, as well they, which were elected, asthey that were electors, were hardly thought of by the people: Then three of the company, P. Curiatius, M. Metilius, and Minutius, fearing some shrewd turn like to fall upon Sergius and Virginius, (the Tribunes military of the former year) and by serving process, giving them a day to answer, turned from themselves the anger and displeasure of the commons, upon those two persons: publishing openly, That whosoever were grieved for the musters and the Tribute, whosoever thought the war long, and the continual soldiery tedious, whosoever sorrowed for the damage and discomsiture received at Veij, whosoever for the loss of their children, brethren, kinsfolk, or any of their alliance had heavy and mournful houses: to them they offered liberty and power to wreak their public and private grief, upon these two guilty persons and offenders, Sergius & Virginius, the very causes of all the mischiefs and calamities that were happened. For why? the adversary charged them with no more than was confessed by the very parties: who finding themselves both faulty, laid the blame one upon the other: whiles Virginius reproached Sergius with running away, and Sergius laid treason to Virginius his charge, in that he denied his help in time of need. For to say they were both of them so inconsiderate and foolish only, were to speak beyond all compass of belief. But much more likely it was, that there was some packing rather, and that the matter was contrived, and practised of set purpose, and by an ordinary and common fraudulent plot of the Patritij. By whose means, both at the first the Veientians got opportunity to fire their works, thereby to draw out and prolong the war, and also now the army was bought and sold, and the Roman camp betrayed to the Falisci. And all this, to no other end, but that the youth and flower of the city might wax old at Veij, & that the Tribunes might not propose and consult with the people about the distribution of lands, or any other commodities of the poor commons, or in frequent & full assembly of citizens intent and follow their public actions, and withstand the conspiracy of the gentry and Nobles. Moreover there is already (say they) a prejudice passed against these offenders, both by the Senate and people of Rome, and also by their colleagues. For as they were displaced and deposed from their office, by an Act of the Senate: so when they refused to give over, they were for fear of a dictator forced by their own companions to resign up their government: and the people of Rome had created other Tribunes military to enter into their charge, not upon the usual day which was in the 
* 13. day of December.  Ides of December, but forthwith in the Kalends of October: as who would say, the commonwealth had not been able to stand any longer, if these men had remained still in place. And yet for all this, these persons thus convicted and fore-condemned by so many prejudices, come now to be judged of the people: thinking they are sufficiently quit, and discharged, yea and have suffered punishment enough, in that they were two months sooner than ordinary, made private persons; and perceive not, that thereby was taken from them the power only to do any harm, and no punishment inflicted upon them. For as much as, even their very colleagues, who had not offended, were likewise discharged as well as they. Let the Quirites therefore & people of Rome, take that heart to them again, which they had upon the late overthrow, fresh and bleeding new, when they beheld the army running in fearful flight, sore wounded and aghast, arriving at the gates, blaming no fortune, nor any of the gods, but only these their two brave leaders. And as for us, we know assuredly that there is not one of all them here presently assembled, who that day cursed not in his heart and detested the head, the house, and whole estate of L. Virginius and M. Sergius. Neither is it convenient, that upon whom, ere while every man prayed that the anger and vengeance of God would light, against them now when they both may and aught, they should not extend their full power with rigour. Since that even the very gods never lay hand themselves upon sinners and offenders: but it sufficeth that they arm the wronged and oppressed persons with means and opportunity of revenge. The Commons upon these speeches moved with indignation, condemned these two offenders in 
* 26 lib. 5 ●●●sterl.  10000 brazen Asses a piece: notwithstanding that Sergius pleaded for himself, blamed the common fortune of war, and laid all upon fortune: and Virginius besought them (but both in vain) that he might not be more unhappy, and speed worse at home, than abroad in war. Thus the people's wrath being diverted upon these two, obscured and darkened the remembrance both of the assumption and admitting of the Tribunes aforesaid, and of deluding and disannulling the law Trebonia. The Tribunes thus having gotten the upper hand, to the end that the commonalty might have a present reward for awarding this doom, publish the law Agraria, and forbid the levying of the Subsidy for soldiers pay: seeing there was need of pay for so many armies: and sped so well they had, in the managing of warfare, as they were like to come to an end, without any warring at all. For at Veij the pecie camp which was lost, being recovered again, was fortified with strong bulwarks, and furnished with good guards. The Tribunes Military, M. Aemylius and Q. Fabius, had the charge there. And as for M. Furius in the Faliscan, and Cn. Cornelius in the Capenate country, they could meet with none enemies without their town walls. But they drove away booties, and wasted their marches, by firing their villages and their corn: but as for their towns, they neither assaulted nor besieged them. But in the Volscian country, after their territory was wasted, Anxur also was assaulted (but in vain) for that it was situate on high. Whereupon Valerius Potitus, who had the charge of that province, seeing that force would not prevail, began by trench and rampire to lay siege to it, and invest it round. The affairs of war abroad standing in these terms, there arose domestical strifeand sedition at home: and the same was followed more earnestly and with greater ado, than the wars were managed without. And when by reason of the Tribunes there could no subsidies and exactions be gathered, nor money for soldiers pay sent to the Generals, and that the soldiers called on them hard, and were hasty for their wages: the camp also had like to have been troubled and infected with the contagion of those civil mutinies. During these heats and angry fits of the Commons against the Nobles, albeit the Tribunes of the people said, That now the time was come of establishing their freedom, and translating the chiefest dignity from the Sergij, and Virginij, to the Commoners, such as were men of va our and action: Yet they prevailed no more than thus, that one only of the commonalty, (as it were to make entry & take possession in the right of that dignity) to wit, 
〈…〉  P. Licinius Calvus, should be created Tribune Military with Consul's authority: the rest were all of the Nobility, Pub. Manlius, and P. Titinius, P. Melius, L. Furius Medullinus, & L. Popilius Volscus. The very Commons themselves marveled, that they had obtained so great a thing, and not he only who was created, a man that aforetime had never been in place, and borne no magistracy, yet an ancient counsellor of State, and elderly person, and well stepped in years. Neither as yet is it for certain known, why he first and above all others was counted a meet man to take handsel, or take say of this new dignity and promotion. Some think, that for his brother Cn. Cornelius his sake, who had been the year afore a Tribune Military, and had given to the horsemen triple pay, he was through favour drawn in, and called to so great honour. Others, for that himself had picked out a convenient time, and made a plausible Oration, that both Nobles and Commons liked very well, concerning the agreement and unity of the States. The Tribunes of the Commons rejoicing highly for this their victory in the Election, remitted and called in the Inhibition of the subsicy or imposition aforesaid, the thing that most of all prejudiced the service of the C.W. By means whereof payment was made in all dutiful obedience, and sent it was unto the army. Then within short time was Anxur (in the Volscians country) recovered: by occasion that on a festival holiday, the watch and ward of the city was neglected. This was a year notable and famous for the cold and snowy winter, so as the high ways were choked up, and Tyberis was unnavigable. Howbeit, by reason of provision brought in aforehand, the price of comarose not. And for because P. Licinius, as he entered his government without any troubles, & with greater joy and contentment of the Commons than indignation of the nobles; so also ruled and executed it all the year long accordingly: therefore their teeth watered the next election also, to make Tribunes military of their own body. One'y M. Veturius, of all the Nobility that stood in suit for the dignity, had a place among them. But as for the other Tribunes military in Consular authority, all the Centuries in a manner chose Commoners, to wit, L. Titinius, P. Menenius Racilius, Cn. Genutius, and L. Attilius.  
After this hard Winter, either by reason of a distemperature and disposition of the weather, suddenly changing to a contrary; or upon some other hidden and unknown cause, there followed presently a contagious and dangerous summer, by occasion of a pestilence, noisome to all kind of living creatures. Of which incurable malady, when as neither the reason could be found, nor any end thereof seen, the books of Sibylla, were by a decree of the Senate perused and Duumvirs appointed for divine rites and ceremonies, by celebrating a Lectisterne, (then first instituted in the city of Rome) to appease and pacify Apollo, Latona, and Diana, Hercules, Mercury, and Neptune; feasted them (as it were) for the space of eight days together, and for that purpose they set out three beds or banqueting tables; with as magnificent and stately furniture as could be for that time possibly devised. Which solemnity was privately also performed. All the gates and doors through the city stood wide open: all sort of viands were set out abroad to be used in common: open house kept for all comers, one with another, as well unknown strangers as their acquaintance with all friendly welcome & entertainment: Kindly, & courteously would they talk and devise, even with their adversaries: all chiding and brawling was laid aside and put under foot. The prisoners also for that time were enlarged, yea & conscience made afterwards, that any should be laid or kept in irons, unto whom the gods had vouchsafed that gracious meed.  
But all this while much trouble there was, and many al'armes before Veij, by reason that three wars were joined now in one. For when as all at once the Capenates and the Falisci came (in manner as afore, about the fortifications and trenches of the Romans) for to rescue the besieged, they were forced to make head, and hazard a doubtful bartaile against three armies. But the best help they had, was the remembrance of the late condemning of Sergius and Virginius. Therefore having conducted by a nearer way, their forces from the greater camp (which before lay still and would not come to succour) they set upon the Capenates' backs, as they turned against the rampire of the Romans. The battle there begun, made the Falisci also afraid: in which affright of theirs they suddenly sallied out of the lesser hold, in so good time that they forced the enemies to turn their backs, all quaking for fear. And having gotten the upper hand, they followed the train of the victory, and in the chase made a very great slaughter & carnage of them. And not long after, the forraiers that wasted the land of the Capenates, as they ranged abroad here and there, encountered the residue and remnant of this battle, as if fortune of purpose had presented them to their hands, and swooped them up clean. Also many of the Veientians as they fled back into the city, were cut in pieces before their very gates: whiles they within for fear lest the Romans at once should rush in, made the gates fast & so shut out the hindmost of their own men. These were the atchievances of this year.  
And now approached the Election of the Tribunes military, whereof the Nobles had in a manner a greater care than of the war: as who saw now that the sovereign rule was not only parted with the commonalty, but wellnear on their own behalf quite lost. Therefore albeit of set purpose they had prepared most noble and excellent men to stand in suit, whom to pass by and overhip, they thought the people would have been ashamed: yet nevertheless they themselves (as if they had been the parties that stood) tried every way, and not only sought the help of men, but also craved it at the hands of the gods: making it great scruple & a matter of conscience: and alleging that the elections for two years past were not according to the will of God: as appeared by this, say they, that in the former year, there was an intolerable winter, and such as portended some heavy judgements from above; how also the year following, there were no prodigious tokens showed aforehand, but even the very events and effects thereof, were seen and felt: namely the pestilence both in country & city, through the very indignation, no doubt, of the gods, for that in the fatal books of Sibylla it was found out, that they ought to have been pacified, for the diverting away of that pestilent influence. As if in those solemn assemblies which ought in the name of the gods and religiously to be held, the gods thought it an indignity and unseemelie thing, that the honourable offices of state should be made common: no distinction of degrees, no difference of houses observed, but all confused and shuffled together. The people therefore being driven into a maze, not only in regard of the majesty and dignity of those that were competitors, but also of a very remorse of conscience, chose for Tribunes military in Coss. authority, all of the Nobility: & a good part of them, the most honourable personages of the rest, to wit, L. Valerius Potitus the first time, M. Valerius Maximus, M. Furius Camillus the third time, L. Furius Medullinus the third time, Quintius Servilius Fidenas the second time, Quintus Sulpitius Camerinus the second time. How beit in this year no great exploit worthy of record, was performed at Veij under these Tribunes. All the service that was, consisted in forraying and wasting. The two Lords-general raised huge booties, to wit, Politus from Falerij, Camillus from Capena: leaving behind them nothing whole and untouched, that might be spoiled by fire or sword. In this mean time, many fearful prodigious tokens were reported, the most part whereof were slenderly credited, for that of each there was but one only author: and because there were no soothsayers, by whom they might make procuration therefore (since that the Tuscans were now professed enemies) they were altogether neglected. But one especially there was, which all men had an eye and regard unto, namely, for that a certain pool within the Alban bane forest, 
〈…〉  without extraordinary rain from above, or any other occasion which might make the thing seem less miraculous and wonderful, was risen unto an unusual height. Certain Orators therefore were sent to the Oracle of Delphi, to know what the gods foresignified by that prodigious token. But they, as God would, met with an interpreter of the Destinities nearer home, to wit, an ancient Veientian. Who (upon a time, when as the soldiers, both of the Romans and Tuscans, let sly one at the other taunts and scotfes from their stations and guards) thus spoke in prophetical wise: That until the water were drained and let out of the Alban pool, the Romans should never be masters of the town of Veij. Which saying of his was at the first contemned as a foolish word, rashly let fall from him: but after, it began to be much talked of, so long, until a certain Roman soldier from out of his ward, inquired of a towns-man that warded next unto him (for now by reason of longwarre they had intercourse of speech one with another) what he was who had cast out such an ambiguous riddle of the Alban lake? When he heard that he was a soothsayer, being himself also a man not without some sense of religion, trained that wizard forth to communication, pretending, that he would gladly be resolved himself, as touching a particular prodigious object that troubled his mind: and therefore requested him at his good leisure, to take so much pain as to confer with him, and give him counsel about the expiation and diverting the danger thereof. Now when they were both gone a good way from their fellows, unarmed, and without all fear and suspicion one of the other, the Roman being a lusty tall young man, caught the feeble old fellow in the sight of them all, and notwithstanding a great stir that the Tuscans made (but all in vain) had him away perforce to his own company. Who being brought before the General, was sent afterwards to Rome unto the Senat. And being demanded what the meaning of that should be, which he had prognosticated and presaged concerning the Alban lake, answered thus: Certainly the gods were offended with the people of Veij, that day on which they put this into his mind to bewray the fatal and inevitable destruction of their State and country: and therefore that, which as then he being stirred by divine inspiration had prophesied, neither might he call back again and unspeake: and besides happily by concealing those things which the immortal gods would have to be published, there might be committed as great sin, as by disclosing mysteries to be concealed. Thus therefore (quoth he) is it written in the fatal books of fortunes, and thus in the Tuscans learning, to us it is delivered, 
〈…〉  THAT WHEN THE ALBAN WATER OVERFLOWED, IF THAN THE ROMANS WITH DUE AND RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES LET IT OUT, THEY SHOULD HAVE THE VICTORY OF THE VEIENTIANS: BUT BEFORE THAT, THEGODS WOULD NOT FORSAKE THE WALLS OF THE VEIENTIANS. Then went he on still, and showed what was the solemn and right manner of deriving the water. But the Nobles supposing the author to be but light of credit, and not of sufficient account in so weighty a matter to be believed, resolved to expect the Ambassadors, and the answer of the Oracle of Apollo. But before these messengers were returned from Delphi, or any expiation found out for this Alban miracle, the new Tribunes Military with Consul's authority. L. julius Tullus, L. Furius Medullinus the fourth time, L. Sergius Fidenas, A. Pesthumius Regillensis, P. Cornelius Maluginensis, A. Manlius, began their government.  
In that year there arose new enemies, the tarquinians. They seeing the Romans busied with many wars at once, with the Volscians at Anxur, who laid siege to the fort there: with the Aequians at Lavicos, who assaulted the colony of the Romans: besides, with the Veientians the Faliscians' and Capenates: and that within the city there was no greater quietness, by reason of variance between the Nobility and Commons: supposing, I say, that hereby they had good opportunity to do some injury and harm, they send forth certain bands of soldiers lightly appointed, into the territory of Rome, to for●ay and make spoil: thinking that the Romans would either put up that wrong at their hands without revenge, because they would not charge themselves with a new war: or encounter them and make head with a small power and the same but slender & disfurnished. The Romans were more offended at the indignity of these bravadoes, than they cared much for the spoil done by the tarquinians. And thereupon they neither made much ado about the matter, nor drove it off any long while. A. Posthumius and Lu. julius levied a power, without any ordinary muster (for letted they were by the Tribunes of the Commons) even in a manner of voluntary soldiers, whom they had procured with good words and comfortable speeches. And passing throughout the country of the ●●rites by cross and crooked ways, surprised the tarquinians upon a sudden, as they returned from boothaling, and laden with great prizes. Many they slew, all they eased of their loading: and thus having recovered the spoils of their lands, they return to Rome. Two days were allowed for the owners, every one to own his proper goods: and on the third day, such goods as were unknown (whereof the most part belonged to the enemies) were sold in portsale: and that money which was made thereof was divided among the soldiers. All other wars and especially the Veientian, had doubtful issue. For now the Romans despairing of all man's help, regarded and expected only the course of destinies and the will of the gods. By which time the Ambassadors were returned from Delphi, bringing the answer of the Oracle, agreeable to the former answer made by thewisard, which was taken prisoner: 
The answer of the Oracle.  and it ran in this form: BEWARE o ROMAN THAT THE ALBAN WATER BE NOT KEPT TOO LONG IN THE POOL. BEWARE THOU LET IT NOT DISCHARGE ITSELF INTO THE SEA. LET IT FORTH AND WATER THE FIELDS THERE WITH, BY SUNDRY RIVERETS OR STREAMS THOU SHALT WASTE IT AND DRAW IT DRY. THAN ASSAULT VALIANTLY THE ENEMY'S WALLS, REMEMERING THAT OUT OF THAT CITY WHICH SO MANY YEARS THOU HAST BESIEGED, VICTORY IS PROMISED TO THEE ASSUREDLY, BY THOSE DESTINIES WHICH NOW ARE REVEALED. AND AFTER THE WAR ENDED AND CONQUEST ACHIEVED, SEE THOU BRING UNTO MY TEMPLE, AN AMPLE AND HONOURABLE PRESENT: AND PERFORM THE SACRED CEREMONIES OF THY COUNTRY ACCORDING TO THE OLD CUSTOM, AND RENEW THOSE A FRESH WHICH HAVE OF LATE TIME BEN NEGLECTED. Hereupon grew this captive prophet abovesaid to be greatly accounted of: and the Tribunes military, Cornelius and Posthumius, began to take his counsel and advice, about the procuration of the Alban miracle, & to appease the gods in due order. And sound it was at last where it was that the gods blamed the neglect of ceremonies, and for-letting the ancient solemnities and sacrifices: and that certainly it was nothing else, but that there was an error committed in creation of the magistrates: and they so created, had solemnised the Latin holidays wrong, and celebrated the sacrifices in the Alban mount amiss. The only purging or expiation whereof was, that the Tribunes military should give over their office, and that they should take new Auspexes again by the flight and singing of beards, and so to proceed to an Interreigne. All which things were according to a decree of the Senate performed. Whereupon three Interregentes succeeded one after another. L. Valerius, Q. Servilius Fidenas, M. Furius Camillus. But all this while no end there was, nor intermission of troubles and dissensions. For the Tribunes of the Commons, disturbed and stayed the assembly for the election so long, until it was agreed that the greater part of the Tribunes military, should be created from among the Commons. During these affairs, the Tuscans held certain Diets and Counsels at the Temple of Voltumna: where when the Capenats and Falisci required that with one common assent and resolution, all the people of Hetruria should raise the siege from Veij, this answer was returned: That heretofore they had denied the Veientians their help in this regard, that they were not to seek for aid at their hands, from whom in so weighty a matter they had not sought for counsel. But now their own fortune made answer for them. For such was the difficulty of their present state, That if they would yet they well could not: considering especially how into that part of Hetruria there were newly arrived to seat themselves there, the Gauls, a strange nation unto them: with whom they neither had assured peace, nor yet certain war to trust unto. Howbeit for blood sake, and for the very name, and in regard of the present perils of their kinsmen, they would grant thus much: that if any of their youthwould go forth to the war willingly and of themselves, they would be no hindrance. Now was it noised at Rome, that a mighty great number of these enemies were come to levy the siege. Whereby, the civil discords (as it is commonly seen upon a general fear) began to wax more calm & to slake. For the principal Tribe that had the prerogative to give their first voice, chose P. Licinius Calvus Tribune Military, without his own suit (but not against the will of the Nobles) a man of approved good carriage, and moderation in his former government, but exceeding old. And it appeared evidently, that all the rest for that year, should be chosen a new after him, out of the College of those that had been Tribunes Consular beforetime: namely, L. Titinius, P. Menenius, Cn. Genutius, L. Atilius: who before they were elected and pronounced, P. Licinius Calvus spoke in this manner (by the permission of the Interregent) unto the other Tribes, that were called in their right and orderly course, 
〈…〉  to their suffrages. I see well, my masters, o ye citizens of Rome, that in this Election, wherein ye have in remembrance our former magistracy, ye osse and presage happily against the year ensuing, concord and unity: the only thing at this time of all others most profitable: in case I say, you choose again, those who by experience also are become now more sufficient. But as for me, you see I am not the same man I was: but a bare shadow & name only is all, that is left of P. Licinius. The strength of my body crazy, and feeble: the senses of mine eyes and ears dim and dull: my memory faileth: the quickness of my spirit grown heavy and lumpish. But behold (quoth he, laying hand on his son) this young man, the very image and portraiture of him, whom ye aforetime made Tribune Military, the first that ever was out of the commonalty. Him trained and brought up after mine own order and discipline, in steed of myself, Ibequeath, I give, I dedicate unto the commonweal. And I beseech you, o Quirites, that the dignity which of yourselves you have offered unto me, without my seeking, you would bestow upon him at his own humble suit, and the rather show him this favour at my earnest request in his behalf. The father had his desire granted. And so his son P. Licinius, was with them whom before we named, declared Tribune Military in Consul's authority. Titinius and Genutius Tribunes Military, made an expedition against the Falisci and Capenates. Who managing the war in greater hear and courage, than with sage advice and counsel, plunged themselves headlong into an ambushment of their enemies. Genutius paid for his rashness, and made amends by an honourable death. For he was slain even before the ensigns, valiantly fight in the vaward of the battle with the foremost. But Titinius, having after much fear rallied his soldiers, retired himself unto an high hill, and made head again. Howbeit, he durst not encounter the enemy on even and plain ground. The shame of this defeature was greater than the loss otherwise. And yet it had like to have turned into a right great damage and overthrow. So great was the fear, not at Rome only whether much news came diversely reported: but also in the camp before Veij, that hardly could the soldiers be kept from running away. For it was noised all over the camp, that the Capenates and Faliscians' had gotten the victory, slain the Generals and the whole army: and that all the flower and strength of Tuscan was not far off. But at Rome there was much more hurly burly. For there it was verily believed, that the leaguer about Veij was assaulted, and that, part of the enemies already were coming in warlike manner against the city: so as they came running on heaps to man the walls. And even the very matrons & dames of the city, whom public fear had caused to leave their houses, fell to their beads and supplications in the churches: beseeching the gods to forfend and divert destruction from the houses, Temples, and walls of the city of Rome, and to turn away that fear from them, upon Veij: if they renewed aright their festival days, if they made satisfaction by sacrifice for the prodigious sights, and no otherwise.  
Nowby this time were the solemn plays and the Latin holidays renewed, now was the water let out of the Alban lake into the fields, now Veij drew near to her final end, hastened by the course of the Destinies. Therefore there was created M. Furius Camillus Dictator, the fatal captain, predestined to destroy that city, and to save his own country: who appointed P. Cor 〈…〉 Colonel of the horsemen. The change of the General made a change soon of 〈◊〉 things else. The hopes of men were other than afore, the minds of men were altered, yea the fortune of the city seemed not the same. But first of all, he proceeded by martial law against them, who in that fearful fright at the last alarm, were fled from Veij: and taught his soldiers not to fear their enemies most, but likewise to stand in awe of their own Commander. And after he had published to take musters upon a certain day, himself in the mean whiles road post to Veij, there to encourage the hearts of thesoldiors. From thence he returned to Rome, for to levy a new army: & there was not one that refused to serve under his standard. For even the youth of the foreigners both Latins and Hemicks, came and offered their service in that war. Unto whom, when as the Dictator had in the Senate house yielded thanks, and that all things now were in sufficient readiness, by a degree of the Senate he made a vow, That when he had won Veij, he would incotinentlie celebrat the great games, and re-edify and consecrat anew, the Temple to dame Matata, which afore time had been dedicated by king Servius Tullius, Thus when he was gone forth from the city, and his army on foot, with greater expectation of the people than hope: first he fought a field with the Faliscians' and Capenates, in the country of Nepet, [called at this day Nepe] where he ordered all his exploits with as great discretion and policy as might be: and as it commonly falleth out he chi●ved as well, and fortune favoured his designs. He not only defeated his enemies in battle, but also drove them out of the field, and gained a huge booty, whereof the greatest part came to the Treasurer his coffers, and somewhat (though not much) was given to the soldiers. From thence he marched with his army to Veij, and there he caused more sconces and bastillons to be made, and to stand thicker together. And having made proclamation, that none should fight without special commandment, he withdrew the soldiers to the making of trenches and rampires, from their skirmishes that they made oftentimes and that rashly, between their camp and the wall of the town. The greatest work of all the rest and most laborious, was the undermining that was begun into the Castle of the enemies. And to the end that this work should not be intermitted, ne yet the continual labour still under the ground might not out-toile them: he divided the pioneers into six parts, and each of them wrought six hours round by turns, so that both night and day, they never gave over before they had wrought a way to the Castle. The dictator seeing now the victory as it were in his hands, and a most rich city ready to be taken, and that there was like to be such saccage, as never had been the like in all the wars put together aforetime: lest that he might incur either any mutiny and anger of the soldiers in pinching and scant parting of the pillage, or displeasure and miscontentment of the Rulers and Nobles of Rome, by so prodigal a largesse in sharing all: dispatched his letters to the Senate, to this effect, That whereas by the goodness of the immortal Gods, his own policy and direction, and the travail of his soldiers, the city Veij was now in a manner at his devotion; what they would advise, should be done with the rich spoils thereof. There were two divers opinions that mightily distracted the Senate: the one of old P. Licinius, whose mind being asked of his son, spoke first (by report) and said: That his opinion was, there should a proclamation be published abroad among the people, that whosoever would be partaker of the booty, should go to the Leaguer before Veij. 
Difference in the Senate about the 〈◊〉 of Veij.  The other of Ap. Claudius, who finding fault with this new, prodigal, unequal, and undiscreet largesse, in that they thought it unlawful and unfit, that the treasure gotten of the enemies should come once at leastwise to the common purse of the city, which had been emptied so often by reason of wars; was of advice, that the soldiers should have their pay out of it, that the Com. thereby might be eased, in the charges of the subsidy levied of them: for so should every man's house equally feel the society and part of that benefit, and the hands of idle persons remaining at home in the town, greedy now of rifling, and who would be fingering of pillage, should not pluck from the hardy warriors their due rewards. For as much as, it is usually seen, that as the valiantest man commonly aimethat the greatest part of travail and peril, so the more coward always reacheth at the biggest portion of the spoil, and hath his hand deepest therein. chose, Licinius alleged that such money laid up would be always suspected and odious, and would minister matter unto the Commons of criminations and finding one fault or other, whereof seditions and commotions may arise, and would give occasions of new laws to be preferred: and therefore better it were, that by this gift and boon, the hearts of the Commons were won and reconciled: who being spent and eaten out by reason of the charges of so many years, herewith might be well relieved. And that they ought to taste the fruit and sweetness of the booty out of that war, in which they had spent their years, and were waxen old men. And that it would be more welcome and acceptable, that every man should be his own carver, & with his own hand catch from the enemy what he could, & bring it home with him: than if they should receive much more by a great deal at the discretion and pleasure of another. And the Dictator himself (faith he) hath avoided as near as he could, the displeasure, hatred, and offence that might arise thereof, and therefore posted it off to the Senate: the Senate ought likewise seeing the matter is put to them, to let the Commons alone therewith, and permit every man to have such share as the fortune of war will allot him. This advice, which made the Senate gracious with the people, was thought to be the safer and better of the twain. Whereupon proclamation was made, That whosoever would have part of the spoil of Veij, should show himself before the dictator in the camp. So there went a huge multitude, that they filled the camp again. Then the dictator after sacrifice done, and advise taken of the lucky signs of birds, went forth, and commanding his soldiers to take arms and weapon in hand, spoke these words and said: By thy conduct and the instinct of thy divine power ö Pythius Apollo, I set forward to the winning of the town of Veij, & now to thee I vow the tenth part of the spoils thereof. And thee withal (o Queen juno) who at this hour dost inhabit within the compass of these walls, I beseech, that thou wouldst vouchsafe, to follow us after conquest into this city, ours now, and thine within a while: whereas thou mayest be shrined in a Temple meet for thee, and the grandeur of thy majesty. Having made these prayers, with an exceeding multitude he invested the city, and assaulted it round on all parts: to the end that they within might have less perceivance of the peril intended toward them from the undermining. The Veientians little knowing that they were betrayed, partly by their own prophets, and partly by the Oracles abroad, and that some of their gods were invited and bidden to part of the spoil and saccage, and other by vows and prayers trained and called out of their own city; began to look after the temples of their enemies and other new habitations: little weetting that this was their last day, and fearing nothing less than that their walls should by undermining be overthrown, and that their Castle was full already of enemies: every man for himself ran armed to the walls, mervailing what the matter should be, that whereas for so many days space no man stirred out of the Romans Leaguer, then of a sudden (as if it were in a wood rage) they ran upon head so rashly to the assault. But hereto longeth a tale. That when the Veientian King was at sacrifice, this voice of the Southsaier was overheard out of the mine under the ground, THAT HE, WHOSE HAP WAS TO CUT FORTH THE INNARDS OF THAT SACRIFICE SHOULD OBTAIN VICTORY, and moved the Roman soldiers, to break out of the undermining, and to catch up the entrails and bowels, and carry them to the dictator. But as in things of so great antiquity it sufficeth me, that those which carry some likelihood of truth, be received for true: so for fabulous matters fitter in deed to make a show in a stage play (where people take delight in such miracles) than tobe sadly believed, it will not quit for the pains either to avouch them, or disavow them. The mine or cave at the same time (no doubt) full of chosen soldiers, yielded forth all at once armed men into the church of juno, which was in the Castle of Veij. And some of them set upon the backs of their enemies that were on the walls: others pluck up the portcullis of the gates: some of them, whiles from the houses the women and servants flung down stones and tiles, cast fire abroad. So that every place was full of cries and voices, partly of them that frighted others, and partly of those that were affrighted, with a confused skriking of women and children. When as now in a moment, the armed soldiers were thrown down from the walls every where, and the gates set open: whiles some entered marching in array, others scaled the naked walls, 
〈…〉  the city was filled with enemies: and skermishes there were in every place. After great massacre and execution committed, the fight began toquaile: and the dictator commanded the Beadles to proclaim and give commandment, to spare the unarmed. Thus the bloodshed ended. Whereupon the unarmed people began to yield: and by permission of the Dictator the soldiers ran to the spoil. Which being brought in sight of the dictator, of greater price and valour a good deal, than either was hoped or looked for: it is said that he stretched forth his hands towards heaven & prayed, That if his own fortune and the felicity of the people of Rome were thought by any god or man to be excessive, the envy belonging thereto, might be mitigated with as small private loss of his own in particular, and with as little common calamity of the people of Rome in general, as might possibly be. And it is recorded, that in this manner praying and worshipping, as he turned himself about, he slipped forward and caught a fall. And as men afterward guessed by that which fell out, it was supposed that the ominous token bodened the condemnation of Camillus himself, and the ruin of the city of Rome, which happened within few years after to be forced and sacked. Thus was that day spent in the slaughter of enemies, and in rifling of that most wealthy city. The morrow after, the dictator sold in port sale the bodies of as many as were freeborn. That money only came into the common treasury not without some anger and repining of the Commons. And as for that booty and spoil which they brought with them away, they counted themselves beholden therefore, neither to the General himself (who to colour and excuse his own nigardise had referred the matter to the Senate: wherein he might have used his own liberty and discretion) nor to the Senate: but unto the house of the Licinij, whereof, the son propounded the matter before the Senate, and the father was the author of so popular an overture.  
When as now worldly & earthly riches, were carried forth & tumbled out of Veijby heaps, than began they to remove and have away the sacred gifts & oblations of the gods with the gods themselves, but after the manner of devout worshippers, rather than of greedy spoilers. For chosen there were out of the whole army, certain youths in the flower of their age, who having their bodies clean washed, and being arrayed in white robes, had in charge to carry Queen juno to Rome, and entered into the church with great adoration and reverence: and at the first, very charity and religiously laid hand upon her, for that (after the Tuscan manner) there used none to handle that Image, but the priest of one certain tribe. After this, when as one of them, whether it were upon a certain divine inspiration, or in some youthful sport, cast out these words, WILT THOU WEND TO ROME DAME JUNO? The rest with one voice cried aloud, That she gave a nod, and seemed thereto to give assent: whereupon this also was added to the tale, that she was heard to say, I WILL. But for certain it is reported, that she was stirred out of her footstall, with the help of a small levar, and that as she willingly was displaced, so she was easily removed and translated, and so safe and sound conveyed into the mountain Aventine, there to abide and remain forever. Which was the place assigned unto her by the vows of the Roman dictator. And there Camillus according to his vow, dedicated to her afterwards a temple. This was the final end and fall of Veij, the richest city of all the Tuscans, which even in this last and uttermost calamity showed her mightiness, that having been besieged round about continually the space of ten summers and winters, and in that time done much more annoyance and hurt than it received, was now at last through the necessity of fatal destiny, gained rather by long siege and secret undermining, than won by forcible assault and violence.  
When tidings came to Rome of the winning of Veij, albeit both the prodigious sights that were seen, had been expiate by sacrifice, and that the answers of prophets and wisemen, yea, and the Oracles of Apollo were well known; and that so far forth as man's counsel and policle might help, they had chosen for General M. Furius, the most Noble captain and warrior of all other: yet considering they had there warred so many years with variable fortune, and received many losses and overthrows, their joy was exceeding great, as if a thing had happened unlooked for. And before that the Senate could make a decree, all the churches were full of the dames of Rome giving thanks to their gods. And the Senate ordained by an Act, that supplications should continue for four days, the like as never had been aforetime in any war. The dictator also was met upon the way as he came home by all degrees and estates in greater number, and was more welcomed and honoured than any man aforetime, to that day. And the triumph far exceeded the usual manner of the solemnity to that day belonging. But most of all was he himself all goodly to be seen, entering into the city in a chariot drawn with white steeds. And that was thought an honour, not only unmeet for the quality of a citizen, but hardly be seeming the condition of any man whatsoever. For they made it a matter of conscience, that their Dictator should be equal with jupiter, and the sun, in respect of their horses: for which only cause especially, the triumph was more glorious than gracious, and taken in good gree. Then assigned he and set out unto Queen juno a church in Aventine hill, 
The temple of Queen juno, The temple of Matuta.  and dedicated another to dame Matuta and so having achieved and performed these divine and human deeds, he resigned up his Dictatorship.  
After this began some speech about the Present to Apollo▪ Unto whom, when as Camillus said, that he had vowed the tenth part of the spoil: and the priests and prelate's thought good that the people should discharge their conscience in that behalf: there could no ready mean be found how to command them to give back again the spoil, that the due portion thereout might be set apart for the holy oblation. At the length they grew to this point, which was thought the easiest course of all, that whosoever would acquit himself & his house in conscience, should, after he had made an estimate to himself of his own share in the spoil, bring the value & price of the tenth part into the common chest: that thereof might be made a golden oblation, meet for the state of that Temple, beseeming the power of that god, and answerable to the dignity of the people of Rome. Yet, even this contribution alienated the hearts of the people from Camillus.  
Amid these affairs, there came Ambassadors from the Volscians and Aequians, to treat for peace: and peace obtained they, rather because the city, wearied with continual wars, might now take rest and be at quiet, than for any deserts of them that sued for it. After Veij was taken, the year following had six Tribunes Military in Consul's authority, two F. Cornelij, namely, Cossus and Scipio, M. Valerius Maximus the second time, C. Fabius Ambustus the second time, L. Farius Medullinus the second time, and Q. Servilius the third time. Unto the Cornelijs fell out by lot the Faliscane war, to Valerius and Servilius the Capenates. Who neither assaulted their cities by force, nor wearied them with siege: but forraied the countries, and drove booties away of such things as were in the fields, not a tree that beareth fruit, not any fruitful thing besides, escaped their hands. This distress and calamity subdued the Capenates': who thereupon sued for peace, and had it granted. But amongst the Faliscians' the war continued still. In the mean time, at Rome there were sundry seditions. For the appeasing whereof, it was thought good to send a Colony to Volsci, and thither three thousand Roman citizens were appointed in checkroll. And Triumvirs were thereto chosen, who divided to every man three acres of ground and a 〈◊〉, and one twelfth part. That began to be despised, because they thought it but a poor comfort offered to stop their mouths withal, and to put them beside a greater hope. For why should the Commons be sent away into the Volscians land, seeing there was Veijwithin their eyesight, a most fair city, and the land about, more plentiful and large than that of Rome? And as for the city itself, they preferred it, either for the site, or state of private and public buildings and other places, before the city of Rome. Moreover, a motion also was made (which, after that Rome was won by the French, was more hotly followed) concerning a general transmigration and removing to Veij for ever. Marry, they intended that Veij should be inhabited, partly by the Commons, and partly by the Nobility: saying, That the people of Rome might well enough inhabit two cities jointly in one state of Commonwealth. Against all this, the LL. of the Senate laboured what they might, and plainly said, they would sooner die in the sight of the people of Rome, than any of those matters should pass. For why? if there were now in one city so much dissension, what would there be in twain? Would any man be so mad, as to prefer a conquered city, before his own country that had conquered the same? and suffer Veij after it is won to be in better estate than it was afore, even when it was at the best? Finally, well might they be forsaken at home in their own country by their citizens, but to forsake their country and citizens, they would never be brought by any force whatsoever. They would not follow to Veij, T. Sicinius as their founder, (for he amongst the Tribunes of the Commons persuaded this Act) and leave their god Romulus the son of a god, the first stockefather and beginner of the city of Rome. Whiles these matters were in handling with foul stir and much debate and variance, (for the Nobles had won to their opinion some of the Tribunes) there was nothing else that stayed the Commons hands from outrage, but this, that when as there was an outcry made to begin the quarrel, and to set them together by the ears, the cheese and principal Senators first came forth to the multitude, and offered themselves to be laid at, smitten and slain. In regard of whose age, dignity, and honour, they forbearing to do violence, were likewise for shame stayed in their mood, for any the like attempts besides. Camillus taking vantage hereof, ever and anon in all places, made speeches unto the people, and said: That it was no marvel truly, that the city was in a rage and madness, which being charged with a vow, made more care of all things else, than to discharge their conscience thereof, and to see it performed. As for the collation and gathering of a small donative, rather than a tithe, he said nothing of it: seeing that every man privately bound himself thereto, and the body of the people stood freed therefrom. But one thing there was, that his conscience would not suffer him to hold his peace, that, out of that booty only which was of movable things, the tenth was appointed to be levied: as for the city & ground that was won, which also was comprised within the vow, there were no words at all made. When as the debating of this matter, which to the Senate seemed doubtful and hard, was put over to the Priests and Prelates: their college calling to them Camillus, thought good, That whatsoever the Veientians had before the vow made, and whatsoever after the vow, came into the hands of the people of Rome, the tenth part thereof should be consecrated to Apollo. So both the city and the lands were valued: and money taken forth of the city chamber. And the Tribunes military Consular enjoined, therewith to buy gold. Whereof there being not store enough, the dames of the city having their assemblies and meetings by themselves for to consult thereabout, by a common decree made promise to the Tribunes military, and brought into the exchequer their own gold, and all the ornaments and jewels they had. This was as acceptable a thing, and as well taken of the Senate, as ever any had been: and for this their liberality (men say) they had this honour granted unto them, as to ride to church and to plays in hanging or ship-coaches, and as well on working days as holidays, to be at their wagons. When the gold was of every one received by weight, and prised to the worth, that they might again be paid money therefore: it was agreed that a standing cup of gold should be made thereof, & presented as an oblation to Apollo at Delphi. So soon as they had eased and disburdened their minds of this religious vow, the Tribunes of the Commons began sedition a new. So as the multitude were incited and stirred up against all the peers, but above all other against Camillus: charging him, that what by confiscating & consecrating the booty of the Veientians, he had brought it to just nothing. Those nobles that were absent they blamed and cried out against mightily, but of such as were present in place, and offered themselves unto them in their anger, they had some reverence. Now so soon as they saw the matter in question to be deferred & continued past that year, they chose again for the year following, those Tribunes of the Commons, which were the authors of that Act and law. The Nobles likewise endeavoured the same for those that should oppose themselves against the law. So the Tribunes of the Commons (a good part of them) were chosen the very same again. But at the election of the Tribunes Military, the Patritij after very much ado got at length, that Furius Camillus was created. They made semblance and pretended, that they would be provided of a General for war, but indeed their purpose was to be furnished of an adversary, to withstand the Acts and proceedings of the Tribunes. Together with Camillus were made Tribunes Military in Consul's authority. L. Furius Medullinus the sixth time, C. Aemylius, L. Valerius Publicola, Sp. Posthumius, P. Cornelius the second time.  
In the beginning of the year, the Tribunes of the Commons stirred not until M. Furius Camillus was gone against the Falisci, as his charge required for that war. And by delays afterwards the matter was well cooled. As for Camillus, whom of all other they most feared to be their adversary, he waxed great and glorious, by his service against the Falisci. For when as at the first, the enemies kept themselves within the walls, thinking it the safest way: he by wasting their country, and setting fire upon their villages, forced them to come forth of their town, howbeit they feared to be too bold, and to go far forward: and encamped themselves a mile and less from the town; reposing their safety and security in nothing else, but in the dangerous and hard passage, the ways all about being rough, ragged, and stony, in some places strait and narrow, in other up hill and steep. But Camillus having taken a prisoner out of the fields, and being guided by his direction, late in the night dislodged his camp, and betimes in the morning at break of the day, showed himself upon the higher grounds a good deal. The Roman on three sides, fell to fortify by trenching and casting rampires, whiles the rest of the army stood ready ranged for battle. And where as the enemies assayed to hinder the work, he discomfited them and put them to flight, whereupon the Falisci were so frighted, that as they fled amain in disarray, they passed beyond their own camp, which was nearer; and made as fast as they could to the town. Many were slain and many wounded, before that in this affright they could hit upon the gates. Their camp being taken, the booty thereof came unto the Questors coffers, with the great grudging and anger of the soldiers. Howbeit, yielding to the severity of discipline and good government: the same virtue which they had hated before, they now honoured and held in admiration. After this was the city besieged, and sconces & platforms raised about it. Otherwhiles also, as occasion was offered, the townsmen would sally forth and assail the Romans camp, & make light skrimishes. Thus the time passed without any great good hope of either side: for that they within the town besieged, had of their former provision more store of corn & other necessaries than they that lay at siege without. And it seemed they would have had as long a piece of work there, as they had at Veij, had not fortune yielded to the Romans General, both a trial of his approved virtue in war, & also speedy victory.  
It was the manner amongst the Faliscians', to entertain for the governance of their children, one that should both teach and instruct them in school, and withal bear them company wheresoever they went: and many children together (as the guise continueth still even to this day in Greece) were committed to the charge and tuition of one man. As for the nobles and principal men's sons of this city (as it is usually every where else) a special man had the teaching of them, such an one, as was thought most learned and the greatest clerk of all other. This man, having in time of peace begun to bring the children forth before the town side, to disport and exercise themselves, gave not over his wont manner now in time of war. And using still to train them abroad one while nearer, an other whiles further off from the gate: it fell out so, that one day what with pastime, and what with pleasant talk and discourses, he drew them further than he accustomed: and seeing his time, went forwards as far as the enemy's corpse de guard, and so forth on, till he had brought them within the compass of the camp, and even to Camillus his pavilion. Where to his wicked intended act, he added also a more graceless speech, saying, That he yielded 
* 〈…〉  Falerij into the Romans hands, in that he gave them those children to do with what they would, whose parents were the rulers and commanders of the city. Which words when Camillus heard, 
〈…〉  Thou comest not (quoth he) lewd wretch as thou art, with thy lewd & cursed present, either to a people or to a captain like thyself. We have not indeed with the Faliscians' any league at all, by covenant of man concluded and established: yet by nature, there is and will be still a kind of amity or society between us and them. There are laws due for war as well as for peace: and those have we learned to observe no less justly, than valiantly. We bore arms not against that silly age, which usually is spared in rasing and sacking of towns: but against armed men, and those, who being by us neither harmed nor provoked, have assailed the Romans camp at Veij. And yet those enemies (as bad as they be) like as thou hast for thy part exceeded them, in a new and strange kind of wickedness: so will I conquer I doubt not, by feats that the Romans profess; by virtue, by travail, by hardy sight: like as I have done Veij already. After this he caused him to be stripped naked, and so with his hands bound behind him, he delivered him to the children, for to bring him back to Falerij: and gave them rods withal, wherewith they might whip and drive this traitorous person forward into the city. At which sight the people at the first, came running together: and then the magistrates called a Counsel to sit upon this strange occurrent. But see what a change it wrought in their hearts. They who a while before were with hatred & anger so cruelly set, as that they wished rather in a manner to be destroyed with the Veientians, than to accept of peace as the Capenates had done: now throughout the whole city required to be at accord with the Romans. No talk in the market place, no speech in the Counsel house, but of the faithfulness and truth of the Romans, and of the justice of their General. And with one general consent of all, Ambassadors were sent to Camillus into the camp. And from thence by permission of Camillus, to the Senate at Rome they went, to deliver up Falerij: and being admitted into the Senate house, in this wise (by report) they spoke: In that victory (right honourable) which neither God nor man can choose but allow, are we by you and your General overcome and vanquished. 
〈…〉  And here we render ourselves unto your hands: supposing this (than which to a conqueror there can be nothing more honourable) that we shall live better under your government, than under our own proper laws and liberties. The event and issue of this war, hath assourded to mankind two worthy examples to follow. Ye for your part have made choice to observe faithfulness in war, rather than to attchieve a present conquest: and we again, by this your faithful dealing induced & provoked, have willingly yielded unto you the victory confessing ourselves now presently to be your liege & lawful subjects. Send whom you will, to receive our armour, our hostages, our town with open gates. Neither shall you ever repent of our allegiance: nor we think much of your rule & government. Camilius had thanks both of the enemies and of the citizens. The Falisci were charged with money for that years pay, that the people of Rome might be freed of their subsidy. Thus when peace was granted, the army was brought back again to Rome.  
Whenas Camillus was returned after this conquest of his enemies into the city, with much better commendation, than when as in triumph he road in a chariot drawn with white horses through the city, as being now famous for his just dealing and faithfulness: secretly the Senate was abashed for very reverence of the man, and could no longer bear, but without further delay to acquire him of the vow he made. So there were sent L. Valerius, L. Sergius, A. Manlius as Ambassadors in one galley unwasted, to present unto Apollo at Delphi by way of oblation, a standing cup of gold. Who not far off from the narrow seas of Sicily, were encountered & bourded by certain Liparensian pirates or men ofwarre, and had to Lipara. Now the manner was of that city, (as common rovers use to do) for to divide the prize amongst them. Haply, the chief officer or magistrate for that year, was one Timasitbeus, a man more like to the Romans than his own countrymen. Who having himself some reverend regard of the name of Ambassadors, and the present of the god to whom it was sent, and the occasion thereof: possessed the multitude also (which always lightly resembleth their governor) with due religion and prick of conscience. This head ruler brought the Ambassadors into their lodging, and entertained them courteously at the cities charges, wasted them with the convoy of a sufficient fleet: accompanied them in person to Delphi, and from thence conducted them home again safe to Rome. Whereupon by an Act of the Senate, there was a contract made with him of amity and mutual entertainment, and gifts bestowed upon him at the cities cost. The same year there was doubtful war with the Aequians, so as it was uncertain both in the army and at Rome, whether they had won or lost the victory. The Generals for the Romans, were of the Tribunes Military, C. Aemylius, and Sp. Posthumius. At the first they warred both together, but after, when the enemies were in sight discomfited, it was agreed, that Aemylius should keep Verrugo with a garrison, and Posthumius waste the borders. Where, as he marched somewhat negligently with his army out of order, as presently after a field won, the Aequians set upon him, and having put him in fear, chased him unto the hills next hand. The fright whereof came from thence to the other garrison also at Verrugo. Posthumius, after that he had retired his men into safety, and assembled them together, and there in an Oration greatly blamed and cried out upon their fear, andrunning away: and that they were discomfited by a most dastardly fugitive enemy: the whole host cried out with one voice, That they deserved to be told of it, and confessed that they had committed a foul fault; but they themselves would make amends therefore: and promised that the enemies should carry it neither to heaven nor hell, nor joy long therewith. Requiring that he would conduct them presently to the enemy's camp (which in sight was pight upon a plain) protesting to refuse no extremity of punishment, if they were not masters of it before night. He than commended them, and willed them to refresh their bodies, and to be ready at the releese of the fourth watch. Now lay the enemies likewise in the passage, to intercept the Romans, as they fled by night from the hill, even in the way which leadeth to Verrugo. And before day they encountered together (but you must think the moon shone all night) and saw how to fight, as well as by day light. But the noise being heard to Verrugo, strake so great fear amongst them, thinking, the camp of the Romans had been assailed, that for all Aemylius could do to hold them, and to beseech them to the contrary, they fled scattered to Tusculum. From whence the news came to Rome, That Posthumius was slain, and his army lost. But he riding about the host (after that in the morning betimes the day light showed them that followed apace on every side, that there was no fear of ambushments and forelaying) charged them with their promises, and set them in such a heat, that the Aequians could no longer abide their violence. Then slew they the enemies in the chase every one, & made havoc of them as they fled, more like men that do things in a fury and rage than by plain valour. And presently upon the tidings from Tusculum (which put the city in a vain or causeless fright) there came from Posthumius letters, dight with laurel, importing news, that the Romans had the victory, and the Aequians the overthrow.  
Because as yet the actions and suits aforesaid of the Tribunes of the Commons could come to no end: both the Commons laboured to continue the Tribuneship in them that were the maintainers of the law preferred: and also the Nobles endeavoured to make those rulers again that had opposed themselves against the same law. But as the Commons in their own Election prevailed and had the better: so the Nobles were revenged of them again for this grief they took, by an Act of the Senate, that Consuls (hated magistrates of the Commons) should be created. Thus after fifteen years were Consuls reelected, L. Lucretius Flavus, Servius Sulpitius Camerinus.  
In the beginning of this year, when as the Tribunes of the Commons bestirred themselves stoutly to go through with their law, for that none of their brotherhood was about to deny and nip the same: and whiles the Consuls for that very cause resisted them as earnestly, and the whole city was hereabout amused: the Aequians won Vitelia, a Colony of the Romans, seated within their own country. Most part of the Coloners (because the town being by night betrayed and won, yielded unto them free passage to escape away on the back side) fled safe to Rome. So that service befell unto L. Lucretius the Consul. Who went with a power, and vanquished the enemies in fight, and with victory returned to Rome to a greater conflict a good deal. Aulus Virginius, and Quintus Pomponius, two Tribunes of the Commons the two years past, were accused: for whose defence it was for the credit of the Senate, That the Nobles should agree and stick close together. For no man laid to their charge either dishonest behaviour in life, or corrupt carriage of themselves in their office, but only this, That to please and gratify the Nobles, they had set themselves against the Tribunes law. Howbeit the anger of the Commons went beyond the favour of the Senate, and (that which was a most shameful precedent) they (guiltless men) had a fine set on their heads of 
* 26 lib. 5. ●●. Ber●.  ten thousand pound of brazen coin. Whereat at the Nobles took great displeasure. Camillus openly blamed the Commons for this their wicked part: 
〈…〉  who now setting themselves against their own patrons, perceived not that by a perverse proceeding in judgement against their Tribunes, they had lost the liberty of opposing themselves with their negative voice: and take that away once, and farewell all authority of the Tribunes forever. For where as they hoped that the Nobles would endure the unbridled and licentious liberty of that office, they were much deceived: for if these hard courses of the Tribunes might not be restrained by help of the same Tribunes, the Nobility would find some other weapon to fight withal. He rebuked the Consuls also, for that they suffered those Tribunes to fail of their protection and safe conduct, who had done and said nothing but by the authority and warrant of the Senate. Whiles openly he used to make these and such like Orations to the people, 
Camillus' his speech in the Senate.  he thrust himself daily more and more into men's anger and displeasure. But to stir up the Senate against the foresaid law, he ceased not still: willing them, that when the day came of proposing the law, they should come into the common hall, with no other mind but this, To remember they were fight for god and country, for the temples of the gods, and the very soil wherein they were borne. And as for his own self privately, if it were lawful for him amids these civil troubles of his native country, to think upon & respect his own proper glory, it were right honourable for him, to have the city which he had won, peopled and resorted unto: and daily to behold and enjoy the memorable monument of his own glory: to see before his eyes the very city, whereof the counterfeit was borne in the pomp of triumph: and that all men else should tread in the steps of his noble acts. But he thought it a shameful and abominable thing, that a city left and forsaken of the immortal gods, should be inhabited: and that the people of Rome should dwell in captive soil, and to make this exchange, to leave a natural country which hath conquered, for it that hath been conquered. With these persuasions and exhortations were the cheese rulers excited, and the Nobles old and young, came troup-meale, (when as the law should be propounded) into the hall. And as they were dispersed and sorted into Tribes, every one taking hold of those of his own tribe, began to beseech them even with tears, not to forsake that country now, in the quarrel whereof they and their fathers had fought most valiantly and happily: showing herewith ever and anon the Capitol, the temple of Vesla, and other temples thereabout of the gods: that they should not therefore, drive the people of Rome, as exiled and banished, out of their native soil from their own home and housegods, into their enemy's city, nor bring the matter thus about, that it had been better that Veij had not been won, rather than Rome should be abandoned. Because their dealing was nothing but by way of prayer and persuasion, and in their prayers much mention and naming of the gods, the most part of them were touched in conscience: so as more Tribes nipped that one law for going forward, than gave their voices to approve it. Which victory was so joyful to the Nobles, that the morrow after, by the motion of the Coss. a decree was made, That amongst the Commons should be a division of seven acres for a man out of the Veientian lands: and not for householders only, but that consideration and reckoning should be had also, in every house, of all free borne persons: to the end, that they should be willing to breed up children to the like proof, and for the hope of like commodity. When the Commons by this bountiful gift and liberality, were well pacified and stilled, there was no stir at all to hinder the election of the Consuls. So there were created Consuls, Lu. Valerius Potitus, and M. Manlius, who afterwards was surnamed Capitolinus.  
These Consuls set out the great solemn games and plays, which M. Furius the Dictator had vowed in the Veientian war. In the same year the Temple of juno Regina vowed by the same dictator and in the same war, was dedicated. And it is reported, that the dedication thereof was celebrated with exceeding great resort and forward endeavour of the dames of Rome. War there was (but not greatly to be spoken of) in Algidum with the AEquians, for that the enemies were in a manner discomfited before that they joined battle. Valerius because he followed still and killed the enemies in chase, was allowed by decree to triumph at full: and Manlius, that he should enter into the city only Ovant, in petty triumph. The same year arose a new war with the Volsinians: against whom by reason of a famine and pestilence that grew about Rome upon exceeding drought & heat, an army could not be led forth. For which cause the Volsinians puffed up with pride, joining untothem the Salpenates, invaded first the country about Rome. Whereupon war was proclaimed against both nations. C. julius the Censor departed this life. In whose room M. Cornelius was substituted. Which after bred some scruple of religion, for that Rome in that five years space was taken. So that never after that is there any Censor chosen into the place of the deceased. And the Consuls also being sick and thereby disabled to govern, it was thought good to take new counsel and advise of auspexes or tokens of birds, by an Interreigne. When as therefore by an act of the Senate, the Consuls had resigned their office, M. Furius Camillus was created Interregent. Who named after him P. Cornelius Scipio: and he afterwards Lu. Valerius Potitus to be Interrex. By whom were made six Tribunes Military with Consul's authority: that in case any of them should be sick and crazy, yet the commonwealth should have governors enough. The first day of july entered they into their office: namely, L. Lucretius, Servius Sulpitius, M. Aemylius, Lu. Furius Medullinus the seventh time. Agrippa Furius, C. Aemylius the second time. Of these, Lu. Lucretius and C. Aemylius had in commission to go against the Volscians: but Agrippa Furius, and Servius Sulpitius against the Salpinates. And first were the Volscians fought withal. A great war in respect of the number of enemies ● but for the conflict and battle, nothing fierce and sharp. For their army at the first encounter was put to flight, and eight thousand soldiers were by the Roman horsemen environed, whereupon they threw their weapons away and yielded. The tidings of this war caused the Salpenates not to adventure upon fight: but they kept themselves armed within the walls, & stood upon their guard. The Romans then all abroad drove booties both out of the Salpenats' country, and the Volscians, and no man withstood their violence: so long until the Volscians wearied with war, had truce granted unto them for twenty years, upon this condition, To make restitution again to the Romanesof their goods, and to pay the soldiers for that year their wages.  
The same year one M. Caeditius a commoner, gave notice to the Tribunes, that in the new Causey, where now there standeth a Chapel above the Temple of Vesta, there was in the still time of the night a voice heard, louder than any man's, willing that the governors might have intelligence, that the Gauls were coming. This, by reason of the baseness of the author (as commonly it is seen) was not credited: besides, they were a nation far remote, and therefore less known and of small account. Thus were not only the advertisements of the gods despised, when as their fatal time of destruction was toward: but also the help of man (which rested only in Furius Camillus) they rid out of the city. Who being arrested to appear at a day, by L. Apultius a Tribune of the Commons, and to make answer for the saccage of Veij, and having buried about the same time his son, a toward young Gentleman, sent for home to his house, those of his own tribe, his kinsfolk and followers, whereof a great part were of the Commons. And when he had sounded their minds, and received this answer from them, That they would defray and lay down so much, as he should be condemned in: but as to acquit him, that they could not possibly. 
M. Finius Camillus goeth into exile.  Hereupon he departed into exile: praying to the immortal gods, that as he was guiltless and wrongfully dealt withal, so they would with all speed, cause 〈◊〉 unthankful city to stand in need, and to have a miss of him. In his absence condemned he was in 
* 39 lib. 7 sh. 6 d. s●crl.  fifteen thousand pounds of brass coin. When this citizen was thus expulsed, who if he had tarried still, (so far as we may make reckoning of any earthly security) Rome could never have been won: behold, ambassadors come from the Clusines, requesting aid against the Gauls.  
This nation (as it is reported) alured with the sweetness of corn and wine especially (dainty chaffer and a new delight in those days) passed over the Alpes, and possessed those countries which had been aforetime by the Tuscans inhabited. The voice goeth, that there was one Aruns a Clusine, who had brought wine into Gaul, to entice that people withal, upon an anger and displeasure that his wife had been deflowered by one Lucumo (whose guardian Aruns himself had been) a young gentleman of great might and power, and whom Aruns could not chastise and bridle, without assistance of foreign forces: this man was the Gauls guide in passing over the Alpes, and the principal instrument to set them a work for to assault Clusium. I would not for my part deny, but that the French were brought to Clusium by Aruns or some other Clusine: but most certain it is, that they who assaulted Clusium, were not the first that passed the Alpes. For the Gauls two hundred years before they assaulted Clusium and won the city of Rome, came over into Italy. Neither fought the Gauls first with this nation of the Tuscans, but long afore, and that oftentimes, with those that dwell between Apeninus and the Alpes. For, the Tuscans had all sovereign command, both by land and sea, before the Roman Empire was erected. The names of upper and nether sea, wherewith Italy is compassed about, as it were an Island, may be a sufficient proof, how great and puissant they were: seeing, that the one is by the general name of the Nation, called of the Italians, the Tuscan sea: and the other the Adriatic of a town or colony of the Tuscans called Adria. The greeks do call the self same seas the 
a Mar. T●●●o or Mar. de Marseille.  Tyrrhene & the Adriatic seas. These Tuscans bending to both seas, inhabited those countries, consisting of twelve cities: having sent before on this side Apennine, toward the nether sea, and afterwards beyond the 
b Monte Fis●ello.  Apennine, as many Colonies in number according to the princes at the first beginning, and held in possession all those parts beyond the Po unto the Alpes, except that Angle only of the Venetians, that are seated about the gulte of the adriatic sea. And doubtless, the nations about the Alpes, especially the Rhetians, had their beginning thus: whom the very country itself made savage, so as they retained nothing of old, but the sound of their language, and the same broken and somewhat corrupted. Now for the coming of the Gauls over into Italy, thus much we have learned. In the days of Priscus Tarqvinius king of Rome, the 
c 〈…〉  the Celtes, which are a third part of the Gauls, were under the rule of the 
d Bituriges at this day.  Bituriges, who chose a king over the Celtes, named Ambigatus, a great potentate and mighty, both in regard of valour and virtue, and also of his own private wealth and public weal: for that under his regiment, Gaul was so fertile of corn, and grew so populous, that the exceeding number of the people could not well be governed. This man being of great age, and desirous now to disburden his Realm of that pestering multitude, declared that he would send Bellovesus and Sigovesus his sister's sons (two forward young men) to seek adventures, into what lands soever the gods and goddesses should by their tokens direct them: giving them commission to gather what number of men they would, to the end that no nation might withstand their coming. So it fell to Sigovesus lot, for to enter the forest and woodland country of Hercinia. Bellovesus his fortune was a good deal better, to take his way (by the god's guidance) unto Italy: And he levied of the Bituriges, 
e 〈◊〉  Averni, 
f Sens.  Senones, 
g 〈…〉  Hedui, 
h 〈◊〉  Ambarri, 
j 〈◊〉  Carnutes, and 
k 〈◊〉  Aulerci, those that might be spared out of those countries: & setting forward with a mighty power of footmen and horsemen, came unto the 
l 〈◊〉  Tricastines. Now stood the Alpesfull against them in their way, which I marvel not were thought insuperable and impassable, as having not as yet any way made over them, (so far as any constant record maketh date) unless we list to beleev● the tales of Hercules. Now when as the Gauls there, were hemmed in as it were on everieside with those high mountains, and that they looked every way about them, how they might get over those high hills reaching up to the heavens, & so pass (as one would say) into an other world; they were stayed there and went no further, upon scruple of conscience, for that it was reported, that certain strangers seeking land to inhabit, were by the people of 
m 〈◊〉  Sallies set upon and assailed. These strangers were the 
n 〈…〉  Massilians, who sailed from Phocis. This the Gauls supposing to be a fortunate ossing of their success, helped them forward, and took part with them: so as what place first they got after they were landed, they fortified within the wide or broad forests. They themselves passed through the country of 
o 〈◊〉  Taurini, and over the straits of the Alpes called 
p 〈◊〉  julia: and having vanquished the Tuscans in fight, not far from the river 
q 〈◊〉  Ticinus, hearing that the country wherein they abode and settled, was called Insubrium (after the name of a territory and shire of the Heduans) they following and embracing the lucky name of that place, so conformable to the other of their own, builded a city and called it 
r 〈◊〉  Mediolanum. Afterwards another power of Germans with their captain Elitovius, following the steps of the former Gauls, by the same straits (with good leave & favour of Bellovesus) passed over the Alpes, & remained there: and where now 
s 〈◊〉  Brixia & 
t 〈◊〉  Verona two towns stand (the 
u 〈…〉  Libu● then inhabited those parts) made their abode. After these, the Saluvij passed over, who expelled all the Ligurians that dwelled on this side the river Ticinus, but only the Levi; an ancient nation. After them the 
x 〈◊〉  B●●● and 
y 〈◊〉  Lingones passed over the hill 
z S. Barnardi.  Peninus, dispossessed the Tuscans and the Vmbrians of their territory, yet so as they kept them within Apenninus. Then the Senones which were the last comers of these strangers, inhabited the country from the river 
a 〈◊〉  Vfens unto 
b 〈◊〉  Athesis. This nation I find to have come to 
c 〈◊〉  Clusium, and afterwards from thence to Rome: mary it is not certain, whether this nation alone came, or that they were aided by all the Gauls that dwelled on this side the Alpes.  
The Clusinos terrified with this new war, advising well both their number and the unaccustomed looks, and visages of the men, which they had not seen afore, and their strange armour withal: and hearing besides that the legions of the Tuscans both on this side the Po & beyond, had been often times by them discomfited: Albeit in the Romans they had no interest at all in regard of any league or amity, only this, that they had not maintained their kinsfolk the Veientes against the Romans, sent their Ambassadors to Rome, to crave aid of the Senate. Aid they obtained none: Ambassadors there were sent three, the sons of M. Fabius Ambustus, who in the name of the Senate and people of Rome should treat with the Gauls and persuade with them, not to set upon the confederates and friends of the people of Rome, namely, such as at whose hands they had received no wrong: saying moreover, that if they would put the, Romans to it, the Romans were to defend them by war: howbeit they thought it better, if it might be, to have no wars at all: but that the Gauls a new come nation should grow into knowledge and acquaintance, rather by peace than by war. The embassage was mild and mode●t enough, but the Ambassadors themselves were over fierce and hasty, and more like Gauls than Romans. 
The answer of the Gauls to the Ambassadors of Rome.  Who having done their message in the assembly of the Gauls, were thus again answered. Although the name of the Romans was but of late heard of, yet theywere persuaded that they were hardy men, at whose hands the Clusines in their fear, sought and requested succour. And whereas they choose rather to defend their allies by way of embassage, than by open war, they likewise neither disdained nor refused peace which they offered: If the Clusines would grant the Gauls (which wanted ground to inhabit) a part of their marches, whereof they held in possession more than they did well people and occupy: Otherwise, no peace would be had. And hereof would they have an answer, whiles the Romans were in place: and if they were denied ground, they would also fight even before the Romans face, that they might make report at home, how much the Gauls went beyond other men in valour and chivailrie. And when as the Romans demanded again what right they had to require ground of the owners, or to threaten war? For what interest or title had the Gauls in Tuscan? They again stoutly made answer; That they carried their right in their sword's point, and that valiant men were lords of all the world. So they were on both sides so set on fire, that they ran to their weapons and skirmished with the Tuscans. Then against all law of nations (a thing that hastened the destruction of the Roman city) the Ambassadors took arms. Neither could this be so secret but it was known. For even before the ensigns of the Tuscans, there were seen three most noble & valiant knights of the Romans for to fight: so far exceeded the valour of those strangers above all the Clusines. Moreover and besides, Quintus Fabius riding out of the battle on horseback, charged his lance upon the captain of the Gauls, as he fiercely assailed the ensigns and battle of the Tuscans, ran him through and slew him: and as he rifled and disarmed him, the Gauls took knowledge of him, and throughout the whole host notice was given, that it was an Ambassador of the Romans. So, leaving their quarrel against the Clusines, they sound the retreat, and threatened the Romans. There were of them, that thought good presently to advance forward to Rome: but the elder sort prevailed, that there should be sent Ambassadors first to complain of the injuries, and to require that for the law of arms broken, the Fabiuses should be yielded unto them. Whenas the Gaul Ambassadors had declared their message according to their commission, the Senate nothing liked of the Fabians deed, and thought the barbarous Gauls required nothing but just and reason. Howbeit suit of friends and private respects, would not permit to make an Act of that, in personages of so great mark and nobility, which they deemed meet and requisite. Therefore to the end it might not be imputed to them and they blamed, if peradventure any foil or overthrow should happen unto them, by warring with the Gauls: they referred the hearing & discussing of the Gaul demands unto the people. Where might and favour so much prevailed, that even they who were in question to be punished, were created for the year following Tribunes Military in Consul's authority. At which the Gauls being offended (as good cause they had) with open threats & menaces of war, returned again to their company. There were with the three Fabiuses, P. Sulpitius Longus, Quintus Servilius the fourth time, & P. Servilius Maluginensis. Whenas now so great danger was toward & near at hand (see how fortune blindeth men's eyes, when as she will have her sway and not be hindered) that city which against the Fidenate and Veient enemy & other nations bordering thereby, tried the utmost help, & oftentimes made a dictator: now being threatened with a strange enemy never heard of before, coming to war upon them from the Ocean sea and the farthest parts of the world, sought neither for governor nor help more than ordinary. Even those Tribunes, by whose rash dealing that war was first caused, had the managing of all: & made no more choice, nor mustering of soldiers than usually had been in common wars: making but a light matter of it and of no consequence, and setting little by, and elevating the rumour of the war. The Gauls in the mean time having heard, how for the nonce those breakers of human law were soon advanced to honour, and how their embassage was deluded and dallied with, all on a fire, (as they are a nation that way impatient and in anger outrageous) plucked up their standards forthwith, and marched with all expedition on their voyage. At whose noise and hurly burly (as they passed by in such haste) when as the towns thereby were put in fear, and ran to their weapons, and the country peasants fled away: they with open mouth gave out and signified, that they went to Rome. All the way as they journeied, what with horse and men, both in length and breadth, they took up a mighty room in their march. But what with the fame that went before, and the messengers of the Clusines and of other people that followed one at the heels of another, this speedy coming of the enemies brought right great fear and terror to Rome. For notwithstanding, that they went with a power of men in all hast suddenly mustered, hardly met they them at eleven miles' end, where as the river Allia running down from the hills of Crustuminum, with a very deep channel (not much beneath the highway) dischargeth itself into the Tiber. And now by this time the whole country before them, and all the coasts about were overspread with the enemies. And (as they are a nation naturally given to vain tumults and therein born & bred) with an hideous and dissonant kind of singing (like a black Sanctus) they filled all about with a fearful and horrible noise. There the Tribunes Military without getting aforehand a convenient place to pitch their tents in, without fortifying the same with any trench or rampires, whereunto they might safely be take themselves, even without any regard of God, whom at leastwise they should have been mindful of, if they had forgotten man, without Auspexes and bird-tokens, without reconciliation to God by sacrifice, full unhappily and in an ill hour, ranged their battle divided into wings, for fear of being compassed with multitude of enemies. Yet might not the vaward answer the breadth of the enemies, notwithstanning they made their ranks and files so thin, that the middle ward of the battle was weak, and scant joining close together. On the right hand there was a little higher ground, where they thought to bestow men for supply, which as it gave the first occasion of fear and running away, so was it the only safety of them that fl●d. For Brennus the Duke or prince of the Gauls, fearing exceedingly in that small number of the Romans, some stratagem, and supposing that the higher ground was for this purpose kept, That when the Gauls should have encountered with the forefront of the legions, than the reskues would charge them both upon their backs and their flanks, displayed and advanced his standards against those in rescue: nothing doubting but if he had once driven them from their hold upon higher ground, on the plain he should soon have the victory, considering that in number he overwent them. See how the Barbarians had not only luck; but policy also on their sides! chose, the Romans in their camp were nothing like themselves, either for captains or soldiers. Their minds were so possessed with fear & thinking of running away, and so forgetful besides, that the greater part of them chose rather to fly to Veij, (their enemy's city) although the Tiber were full in their way, than to take the straight course to Rome, to their wives and children. For a while, the advantage of the ground defended those that were for rescue: but in the rest of the host, so soon as they that were next, heard the shout from the sides, and those that were farthest off from behind, before any stroke strucken, & before they were once touched, they fled from their unknown enemy, in a manner before they saw him. And so far off they were from trying fight, that they answered them not so much as with a countershout again. So as there were not any slain in fight. But they were killed behind at their backs, even by occasion of their own selves, who with their hurrying hindered one another in their flight. About the bank of Tiber, where unto the whole left wing was fled down, and had flung away their weapons, there was a great slaughter. For many of them that could not swim, and were weak, by reason of their weighty corselets and other harness, were drowned and swallowed up of the surging whirlepoles. Howbeit, the most part escaped safe to Veij. From whence there came to Rome, not only no succour to guard the city, but not so much as a messenger to bring news of this their overthrow. But from the right wing which kept farther from the river, and more under the hill, they all went to Rome. And finding not so much as the gates of the city shut, they all fled into the castle. The very gaul's themselves astonished at so wonderful & sudden victory, stood still at the first in a great amaze, as who knew not what had happened, and wist not what to make of it. Afterwards they feared some ambush, and at length fell to gathering the spoils of them that were slain, and to lay all their armour and harness upon heaps, as their manner is. At last, seeing no enemy nor show of hostility, they put themselves in their journey forward, a little before sunsetting, & marched to the city of Rome. Where, upon word brought by the foreriders, that the gates were not shut, nor any ward kept afore the gates, nor armed men upon the walls, they stood in the like amaze as before, upon so strange and wondrous a thing. But fearing the night & the situation of a city unknown, they set them down, and rested between Rome and Anio, having sent their espials and scouts about the walls and gates, to understand what their enemies meant to do in so desperate a state. The Romans, for that a greater part had taken their way to Veij, than to Rome, & weening that there was none left alive, but those that were fled back to Rome; bewailing and bidding adieu; both to those that were dead, and those alive, set the whole city almost a weeping and lamenting. But afterwards, the public fear astonished them, and took all sense away of their private sorrows, when they heard once that the enemies were come. And within a while, as these barbarous people coasted and ranged about the walls by troops, they might hear their yelling, their houting, and uncouth, confused hideous cries. So were they held all the time in suspense of mind, until the second day after: one while thinking, that at their first coming they would have surprised the city, for unless they had so meant, they would have tarried (they thought) at Allia still: again, a little before sunsetting (because the day was wellnigh done) they supposed they would enter upon them before night. But anon they feared that they differred this enterprise until night was come, to the end they might strike a greater fear & terror amongst them. And last of all, the day light approaching, astonished them clean: so as they were in a continual agony, even until the mischief came indeed which they so long doubted, & that now the bloody banners of their enemies were displayed before their gates. Howbeit neither that night nor the day following, was the city in the like fear, as when they fled so fearfully at 
* Comina●e 〈◊〉 Rio de M●sso. Leandro.  Allia. For being past nope, that the city could be defended with so small power as remained, they determined that with their wives & children, all their serviceable youth, such as were meet to beat arms, yea and the more able men, & strength of the Senate, should retire themselves into the castle & Capitol: & after they had thither brought their armour and corn, from thence as from a defensible place to protect their gods, their men, and the Roman name: to save from fire and sword (so far as they could) the Flamen of jupiter, the vestal Nuns, & sacred images, and holy relics of the city: and not to abandon the worship & due solemnity unto them, so long as any were left alive, to do them honour & worship. For thus they conceived, That if the castle and Capitol, being the seat of their gods, if the Senate, which is the head and chief of their public counsel, if the hardy and fight young men remained after that imminent ruin and fall of the city, the less would be the loss of the aged folk, a number, (God wot) left behind of purpose in the city, no otherwise like but to perish. And to the end that the multitude of the common sort might bear this more patiently, the elders that had triumphed aforetime, and been Consuls, openly gave out and said, That they would live and die together with them. Neither would they with those bodies of theirs which were unmeet to bear armour, and to defend the city, surcharge and pester the company of able & armed men, in this their penury and want of victuals. These and such like were the consolations and comforts of the ancients among themselves, now resolute to end their lives. After which, they turned their exhortations to the companies of the young and lusty men, whom they followed into the castle and Capitol, recommending unto their manhood and to their youthful courage, all the estate remaining of that city, which for the space of three hundred and threescore years, had in all their wars been victorious, and gotten great conquests. Now when they, in whom rested all hope and help, were departed, and had taken their leave of them, that resolved fully not to survive the winning and destruction of their city: as the very thing in itself, and the sight thereof was a lamentable and woeful spectacle unto them, so the piteous weeping of women, and their uncertain running up and down, following nowafter one, and now after another: and ask their husbands and children, to what end, to what fatal destiny they betook them, was as dolorous a pageant, as could happen to any earthly creature. Nevertheless, a great sort of them accompanied their friends into the castle, & no man either bad or forbade them. For although it was good and commodious for the besieged, namely, to diminish the number and discharge themselves of the feeble multitude, yet it seemed unto them an inhuman and unkind part. The rest, of the common people especially, whom so small an hill was not able to receive, & could not possibly be kept in so great scarcity of corn and victuals, departed by heaps out of the city: and marching as it were in one company together in a row, took their way to janiculum. From thence they divided themselves sundry ways. Some slipped into the fields and country, some to the next cities there bordering, without any captain, without any common consent: every one following his own hope, his own head and wit, now that all public counsel was in despair and past remedy. In this mean while, the Flamen of Quirinus, and the religious Vestal virgins leaving the regard of their own private affairs, consulted with themselves what sacred Images to carry with them, and (seeing their strength would not serve to rid away and save all) what to leave behind them, and what place was meetest to bestow and lay them up most safely. They agreed at length and thought it best, to put them in small barrels or rundelets, and within the ground to bury them in a little chapel, standing next to the Flamines house: which place for very devotion unto this day, may not for any thing, be spit upon. All the rest they parted amongst themselves. And every one carrying her own burden, took the way, which over the wooden bridge leadeth to janiculum. Upon the ascent or rise of that hill, when L. Albinus (a Commoner of Rome) saw them going, as he among other company (which unmeet for war, departed out of the city) carried his wife and children in a wain: he making even then in that hard calamity, a difference yet between divine and human things, and thinking it an impious part, and void of all religion, that the public priests with the sacred Images of the people of Rome should go on foot, whiles he and his, were seen riding at ease in a waggon, caused his wife and children to alight and come forth, and set the Nuns with their holy Images in their room, and brought them to Caere, to which place they minded to go. All things now being set at Rome (as in such a time could be) in order sufficiently, for the defence of the castle; the aged persons abovesaid being returned to their houses, waited for the coming of the enemy, with hearts prepared and resolved to die. Such of them as had borne offices of the chair, to the intent, that they might end their days in the ornaments and robes of their former estate and honour, and according to their virtue and deserts: in their most stately garments and habiliments, which they ware when they carried their sacred chariots upon festival days, or wherein they road in triumph, now sat upon their ivory chairs in the very mids and entry of their houses. There be that write, how they willingly devowed and bequeathed themselves to die for their country and citizens of Rome: and that M. Fabius the high priest read and pronounced unto them a certain hymn & prescript form of prayer, to that purpose. The Gauls, both for that now they had rested from fight a whole night, and so their choler was somewhat cooled, and also because they had not in any place fought a bloody and dangerous battle with them, nor even at that time won the city by any assault or force, entered the morrow after into the city, without anger and heat of furious rage, by the gate Collina, standing wide open, and so passed forward to the common place of assemblies, casting their eyes about them towards the temples of the gods, and to the castle, which only presented some show of war. And there leaving a sufficient guard, least happily from the castle and Capitol they should be violently assaulted, after they were once asunder parted, they fell to ransack and rifle: and meeting none at all in the void streeets, some rush by heaps into the houses next hand, others go to those that were furthest off, supposing them at leastwise to be untouched, full of riches, and fit for to fill their hands. From thence again (as frighted by reason of such desolation, and fearing least haply any fraud of the enemy might entrap them as they wandered one from another) they returned round in a ring together, into the marketsted, and the places near thereto. Where, when they saw the Commoners houses fast shut to & locked, & chose the stately palaces of the Noblemen and chief Senators standing wide open, they were at a stand, and doubted more in a manner to enter upon the open places, than the shut. And they beheld as it were with capping and crouching after a reverend manner, certain ancient personages sitting in the porches and entries of their houses, who besides their ornaments and apparel, above the ordinary estate of men, for a certain majesty which they carried in their countenance and gravity of visage, resembled the gods. And when as they turned to them, and stood looking upon them, as if they had been Idols and sacred Images, M. Papyrius, one of them, when a Gaul began to struck his beard (which then they used all to wear long) with his ivory 〈◊〉 (as they say) gave him a rap on the pate, and moved his patience. Whereupon he was the first that was murdered, and so the rest were a●l killed as they sat in their chairs of estate. After this massacre of these honourable personages of the Nobility, they fell upon all the rest and spared no creature: they ransacked their houses, and when they were empty set fire on them. But whether it were that they were not all of them desirous to destroy the city utterly, or that it was the mind of the leaders and chief of the Gauls, that for a terror there should be seen some scarefires (if happily for the love of their houses, they that were besieged, might be induced to yield themselves:) or that all their houses were not burned at once, to the end that the remainder of the city might be as a pawn and pledge to mollify their enemies and make their hearts to relent; howsoever, I say it was, the fire for the first day (as usually in cities forced and won) spread not all abroad every where, to make a general havoc. The Romans from their Castle, seeing the city full of enemies, and in every street running up and down, and in all places fresh calamities and miseries one in the neck of another, were not able to conceive the same in mind and spirit, no nor so much as to have the right use of their ears and eyes. For to what place so ever the shouts and din of the enemies, the howling and wailing of women and children, the noise of fire and the rattling and cracking downefals of houses turned them aside in exceeding fear, thither they bent their minds their faces and eyes, as men by fortune set up a fit, as upon a stage or scaffold, to behold the fall and ruin of their country: reserved to save nothing of all their behaviour and substance, but only their own bodies: by thus much, more miserable and pitiful above all others that ever were besieged, in that being shut out from their native country and city, they were besieged and beheld it, and all that they had, in the enemy's hands. Neither, as ill as the day was spent, followed there a better night. Yea and when after this troublesome night the like morrow was come, there was no time, but ministered still some heavy object: and one spectacle or other of new and fresh calamities. And albeit they were loaden and overwhelmed with so many miseries, yet they nothing at all let fall or abated their courages, but resolved still, notwithstanding they saw all fired, all ruinated & laid even with the ground, manfully to defend that poor naked little hill which they held, and was their only hope left them to recover their freedom. And now seeing the same desolations daily happen, they were so enured to misery, that past all sense and feeling of their own state and private fortune, they regarded nothing but their armour on their backs and swords in their hands, as the only remnants & relics of their hope. The Gauls likewise for certain days, had made war with the poor houses only of the city, and all to no purpose: and when they perceived in all this burning and ruins of the city so conquered nothing now left but armed enemies, who were not, for all so many calamities, one jot terrified, nor their minds once inclined to yield without further force and violence were used; they determine to try the uttermost, and to make an assault upon the fortress. So on the morrow morning very early at sound of trumpet, all the whole multitude of them, arranged themselves in the market place. From whence with an outcry and shout, under a fence of targets over their heads, they approach the Castle. Against whom, the Romans behaved themselves, neither unadvisedly, nor fearfully, strengthening their wards and quarters, with a good Corpse de guard against all Advenues: and whereas they saw the banners displayed, that way they opposed their strongest guards: and suffered the enemies to climb up the hill, supposing that the higher they were got up, so much the easilier they might be beaten down. And being come up to the midst of the cliff, there they stayed: and thence from the higher ground, which of itself in manner bore out against the enemy, with all their force they charged upon the Gauls, overturned them, and sent them down headlong: so as never after that, either any part of them, or all together would attempt that kind of service. Being therefore past hope to get up by force and arms, they make preparation for long siege: whereof until that time they had no mind: both for that the corn which was within, they had consumed in burning of the city, and in the mean space, that which was in the country about, was carried and brought to Veij. Whereupon they divided their army, purposing with one part thereof, to forrey and drive booties all about the nations thereby adjoining, and with the other to invest the Castle: to the end, that the foragers abroad might bring in corn to serve them that lay at the siege. Now as those Gauls departed from the city, it was their hap and fortune to come to Ardea (where Camillus abode in exile) there to make trial of the Romans valour. This Camillus being more pensive in the behalf of the public calamity, than careful of his own: spending his spirits and wasting his body with crying out, upon gods and men: thus fretting and chase with himself, and wondering what was become of those valiant and hardy men, who under his conduct won Veijs and Falerij, and who had fought other wars more valiantly always than fortunately: of a sudden he heard that the army of the Gauls approached, and that the Ardeates in great fear, fell to consultation thereabout, what to do: and even as if he had been inspired from God above, 
〈…〉  he put himself forward and entered into the midst of the people assembled, who heretofore, had abstained and forborn such public meetings and consultations. And thus he said: You my Masters of Ardea, mine old friends sometime, and now my new neighbours and fellow citizens, for so it is fallen out by your kindness and deserts, and by mine own fortune and condition: let no man think, that I, forgetful of mine own estate, am come forth hither into this audience. But the present object and public danger forceth every man to utter and bring forth in so fearful a time and business as this is, what help he can. And when shall I ever be thankful unto you for your favours and demerits, if now I stand still and do nothing? Or where shall I ever stand you in steed, if not in war? By my skill herein, I flourished in my country, and being in war invincible, was in peace by unthankful neighbours and unkind citizens banished. And now have ye good occasion offered and opportunity (o ye Ardeates) both to make recompense, for those so great pleasures and courtesies in times past received of the people of Rome, as yourselves do well remember, (and therefore be it spoken without upbraiding and reproaching of any mindful persons) and also to win great honour of war, unto this city, by defeating a common enemy unto both. This nation, which thus cometh towards us with a dissolute and disordered army, are those to whom God and nature hath given bodies more big and corpulent than strong and able, hearts more stout and courageous than constant and resolute: whereby they bring with them always into the field more show of terror, than true valour and execution. Whereof, the late foil and discomfiture of the Romans may be a sufficient proof and trial. They won the city when the gates stood open unto them: a small power from the Castle and Capitol was able to withstand and repel them. And weary already of the tediousness of siege, they are feign to depart, straggling up and down, and wandering along the country. Their manner is when they have filled their bellies with wine and good victuals, (which they devour full greedily and hastily wheresoever they can come by it:) so soon as night cometh on, without any place of defence, without watch or ward, to lay themselves along like bruit beasts, here and there by the waters sides. And now upon their good success, are they more secure and reckless, than they were wont to be. If ye be disposed to defend your walls, and not all to turn French, gather yourselves together, and at the first watch of the night, Arm, and to your weapons: Follow me to a massacre and not to a skirmish: for if I do not deliver them unto your hands fast a sleep to be hewn in pieces like sheep & oxen, I refuse not to see the same end of mine estate at Ardea, that I have found already at Rome. There was not one there, howsoever affected he was, friend or so to Camillus, but was persuaded that the like warrior was not in those days to be found again. The assembly being broken up, they refresh their bodies, ready to fight so soon as ever the Signal should be propounded. Which being put forth, in the beginning and first watch of the night, they were ready with Camillus at the gates. And gone they were not far from the town, but they found (as it was foretold them) the Gauls camp without Corpse de guard, neglected on every side: and it with a mighty cry they assail. There was in no place fight, but killing every where: and their naked bodies (as they lay fast a sleep) were hacked and cut in pieces. Howbeit, some of those that were furthest off, being scared out of their couches, not knowing what violence or from whence it was, took to their heels and fled: othersome stumbled at unawares upon the very enemy. A great part of them being come into the territory of Ardea, were by the townsmen, who sallied out upon them as they were dispersed, environed and slain. The like slaughter to this, there was of the Tuscans in the country of Veij: who had so little pity and compassion, to see a city which well near for four hundredth year space bordering upon them, was now surprised by a strange enemy not heard of afore, that even at that very time, they made roads into the territory of Rome, and laden with booty from thence, purposed to assail even Veij also and the garrison; being the only place and means of rescue, and the last hope of the Roman name. The Roman soldiers that lay in garrison there, had espied these Tuscans ranging about the country, and gathered together in a plump to drive booties afore them: and withal they descried their camp pitched not far from Veij, Where, at first they pitied their own estate, but after, they fell into an indignation & anger that the Tuscans also, from whom they had diverted the Gauls war upon themselves, should in their calamities thus scorn them and have them in derision: so as they could scarcely temper themselves and forbear, but presently set upon them. But being stayed perforce by captain Cedittus a Centurion whom they themselves had made their ruler, they put off this exploit until night. Only their Commander and leader, was not to be compared with Camillus: else all the service was achieved in the same order, and with as good speed and happy success. Over and besides, by the guidance and direction of those prisoners which remained unslain over night, they went forward as far as Salinae, to another power of the Tuscans, and in the night following, upon a sudden they made a greater havoke and slaughter of them, and so in joyous manner with double conquest they return to Veij. At Rome in this mean time, the siege for the most part was but cold and slack, and all quiet on both sides: whiles the Gauls regarded and looked to this only, That none of their enemies should make an escape through their guards. At what time a certain valiant young Roman behaved himself so, as his own countrymen and enemies too, had him in great admiration. There was a set sacrifice or solemnity to be celebrated by the house and lineage of Fabiuses, in the mount Quirinalis. For the accomplishment whereof, Caius Fabius Dorsuo in his holy robes after the Gavines fashion, bearing in his hand the holy compliments thereto belonging, came down from the Capitol, passed through the mids of the enemy's corpse de guard, and nothing moved whatsoever was done or said to terrify him, went on forth right to the mount Quirinall. And when he had there performed and dispatched all solemnities, returning the same way with like constant countenance and comely pace, hoping assuredly, that the gods would be merciful & gracious unto him, whose worship he had not left undone for any fear of death: he retired again to his company into the capitol: whether it were that the Gauls were astonished at his wondrous boldness, or rather were touched in conscience with a reverend regard of religion, wherein that nation is very zealous and devout. At Veij in the mean while, they gathered not only heart every day more than other, but strength & forces also: for that not only Romans thither repaired out of the country, such as either in discomfiture of the battle, or for the calamity of the city now taken, had been scattered: but also out of Latium divers of their own accord had flocked thither, to have their share in the pillage. Now they thought it high time to return to their country again, and to deliver it out of the enemy's hands. The body was strong enough, but without an head it was. The very place put them in mind of Camillus, and a great part of the soldiers were such as had achieved prosperous exploits under his leading & conduct. And Ceditius gave out plainly, that no god or man should make him give over his government, but would himself as mindful of his own place, call for a General. 
The 〈◊〉 of Pontius Cominius.  So by general consent it was agreed, that Camillus should be sent for from Ardea, but with the advice before of the Senate which was at Rome. So modest were they in all their carriage, and so precisely observed they (even in this their desperate case) the due respect and regard of every action. Now to pass through the wards of their enemies, was an hard and dangerous adventure. To this exploit therefore, Pontius Cominius, a valorous young man, promised his service. Who bearing himself upon a bark or cork under him, hulled along the Tiber down the water to the city; and so the next way from the strand, over a steep cliff (which was negligently or not at all guarded by the enemy) he passeth through the Capitol, and being brought to the magistrates, declareth there his message from the army. When he had received the senates decree to this effect: Imprimis, That Camillus should be called back again out of exile by a Wardleet, or the suffrages of the Curia: Item, that by the voices of the people he should be created Dictator out of hand: and that the soldiers might have for their General whom they desired: the messenger returned the same way back again to Veij. And ambassadors were sent to Camillus at Ardea, 
Camillus' chose● dictator.  who conducted him to Veij. But I would rather believe, that he departed not from Ardea, before he had certain intelligence of the Act of the Senate. And for that neither without the will of the people, he might change the place whereto he was confined, nor unless he were named dictator, have the conduct of the army; there passed an Act of all the wards, and dictator was he declared in his absence. Whiles these things were a doing at Veij, the castle of Rome and the capitol was in very great danger. For the Gauls, either having found out a man's sooting, that way as the messenger went from Veij, or espied at the cliff of Carmentis, an easy place to climb up: in a clear night sent a man before unarmed to assay the passage, and than gave him up his armour, and where it was steep, one helped, lifted up, and drew up an other, as the difficulty of the place required. So as they got-up to the top with such silence, that not only the Sentinels were not ware of them, but also the dogs (a watchful creature at every noise in the night) were not once awakened therewith. But they could not so escape the geese, which were consecrated unto juno, and for all the scarcity of victuals, were spared and not killed up. And this it was that saved them all. For with their gaggling and fluttering of their wings, M. Manlius, who three years before had been Consul, a right hardy & noble warrior, was awaked. Who taking weapon in hand, speedily went forth and raised the rest with all to take arms. And whiles all else made haste in a great fright, he struck the Gaul who now stood upon the top, with the boss and pike of his buckler, and turned him down. The fall of whom overturnd them that were next. Then slew he others, (whiles they were in fear) who had laid their weapons out of hand, and took hold of thestones whereto they clinged close. By which time, the rest being come together, some flinging darts, others casting down stones, tumbled their enemies back, and the whole power of them lost their sure footing and fell down headlong. This tumult being appeased, the rest of the night (so far forth as men might with troubled minds, seeing that even the danger passed disquieted them) they gave themselves to sleep. When day was come, the soldiers by sound of trumpet were summoned to assemble before their Tribunes, and considering there was reward due both to well doing and misdoing: Manlius, first for his valour was commended and rewarded, not only by the Tribunes military but also by consent of all the soldiers. Upon whom, they amongst them all, bestowed and brought home to his house (which stood upon the castle hill) wheat meal by the halfepintes, and wine by the quarts. A matter of small reckoning to be spoken of: but in that scarcity, this might be an argument of their love and affection, when every man beguiled his own belly, plucked from himself and the necessities of his life, and conferred the same to the honour and recompense of that one man. Then were summoned to appear the sentinels of that place where the enemy climbed up undescried. And when as P. Su●pitius a Tribune Military, had pronounced that he would exercise martial law upon them all, the soldiers cried out with open mouth, and laid all the fault on one watchman: and so for fear of a mutiny he spared all the the rest: and with their general consent and approuse, he caused that undoubted guilty person to be thrown down from the rock. Whereupon they were more careful and circumspect in their watch, both amongst the Gauls (because it was commonly noised that there passed messengers too and fro between Veij and Rome:) & also amongst the Romans, for the remembrance of the late danger by night. But above all other miseries that follow war and siege, the famine was sore in both the armies. The Gauls were plagued with pestilence besides: for that they had pitched their tents in a place lying between two hills; exceeding hot by reason of the fires, and full of smoke, carrying both dust and ashes, when any wind was stirring: which be things that of all others, that nation can not abide, as being used to wet and cold. Thus being smudred with heat, and therewith stifled and choked again, they died with contagious diseases like rotten sheep. And now for idleness that they would not bury them severally one by one, they laid the dead bodies on heaps one with another, and so burnt them: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and made that place famous and notable by the name of Busta Gall●caj. Gaulburie. Hereupon, they grew to make some truce with the Romans, and emparled together by sufferance of the Generals. In which parleys, whenas the Gauls eftsoons alleged the famine, and upon that extremity persuaded them to yield: it is said, that the Romans for to put them by that opinion of them, in many places from the capitol flung out loaves of bread into the very stations and corpse de guard of the enemies. But at length neither could their hunger be dissembled, nor sustained any longer. Therefore, whiles the dictator mustereth a power at Ardea by himself, he commandeth the General of horsemen, L. Valerius, to have away the army from Veij: and maketh so good preparation, & furnisheth himself so, as he might be able to match his enemies, and to charge upon them. In the mean season, the army of the Capitol wearied out with watching and warding, having surmounted all human miseries besides hunger, which only of all others, nature would not suffer to be overcome: looking day by day for succour from the dictator, now at the last when not only their food, but their hope also failed them, and were grown to that weakness, that when they went to keep their guard, they could hardly bear the weight of their armour, they agreed and gave consent either to yield or to ransom themselves upon any condition, they cared not what. Whiles the Gauls also gave forth plainly, and said, they might be entreated for a small consideration to give over siege. Then the Senate went together, and gave commission to the Tribunes Military, to bargain and go through with them. So by a parley or treaty had between P. Sulpitius' Tribune Military, and Brennus the Duke of the Gauls, a conclusion was made, and that people, who within a short time should be lords of the world, were valued and esteemed at a 
* 〈◊〉 lib. English.  thousand pound weight of gold. This in itself was a most odious and shameful thing, but there was adjoined thereunto a foul indignity. For the Gauls brought forth false weights and uneven balance. And when the Tribune refused them, behold, the insolent and proud Gaul would needs have his sword weighed too for vantage, adding this speech moreover (which was intolerable for the Romans to hear) We worth men conquered, and down with them still. But neither God nor man would abide the Romans to live ransomed. For by good hap, before that shameful sum of money by composition was paid, before (I say) that upon some wrangling thatfell between, all the gold was weighed out, cometh the dictator in the manner, and commandeth the gold to be had away, and the Gauls to void. And when as they made resistance and pleaded the capitulation & bargain, he again replieth and saith, That the composition was not good, nor aught to stand, which after he was made dictator, had been by an inferior Magistrate concluded, without his commandment and warrant: and with all warneth the Gauls to prepare themselves to fight: commanding his own soldiers, to cast all their bag and baggage down on a heap, to put on their harness, to make ready their weapons, and by dint of steel, and not by weight of gold to redeem their country, having in sight before their eyes, the churches of their gods, their wives and children, and the soil whereon the city stood (deformed now with miseries of war) and all things else which they ought by good reason to defend, recover, and be revenged for. Here upon he marshalleth his battle as the ground would give him leave, being the plot only of a city half ruinate and lying along, and with all of itself naturally uneven. Forecasting and providing for all things with especial choice and preparation to serve his soldiers turn, as far as martial skill could possibly reach. The Gauls affrighted at this so strange an occurrent, betook them to their weapons, and in a furious fit of anger, rather than with any considerate discretion, they ran upon the Romans. Now had fortune turned her wheel: now Gods help and man's policy assisted the Romans. Therefore at the first encounter the Gauls were discomfited with as little difficulty, as they themselves had achieved the victory at Allia. Afterwards also, in another more set battle in the way of Gabes, about eight miles from Rome (to which place they were fled) they were vanquished by the conduct and leading of the same Camillus. For there were they slain in every place, their camp taken, and not so much as one left to bring news of their overthrow. The dictator having thus delivered his country out of the enemy's hand, returneth again with triumph into the city. And in all the sports and pleasant ditties which the soldiers rudely after their manner devised, he was styled Romulus the father of the country, the second founder of the city, which were no vain titles of commendation.  
When he had saved his country thus in war, he preserved it afterwards again undoubtedly in time of peace, namely, in gain saying their transinigration to Veij: whiles both the Tribunes enforced that matter more earnestly, now after the burning of the city, and the Commons also of themselves were more inclined thereunto, than before. Which was one cause, that after his triumph he resigned not up his Dictatorship: being requested also by the Senate not to leave the city in so doubtful terms of perplexity. And first and foremost (as he was evermore a most precise devout man and religious) he proposed those things which concerned the immortal gods: and causeth an act of the Senate to be made. Imprints, that all the temples (for that the enemies had held and possessed them) should be repaired, bounded out new, and purged. Item, that the manner of cleansing them, should be searched out of the books of Sibylla by the Duumvirs. Moreover, that with the inhabitants of Caere, there should be made a league of public and mutual hospitality, for receiving the sacred Images and priests of the people of Rome: by the means and favour of which people, the honour and service of the immortal gods was not forelet and discontinued. Item, That there should be set out the Plays called Capitolini, for that jupiter Optimus Maximus had still defended and preserved his own seat, and the Keep of the people of Rome, in that fearful time of trouble. And that M. Furius should ordain a guild, or fraternity out of those that dwelled in the hill of the capitol, for the celebration of those plays. Finally, to the end there should be also some satisfaction & expiation made of that night voice which being the fore-messenger and warning-giver of their destruction before the coming of the Gauls, was heard and yet neglected, a motion was made, that a temple should be erected in the new causey to Aius Locutius. The gold which was recovered by force from the Gauls, as also that which out of other temples in that fearful medley, was brought into the chancel or chapel of jupiter, because they could not call to mind precisely, into which churches, they were to carry it again accordingly, was all judged holy, and sacred to jupiter; and order taken, that it should be bestowed and laid up under his shrine. And how devout the city was, appeared before in this, That when there was not gold enough in the common chest, to make up the full sum of the ransom that was agreed upon between them and the Gauls, they took that which the matrons & wives of Rome contributed, and all to spare and save the gold appointed to holy uses. The matrons were therefore thanked, and this honour besides done unto them, That after their death they as well as their husbands, should be openly praised in a solemn funeral Oration. When those things were once accomplished which pertained to the gods, and all done that belonged to the Senate for to do: then and not afore, upon the stirs that the Tribunes kept with the Commons continually, with their speeches in all their assemblies, soliciting them to leave the ruins of the city, 
The Oration of M. Furius Camillus to the people of Rome.  and to remove with all they had to Veij, a town readily furnished to their hand: then I say and not before, Camillus accompanied with the whole Senate, came up into the common place of audience, & there before the people spoke in this wise. So grievous to me, o Quirites, is all contention and variance with the Tribunes of the Commons, that while I lived at Ardea, I found no other comfort and solace, in that most heavy & woeful banishment of mine but this, That I was far enough off from those debates and jars. In regard whereof, I would never have come again I assure you, but that you called me back, both by Act of Senate and also by approbation of the people. And it is not in me any change of mind, but your calamity and distressed estate, that hath forced me to return again unto you. For this was the very point that you stood upon, namely that our country might continue still and keep her ancient place: and not iwis, that I should remain and dwell therein again. And even now verily, would I be still and keep silence willingly, but that this quarrel also is in the behalf of my foresaid country: the which to fail (so long as life doth last) for others might be a shameful reproach, but for Camillus it were most impious and abominable. For to what end have we returned to it again? To what purpose, when it was besieged have we delivered it out of the enemy's hands, if when we have recovered it, we ourselves abandon and leave the same? And when as the gods and men of Rome kept still, and inhabited the Capitol and the castle, notwithstanding the Gauls were lord, and possessed of the whole city, is it possible that both castle and capitol, after the city is regained, should be forsaken and abandoned of the Roman victors? And shall our prosperous hand over our enemies bring greater desolation to our city, than adversity hath? Verily if it were so, that we made no reckoning of that religion and divine solemn service, instituted even with the foundation of our city: and that we counted all vanities that have been delivered unto us by tradition from our ancestors: yet so evident a power of God hath assisted the Romans, that I must needs think, that men can now no longer neglect the worship of God. For consider with me I pray you, either the prosperity or the adversity of these years late passed, one after another. Ye shall find, that as long as we served God and followed his will, so long we prospered and went forward: and all the while that we despised the same, we ever went backward and fell to decay. And first and foremost the Veient war (recount I beseech you) how many years lasted it? how troublesome and painful was it? And ended it was not, before that by the direction and advertisement of the gods, the water was let out of the Alban pool? What shall I speak of this late and strange calamity of our own city? Began it (and say truth) before that voice which came from heaven was made so light off, concerning the coming of the Gauls? before the law of nations was by our Ambassadors broken? and before that through the same neglect of the gods, that fact was by us winked at and put up, which indeed should have been punished and revenged? This was the cause that we were vanquished, made captive, put to our ransom, and suffered such condign punishment both at God's hand and at man's, as that we are made an example and ensignement to the whole world. Then our adversity and affliction put us in mind of our religion, and the fear of the gods. We fled into the capital to the gods, even to the very seat of jupiter Optimus Maximus: and when our own private estate went to havoc, the sacred monuments yet and holy Images, some we hid in the earth, some we conveyed away into the neighbour towns, and removed them out of our enemy's sight. And albeit we were forlorn and given over both of God and men, yet gave not we over nor discontinued the service of the gods. And therefore gave they us our country again, they gave us victory, and the ancient honour of war which we had lost: and upon our enemy's heads, who (blinded with covetousness) in the weighing of gold broke both covenant and fidelity, they have turned all fearfulness, all flight & slaughter. Considering then o Quirites, by these so great & apparent signs and testimonies in the course of this world, what it is to serve God, and what it is to dishonour him: perceive ye not what wickedness we go about to plunge ourselves into, being scarcely gotten forth and escaped out of the shipwreck and peril of our former sin and calamity? A city we have founded and built, by the will of God and due observation of Augury and Auspexes, no corner therein, but full of religion, full of divine majesty: and for solemn sacrifices, there are set days when they shall be celebrated, there are places also appointed wherein they ought to be performed. And are ye about then, o Quirites, to leave all these gods both public and private? How sorteth this deed of yours with that, which lately during the time of the siege, was seen with no less admiration of our enemies, than our own selves in that Noble young Gentleman C. Fabius? when through the pikes of the Gauls, he departed out of the Castle, and performed a solemn duty of the house of Fabius, even upon the mount Quirinall? What? can ye allow and like that the sacred ceremonies of private families, should not so much as in time of war be intermitted: and suffer now the public sacrifices and the Roman gods, in time of peace to be neglected, and the city abandoned? That our high priests and Flamines should be less curious and precise in the public service of God: than a private cittiz en was in the anniversary feast of his family and kindred? But peradventure some one may say, We will do the same at Veij, or we will send from thence our priests hither, for to execute that ministery. Neither of which can be done, saving the due observance of holy ceremonies. For, to say nothing in general of all other holidays, and of all the gods besides; In that one high feast and solemn dinner of jupiter, can a Pulvinar be celebrated, or a sacred Table be spread and furnished in any place, but in the Capitol? What should I speak of the eternal fires of Vesta? and of that image, which as a pawn and security of our imperial state, is kept within the safeguard of that Temple? What should I speak of those your Ancilia and Scutcheans? O Mars Gradivus, and thou father Quirinus: are ye well contented that all these festival and sacred solemnities, which are all of equal time with the city, yea and of more antiquity (some of them) than the foundation oh f the city, should be forsaken in a profane place? But see what odds there is between us and our ancestors? They left unto us certain solemn feasts and sacrifices to be celebrated in the Alban mountain and in Lavinium. Was it then, a matter of conscience and religion, that some festival solemnities were brought unto us from our enemy's cities to Rome? And shall we translate the same from hence to our enemy's city Veij, without a great and heinous offence, that would require expiation? Do but call to mind I pray you, how often our feasts and sacrifices have been renewed and reform clean, for that some one old accustomed ceremony, either by chance or for want of taking heed, hath been overslipped and left out. And even of late, what was it else that (after the strange miracle of the Alban Poole) relieved our commonweal so distressed with the Veient war, but the reformation of our divine service, and renewing of our Auspexes? And more than this, we as it were in remembranc e of antic religion and devotion, have both brought unto Rome foreign gods, and also have instituted and devised new. What a notable and festival day was that (in regard of the exceeding zeal and forward affection of the matrons) upon which Queen juno late translated from Veij, was dedicated in Aventine? And to Aius Locutius, for a voice from heaven heard in the new causey, we caused a Temple to be erected. The Capitoline plays have we added to other solemn feasts, and thereto we have ordained and founded a new Guild or Fraternity, even by the advice of the Senat. And what need was there, that we should have done any of these things, if we meant, together with the Gauls, 〈◊〉 leave the city of Rome? If we abode not in the Capitol (so many months whiles we were besieged) willingly & without constraint? And if we were for fear of our enemies, held back from going else whither? Thus much of our festival days and Temples. But what shall become now, I pray you, of our priests? Never think ye once of it, what a sinful deed you are about? As for th● Vestal Votaries and Nuns, it is certain, this is their only place, forth of which nothing ever could drive them but the winning of the city. The Flamine of jupiter may not lie forth of th● city one night: and will ye make these priests, of Romans to become Veientians? And shall thy virgins indeed, o Vesta, leave thee now? and shall the Flamine dwelling in a strange place, for every night he is absent, taint with so great impiety, both himself and the commonwealth? As for other matters, which we do with great solemnity by the direction of the Augurs (and all well near within the Pomerie or compass of the city) how can we forget or neglect them? Namely the wardleet or assembly of the Curiae for matters of war: also the other of Centuries, wherein ye choose your Consuls and Military Tribunes, where can they be held (if we respect the will of the gods & regard the Auspexes) but in the places accustomed? Shall we remove all these to Veij? or shall the people repair hither from thence with so great trouble and inconvenience, to a desolate city, forsaken of God and man, whensoever they would hold those assemblies? But the present necessity (they will say) forceth us to leave a town that is wasted with fire and wholly ruinate, and to go to Veij, where all stands safe and sound, and not to put the poor Commons to the toil and charge of new building. That, this is a pretence and cause rather devised, than meant in earnest, if I should say nothing, I think appeareth manifestly unto you already, o Quirites, who remember that before the coming of the French men, whiles your public buildings and private houses were whole, and whiles the city stood upright on foot, this selfsame motion was made and debated, as touching the removing to Veij. Consider now ye Tribunes what difference there is between mine opinion and yours: ye are of mind, that if it had not then been meet to be done, yet now verily it were good and requisite: I chose (but marvel not I pray you before you hear what I will say) am of opinion that albeit we might have then gone, whiles our whole city flourished, yet now we were not to leave it thus ruinate & decayed. For at that time we had some cause to remove into a conquered city, namely Victory, a glorious thing to ourselves and our posterity: but this removing now, were reproachful and shameful to ourselves, but glorious and honourable to the Gauls. For we shall not be thought to have left our country as conquerors, but to have lost it as conquered. And shall it be said that our running away at Allia, the winning of our city, the besieging of the Capitol, hath imposed this necessity upon us, as to leave our house and home and to make shifts, to seek our own exile and departure out of that place which we were not able to defend? And were, indeed, the Gauls able to pull down and raze that city of Rome, which the Romans shall not be thought able to re-edify and set up again? What remaineth now, in case they should come upon us afresh, with a new power of men, (for certain it is that their multitude is incredible) and were willing to dwell here in this city by them conquered, and by you abandoned; but that ye gently permit and suffer them? Nay, What and if not the Gauls, but your old enemies the Aequians and the Volscians would remove & come to Rome, would you be willing to have them become Romans, and yourselves Veientians? Would ye not rather, that this desert and waste ground as it lieth, were yours, than to be a city peopled by your enemies? For I cannot see, I assure you, whether of the twain, were more to be detested. And because (forsooth) ye are loath to fall to building, are ye resolved to abide these mischiefs & these shameful reproaches? If throughout the whole city there might not be built a more commodious or starely house, than is that cottage there, of our founder, were it not better to dwell in cottages like shepherds & peasants, so it be among your sacred monuments and household gods, than all at once generally to go into exile? Our ancestors & forefathers being a medley of divers countries, & no other than herdmen, finding in these parts nothing but woods & bogs, in a short time built a new city out of the ground: and are we loath, having yet our Capitol, our castle safe, the Temples of our gods standing still, to re-edify it now, that it is burnt. That which every one of us would have done, if our houses had been fired, refuse we altogether to do in the common skarefire of the city? Give me leave a little. What & if by some villainy, or by mischance there should be a skarefire at Veij, and by reason of the wind (as it is often seen) the flame spread and catch, and so consume a great part of the city, shall we go from thence by and by, and seek to Fidenae or G●bij, or some other city near at hand, to remove unto? Is the very native soil of our country, and this ground which we call our mother, of no power at all to keep us here, but doth the whole love and affection of our country, rest in the superficial outside, and in the timber and rafters of our houses? Verily, confess I will unto you (although I take less pleasure to remember the wrongs you did me, than the calamity which I endured) when I was absent and in exile, so often as I thought of my country, all these things ran in my mind: the hills, the plain, the Tybre, the coasts all about, which was my daily prospect, and this air, under which I was borne and brought up. All which, o Quirites, let them move you rather now with an affection to them for to tarry still in this your habitation, than disquiet you hereafter and torment you for the want and miss of them, when you have once left & foregone them. Not without good cause both God and man chose this place for the building of this city: most healthy and wholesome hills: a very convenient and commodious river; to bring in come and other fruits out of the inland parts, to receive provision and other victuals from the sea coasts: the sea itself near enough for commodious, and not exposed and open by too much nearness to the dangers of foreign navies: the very heart and centre of all Italy, a place as a man would say naturally made, and only for that city to grow and increase in. And that doth the very largeness and greatness of a city so newly founded, plainly prove. It is now three hundred three score and four years, andnot above, since the foundation thereof, o Quirites. Amongst so many Nations of greatest antiquity, thus long ye have made war: and all this while (to say nothing of particular cities) neither the Volscians together with the Aequians, peopling so many towns, and those so strong, nor all Hetruria so mighty by sea and land, and containing the whole breadth between the two seas, are in war to you comparable. Which being so, what reason have you (in the devil's name) when ye have had sufficient proof already of it, to try again new experiments? considering now, that albeit your valour and virtue may go with you else whither, yet certes, the good luck & fortune of this place can never depart and remove from hence? Here is the Capitol, where sometimes upon the finding of a man's head, answer was made by Diviners and wizards, That in that very place should be the head of all puissance, and the imperial seat of the whole world. Here, at what time as the Capitol, by the direction of the Augurs should be voided and cleared of all other chapels, Lady juventus, and God Terminus to the great joy of our forefathers, would not suffer themselves to be stirred out of their place. Here are the fires of Vesta, here be the scutcheons come down from heaven, here are all the gods, favourable & gracious still unto you, so long as here ye make abode & remain. Camillus in all his Oration throughout moved them much: but that part thereof touching religion (by report) was most effectual. But that which struck it dead, and put all out of doubt, was a certain word that fell out to be spoken fitly to the purpose. For at what time as the Senate a while after, was gathered together in the court Hostilia, to debate about these things, and certain companies of soldiers that returned from their guards, chanced in the mean time to march through the market place, one captain happened to speak in the Comitium, and said, Pitch down thy ensign standard bearer, here will be our best abode. Which voice was not so soon heard, but both the Senate being come out of the council house, cried with one accord, That they took that osse for good luck, and happy presage: and also the Commons all gathered there about, approved the same. After this, when the foresaid Act of transmigration was once clean dashed and abolished, the city began to be built confusedly, and without order. Tile was allowed at the common charges: to dig either stone or hew timber, every man had liberty where he could, putting in sureties, that within the compass of that year they would finish their buildings. The hast they made, caused them to have no regard of drawing out the streets directly, whiles every man built in the void places without any respect of his own or other men's ground. Which is the cause that the old sinks and vaults which first were conveyed through the common streets, now run every where under men's houses, and the form of the city seemeth, as if itwere built at random (as every man could catch a place for himself) rather than distinctly ranged, and set out in good order unto them.   

THE six BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the sixth Book.  
IT containeth the fortunate wars against the Aequians, the Volscians, and Tuscans. Four Tribes were added to the former, Stellatina, Sabbatina, Promentina, Arniensis. M. Manlius, who bade defended the Capitol from the Gauls, whiles be dischargeth the debts of those that were in danger of their creditors, and released such as were then imprisoned, was convicted of aspiring to be King, and thrown down from the cliff Tarpeia. In whose reproach a decree was made by the Senate, that none of the house of Manlius, should be surnamed Marcus. C. Licinius and L. Sextius, Tribunes of the Commons, proposed a law, that Consuls also might be chosen out of the Commons, who were created before from among the Nobles only. And albeit the Senators withstood them with earnest endeavour, yet by reason that for five years space, the same Tribunes continued the only magistrates of the city, they went through with that law and got it enacted. And L. Sextius was created, the first Consul that ever was, of Commoners. A second law there passed likewise, That no man might possess above five hundredth acres of land.  
WHAT acts from the building of the city of Rome unto the taking of the same, 
〈…〉  the Romans have achieved, first under the government of Kings, afterwards of Consuls and dictators, Decemvirs, and Tribunes Consular, as well in the wars abroad as seditions at home; I have in five books declared. Matters obscure, both in regard of exceeding antiquity (as things that a fatre off hardly be discerned:) and also for that in those days there were very few writings & monuments, the only faithful safeguard, & true remembrances of deeds past: and besides, whatsoever was registered in the Commentaries of the Priests, and in other public or private records, the same for the most part, when the city was burned perished withal. But now from henceforward, their civil affairs of policy, and martial exploits in war, ensuing after a second beginning of the city (as springing again with more fresh shoots and fruitful sprouts from the root of the old stock) shall be delivered in more plain and certain manner.  
And to begin withal, look by whom the state first was underpropped and set upright, upon him (as chief and principal) it still bare and rested, and that was M. Furius: whom the Romans would not suffer to give up his Dictatourship before one year was fully expired. 
〈…〉  As for those Tribunes (Consular) in time of whose government the city was lost, they liked not that they should call and hold an assembly for Election of Magistrates, the year following. So the matter came to an Interreigne. Now whiles the city was busy in continual work and labour, about re-edifying and repairing their buildings, Q. Fabius so soon as he was out of his office, was by C. Martius a Tribune of the Commons, arrested to make his answer at a day appointed. Who laid to his charge, 
Q. Fabius 〈◊〉.  That he contrary to the law of nations, had fought against the Gauls, unto whom he was sent in embassage, and as an Orator only. But he avoided his judicial trial, by his death: and died so just against the time, that many men thought it was voluntary & wrought by his own hands. Then P. Cornelius Scipio first entered upon the Interreigne: and after him M. Furius Camillus the second time. He created Tribune Military in Consul's authority, A. Valerius Publicola the second time, L. Virginius, P. Cornelius, A. Manlius, L. Aemylius, and L. Posthumius. These men presently after the Interreigne, were not so soon entered into office, but before all other things, they consulted with the Senate in matters concerning religion and conscience. And first of all they commanded, that all the instruments of leagues and confederacies, the ordinances and laws also (and those were the twelve tables, and certain statutes made by the kings) should be sought up as many as could be found extant. Whereof some were published abroad, even amongst the Common people: but such as pertained properly to holy rites, and divine service, were by the Priests and Prelates suppressed; especially, of purpose to hold the minds of the people in a reverend awe of religion and devotion. 
〈…〉  Then began they to reason and debate about the dismal days. And the fifteenth day before the 
* 1● 〈…〉.  Kalends of August, so notorious for a twofold loss and overthrow; upon which day at Crémera the Fabiuses were all slain, and after at Allia an unfortunate field was sought, even to the utter ruin and desolation of the city, they named of the later misfortune, Alliensis: and set this unlucky mark upon it, That it should be reputed unmeet and unconvenient for any business, as well public as private. Some think, because upon the next day following the 
* 16 day of ●●ly.  Ides of julie, Sulpitius the Tribune Military could not by sacrifice find any tokens of happy speed, nor obtain the grace and favour of the gods; whereupon three days after, the Roman host fell shamefully into the hands of the enemies: therefore, the morrow also after the Ides was interdicted, and men were commanded to forbear and abstain from doing sacrifice: and thereupon likewise, the day next following the Kalends & the Nones, were by tradition held as ominous and dismal as the other.  
But long they might not quietly sit about the devising of means to reform the Commonweal, and let it upright again after so grievous and dangerous a fall. For of the one side, the Volscians, their old enemies, took arms, intending the final destruction of the Roman name. On the other side, the Merchants brought news, That the Princes and chief of all the nations of Hetruria were banded and confedered together in a Diet held at the temple of Voltumna, to make war upon them. Besides, a fresh and new fear came upon them by reason of the rebellion of the Latins and hernics, who after the battle at the pool Regillus, for the space almost of a hundred years, had continued fast in loyal league & amity with the people of Rome. Therefore being thus greatly affrighted on every side, that all the world might see apparently that the state of Rome was not only hated of her enemies, but despised also of her allies: it was thought good and resolved upon, that by his direction and rule, the Commonwealth should now be maintained and defended, by whose conduct and guidance it was relieved and recovered: and that M. Furius Camillus should be created dictator. He being declared dictator, named Q. Servilius Hala for General of the horsemen. And having proclaimed a lawsteed (or vacation from courts of law) he took muster of all the younger sort and serviceable men: but so, as the elder people were not left out, as many as were of strength sufficient for service. Unto whom he likewise ministered the military oath of allegiance, and enroled them by hundreds in the multer book. When he had thus levied a power of men, and furnished them with armour, he divided them into three parts. The one he opposed against Hetruria in the country of Veij: another he commanded to lie encamped before the city. Over these A. Manlius a Tribune Military was made captain: those which were sent against the Tuscans had L. Aemylius for their commander. A third part he himself led against the Volscians: and not far from Lanuvium (the place is called Ad-Metium) he began to assault their camp. The enemies had put themselves on this their journey, with a kind of scornful contempt, as thinking the whole manhood in a manner of Rome, was by the French clean spent and wasted. But when they heard once, that Camillus was the Lord General, it struck such a fear and terror among them, that they were glad to defend themselves by the strength of their trench and rampire, yea and to fence it round about with huge-piled heaps of wood and trees, that their enemies might have no passage to enter in upon their munitions. Which when Camillus perceived, he gave order to set on fire that Barricado which stood in his way. And as good hap was, the wind was big and high, and blew full upon the enemy. So that not only he made way by fire, but also with the flames thereof that went toward the camp, with the vapour likewise and smoke, and the crackling noise of the green wood, he so mated and astonished the enemies, that the Romans had less ado to pass the trench & palisado, into the camp of the Volscians, than in getting over the mound and enclosure consumed with fire. Having thus defeated and slain his enemies, and won withal the camp in the same brunt, the dictator gave the whole spoil unto the soldiers: which to them was so much the more welcome, as they less hoped for it at their General his hand: who was never known to be lavish of gift, and over liberal in dealing rewards. After this he followed them that fled, in chase, wasted and harried their whole country, and at length (in the seventieth year of the war) he wholly subdued the Volscians, and forced them to yield subjection. After this conquest, he departed from thence into the Aequians, who likewise made preparations for war. Their forces he surprised and defaited at Bol●, and assailed not only their camp, but also forced the city, and at the first assault wan both.  
But whiles fortune smiled thus, what way soever Camillus went, as being the only stay of the Roman state: so on another side the fear of peril greatly increased. For Hetruria well near all up in arms, lay before Satrium, and besieged it being in league with the people of Rome. Whose Ambassadors came unto the Senate to entreat for succour in their distress, and had a decree granted unto them, that the dictator with all speed should rescue the Sutrines. But being so straightly beleaguered, that they might not abide the delay of this their hope, for that the townsmen, who were but few in number were overwearied with working, watching and bloody fight, (all which lay still upon the same men without intermission) they were driven by composition to surrender up the city to the enemies: and being disarmed and sent away with a single suit of apparel (after a piteous sort all a-row) departed the town and left their dwelling places. But see, it fortuned that Camillus at the same time came in the very manner with the Roman army and met them. At whose feet the multitude all sorrowful lay prostrate: their Nobles and chief men in this extremity full to beseech him to be good unto them: the women and children which went along with them, as partakers and companions of their exile, seconded them with woeful tears & lamentations. But he willed the Sutrines to forbear their mourning plaints, and give over their doleful moan: saying, that he brought the Tuscans heavy & weeping cheer. Then caused he his soldiers to lay down their packs and load, the Sutrines likewise there to abide with a mean guard, and his men to follow him with armour and weapons only. Thus marched he forward with his army lightly appointed for ready expedition, and advanced before Sutrium. Where, according to his expectation, he found the enemies all careless and secure (as commonly it falleth out upon a prosperous success.) No warders, no corpse de guard quartered before the walls, the gates wide open, the conquerors here and there sacking, rifling and flinging the goods out of their enemy's houses. 
〈…〉  So was Sutrium in one day twice won. The Tuscans (for all their former victory) were hewn in pieces on every side, by a new come enemy. They had no time to cast themselves round, nor gather together into one place, no nor to take weapon in hand: whiles every man for life, made in all haste to the gates, if haply any way they might escape into the fields. But when they came thither, the gates they found fast shut, for so the Dictator had given order aforehand. Here upon some betook themselves to their weapons: others (namely such as happened to be armed when this sudden tumult surprised them) fell to call their fellows together for to begin a skirmish: which no doubt in that desperate case of the enemies had been hotclie fought, had not the criers and trumpets which were sent into all partsof the city, made proclamation to lay down their weapons, to spare them which were unarmed, and that none should have any harm but those that were found in arms. Upon this, even they who in that extremity and despair were fully bend to fight it out, for hope of life on all hands flung away their weapons: and thus disarmed as they were (for as the case stood, it was the safer course) presented themselves to the enemy. A great number of them were bestowed in several places, and were attended upon with good guards. And before night the town was delivered again unto the Sutrines, safe and sound without any hurt at all done unto it, as being not won by force, but surrendered upon composition. Camillus then, returned with triumph into the city of Rome, victor at one voyage in three sundry wars. The greatest number by far, of prisoners, whom he led before his chariot in triumph, were Tuscans: whom he sold in port sale at the spear, ●nd raised such a sum of money, that when he had out of it repaid the dames [of Rome] to the worth of their gold, there were of the surplusage thereof three bowls made of massy gold: which with the title & inscription of Camillus his name, were for certainty, before the Capitol was burnt, to be seen in the chapel of jupiter set up & bestowed at the feet of juno.  
The same year, there were enfranchised and made citizens of Rome, such Veientians, Capenates and Faliscians', as in the time of those wars were fled to the Romans: and for these new citizens were certain lands set out. Those also, who for idleness loath to build at Rome, were gone to Veij, there to inhabit the vacant houses, were by an Act of the Senate recalled home from thence. And they at the first, grumbled & refused to obey: but after that a day was set them, & they threatened upon pain of death to return again to Rome; as stout as they were, & obstinate all of them together, now for fear every one became obedient. As Rome now increased in number of inhabitants, & became well peopled: so on all hands in every place they fell to building new edifices: whiles the Commonwealth somewhat eased them of charges, & the Aediles by virtue of their office called hard upon them, hastening them forward as to a public work; yea and every man privately made all speed possible, 
〈…〉  according as each one's need required, to make an end and finish his own house. So as within the year the city was new built and stood on foot again.  
At the years end was the great Election held for Tribunes military in Consul's authority. Wherein were created T. Quintius Cincinnatus, Q. Servilius Fidenas the fifth time, julius Tullus, L. Aquilius Corvus, L. Lucretius Tricipitinus, Ser. Sulpitius Ruffus. One army they set out and led against the Aequians, not to war with them (for they granted themselves conquered) but upon meerspight and deadly hatred, to waste all their borders utterly, and to leave them no power and strength to enterprise any new rebellion. The other, into the territory of Tarquinij. Where, two towns of the Tuscans, Cortuosa and Contenebra, were by assault won and razed. At Cortuosa was no resistance m●de. For the Romans surprised them on a sudden, and at the first shout and impression they were masters of it: The town was sacked and burned. As for Contenebra, it endured the assault for some few days: but the continual labour, slacking neither day nornight, overcharged them: whereas the Roman army divided into six parts, fought six hours in their several turns, round one after the other. And the townsmen being but few, and those overtoiled, were feign without any supply, still to maintain fresh skirmishes. Whereupon, at last they recoiled back and yielded, giving the Romans leave to enter the city. The Tribunes were of mind and thought good, that the spoil should be confiscate and go to the common treasury: but the commandment and proclamation, was more slack than their purpose in that behalf. For whiles they lingered and protracted time, the soldiers already had seized in their prizes: and taken from them again without much offence and hatred, the booty could not be. In the same year, because the city should not flourish in private buildings only, the Capitol was also built of squared ashler stone: A piece of work even in this so glorious estate, and magnificence of the city, 
The Capital built of square stone.  to be had in price and esteemed excellent. And now before this time, the Tribunes of the Commons, whiles the city was busied about their buildings, began often to move for the laws Agrariae (about the division of the lands) in all their assemblies and speeches before the people. For to draw them on and to set forward their hope, they presented unto them eftsoons the Pomptine territory, which then above all others, so presently upon the subduing and subversion of the Volscians by Camillus, was, no doubt, the rightful possession of the people of Rome. Complaints were made, that those grounds sustained much more detriment and damage by the Nobility, than they had received before from the Volscians. For they, so long only as they were able to bear arms and maintain war, made inroads thither: but the Noblemen forcibly entered and made havoc in the possessions of the common lands: and unless (before they had set sure footing there, and got all into their hands) a division were made, the Commons should never enjoie one foot of ground there. These Remonstrances of the Tribnnes little moved the Commons, both because few of them resorted to the common place of assemblies, whiles they plied their building: and also for that money was away, and their purses so emptied in the charges of workmen, they had little mind of holding those lands, which to store and stock they were not able.  
The city was now given much to their devotions and religions, and the rulers also somewhat superstitious, upon their late calamity: In so much as they minded to renew the Auspicia [or the solemnity of presages taken by birdflight] for some error supposed therein: & therefore they agreed that the government should return to an Interreigne. So there were Interregents one after another, M. Manlius Capitolinus, Ser. Sulpitius Camerinus, L. Valerius Potitus. Valerius at length held the assembly for to elect Tribunes Military in Consul's authritie, 
The Temple of Mars dedicated.  and created L. Papyrius, Cn. Sergius, L. Aemylius the second time, L. Licinius, T. Valerius Publicola the third time. These presently after the Interreigne, began their government. That year, the Temple of Mars vowed in the Gauls war was dedicated by T. Quintius, 
Fouve n●w Tribes adjoined to Rome:  a Duumvir deputed for the executing of holy duties. Four Tribes of new citizens were now adjoined, Stellalina, Pomatina, Sabbatina, Arniensis: and these made up the number of the 35 Tribes. And now L. Sicinius a Tribune of the Commons was in hand with the people in greater number assembled together, about the Pomptine lands: and more inclined they were and forward to hearken after grounds, than they had been afore. And whereas it was moved in the Senate house, to make war upon the Latins and the Hernicks, that matter was not followed, but put off to a further time: by reason of preparation for a greater war, because Hetruria was already up in arms. And all was laid again upon Caemillus his shoulders, who was made Tribune Military with Consul's authority, and had five other brethren in office joined unto him S●r. Cornelius Maluginensis, Q. Servilius Fidenas the sixth time, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, L. Horatius Pulvillus, P. Valerius. In the beginning of the year, the minds of men were turned clean away from the careful regard they had of the Tuscan war, by reason that a number of people that fled out of the Pomptine country, came all of a sudden in great haste to the city, and brought word, that the Antiates were up in arms, that the nations of the Latins had sent their able youth to that war closely under hand, thereby disavowing it to be any action of the State, and standing upon this point, that by the covenant there was no proviso, but that voluntary soldiers might serve in what wars soever they would. Now had the Romans been well taught, and learned, to set light no more by any wars. The Senate therefore thanked the gods, that Camillus was in place of government, who if he had been a private person, was no doubt to have been nominated and created dictator: yea and his companions in office confessed frankly that he was the only man to have the sovereign and absolute regiment of all, in case there were any fearful and dangerous war toward: and were fully resolved, to yield up all their interest in government unto him, thinking it no disparagement at all unto them, nor any loss of their own honour and reputation, in conferring the same upon the majesty of so worthy a person. The Senate highly commended the Tribunes, and Camillus was much abashed in his mind, howbeit he gave them hearty thanks, and spoke in this wife. A weighty burden (quoth he) I see is imposed upon me by the people of Rome, 
〈…〉  in that they have elected and nominated me dictator now the fourth time: a greater charge is enjoined me by the Senate, the whole state and body of which order, hath delivered so singular good opinion and judgement of me: but the heaviest load of all is laid upon me by the exceeding kindness and obsequious benignity of these my honourable brethren and colleagues. If any painful travail of mine therefore, and watchful care may be redoubled, I will earnestly endeavour, I will strain and strive to answer thereunto: that the opinion which the city with so great consent hath conceived of me, right as it is exceeding great, so it may continue still and be perpetual. As to that war of the Antiates, there are more brags and threats than any danger and peril from thence. But as I would counsel and advise you to be afraid of no war, so I would not have you to be careless and secure of any. The city of Rome is beset on every side: partly envied, and partly hated of her neighbour borderers. Need there is both of more captains, and also of more armies, to manage the affairs of the Commonweal. I think it good therefore (quoth he) o Valerius, that you assist me in government and counsel, and have the leading together with me of certain legions against the Antiate enemies. That you Q. Servilius, with an other army well appointed, and in readiness, lie encamped hard by the city side, having an eye and good regard, lest either Hetruria in the mean while, (as of late days) or the Latins and Hernicks (who trouble us now a fresh) break out and make some rising. Assured I am, that you will behave your self, and quit you in this service so worthily, as may answer the famous memory of such a father and grandsire as you have had, may beseem your own honourable person, and those six Tribune●hips which you have already performed. As for L. Quintius let him leavy a third power of men, consisting of those that are by reason of sickliness or other wife excused for warfare, and are above the ordinary age for military service, to be in stead of a garrison for defence of the city and the walls. Let L. Horatius provide harness, weapons, come and other necessaries for war, at all occasions whatsoever. Finally, o Sergius Cornelius, we your fellow Tribunes, ordain you precedent of this public Counsel, the Custos and keeper of religion and Church matters, of general assemblies, of the laws and all other civil affairs of policy whatsoever. Now when they had all made promise, and that most willingly to do their endeavour in performing their several charges, Valerius whom he had joined with himself in commission, added moreover and said, That as he would take M. Furius to be dictator, so would he be unto him again in steed of his Colonel of horsemen. And turning to the Lords of the Senate, exhorted them that what opinion they had of one onelic sovereign General, the same hope they would conceive of the whole war. The Senators hereat took great joy and contentment, giving out willingly with one accord, that they hoped exceeding well of war, of peace, and generally of the State. Neither shall the commonweal (say they) ever stand in need of dictator, so long as such magistrates be in place, so jointly agreeing in one mind together, so indifferent and ready as well to obey as to rule, and rather yielding their proper praise to the honour of the commonweal, than dismembering and plucking from it to their private glory and reputation.  
After a Vacation or Lawsteed proclaimed, and the Musters taken and passed: Furius and Valerius set forward to Satricum: whither the Antiates had not only sent the flower of all the Volsci, the choice youth out of a fresh fry and new generation; but also had raised a mighty power of Latins and Hernicks, out of those nations that by long peace were most frimme & lustic. These new enemies and old thus combined together, troubled the mind of the Roman soldier, and made him to startle. Which when the Centurians reported to Camillus, as he was marshalling and setting his battles in array; and that in these terms, to wit, that the hearts of his soldiers were disquieted & dismayed; that they rook themselves but slowly to their weapons, made staying and hasting when they should come forth of their tents, yea and that there were some of them overheard to say, that, They must fight one to an hundred, and that so great a multitude of their enemies (if theywere unarmed) might hardly be encountered, much less, being so well armed and appointed: he mounted presently upon horseback, and road before the ensigns, and then turning himself a front his army, 
The Oration of M. Fluvius Camillus to his soldiers.  traversing between the ranks and arrays; What heaviness is this my soldiers (quoth he) what means this strange and unwonted lagging behind? Why? Know ye not your enemy? Know ye not me? Or know ye not your own selves? The enemy, what is he else but the perpetual matter and subject of your valour and glory? And ye again are the men, who under my conduct (to say nothing of the winning of Falerij and Veij, and of the slaughter of the Gauls Legions, put to the sword by us, even when our native city was by them taken, and they masters thereof) of late, and but the other day, made a threefold triumph, upon a triple victory, over the same Volscians Aequians and people of Hetruria. What, Do ye not agnize and accept me for your General, because not as dictator, but as Tribune, I gave you the watchword, and put out the banner of battle? For mine own part, I stand not much upon absolute and sovereign command over you: no more likewise should ye regard oughtels in me, but mine own self. For never yet did my Dictatourship make me haughty and set me up aloft, no more than my banishment abated my courage and cast me down. We are the same men still all of us: and since we are come to this war, furnished with the same means that we carried with us unto the former, let us look for the same event of our service, & no worse. So soon as ye shall encounter and join battle with them, perform each one that which he hath been taught and wont to▪ the journey surely will be ours, and they (no doubt) shall run away. Then after he had founded the battle, he alighteth from his horse, and caught the ensign-baerer that stood next him, with his hand, haled him forward against the face of the enemy, crying eftsoons aloud, On afore with thy banner, Port-ensigne, and advance forward, soldier. When they saw that Camillus in person, a man well stepped in years, and thereby weak to perform the parts of bodily strength, putting himself forth against the enemy: all at once they pressed forward, set up an outcry and shouted, every man calling upon his next fellow, to follow their General for shame. Over and besides, some say that by the commandment of Camillus, there was an ensign flung into the very battle among the enemies. Whereupon they of the forefront, bestirred themselves lustily to recover it again. And thereby were the Antiates first discomfited, and the fear not only came upon them in the vaward, but entered also and reached as far as the rearward, that stood ready for supply. And as the violent force of the soldiers, provoked by the presence of their Captain, much troubled the enemy: so nothing more daunted the hearts of the Volscians, than the very sight of Camillus himself, when they chanced to espy him. So surely carried he the victory with him, which way soever he went! And that appeared most evidently in this, That when he saw the left wing at the point to give back and run away, he took himself in all haste to his horse, road thither with his light footman's buckler, and with his only presence renewed the fight; showing unto them how the rest of the battle had the better. Now were the enemies put to the worst, & the victory inclined to a side. But their multitude both hindered themselves in their flight: and also a long piece of work the wearied soldiers of the Romans had to put so great a number, all to the sword. But behold, there fell a great tempest of rain all of a sudden, which powered down with so mighty winds and storms, that it rather put them by the execution of assured victory, than parred any battle or stayed the fight. Whereupon the retreat was sounded: and the night ensuing, whiles the Romans were at rest, made an end of the war. For the Latins and Hernicks forsook the Volscians and departed home, with as illspeed, as their enterprise was bad. The Volscians seeing themselves abandoned and left in the church by them, (upon whose trust and confidence they had rebelled) quit the camp and field and put themselves within the walls of Satricum. 
〈…〉  Whom Camillus at first began to besiege, casting a trench and rampire about them, raising bastillions & platforms against the town. And seeing his munitions and fabrics by no sallying forth of the enemies impeached, he supposed there was no such courage inthem, that he should need to stand so long about the hope of victory: and thereupon, encouraged his men not to wear themselves out in a tedious and toilfull piece of service, as if they lay at the siege of Veij: assuring them that the victory was in their hands already: and so with exceeding cheerfulness of his soldiers, he set ladders upon every side, scaled the walls, and entered the town. Then the Volcians flung away their weapons and yielded themselves.  
But the General his mind was bend upon a greater exploit, and that was the winning of Antium, being the seat town of the Volscians, and from whence the beginning of the last war arose. Howbeit, because so strong a city might not be won without great preparation of artillery, ordinance and engines of battery, leaving his colleague behind him with the army, he went himself to Rome, to persuade with the Senate, for to destroy and raze Antium utterly. And whiles he was emparling with them (such was the will of God I believe, that Antium should stand still and continue longer) there came ambassadors from Nepet and Sutrium, craving aid against the Tuscans, saying: That it was more than high time, that they were succoured and relieved. Upon which occasion it fell out, that Camillus was withdrawn thither from Antium. For seeing that those two towns stood even against Hetruria, as it were the very keys and bar-gates from thence: both the enemies laboured to gain them afore hand, against the time that they went about to make new wars; and the Romans also held it a matter of great consequence, to rescue and defend those frontier towns. The Senate therefore thought good to be in hand with Camillus, for to leave Antium, and to undertake the war with the Tuscans. The cittie-legions under General Quintius, were appointed unto him. And albeit, he rather would have had the leading of that army, which lay now in the Volscians country, and which he had good trial of, and were acquainted better with his government, yet refused he nothing: only he required to have Valerius his associate still, and joined with him in commission. So Quintius and Horatius were sent to succeed Valerius in the Volscian war. Furius and Valerius took their voyage from the city to Sutrium, and found the one side of the town possessed already by the Tuscans. On the other side, the townsmen, for that the enemy had stopped all passages between, hardly able to repel the force of the assailants. But the coming of the Roman aides, and the name besides of Camillas, (so highly renowned as well amongst the enemies as Allies) both for the present gave them heart to abide the brunt, and stick to it still that were before at the point to give over: and also gained time and respite, to come in with fresh supplies and succours. Camillus therefore divided his forces, and gave direction to his colleague, for to bring about his power, to that side which the enemies held, and there to make an assault: not so much for any hope he had by sealing the walls to win the city; as by withdrawing the enemies thither, not only to ease the townsmen of their toil, and give them a breathing time (who were now wearied with assaults) but also to get himself some opportunity and vantage, to enter the city without skirmish and resistance. 
〈…〉  Which being put in execution on both hands accordingly, and performed at once: the Tuscans beset with a two fold fear round about, seeing the walls assailed most fiercely one way: and the enemy gotten within the town another way: flung out at one gate (which as it happened was not bese●) and in great haste all together sought to escape away. But as they fled, they were slain by heaps both within the town and abroad all over the fields. The greater number were killed within the walls by Furius his soldiers. Valerius his men were more ready and nimble in the chase, and gave not over the execution until the night came, that they could not see and d●●cerne them.  
When Satrium was thus recovered and restored again to their allies, they led forward the army to Nepet: which town the Tuscans held wholly, as surrendered already into their hands. Every man thought it would be a busier piece of work to win that city again: not in this regard only, that it was fully in the enemy's possession, but also because some of the Nepesins, by treason had yielded it up. Howbeit, they resolved to send unto the heads and principal citizens; that they should sever themselves from the Tuscans, and perform on their behalf trusty and faithful loyalty, like as they had craved and besought at the Romans hands their friendly help & protection. From whom they received this answer again, That it lay not now in them to do any thing at all, for that the Tuscans kept the walls, and warded the gates. Whereupon they first terrified and scared the townsmen with harrying and spoiling their territory: after that, seeing they made more reckoning of keeping their faithful loyalty to their enemies unto whom they had lately surrendered, than observing the league with their friends, which they had long before concluded; they provided themselves out of the fields of a number of faggots, of brushwood, and such like trousse, and so approached the city with the army, filled up the ditches close to the walls, 
Nep●● 〈◊〉  set ladders to, and at the first shout and assault given, the town was taken. Then proclamation was made, that all the Nepesines should part with their armour and weapons, and so many as were found unarmed, should be spared. But the Tuscans, as well armed as unarmed, were put to the sword every one. As for the cheese authors that persuaded the Nepesines to deliver the town to the enemies, they were beheaded. The harmless multitude had their goods restored, and to the town was left with a garrison. Thus the two Tribunes (Consular) having regained out of the enemy's hands two confederate cities, returned in great glory to Rome with their victorious army.  
The same year the Latins and hernics were required to make amends for harms done, and restitution of goods wrongfully detained: and the cause demanded why of late years, according to a covenant in that behalf provided, they had set forth no soldiers to the Romans wars. Answer from both Nations in their solemn counsels was returned: 
The excuse of the Latins and hernics.  That neither the fault was general, nor proceeding from counsel of the State, in case some of their youth served under the Volscians: and yet themselves had well paid already for their lewd and rash projects, in that not one of them was come home alive. And as to the not sending forth of soldiers, the cause was, for that they were in continual fear and danger of the Volscians: which noisome plague (as it were) sticking so close unto their sides, unneath they could be rid off, notwithstanding so many wars one in the neck of another. When relation hereof was made unto the Lords of the Senate, they thought so well of their answer and excuses, that they deemed they had quarrel and occasion good enough to war upon them, if they might have had while and time as well to follow it.  
In the year following, when A. Manlius, P. Cornelius, Titus and Lucius Quintius, both Capitolini, and L. Papyrius Cursor the second time, were Tribunes Consular, there arose a grievous war abroad, and a more dangerous sedition broke forth at home. The war, from the Volscians, banded with the Latins and hernics, that were fallen away and revolted. The sedition (where it was least feared) from a parsonage of noble lineage descended, of great name and reputation, M. Manlius Capitolinus. Who being a man of too lofty and haughty a mind, despised all other of the Nobility, and envied one above the rest, M. Furius, so singular, as well in regard of his honourable dignities, 
The discontentments of Ma●cus Manlius, m●nding sedition.  as his worthy parts and commendable virtues. He could not brook and endure, that he only should ever be Lord General in the field: who now was exalted so high above others, that even those who were created with him in equal authority, he accounted not as his peers and fellows, but employed as his ministers and servitors. Whereas (quoth he) if men would weigh aright, and duly consider everything, M. Furius could never have delivered his country from the siege of the enemies, had not the Capitol and castle cliff been saved by me afore. Camillus' set upon the Gauls, when they were amused in receiving their gold, when they were upon terms of peace, and their hearts quiet and secure: whereas myself chased them away, whiles they were in arms, and at the point to win the castle hill. In that exploit of Camillus the soldiers, had each one his share proportionably of the glory, who together with him did their parts: but in the service performed by me, no earthly creature was fellow and partner with me. With these conceits he fed his own humour, and pussed up his proud spirit, being withal by corrupt disposition of nature, hot and hasty, arrogant and insolent. Discontented besides, that of the Nobility, his gifts & qualities were not esteemed of that worth, as in his own judgement they deserved: first, of a Senator he became popular, and began to break his mind, and impart his designs unto the Magistrates of the Commons: finding fault with the Nobility, and complaining of them: soliciting and inveigling the Commons, to cast a liking and favour toward himself: carried away with the vain gale of the people's opinion: not guided by sage counsel and discretion: and in one word, choosing rather to be of great name, than of good and honest report. And not contenting himself to deal in the laws Agrariae, about the division of lands, which had always ministered to the Tribunes of the Commons matter enough of mutinies and seditions; he began to intermeddle between the debtor and their creditors, and to overthrow all keeping of credit. And indeed, deep debts are sharp goads, and prick shreawdly: threatening not only poverty and shame, but also terrifying the bodies of free men with hard imprisonment, little ease, and irons. Now there were exceeding many far indebt (a thing most dangerous and hurtful to men's state) even of the richer sort, by reason of their great expenses destraied in building. The war therefore of the Volscians, which was itself of great importance, but much more, in regard of the Latins and hernics rebellion withal, was in show pretended, as a cause to seek for to have a more sovereign and absolute power to govern the State: but in truth, these new dessignements and plots of Manlius, rather than the war, forced the Senate to create a dictator. And A. Cornelius Cossus being created, nominated for his General of horse, T. Quintius Capitolinus. The dictator, albeit he saw a greater bickering toward, at home than abroad, yet (were it that the war required some speedy expedition, or because by victory and triumph, he thought to make his Dictatourship more mighty and powerful) he took musters, and set forward into the Pomptine land, into which parts he had intelligence, that the Volscians had proclaimed their forces, to repair.  
I doubt not, 
A 〈◊〉 of the author.  but they that read in so many books already, of these continual warresfought with the Volscians, besides their tedious satiety of reading, will muse also at this (which to myself was likewise a wonder, when I perused the writers that lived near about the times of these acts) how these Volscians and Aequians, so often vanquished and diffeited, were furnished with supply of soldiers to maintain their wars. But seeing by the ancient Chroniclers it hath been overpassed with silence, what should I allege, but only mine own opinion and bare conjecture, which every man hath liberty to put in for himself? Likely it is, that either between the times of wars (as now we see in the Roman musters) they used to breed up one supply under another, of the younger sort, to the maintenance and renewing so oftentimes of their war: or that their armies were not always levied out of the same States, albeit the wars go under thename of one and the selfsame nation: or that those countries yielded in those days an infinite number of freemen, which now are well near waste and defart, but for some Roman slaves, which keep those parts yet from being void and dispeopled, as having but a very small feminarie, or none at all, left, of serviceable soldiers.  
Certes, the Volscians army, as all authors agree, was very great at this time: albeit of late days by the leading and conduct of Camillus they were sore weakened, and their strength much abated. Besides, there were with them in field, the Latins and hernics, some of the Circeians, and other Coloners from Velitrae. The Roman dictator having that day pitched his camp, and the next morrow come abroad with happy tokens of good speed from the Birds: having also slain a sacrifice, and procured thereby the favour and grace of the gods, in joyous manner showed himself unto his soldiers: who according as they were commanded, were ready early in the morning, 
The Creation of A. Cornelius Cossus Dictator, to his soldiers.  by break of day in arms, attending the sound of trumpet for battle. The day is ours (quoth he) my valorous soldiers, if either the gods or their Prophets can foretell future events. Therefore as resolute men of assured hope, and such as shall encounter with far meaner than ourselves, pitch we our javelins down at our feet, and draw our swords only. Neither would I have you to run out of the main battle, and to give the charge, but to keep your ground, to stand steadfast, and abide the first shock of the enemy. And when they have spent their volie of shot in vain, and shall with full feeze come upon you as you stand, then brandish your swords, and let them glitter in their eyes, and think every man of the gods, that they will help the Romans. The gods I say, which in happy hour, by the lucky approbation of their Birds, have sent us into the field to fight. And as for you, o Quintius, keep your horsemen close together, marking advisedly the first beginning of the skirmish: and when you see the battles buckle together pell mel, and come to handstrokes, whiles they are busied and occupied one way, fright them another way with your horsemen, ride among their ranks as they fight, and break their arrays. Thus fought both horse and foot according to his direction. And as the legions wanted not a worthy captain, no more miss the captain of happy speed. The multitude of the enemies trusting upon nothing but their own number, which they measured and compared together only by their eye, intervewing both the one army and the other, rashy gave battle, and as rashly gave over again. In shout only and shot showing themselves hot & eager at the first encounter: but were not able to abide the sword fight, the closing together foot to foot, and the fiery countenance of their enemies, which for the very heat of their courage, shined and glisteren fully in their eyes. So the forefront being put back, a sear came upon them likewise, that stood behind for supply, and withal, the horsemen for their parts set to, and fought most terribly. Whereupon the ranks of the enemies in sundry places were broken, and all set out of order, so as their battalions seemed to float & wave up & down to and fro, in suspense whether to fight or fly. Afterwards, when they saw the foremost smitten down and slain, and every one thought no other but his own turn was next to be killed, they turned their backs and fled. The Romans came forward still and chased them. And so long as they went their way armed & thick huddled together, it was the footman's work to pursue them: but when it was perceived once, that they flung away their weapons on all hands, & that the enemy's army fled dispersed all abroad in the fields: then were the troops of horsemen set out after them, with this caveat and charge, to make no stay and forlet the time, by killing them one by one, and so to give the main multitude of them in the mean while sufficient respite to escape: but that they should content themselves, only to let fly some shot amongst them, and by scaring them to hinder their running: and when they were ridden beyond, to cross upon them and stay them, until the footmen might overtake them, slay them down right & make an hand of them clean. Thus fled they, and thus were they followed in chase until night. 
The Volscians desai●ed.  The very same day was the Volscians camp taken and ransacked, and the whole pillage, besides the bodies of free men, was given unto the soldiers. The greatest part of the prisoners were Hernicks and Latins: and those not of the common sort, and such as might be thought to have served for pay: but there were found among them certain young gentlemen of good mark, a plain proof and evidence, that the Volscian enemies had aid from thence by the public and general warrant of the State. There were known also to be among them some of the Circeians, yea and certain of the Veliterne colony likewise. All of them were sent to Rome. Where being examined before the chiefeof the Senators, they confessed every one in plame terms, the revolting of their own nation, like as they had before bewrayed it unto the dictator. The Dictator still kept his forces together within the standing camp, making no doubt, but that the rulers and Senators of Rome would determine to war upon those countries.  
But even at that time a greater heap of troubles which arose at home, caused him to be sent for to Rome, by occasion of a sedition which grew daily more and more: and by reason of the author thereof (a man of quality and note) was more feared than any usually had been afore time. For now by this, had M. Manlius not by speeches only, but by plain deeds also, (which in outward show seemed popular and plausible) showed evidently upon what troublesome and tumultuous spirit all proceeded. For seeing upon a time a Centurion, of good worth for his service in war, condemned in an action of debt, and upon an execution of judgement carried to prison: he in the mids of the Forum, came running unto him with a rout and crew of his followers and retinue, laid hand on him, and took him perforce from the officers: and after he had given our some words aloud touching the pride of the Senators, the cruelty of the usurers, the calamities of the Commons, the valour and present distress of the party; Marry then (quoth he) have I done a great deed, to no purpose, in saving the Capitol and the Keep with this right hand of mine, if I could abide to see my fellow soldier (as if he were taken prisoner of the Gauls by way of conquest) had away into bondage and captivity, and laid up fast in gives and fetters. And therewith openly in sight of all the people paid the whole debt down right on the nail, unto the creditor: 
The mutinous speeches of a Centurion▪  and so after the usual and solemn ceremony by a brazen piece of coin and the balance, he set him at liberty out of the creditor his hands, and let him go at large. Who prayed heartily to God and man, for to requite accordingly M. Manlius his only deliverer, and the very patron and protector of the Commons of Rome. And when he was once gotten into that unruly and seditious throng, he presently himself set all on a hurry, showing the scars of his wounds received in the Veientians and Gauls wars, and in other services one after another saying, that whiles he thus followed soldiery, and rebuilded his house that was destroyed, he became indebted, and that so deeply (by reason that the interest always overgrew the principal which he by that means had paid and paid again) that he was notable to creep out of the usuters book, but was plunged therein over head and ears. And now behold (quoth he) by the only goodness of M. Manlius, I have the liberty again to see the light of the funne, to behold the Common place, to look my neighbours and fellow citizens in the face: at his hands I acknowledge to have received all the benefits that mine own parents could give me: unto him I vow whatsoever in me is left, and in his quarrel to spend that little life and blood which remaineth in my body: and in one word look what privilege I may enjoy in right of my country, and in the communion of the gods, public orprivate, the same do I impart and communicate with that one man. By these speeches the Commons were set on, and pricked forward mightily, as wholly devoted unto one person; and who but Manlius now in every man's mouth? And presently in the nick he entered into another action that tended more effectually to mar all quite, and to set every thing out of order. His land in the territory of Veij, which was the chief and capital Manor of his inheritance, even the fairest flower of his garland, he set upon sale, causing it openly to be cried; and said withal, I will not o Quirites, so long as I have one foot of ground, or any thing else left, see one of you condemned and upon execution carried to prison. This set them so a float, that they were ready, as it seemed, to follow him as the only protector of their liberties, in any action, were it right or wrong, they cared not which way, all was one with them. Besides at home in his own house, he spared not to cast out slanderous speeches against the Senators as if he had been at the open Cross, making Orations. Amongst which, without all regard whether he spoke true or false, he let fall these words, That the Senators kept in hucker mucker certain hidden treasures of the Gauls gold, and were not now contented to hold in possession the common grounds, but they would also embezle the treasure public, which if it came abroad, the Commons might soon be acquit and discharged of their debts. This gap being once laid o●en, and this light given the people, they thought (ye may be sure) an unworthy indignity, that when there was gold to be levied for redemption of the city out of the Gauls hands, it than should be gathered by a general contribution of all: and the same gold, now recovered from the enemies, should be as a prey in the clutches of a few. Therefore they followed instantly upon him and were very earnest to know, where so great a mass of money and stolen good was hidden. But when he posted them off, and said he would in due time disclose all: they were not content, but setting all other matters apart, their whole care was employed about this business, and nothing else. So as it plainly appeared that neither he should reap a mean thank if he reported a truth, nor incur a small offence and displeasure, in case he told a false tale.  
Things hanging thus in these doubtful terms, the dictator who was sent for, returned from the army into the city. The next day he assembled the Senate: and after he had thoroughly founded and felt the minds of them, that were there met, he commanded the Senators not to depart from him: and assisted as he was with that company, he caused the ivory chair of estare to be set in the Comitium or common hall, and sent a sergeant for M. Manlius. Who being thus peremptorily summoned by the dictators express commandment, gave warning by a token to his complices and favourites, that there was a broil and fray toward: and with a mighty retinue of his followers, he presented himself before the Tribunal. On the one side, stood the Senator, on the other the Commons: either part beholding their captain, as it were in a pight field ready to join battle. 
The speech of 〈…〉 M. 〈◊〉.  Then after silence made, Would to God (quoth the dictator unto Manlius) I ● the Senators of Rome, might in all other things forr as well with the Commons, as I am assured, we shall agree all together about thee, & the matter which I shall ask and demand of thee. I see thou hast put the city in some good hope, that by the Gauls treasure which the principal & chief of the Senators detain with them secretly hidden, all men may keep their credit, and fully pay and discharge their debts. Which I for my part, so God me help, am so far from hindering, that contraiwise I would exhort thee o M. Manlius, to ease the Commons of Rome of the ●●●ers book: to discover these fellows and make them known, that gape so greedily after the common treasure, and to disappoint them, & turn them out of this their privy booty. Which if thou do not effect, either for that thyself wouldst have a sliece with them, or else because it is but a forged tale that thou hast made of thine own fingers ends, I will not fail, but commit thee toward, and suffer no longer the multitude upon a vain and deceitful hope, thus by thee to be abused and disquieted. 
The answer of Manlius to the dictator.  To this, Manlius made answer and said. I was nothing deceived but wist well enough, that a dictator was created not against the Volscians, who are enemies (forsooth) so oft as our great Masters think it for their purpose: nor against the Latins and Hernicks, whom they drive and provoke to rebellion by false & forged surmises: but against myself and the Commons of Rome. For now I see well, that the Dictator professeth to maintain and bear out the Usurers against the Commons: and that against myself, for the favour that the multitude beareth unto me, there is matter devised to charge me withal, and to procure my utter ruin and overthrow. Doth it offend and grieve you. in deed, o A. Cornelius, and you my Lords of the Senate, that the people thus stand about me on every side? Why do not ye every man for his part, by your good deserts divide asunder this company, and draw them away with you from me? Namely, by your mediation and intercession, by giving your word for them, by ridding out of giveth and prison your fellow citizens, by saving them that are condemned, from being awarded to the thraldom of their creditors, and out of the overplus and superfluity of your own living and goods, by relieving their present need, and supplying their necessities? But what mean I to persuade you to forego anything of your own, and bestow it upon them? Take another course with them, and make them another offer. Do but deduct our of the principal debt, that which hath been paid, for consideration of the loan. You shall soon see that my retinue will make no greater show, than any other man's else. But why am I the only man so careful of the citizens and people? Certes, I can make no better answer hereunto, than if one should ask me, wherefore I alone saved the Capitol and the Cliff? As I then yielded my helping hand to all in general, so will I now to my power relieve each one in particular. For as touching the treasure of the Gauls: the thing in itself being easy, this demand of yours maketh hard and difficult. For what need you ask me that which you know already yourselves? Why lay you not that open which is in your secret bosom, rather than to have it sifted & bolted out? but that there is some privy juggling, some cunning practice and packing therein? The more ye would seem to have your legerdemain to be sought into and detected: so much the more, I fear me, ye will hide it even from the eyes of those that are watchful and quickfighted. And therefore am not I to be forced to reveal and show where your stolen goods are: but you would be made, if you were well served, to bring them abroad into the view of the world. At these words, the dictator commanded him to leave off these foolish flimflams & trifling shifts: urging him either to go through with his challenge and prove it true: or if he could not justify it, to confess that he had falsely slandered and wrongfully charged the Senate, and sought to bring upon them the ill will and hatred of men, for a vain surmise and suspicion of thievery. But as he stoutly inferred and replied again, that he would not speak at the pleasure of his enemies, not owed them any such service: he commanded him to be had away to prison & kept in bonds. And as he was apprehended by the Officer, 
M. Manlius apprehended▪  o jupiter (qd. he) Optimus Maximus, o juno Queen of heaven, o Minerva, with other gods and goddesses, that inhabit the Capitol and the Castle; Suffer ye your Knight and Defender, to be thus tugged, misused, and evil entreated by his adversaries? And shall this right hand wherewith I defeated the Gauls, & drove them from your chapels and shrines, be now pinioned and manacled? There was no one man there, that saw & heard him, who could endure this indignity. But this city, as most patient of all other cities to abide any just, righteous & lawful commandment of the magistrate, contained herself and was content in some cases to be overruled: so far forth, that against the authority & absolute power of the dictator, neither the Tribunes of the Commons, nor the Commons themselves, durst either cast up their eyes to look awry, or once open their mouths. But after Manlius was committed, it was for certain known, that a great sort of the Commoners, changed their weed and put on their worst apparel and mourning array: many a man let his head and beard grow long, yea and a number of them with sad and heavy cheer, kept commonly about the Goal door.  
Now when the Dictator triumphed over the Volscians, his triumph bred him more hatred and displeasure than honour and glory: for it is commonly spoken, that he got it at home and not abroad, and triumphed over a citizen not over an enemy: and this only wanted, (say they) to make up his pride to the full, that Manlius was not led before his chariot. Whereupon there was like to grow much scandal, and very sedition. For the appeasing and mitigation whereof, the Senate upon a sudden, without any motion made, of themselves became bountiful, and assigned 2000 
Satricum made a 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉.  citizens of Rome to be sent to Satricum to inhabit as a Colony. And to every man was set out two acres & an half of land a piece. Which the Commoners construed to be a matter of nothing, a small boon bestowed upon a few, the very hire & reward for betraying Manlius. So that this proved a mischief for a remedy: and by this salve, the sore rather festered and rankled, than healed up, and the sedition thereby fretted more and more. For now the crew of Manlius his followers made show of greater mourning and heaviness, in their vile clothes and sad countenance, after the guise of persons accused during the time of their troubles. And when the fear and terror was once overblown, by reason that the dictator after his triumph resigned up his authority, 
The seditious speeches of the 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 of M. Manlius.  than folk's hearts were set at liberty and their tongues walked at will. Some were heard in open audience to upbraid the multitude and cast in their teeth, That it was their fashions always to lift up and advance their Protectors and Defenders into high places, and afterwards, in the very pitch of danger and point of downfall, to forsake and leave them destitute. Thus was Sp. Cassius served, that solicited the Commons to the division of lands: thus was Sp. Melius overthrown, that put his hand to his purse, and at his own proper charges and expense, kept extreme famine from the hungry chaws of the poor citizens. Semblably, M. Manlius endeavouring to deliver a great part of the city (drowned as it were and overwhelmed in debt) and to enlarge them and set them abroad at liberty, now for his pains is betrayed unto his deadly enemies: so that the Commons do feed and frank up, even for the shambles and butchers knife the fautors and maintainers of their weal and liberty. And ought in deed (say they) a Noble man, that sometimes had been Consul, thus to be misused, if he answered not to the good liking and pleasure of the dictator? Suppose, he had overreached and made a lie afore, and so had not a present and ready answer at the time: was there ever any servant and slave, for leasing cast in prison and laid up in irons? And how could they forget that night, which was like to have been the last night that ever the Romans should have seen: that fatal night of their final destruction for ever? Or how could they choose, but have still in their eye the army of the Gauls, clambering up the Cliff Tarpeia? and how M. Manlius in person, so bravely beseen in his armour, all sweeting, all bleeding, rescued and saved jupiter himself in a manner out of the enemy's hands? What? Did they think that with halfe-pound measures of wheat meal, they had sufficiently recompensed the Saviour of their country? And whom they had well near canonised amongst the holy hallows of heaven, or at leastwise by his new addition of 
* 〈…〉  surname made equal to jupiter Capitolinus, was it well done to suffer him, imprisoned in chains, lying in a dark dungeon, to draw his lively breath at the pleasure of the hangman? Was he alone able to succour you all, and are ye all not able to help him alone? Thus ceased not the multitude to exclaim and make their plaints, & would not depart from that place, no not all the night long, but threatened to break the prison by force. Until such time as they got that remitted, which otherwise they would have wrested, and Manlius by an act of the Senate was released out of prison and enlarged. Whereby the mutiny was never the more ended, but rather a Captain given them to maintain the Sedition.  
About the same time the Latins and Hernicks, the inhabitants also of the Colony Circeia, and they of Velitre, who came to excuse themselves for the Volscian war, wherein they were charged to have had their hands, and required to have the captives delivered, for to proceed against them, according to their own laws, had a heavy answer. But the Coloners received the sharper check and rebuke, because they being Roman citizens, were entered into that wicked plot and abominable action, to combine against their native country. And they were not only denied their prisoners, but also (wherein the Rom. dealt more favourably with the rest that were their Allies) were warned and commanded in the name of the Senate, to avoid and that with speed out of the city, from the sight and presence of the people of Rome; for fear lest the privilege of Embassage, provided for the security and safe conduct of foreigners and not of citizens, should not serve to protect them. Now when the Sedition of Manlius was set on foot again, somewhat before the end of the year the great assembly was holden for the Election of Magistrates: wherein there were created Tribunes in Consul's authority Serg. Cornelius Maluginensis the second time. P. Valerius Potitas the second time. M. Furius Camillus the fifth time. Ser. Sulpitius Rufsus the second time, C. Papyrius Crassus, T. Quintius Cincinnatus the second time, all of Senators calling.  
In the beginning of this year, peace they had with foreign nations; a matter very commodious both for the Senate and the Com. For the Com. in this regard, that being not called away by any musters, they had some good hope (especially having so mighty a champion) to be rid at once for ever of usury. For the Senators again, because their minds being not distracted by any fear from abroad, might attend about curing & healing the intestine maladies at home. When both parts therefore were now more sharp set, & eagerly bend, they thought out of hand to try what would be done, & to make either a shaft or a bolt of it. Manlius calling the Com. to his house, devised with the principal heads of them both day and night, to bring in a change and alteration of the State: and fuller of stomach, anger and gaul he was now a good deal than aforetime. Nettled he was, the rather by his late disgrace and shame, who never before had been touched in credit, nor tasted of any reproach & contumely. Heart he took unto him, for that the Dict. durst not execute that rigour against him, which Cincinnatus Quintius had extended upon Sp. Melius: and it seemed unto him, that not only the Dict. sought to wind himself out, & in resigning up his room, to avoid the offence given by his imprisonment; but also that the very Senate was not able to endure the manner of proceeding. With these imaginations being puffed up & galled too, he failed not withal to prick forward and exasperate the minds of the Com. who of themselves already, were kindled and set on fire. 
The seditious Oration of Mar● Manlius to the Commons of Rome.  And with these and such like speeches he entertained them. How long (quoth he) I pray you; will ye be ignorant, and not know what ye may do, and what power ye have? A thing that nature itself would not have so much as the very dumb beasts, but to understand. Do but count how many you are in number yourselves, and how few adversaries ye have against you. If ye were but one to one, yet (I would think) you should more eagerly strive for to maintain your liberty, than they, to set up their lordship. For, look how many favourites ye have been, following and courting one patron, so many shall ye now be opposed to one enemy. Make but show only of war, ye shall have peace. Let them see you once ready to make head and offer violence, soon will they yield and part with their right. Either ye must adventure, all jointly together to do somewhat, or else make account each one, to abide and suffer all. How long will ye stand looking from every side upon me? I for my part, surely, will not fail any one of you. Look ye then to it, that fortune fail not me. ay, even I, that was your redeemer and deliverer, was all at once (when it pleased mine enemies) taken down and made no body. And ye, all of you, saw him led to prison, who saved every one of you from prison. If happily those mine enemies should attempt to do me more spite, Where am I then? and what were I best to trust unto? Should I look for that end that Cassius and Melius came unto? Ye do well to signify how you dread the osse, and wish the contrary. And the gods forfend it should so come to pass. But look not that ever they should come down from heaven to protect me. That mind they must give you, to preserve me from so hard a hap, like as they gave me a resolute heart, both in mine armour to save you from barbarous enemies, and in my gown to defend you from proud citizens. Is there so little courage in you (so mighty a people otherwise) as to think it sufficient, and to stand contented, if you may be backed only, and meet with some help against your enemies; and to know no other skusting with your adversaries (the Senators) but wherein you suffer yourselves to be commanded in the end? This baseness cometh not to you by kind. By use and custom only, you are become their vassals and subjects. For what is the cause ye are so courageous against your enemies abroad, that ye think it meet and reason to rule and govern them? No other in truth but this, because with them you have been ever wont to strive for sovereignty, whereas against these, ye have been used rather, to make some slight prouse and trial what you may do by your liberty, than to do your best & to put yourselves forth for to maintain it and extend it to the most. And yet what manner of chieftains soever ye have met withal to lead you, and how soever affected ye have been yourselves, obtained ye have hitherto all things that ye shot at, were they never so great: Such was your might, or such was your felicity. Wherefore now it is high time to give the adventure of greater matters also. Make but trial only of your own good fortune, and of myself, whom I hope he have had happy experience of already: with less ado shall ye be provided of one to overrule and command the Senators, than ye have been hitherto of those, that were to resist only their imperious government. down we must with these Dictatorships and Consulships both, and lay them level with the ground: that the commonalty of Rome may once be aloft, and bear up the head. Bestir yourselves therefore, and play the men. Hinder process and course of law for actions of debt. I profess myself a Patron of the Commons, which name my care over you, my faithfulness to you, hath endued me with. And if you please to entitle your leader and captain, with a more glorious 
* 〈◊〉 king.  stile of honour and majesty, ye shall find it more potent and available to effect that which you long for and desire. 
〈…〉  And so from that time forward, began some practice to set up the government of a king: But neither who were the agents in this action, nor to what terms these plots proceeded, is it plainly enough recorded. But on the other side, the Senators sat in counsel, and debated about the Secession and secret meeting of the Commons in the private house of Manlius, and that house, which stood (as it fell out) upon the castle hill: likewise of that imminent engine and fabric, devised for the overthrow of the present liberty. Many were of opinion, and spoke it aloud, That there was need of a Sirvilius H●l●, who not by commanding a public enemy of the State to prison, would provoke him and make him more eager; but by dispatching of one wicked member out of the way, & cutting him oft, might end this intestine and civil war. But they came down at length, and grew to a resolution, in words milder, yet in deed and effect all one, THAT THE MAGISTRATES SHOULD HAVE A CAREFUL EYE, 
A ●●me from 〈◊〉 granted in great 〈◊〉 of the State.  THAT BY THESE MISCHIEVOUS PLOTS AND PRACTICES OF MAR. MANLIUS, THE COMMONWEAL INCURRED NO DAMAGE AND HURT. Then the Tribunes in Consul's authority, and the other Tribunes of the Commons (for even they also seeing, that in the loss of the public liberty of all, their power likewise should come to an end, had yielded to be advised and ruled by the Senate) laid all their heads together, and consulted what course was best to be taken. When as no man could be think of any way, but plain violence and bloodshed (a piece of work in all appearance, of great adventure & doubtful hazard) then M. Menenuss, and Q. Publius, two Tribunes of the Commons stepped forth and said: 
〈…〉  What mean we to make that, a quarrel between the Senators and Commons, which the whole body united of the city, indeed should undertake against so dangerous and pestilent a member? Why trouble we ourselves to set upon him and the Commons with him, whom by the means of the very Commons themselves, it were the safer course, and less offensive to a●i●ile? that being surcharged and overweighed with his own power whereupon he presumeth, he may fall down and take his overthrow. We are fully minded to arrest him, to convent him judicially, and call him to his answer. Nothing is less popular, and more odious to the people, than to hear of king's government again. The multitude shall not so soon see and perceive, that our quarrel is not with them, but that they shall become his competent judges, and pass upon him, who now are his advocates: also, that his accusers from out of the Commons, shall behold one of the Nobility to hold up his hand at the bar, & the inditement framed, upon the crime of usurping the kingdom: but (be ye sure of it) they will tender and favour the fair looks and person of no man, before the cause of their own free estate. When all the house liked well, and allowed of this advice and ouverture, they made no more ado but served Manlius with process to answer at a day appointed. Which was not so soon done, but the Commons at the very first, began to storm and be enraged, especially when they saw the accused man, during his trouble so ruefully arra●ed, accompanied with none of the Senators, nor so much as one of his kindred and affinity, no nor his very brethren Au and T. Manlius. A thing before that day never seen nor known, but that in so great a danger as this was, the nearest kinsfolk in blood, did change their weed. For even when Ap. Claudius was committed and imprisoned, C. Claudius his adversary, yea, and the whole lineage and name of the Claudij, were mournfully clad, and poorly appareled. Now surely (say they) it is a very compact amongst them all, that this popular man, so gracious and well-beloved, should be confounded and overthrown, because he was the first that ever fell away from the Senators to the Commons. When the day was come of his arraignment, I can find in no author, what was objected against the prisoner by his accusers, directly tending to prove the crime of aspiring to a kingdom, but only the conventicles of the multitude, certain seditious words, his overmuch largesse, and his forged surmise and false information of the gold. I doubt not but there was matter of great importance, urged and enforced against him, seeing that the Commons delay in proceeding to his condemnation, was not long of his cause, but occasioned by the place only. 
M. Marisus arraigned, and anspach for 〈◊〉.  This one thing seemeth worthy to be noted, and for all men's learning, that how notable and how great soever his honour, worship, & commendable parts were; the soul and cursed desire of tyrannical rule, made not only unpleasant and without grace, but also odious and detestable in the eyes of the people. He brought forth, as it is reported, well-near four hundred men, whom he had laid out monte for gratts, and without any interest or consideration: those whose goods he saved from port sale, and kept from the bondage of their creditors, after they were condemned. O●er and besides; he not only reckoned up, but showed also in open sight, the honourable testimonies of his service in the wars: as the spoils of his enemies by him slain and disarmed, to the number of 30: gifts bestowed upon him by Generals in way of reward 40: amongst which were two goodly 
* cashiered in form of the 〈◊〉 of ●●●i  mural garlands for scaling and entering upon the walls first: eight 
* 〈◊〉 the branches.  civic coronets for saving the lives of citizens in danger. Moreover he presented there in place, the parties themselves in person, whom he had rescued out of the enemy's hands: and amongst them he nomiminated C. Serviltus at that instant General of the horsemen, and now absent. And when he had rehearsed his noble feats of arms; and amplified them according to the height of their worthin a most glorious and eloquent Oration, as one whose words were suitable and answerable to his deeds: at the last he stripped his breast bare, and showed the scars there remaining of wounds received in the wars: and ever and anon looking to the Capitol, eftsoons he called aloud upon jupiter and the other gods, to help him now in this extremity and peril of his state: and prayed that the same mind which they had given him to defend the Capitol cliff, and even to the safeguard of the people of Rome, they would vouchsafe the same people, in this distress of his woeful calamity: beseeching them both all and some, to look up to the cliff, and to the Capitol, to turn themselves toward the gods there, an●so to proceed to judgement of him. All the whiles the people were cited and called by their Centuries, and the prisoner stretched forth his hands, and converted his prayers from men to the Gods; the Tribunes evidently saw, that unless they freed the eyes of the people from beholding the memorial of so great a desert, it would never be that so long as their minds were this forestalled and possessed with that benefit of his, they would find the inditement, were it never so true. So the matter being put off and deferred to another day the people were summoned to assemble in the grove Petelinus, without the gate Flumentana, from whence they might not have a sight of the Capitol. There the accusation prevailed more than compassion, and the matter went against him: and so with hard and obdurate hearts, they pronounced a heavy and dolorous sentence, and which the very judges themselves had in horror. Some there be that say there were Duumvirs ordained for the purpose, to make inquisition and sit upon this treason against the State. Thus being condemned, the Tribunes caused him to be thrown headlong down the rock Tarpeia. Which place was the self same that yielded to that one man a monument and memorial both of singular glory, and also of extreme punishment and ignominious death. After his death there remained two infamous marks behind him of shame: the one public, occasioned by his dwelling house. For whereas it was situate, where now the chapel and workhouse, or mint-house of Moneta standeth, an Act was proposed unto the people, That none of the Senators lineage should dwell on the cliff or Capitol mount. The other proceeding more properly from his own line and kindred: For that by a general decree of the house of Manlij it was provided, That none of that family and race should ever after bear the name of M. Manlius. This was the end of him, who, but that he was borne in a free city, had been a right worthy and renowned man.  
But the people being now past all danger from him, call to mind and considering without all affection, his virtues as they were, found a miss of him shorly after. Yea and for the pestilence also which ensued soon upon, for that there could be no causes known of so great mortality, was imagined of many a man, to have grown upon the execution of Manlius: arguing thus, That the Capitol was polluted with the blood of the saviour thereof: and the gods took no delight and pleasure to have (as it were) presented unto their eyes, the punishment of that man, by whose means their temples had been delivered out of the hands of the enemies. Upon this plague and scarcity of corn withal, and the common brute that spread abroad both of the one and the other, there ensued the year following many wars, whenas L. Valerius the fourth time, A. Manlius the third time, Ser. Sulpitius the third time, L. Lucretius, L. Atmylius the third time, and M. Trebonius were Tribunes Military in Consul's authority. For besides the Volscians, who by destiny were appointed for ever in a manner to busy and keep occupied the Roman soldiers; besides the Colonies Circcia and Velitre, which a long time were about to rebel; besides Latium, that stood in doubtful terms and was suspected, the Lanuvines also, who had been a most fast and joiall city, all of a sudden rose and became new enemies. The LL. of the Senate supposing all this grew upon contempt, for that the revolting of the Veliternes, who were their natural citizens, had so long time escaped punishment, decreed with all speed to move the people to denounce and proclaim open war against them. And to the end that the Commons might be more forward in this Military service, they created certain Quinqueviri for the division of the Pomptine lands: 
〈…〉  and Triumvir● for the planting of a colony at Nepet. Then they propounded unto the people, that they would appoint and determine of the war to be 〈◊〉. And notwithstanding the Tribunes of the Com. laboured earnestly, but all in vain, to dissi●●de, yet the tribes throughout generally grantedit, and gave their voices for war. All that year passed in preparations only, but no army set forth by reason of the plague: which protracting of time and long delay, gave the inhabitants of the Colonies respite to sue unto the Senate for peace. Many of them were inclined and stood thus affected, to send a solemn embassage with humble supplication to Rome: but that (as commonly it falleth out) the public peril was entangled and interessed with the jeoperdie of some private persons: and the authors of the backsliding and revolt from the Romans, fearing lest they alone should bear all the blame and be delivered up as a sacrifice to satisfy the wrath of the Romans, turned away clean and alienated the Colonies from all consultation of seeking for peace. And not only in their counsel house was this Embassage then crossed, but many of the Commons also they excited to invade the territories of Rome, to drive booties, and make spoil. This new wrong by them offered, clean put them by all hope of peace. In that year was the first rumour raised, concerning the rebellion also of the Prenestines. And when the Tusculans, Gavines, & Lavicanes, into whose marches they had made inroads, complained unto the Senate, and laid much matter against them, they received at their hands so calm and cold an answer, that it seemed they gave less credit to their complaints, because these were not willing they should prove true.  
The year following, Sp. and L. Papyrius, new Tribunes Military with Consul's authority, led the legions to Vei●●re, whose four Colleagues, Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis the fourth ti●e, 〈◊〉, C. Sulpitius, L. Aemylius the fourth time, were left Tribunes behind for defence 〈◊〉; and for fear lest they should hear some intelligence of new and fresh stirs out of 〈◊〉, where they suspected all would be nought. At Velitre they had the better hand of 〈◊〉 enemies: there they found more Prenestines well near, that came to succour, than the 〈◊〉 Coloners' themselves. For the city was so near at hand, that it both gave the enemy's 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 sooner, and yielded them the only place of safe refuge, after they were fled. 〈…〉 forbore to assault the town, as well in regard of the dangerous enterprise, as also 〈◊〉 they thought it not good to hold fight to the utter destruction of that Colony. Letters 〈…〉 to Rome with tidings of victory, emplying more sharp informations against 〈…〉 than the Veliternes. So by an Act of the Senate and assent of the people, there 〈…〉 war against the Prenestines. Who in the year following joined with the Vol 〈…〉 by force wa● Sa●●icum a Colony of the people of Rome, 
〈…〉  notwithstanding it was 〈…〉 defended by the townsmen even to the last. Where most beastly and cru●● 〈…〉 their victory upon those that they took prisoners, and put them to the sword. 〈…〉 took this in a very ill part: and elected M. Furius Camillus Tribune Military the 〈◊〉 time: who had for his companions in office, A. and Lucius Posthumius Regillensis, L. 〈◊〉 and L. Lucrcius, and M. Fabius Ambustus.  
The 〈◊〉 war was appointed to Camillus extraordinarily: and to assist him therein, it sell 〈◊〉 L. Fari●● his lot, one of the State-Tribunes, not so much for the good of the Commonweal, as to minister unto his fellow all matter of honour and renown: as well in public, (〈◊〉 that he set all upright ag●ine, which by the rashness of Lucius was fallen down) as also in private, for that out of his error and misdoing, Marcus Furius, rather sought for thanks and love at his hands, than aimed at any vain glory to himself. Camillus was now far grown and 〈◊〉 years and very aged, and when in the assembly for Election, he was about to take the 〈…〉 os o●h, for to excuse his feeble and crazy body, the people with one consent would not permit him. Howbeit for all his age, he carried a lively spirit & lusty courage with him full: his senses were all fresh & sound: and the late civil affairs had stirred him up and gave him anedge, who now had no great mind to manage martial exploits. So he gathered a power of four legions, consisting of 4000 a piece, & made proclamation that all his forces should be ready the next day, at the gate Esquilina, & then he put himself in his journey to Satricum. The enemy who had won the Colony, nothing dismayed thereat, & trusting in the number of his soldiers, wherein he had the better by odds, expected and stayed his coming there: And so soon as he understood that the Romans approached, forthwith came into the field, minding without delay to put it to an hazard and try it out: presuming, that the skill of the Romans general, were he never so singular (in whom their enemies only trusted) would little or nought avail, in regard they were so few in number. The Roman army was as hot as they, and one of their Generals as forward every way. And presently without any stay, had they tried the fortune of a battle, but for the policy and rule of one man; who by holding off, and protracting time of fight, fought so to help himself through good order and skill. But so much the more the enemy urged still, and was more sharp set: so as now he not only ranged his men before his own camp in battle array, but also set forward into the mids of the field: and advancing himself with ensigns displayed, near unto the trench and rampire of his enemies, made a proud bravado and show of his strength, whereupon he bore himself so confidently. This could the Roman soldiers hardly endure: and L. Furius one of the Tribunes Military, had more ado by far to digest and put up that at the enemy's hand. And a venturous knight he was, both by reason of his youthful years and natural disposition: and also puffed up with hope of the multitude, which commonly taketh heart, and presumeth upon smallest grounds, and buildeth upon greatest uncertain ties. And the soldiers being of themselves already hot enough, he inflamed and set them more on fire, by elevating and making light of his fellows reputation, 
L. Furius to hit soldiers.  in regard of his old age, the only thing that he could allege: giving out ever and among, that wars were for young men, that men's hearts flourished and faded as their bodies did; which was seen in Camillus, who of a most valorous and forward warrior, was now become a draw-back and a temporiser, and one that would take his leisure: and he that was wont, so soon as he came to a place, with the first assault to win forts & strong towns, now within his mures and rampire sat still and trifled out the time. And what hopes had he? Dreameth he, that either his own power should increase, or his enemy's strength decrease? What occasion, what opportunity of time, what place of vantage for ambush laid he for? Tush, these policies and inventions of the good old man, are cold and clumsy, God wot. In faith, Camillus, as he hath lived long enough, so hath he gained glory enough. To what purpose then (quoth he) should we suffer the whole puissance of a city, which ought indeed to be immortal, for to age and wax old with the body of one man, whom all men see to be but mortal. With these and such like words he had drawn away the whole camp after him: and when from all parts thereof, they called hard, 
L. Furius to M. Furius.  and cried for battle; We are not able (quoth he) o M. Furius, to keep in and repress any longer the violence of our soldiers: and as for the pride of the enemy, whose courage by our delays we have increased, and who insulteth over us, it is intolerable. Giveplace then, you that are but one man, and yield unto us al. Suffer yourself to be overcome with reason and counsel, that you may sooner overcome by force and arms. Hereunto Camillus made answer again: What wars soever (quoth he) unto this present day have by mine own entire conduct, 
M. Furius his answer to L. Furius, and the soldiers:  and sole direction been managed, neither can you nor the people of Rome deny, but that in them you never repented, either of my policy or happy success. Now I know full well, that I have a companion joined with me, in government and rule of equal commission; for the prime and lustiness of youth, much above me, & my better. And as to the army, I have indeed been used ever to command, and not to be commanded: but yet my fellows authority, I cannot be against. Let him do in god's name, what he thinketh good for the Commonweal, and Godspeed his hand. Only in regard of mine old age I crave this favour, that I may not be set in the forefront: but for other devoirs, look what an old man may or aught to do in war, therein surely I shall not fail. And this one thing would I crave at the hands of the immortal gods, that some notable mishap be fall not, to make my former counsel good and praiseworthy. But neither would men be ruled by his advice so profitable and wholesome, nor the gods vouchsafe to hear his prayers so holy and devout. Then Lucius Furius, the author and principal persuader of battle, setteth the vanguard in array. Camillus he fortifieth the regiments and squadrons for supply in the rearward: but above all, he placeth a strong guard before the camp. Himself took up his standing on a higher place, to behold and mark the issue of another man's counsel. So soon as at the first brunt and encounter, they rustled and made a noise with their armour, the enemies for the nonce (of policy, and not for fear) gave footing and lost ground. Now, there was behind them on their back a pretty rising of an hill, between their camp and the battle: and by reason that they were well stored of men, they had left behind them in the camp certain strong companies armed and well appointed: with this instruction, that whiles both armies were hard in fight, and when their enemies should come near their trench and rampire, they might ●allie out on a sudden upon them. The Romans following out of measure upon the enemies as they recoiled, were drawn upon the disadvantage of the ground, and gave occasion and fit opportunity unto the enemy to issue out of the camp upon them. So the terror returned upon the supposed victorers, by reason both of the newsupplies of the enemies, and also of the fall and descent of the hill: and forced the battle of the Romans to give back. The Volscians that charged them from out of the camp, and were fresh and lusty, pressed hard upon them: they also that made as though they fled, began now to fight again. The Roman soldiers forgetting now both their late lustiness, and their ancient honour, retired not easily and softly in good order, but plain turned their backs on all sides, fled amain by heaps, and ran a-vie toward their own camp. 
M. Fu●● Case 〈◊〉 to his soldio●●●●ying ●●ay.  Whereat Camillus being by them that attended about his person, mounted upon a good courser, and with all the speed he could make, opposing the squadrons of the rearward against the enemy: Is this (quoth he) the fight, you soldiers, that ye so called for? what God, what man can ye lay the weight on now? It was your rashness and foolhardiness afore: and it is your dastardly cowardice now, and nothing else, that is the cause of all this. Followed ye have already one General. Follow Camillus now a while: and as ye have been always wont by my leading, once more win the victory. What look you toward the hold and the camp? there is no coming thither, there is no being there for any of you without victory. At the first they were ashamed, and stayed themselves from farther flight: but after that they saw once the ensigns wheel about, and the squadrons turn again, they made head, and charged the enemy amain. And the General himself, a man renowmedfor so many triumphs, and besides, for his venerable age so reverend, even amongst the foremost ensigns, amid the greatest perils, & most distresses, advanced forth in person. Hereupon every one for his part, set the better leg forward, provoked his fellow withal, and encouraged one another, so as with a cheerful and lively shout, the whole field rang again. Neither was the other Tribune behind hand for his part: but being sent by his Colleague unto the horsemen (whiles he in the mean time marshaled again the footmen in order) not by way of chiding (for what might he avail thereby, so long as he was himself in fault as well as the rest?) but laying aside all lordly command, fell wholly to entreating, and besought them both all and some to quit themselves like men, and acquit him of the guilt and blame of that unlucky days work. 
●. Furius to his 〈…〉.  Indeed (quoth he) when my brother Camillus would not agree thereto, but expressly forbade, yet I chose rather to be partaker of the folly and rashness of all, than the wisdom and sage advice of one. Camillus (come what will of it, speed you well, or speed you ill) ●eeth the glory will be his: but I, unless the battle be revived, shall take such part as you all, (a most miserable and piteous case) but the shame will redound and light upon my head and none else. Well, at length they agreed, and thought it best to abandon their horses to bestow them among the waving and disordered companies, and on foot to make head upon the enemies. Thus they go both together, as bravely minded with resolution, as they were richly and gorgeously armed. And in what part soever they saw the footmen most distressed, there wanted neither in the Generals nor in the soldiers, courage in the highest degree to fight it out lustily. Well was it seen by the happy event, that valorous endeavours speed ever well. For the Volscians the same way that erewhile they made semblance of giving ground upon a counterfeit fear, now fled in good sadness as hard as they could. 
The Volscians defeated.  A great number both in the conflict, and after in the chase were slain. As for the rest that remained in the camp, which presently at one brunt was won, more of them were taken prisoners than killed. In the view and account taken of the captives, there were some of them known to be Tusculans, who were shed apart from the rest, and brought before the State-Tribunes. And upon examination, confessed fla●ly, that they served by the public warrant of the city. Camillus herewith disquieted, for fear of war from so near neighbours, said he would forthwith have those prisoners with him to Rome, that the Lords of the Senate might not be ignorant how the Tusculans were revolted from their society. In the mean while, his brother Tribune might, if he so pleased, have the regiment of the leaguer and the host. That days work had taught him now, not to prefer his own ways before the better counsel of another. And yet neither he himself, nor any man else in the army, thought that Camillus would quietly digest this fault of his, whereby the State of the Commonwealth was driven upon so dangerous a point of downfall. And as well in the host, as also at Rome, it was rise and currant in every man's mouth: that whereas the fight with the Volscians was variable, and the service doubtful: For the ill speed, the discomfiture, and the running away, L. Furius was all in fault: but for the good success, Camillus only had all the honour.  
When the captives were brought into the counsel house, and the Lords of the Senate were of opinion and determined war against the Tusculans, and had laid the charge thereof upon Camillus, he requested to have an assistant joined with him in commission: and being left to his own choice to take whom he would of all his companions in office, contrary to all men's expectation, he chose L. Furius. By which moderation of his affections, and good carriage of himself, he both delayed the infamy of his colleague, and won himself great glory and commendation. Yet for all this, 
The prudent dis●simulation of the Tusculans.  proceeded not they to any war with the Tusculans. For they by their constant observation of peace, kept off the violence of the Romans, which by force of arms they had not been able. When the Romans entered and invaded their territory, they went not so much as out of those places that lay near the high way, whereas the enemy marched: they forlet not the tilling of their grounds, but kept the gates of their city wide open, came forth solemnly in their long gowns to meet with the LL. Generals in the way, and brought victuals right courteously to serve the army, as well out of the city as country. Camillus having pitched down his tents before the gates, and desirous to know, whether there were the same appearance of peace within the walls, as bare show abroad in the country, entered the city: and seeing the doors standing open, the shop windows up, all kind of wares set out to sale upon the bulks: the Craftsmen and Artisans busily every one occupied at his work: the Gram●●er-schooles ringing again with a chirme of scholars, learning and saying their lessons: the streets full of women and children amongst the other common people going too & fro about their business: he could perceive no where about him any thing that carried a resemblance of fearful men no nor so much as of those that made any wonder at their coming in that warlike order. Thus cast he his eyes into every corner, seeking where this war should be. For there was not so much as any token to be seen, either of aught removed out of the way, or brought in place, upon this present occasion: but all in so settled quietness and peace, as if they had scarcely heard any inkling or rumour of hostility. 
Camillus to th● Senat of Tusculum.  Being therefore overcome with this patience and sufferance of the enemies, he caused their Senate to assemble, unto whom he spoke in this wise: ye alone to this day of all that I know, o??? Tusculans, have found the only armour of proof, & the forcible sense indeed, to save yourselves and all ye have from the Romans ire. Go your ways to Rome unto the Senate there. The Lords of the counsel will weigh and consider, whither ye deserved more punishment before, than pardon now. I will not forestall and pick myself a private thank for a public benefit. At my hands ye shall have this favour and liberty, to speak for yourselves and plead your own cause: as the Senate shall think good, so shall your speed of your suit. After that the Tusculans were come to Rome, and their Senate (who but a while afore had been faithful Allies and kept their allegiance) seen to stand waiting with heavy cheer and giving their attendance at the entry of the court and counsel chamber: the Lords of the Roman Senate, were presently moved thereat, and caused them forthwith to be called in, and received by way of hospitality, more like than hostility. Then the dictator of Tusculum made this speech & said: Right honourable Senators, 
The Dictator of T●sculum to the Senate of Rome.  we against to encounter your Generals and Legions, armed and appointed as ye see us at this present standing in the porch of your counsel house. This was our array, this was the habit of our Commons, and always shall be, unless at any time we shall put on arms for you and in your quarrel. Thanks we yield to your captains and to your armies, that they have believed rather their eyes than their cares: and where they saw no hostility at all, there they offered none themselves. That peace which we have showed and observed, the same crave we humbly still at the hands of your clemency. Turn we beseech you from us your forces thither, where war is to be found. And if we must needs make trial (by suffering aught) of your puissance and power bend against us, we will try it surely without armour. This is our full resolution, God grant it prove as fortunate, as it is well meant and proceeding from a single heart. As for the trespasses, whereupon ye were moved to denounce war against us: although it be bootless and to no purpose to disprove that by words, which by deed is already proved: yet surely, were they never so true, we think verily, that without prejudice to ourselves, we may safely confess the same; since that we have so evidently repent thereof. And for you, so long as you be worthy to have so full satisfaction made, it skilleth not, what default or transgression be committed against you. Thus much in effect spoke the Tusculans. At the very instant they obtained peace: and not long after, the right of free burgeosie, to be made citizens of Rome. So the Legions were withdrawn back again from Tusculum. Thus Camillus having won great honour by his policy and valour both, in the Volscian war: by his happy success in the journey of Tusculum: by his singular patience and carriage of himself, toward his companion in government, as well in the one place as the other, went out of his Magistracy: there being created Tribunes Military for the next year, L. Valerius the fifth time, and Pub. Valerius the third time. C. Servilius the third time. Licinius Menenius the second time. P. Papyrius, Serg. Cornelius Maluginensis.  
There was this year need of Censors also, by reason especially of the doubtful rumours that ran concerning debts: whiles of the one side the Tribunes of the Commons did aggravate the greatness thereof, and made it seem an odious matter: and they again of the other side, did elevate and made little of the same, for whom it was good & beneficial, that the lent money should be thought abroad, in danger of being lost: for that (say they) the debtors cautelously rather would not, than for ability could not, keep their credit and make payment. So there were created Censors, C. Sulpitius Camerinus, Sp. Pohstumius Regillensis. And this matter now already commenced, was broken off by the death of Posthumius, because it would have bred a scruple to choose another Censor in the room of him diseased. When Sulpitius therefore had resigned up his place, it fell out so that other new Censors upon some error committed in their creation, exercised not their office: and to choose a third time they made a scruple, so spice conscienced were they, 
The Tribun●e of the 〈◊〉 the Senat.  as if the Gods were not well pleased with that office for that year. But the Tribunes would not endure this deluding of the Commons, but gave it forth that it was intolerable: saying, That the Senate sought to avoid the exhibiting of public records and books, which gave testimony of the valuation of every man's substance to the worth: because they would not have the sums of debts to be seen and known; which might bewray and plainly show, that one part of the city was even eaten up and devoured of the other: and in the mean time the poor Commons so deeply engaged, were packed away, and sent forth against these enemies & those: and now without all regard and discretion, they fought occasions to quarrel and make war in every place. From Antium to Satricum, from Satricum to Velitre, from thence to Tusculum have your Legions been posted. And now forsooth, there is war intended against the Latins, Hernicks and Prenestines: for hatred rather of the citizens here at home, than of the enemies abroad: and all to wear out the Commons with continual wars, and to afford them no breathing while within the city: that in time of rest, they might remember and think upon their freedom, keep their rooms in common assembly, where they might yet at the length hear their Tribunes voice, pleading for the easement of usury, and for a final end of all injuries. But and if the Commons had the heart, and carried that mind with them, as to call to remembrance their ancestors liberty, they would suffer neither any citizen of Rome to be awarded to bondage for debt, nor any musters to be taken, until a view were made and just account had, of every man his debts, and some course taken for abating the same: that each man might know, what he had of other men's goods, what remained of his own: whether his body were left free, or at the mercy of his creditor, to lie in cold iron and baleful prison. This hire and salary of sedition, this reward once propounded aforehand, stirred up (you may be sure) a mutiny soon after. For whereas there were many adjudged to be bound unto their creditors, and the Senators had decreed new Legions to be levied, for the bruit and rumour that went of the Prenestine wars: both matters began to be hindered fortaking any effect, as well by the Tribunes help as the Commons accord. For neither would the Tribunes suffer those that were condemned to be led to prison: nor yet the younger sort of the Commons, enter their names in the Muster master his book. And the Senators for the present, less minded the execution of judgement for the creditors behoove, than the mustering. For why? News came already, that the enemies had put themselves in their journey from Preneste, and were encamped in the Sabines country. And all this while, the very tidings hereof rather quickened and provoked the Tribunes of the Commons to the broil that was begun, than frighted them any jote from it. Neither would any thing serve to quench the sedition in the city, until the war was come in manner to the very walls. For the Prenestines had intelligence given them, that in Rome there was no army gathered, no General certainly known: the Senators and Commons at jar and together by the ears. 
The Predestined 〈…〉 of Rome.  Their captains hereupon, taking this vantage and opportunity, with a running camp invaded, spoiled and wasted the fields all afore them as they went, and came with banners displayed before the gate Collina. Great fear was in the city, every man cried Alarm, ran up to the walls to man them, and to the gates to ward them. And at the last they left their mutinies, turned to the wars, and created T. Quintius Cintinnatus dictator. He appointed for his General of horsemen, A. Sempronius A●atinu●. This was not so soon voiced abroad (so great a terror went always with that magistrate) but the enemies withal dislodged and departed from the walls: and the younger sort of the Romans, without any hasting and drawing back, upon the proclamation, gathered together. Whiles forces were thus a raising at Rome, the enemies pitched their camp not far from the river Allia: and as they harried the country allabout, they bragged and vaunted among themselves, that they had gotten that very plot of ground, which was ever fatal to the destruction of the city of Rome. Here will be (say they) the like fight, from hence will they fly, no doubt, as sometimes they did before in the Gauls war. For if the Romans feared that dismal and unlucky day, noted with the infamous name of this place; how much more will they dread the river Allia itself, in memorial of their so great overthrow, than the only bare day Alliensis? Certes, when they are come hither, they will think they see again the grim looks, and hear the hideous voices of those savage Gauls. Thus rolling and tossing with themselves these toyish conceits, rising of as vain and foolish presumptions, they tested wholly and reposed their full hope in the lucky persuasion only of the place. The Romans contrariwise knew full well, that their enemies the Latin●s, were (wheresoever they were) the very same men still, and no other, whom for the space of one hundred years, they held peaceably and quietly as their devoted vassals in subjection. And as for the place noted in deed, for the memorial of that late diffeature and loss sustained, it might rather stir them up and set an edge upon them to abolish and cancile the remembrance of that shameful disgrace, than put them in fear, that any ground should be so unfortunate, as to be a bar unto their victory. Nay if the very Gauls themselves came now in their way, they would so fight with them even in that ground, as they did at Rome, in the recovery of their country: as they did the morrow after at Gabijs: when they bore themselves so valiantly, that no one enemy that entered within the walls of Rome, wen●ever home again to tell news how they sped, well or ill. Thus on both sides being resolute, and courageously bend, they met at Allia. The Roman dictator discovering the enemies arranged in battle array, 
T. Quintius 〈…〉 to A. 〈◊〉.  within sight. See you not (quoth he) o??? A. Sempronius, how they have stayed at Allia, presuming upon the luckines of the place? No surer confidence no greater help may they have, I pray God. But you, with trusty armour, keen weapons, and doughty courage, set spurs to horse, gallop amongst the thickest of their main battle with your horsemen. ay, with the legions on foot, will advance mine ensigns, & display them, in their faces, and charge them hotly when they are disbanded ones, and put in fear. Assist us now, and aid us, o ye gods (the witnesses of our league) & punish them duly for their deserts, both in dishonouring your divine majesty, and deceiving us in your name, whom they called solemnly to witness. Neither horsemen nor footmen, could the Prenestines abide, but at the very first shout & shock were the ranks broken. And seeing their battaillons in no place whole and kept together, they fled: and amazed as they were in that confused fear, and carried away beyond their own camp, they stayed not running for life, until by good footmanship they were come within the fight of Preneste. There, all such as had been scattered in the flight, met together, and chose a plot of ground to fortify in that haste as well as they could: lest peradventure, if they had put themselves within the town, forthwith their villages should have been fired, and after all consumed and spoiled, the town also might fortune to be besieged. But when the Roman Conqueror after the rifling of their camp at Allia, was once come toward them and discovered, they abandoned that fortalso, and got within the town Preneste, thinking themselves scarce safe enough within the walls thereof. Eight towns besides there were under the signory of the Prenestines, against which the dictator warred round: and having won them all, one after another without much ado, he brought his army against Velitre, and got that town also by assault. Then came he to the principal head and very seat town of the war, Preneste▪ which was not by force won, but by surrender yielded up into his hands. And T. Quintius thus having obtained one victory i n a pight field, won two camps and holds of the enemies, conquered by force nine towns, and regained Preneste surrendered unto him, returned home again to Rome. In his triumph he carried aloft the Image of jupiter, 
jupiter Imper●tor.  surnamed Emperor, which he brought from Preneste, and set it up in the Capitol, where it was placed and dedicated between the shrines of jupiter and Minerva: and in a table of brass fixed under it, was the monument of this noble exploit recorded and engraven in these or such like words: T. QUINTIUS dictator, BY THE GRACIOUS HELP OF JUPITER, AND ALL THE REST OF THE GOD'S, WAN NINE TOWNS. So on the 20 day after his creation, he resigned up his Dictatorship.  
Then was the assembly holden for electing of Tribunes Military with Coff. authority, who were equally chosen from out of the Nobility and the Com. Of Nobles were created, P. and C. Manlius, with L. julius. The Commons yielded C. Sextilius, M. Albinus, and L. Antislius. Upon the two Manlij, for that in blood and degree they were above the Commoners, and for favour more gracious than julius, the province of the Volscians was bestowed extraordinarily, without casting lots, or parting together by agreement of the Colleagues amongst themselves. Which both they themselves rued, and the Senators also (that would have it so) repented afterwards. For without any espials, sent out aforehand to scour the coasts, they had set forth certain cohorts or companies (of footmen) a foraging, and when upon a false alarm that those were beset and entrapped, they marched themselves apace after, to their rescue and convoy, & kept not with them still, the reporter of these tidings (who being indeed a Latin and an enemy, but disguised in the habit of a Roman soldier, had deceived them) they fell headlong into a train and ambushment laid of purpose for them. And whiles they made resistance with main force only, in a ground of great disadvantage (giving and taking the like measure) they were killed and slain on either side. But in the mean time their enemies from another quarter, entered the camp of the Romans, lying open in the plain. Thus in both places, things went but badly and untowardly, & all through the rashness and unskilfulness of the leaders. And what remained unfoiled for the fortune of the people of Rome, that, was preserved by the hardy and resolute valour of the Roman soldiers only, without the help of general and commander. Upon which news reported at Rome, at the first it was thought good to choose a Dictator: but afterwards when tidings came, that all was whole, and the Volscians quiet, and that it was well seen they knew not how to use a victory when they had it, nor to take the opportunity of the time, whiles it offered itself; both the Generals & the army were sent for home from thence, and so, for the Volscians they were at rest afterwards. Only in the very end of the year, there arose some new stir and sudden tumult, by reason that the Prenestines having solicited the people of the Latins, entered into rebellion again. In the same year the men of Setia made moan of themselves for want of people, and thither new Coloners were assigned to inhabit there.  
Albeit the Romans sped but badly in wars, yet the quietness at home was some comfort: which the Tribunes Military chosen from out of the Commons had procured, by reason that they were so gracious and reverenced among those of their own coat and faction. All the beginning of the year following, was at the first on a light fire with door discord and mutiny, when Sp. Farius, Q. Servilius the second time, Licinius Menenius the third time, P. Cloelius, M. Horatius and L. Geganius were Tribunes Military with Consul's authority. The matter and cause of which seditious broils, were the debts above specified. For the due inquisition whereof, and to know to what sums they amounted. Sp. Servilius Priscus, and Q. Cloelius Siculus were made Censors, but stopped they were for doing any thing, by occasion of wars. For first fearful messengers in all hast brought word, and after, the flight of the country people confirmed it, that the legions of the Volscians were entered into the confines, and fell to spoiling every where the territory about Rome. Notwithstanding which fear and foreign terror, so little were the civil discords appeased, that chose the Tribunes of the Commons extended their power with more violence to hinder the levy of soldiers, until they had indented and capitulated with the Senators, that so long as the wars lasted, no man should either contribute and be charged with any impost, or be sued in any action of debt. When the Com. took hold once of this easement and liberty, the musters were delayed no longer. And after they had levied and enroled two new legions, it was thought convenient that the legions should be divided, and two armies sent forth into the Volscians country. So Furius and M. Horatius, went on the right hand along the sea coast to Antium. Q. Servilius & L. Geganius on the left hand, by the way of the mountains to Ecerra. But on neither side met they with the enemy. Whereupon they fell to harrying the country, not here and there in scattering wise, as the Volscians had done, after the manner of robbers, at starts upon advantage taken of their enemy's discord, and by stealth for fear of their valour: but being a full power & army of men, and justly provoked to anger, the longer they continued there, the fouler work they made. For the Volscians standing in fear, least in the mean while they should be encountered with a power from Rome, had made roads only into the utmost frontiers. But chose, the Romans made stay in the enemy's land, the rather to train them forth, and draw them to a field-fight. Having therefore burned up, in a manner, all the uplandish houses and graunges, and some villages also, and left behind them no fruitful tree standing, nor the sown corn for hope of grain, and driven away whole booties of men, women, and cartel, which they could light on without the walls; they reduced their armies of both sides home again to Rome. In this mean while the debtors had some little respite to breath themselves in. But so soon as all was quiet from enemies abroad, they began afresh to be sued and troubled by their creditors at home. And so small hope they had to be released of their old usury, that they fell into a new, by reason of a contribution collected toward a well, which the Censors had set out to be made of square Ashler stone. To yield unto this imposition and burden, the Commons were driven, because there was no muster for the Tribunes of the Commons to hinder. Forced they were likewise through the might and power of the great men, to admit for Tribunes military, all of the Nobility, to wit, L. Aemylius, P. Valerius the fourth time, C. Veturius, Servius Sulpitius, L. and C. Quintiij Cincinnatij.  
By the same strong hand also they prevailed so much, that without impeachment of any man; all the younger sort took the military oath, so that they levied three armies against the Latins and Volscians: who joining their legions together, had encamped themselves at Satricum. One army was gathered for the defence of the city: another to be set out against all sudden wars, if happily elsewhere some tumult should arise: & a third, of all other the strongest, was under the conduct of P. Valerius, & L. Aemylius, led to Satricum. Where, finding the enemies embattled in good array upon a plain and even ground, they charged upon them presently. But ere that they had gotten the victory evidently in sight, and were but only in some good hope of having a fair day of their enemies, the rain so poured down with huge storms and tempests, that it parted both hosts asunder. The morrow after began a fresh conflict. And for a good while, the legions of the Latins especially, which by long alliance with the Romans had learned their manner of warfare, stood to it as valiantly, and sped as fortunately as the Romans. At length, the Roman horsemen that road in amongst them, broke their ranks; and when they were once disarraied, the footmen displayed their ensigns, and advanced upon them: and look how much the Romans battle set forward, so much the enemies gave backward. But when they began once to faint in their fight, than the violence of the Romans was intolerable. Thus the enemies were discomfited and scattered: and flying not toward their camp, but to Satricum, which was two miles off, they were by the horsemen especially beaten down, trod underfoot and slain. Their tents were taken and rifled. From Satricum they dislodged, the next night after the battle was fought, and marched in great haste (as if they fled) to Antium. And albeit the Roman army followed them by the tracks hard at heels, yet their footmanship served them better in their fear, than it did the Romans, for all their anger. So the enemies put themselves within the town walls, before the Romans could overtake them, and either cut off the tail of their rearward, or force them to stay. After this, some days were spent in wasting the country. For neither were the Romans sufficiently provided with warlike engines of battery and artillery to assail their walls, nor they well appointed to abide battle in plain field. Then arose some discord within the town, between the Latins and the Antiates. The Antiates, of one side wearied with calamities that follow long wars, wherewith all their life time they had been exercised even to their old age, were of mind to yield. The Latins, by reason of their late revolt and rebellion (whiles after so long peace, their courages continued yet fresh) were more forward and earnest to maintain wars stil. But when they saw on both sides that they might do as they purposed, and follow their own designments, without being hindered one of another, their strife was soon ended. So the Latins leaving their fellowship and society of peace, so unhonest and dishonourable (as they thought it) departed from them, and stood out still to revenge their own quarrels. But the Antiates being well rid of these Counsellors of theirs, so cross unto all wholesome courses, tending to their good and safety, yielded up their town and country to the Romans. But the anger and furiours rage of the Latins, for that they could neither annoy the Romans by wars, not keep the Volscians still in arms, broke out thus far, that they fired the city Satricum, which had been the first place of refuge, after their defeature and unhappy fight. Neither left they any house in that city standing, but set fire upon all indifferently, as well profane as holy aedifices: only the Church of Dame Matuta they spared. From which, it was neither any religion and conscience of their own, nor fear of the gods that kept them, but (as men report) a fearful voice heard out of the Temple with heavy threats, unless they held their hands, and kept them far enough from burning the sacred habitations so impiously. In this rage and mad fit of theirs, to Tusculum they go: for very spite that they forsaking the general counsel of the Latins, had not only yielded themselves to be in league with the Romans, but also became incorporate citizens with them. And coming upon them on a sudden, while their gates were open, at the first shout the whole town, all but the Castle, was surprised. The townsmen with their wives and children were thither fled: and sent messengers to Rome with certificate to the Senate of this sudden and unlooked for accident. And with all speed (as appertained to the fidelity of the people of Rome) an army was led to Tusculum: whereof L. Quintius and Servius Sulpitius, had the conduct. At Tusculum they found the gates fast shut against them, and the Latins, as men both besieging and besieged. And whiles of the one side they intended the defence of the walls, on the other side assaulted the castle, at one time they were afraid themselves, and put others in fear likewise. But the coming of the Romans wrought a great change and alteration in the hearts of both parties. For it caused the Tusculans of fearful men to become exceeding cheerful: and the Latins who made full reckoning to win the fortress out of hand, as being masters already of the town, had but small hope now to help and save themselves. The Tusculans they set up a great shout from the Keep: and answered it was again with a greater from the Roman army. The Latins were put to it hard on both sides: For neither were they able to abide the violence of the Tusculans running down the hill upon them, not to put by and keep off the Romans, coming hard under the walls, and assaying to break the bars of the gates. First they scaled the walls and got upon them: after, they broke the portcullies down. Thus the Latins environed with enemies both before and behind, that pressed sore upon them, having neither strength enough left to fight, nor room of ground to make an escape, were slain in the midst between the enemies, every mother's son. So when Tusculum was recovered out of the enemy's hands, the army was brought back again to Rome.  
But the more quietness there was that year without the city by reason of prosperous wars, the more increased the violence and hard dealing of the Senators within: and the calamities of the Commons grew every day more than other. For they wanted means and were not able to pay for the interest that needs must be paid. When nothing therefore was to be had, to make payment out of their goods, they were adjudged and awarded to satisfy their creditors in their body and name: and so their punishment served in steed of keeping their credit & discharging the consideration. Whereupon, not only the meanest of the Commons, but also the very chief, began now to let fall their hearts and to stoop so low, that there was not a witty & nimble headed man and of experience amongst them, that would put himself forth to stand to be a Tribune Military, in concurrence with the Nobles, (which they had so earnestly shot at and laboured for) no nor so much as to bear and sue for any offices of the Commons. So as the Senators now, seemed to have recovered again for ever to themselves, the possession of that dignity, which the Commons of late, for some few years, had usurped and occupied over their heads. But that this other side might not joy too much hereat, a final occurrent happened between which (as it falleth out most commonly) gave the occasion and first footing to an enterprise of much importance.  
M. Fabius Ambustus a great and mighty man, as well amongst those of his own calling, as also with the Commons, (whom he was reputed never to despise, as other did of his condition and estate) had two daughters married forth: the elder unto Servius Sulpitius: the younger unto C. Licinius Stolo, a man verily of good worth and reckoning, but yet a Commoner. And Fabius disdaining not this alliance and affinity, won himself much love and favour among the Commons. Now it fell out so, that these sisters were upon a time together in the house of Servius Sulpitius, then, Tribune Military: and as they passed the time away (as the manner is) in much good talk, discoursing one with another of many matters, it chanced that a Sergeant or verger of Sulpitius, at what time as he was coming home from the Forum or common hall, rapped as the order was, with his rod at the door. When the younger Fabia not acquainted with those fashions, was thereat somewhat amazed, her sister making a wonder at her ignorance, laughed her to scorn. But that laughter (as woman's minds, god wot, are soon kindled with a little) set her a work and hammered in her head. Besides, the train of many that came about her, weighting and giving attendance, ready to know her pleasure and what she would, mended the matter much. I suppose she thought her sister happily wedded, and repented her own marriage; upon an ill and s●ister judgement, whereby every man repineth that his neighbour and nearest of kin especially, should go beyond him and do better than he. Upon this discontentment and fresh heartburning of hers, her father haply seeing her dismayed, asked her whether all were well at home? But when she would have turned the cause of her grief another way, (for that it stood neither with her love and kindness towards her sister, to envy her estate; nor yet with the reverend honour that she was to yield unto her husband, to find fault with her own) he with mild questioning came about her so, that he drew from her the truth: so as the confessed her grief to arise upon this, that she was disparaged; and namely married not according to her quality, but into an house uncapable both of worship & favour. Then Ambastus, comforting his daughter, willed her to be of good cheer, and said, That ere it were long, she should see the same state, the same advancement and dignity at home, which she had seen already in her sister's house. Hereupon began he to plot with his son in law, joining also unto them L. Sextius, a stout young man, and one that was like enough to come to preferment, but that he was not of noble race. Good occasion & opportunity they seemed to have of compassing some alteration in the State, by reason of the excessive debts that men were grown into: for the redressing and easing of which malady, the Com. had no other hope, but in advancing some of themselves into the sovereign room of government. They thought it needful therefore, presently to address themselves to the execution of these designments, considering that by endeavour & industry, the Commoners were climbed to that degree already, from whence if they would enforce & put themselves forward, they had but one step more unto the highest, & might be equal with the Nobles, as well in honour as in virtue & prowess. And for the present, it was thought good to make them, two Trib. of the Com. in which office they might open a way unto themselves, for other dignities. So C. Licinius & L. Sex. proposed laws, all tending to abate the power & might of the Nobles, & wholly for the good & benefit of the Com. 
The laws of Licinius and Sextius.  One, as touching taking order for debts: That when so much was defaulked & deducted out of the princip all, as had been paid for the use & interest, the residue should be discharged by even portions in 3. years. A second, concerning a proportion & quantity of lands, That no man might hold in possession above 500. acres. The third, That from thenceforth there should be no Election of Trib. Military, but of Coss. provided always, that one of them be chosen out of the Com. Matters all of right great weight and consequence, and such as without exceeding strife and contention, could not possibly be carried and obtained. Thus when all those things at once lay a bleeding, and were in hazard to be lost, which the whole world unmeasurably coveteth and longeth after, to wit, land, money, and promotions: the Senators were put in a bodily fear, and began to startle. And laying their heads together both in public consultation and private conference, they could devise no other remedy, but that which in many bickerments already they had tried, namely, the stepping between and negative voice of some of the Tribunes. And so, to cross those bills aforesaid put up by these two Tribunes, they had wrought & made to their purpose certain of their own brotherhood. Who so soon as they saw the wards or tribes called forth by Licinius and Sextius, to give their suffrages, being well backed and guarded with the assistance of the Senators, would suffer neither those laws to be read, not any other besides (as yearly they used) to pass by the voices of the Commons. Thus the two Tribunes aforesaid, having oftentimes (but ever in vain) assembled the people together, and seeing their laws still nipped, as it were, in the head for ever going forward; It is very well (quoth Sextius) and since ye like so well that these Inhibitions may prevail so much: we will likewise defend the Commons with the same weapon and no other. Go to now my masters of the Nobility, proclaim an Election for the creation of Tribunes Military: I will make I trow, that this word [
* I forbid. It was the negative voice of the Tribunes.  Vcto] shall do yourselves no good at all: howsoever now ye take so great pleasure to hear our brethren keep that note still, and evermore sing that sweet concert of music. And surely, those threats proved in deed to good earnest and took effect. For there was no Election at all but of Aediles and Tribunes, and those both of the Commons. For Licinius and Sextius being chosen Tribunes again, suffered no Magistrates of the Chair or of State, to be created. Which defect and desolation of sovereign Magistracy continued in the city for the space of five years: whiles the Commons for their part chose the same two Tribunes still, and they again ever laid a bar and put in a caveat, against the Election of Tribunes Military.  
All other wars, as good hap was, were a sleep for the time. The Coloners only of Velitre, upon so long rest and quietness began to be lusty and wax wanton: and for that there was no army of the Romans stirring abroad, they not only made inroads sundry times into the territory of Rome, but also assailed the town Tusculum. And when the Tusculans, the ancient Allies and new enfranchised citizens of Rome craved help, the Senators and Commons both, were moved especially for very shame to succour them. And the Tribunes of the Commons yielded at length, and permitted an assembly for Election, to be holden by an Interegent: and Trib. Military there were created L. Furius, A. Manlius, Ser. Sulpitius, Ser. Cornelius, A. & C. Valerij. Who found not the Commons so tractable in the mustering, as they were pliable in giving their voices at the Election. Yet, after much ado & great contention they levied an army, and set forward on their journey: drove the enemies not from Tusculum only, but forced them within their own walls: besieged Velitre more straightly a great deal, and in more forcible manner, than Tusculum had been by them. Howbeit, they that began the siege were not able to win the town. For before that time, were new Tribunes Military chosen, Q. Servilius, C. Veturius, A. and M. Cornelius, Q. Quintius, M. Fabius. Neither performed these Tribunes any notable exploit at Velitre. But the State at home stood in more dangerous terms than before. For besides that Sextius and Licinius, the publishers of those laws aforesaid, were now the eighth time made Trib. of the Commons again, Fabius also a Tribune Military, Stolo his wife's father, was seen openly in the action, to set forward and persuade for the same laws, which in very deed himself had devised. And whereas at the first, eight of the College or company of the Tribunes of the Commons, had crossed the proceeding of them: now there were but five left that showed themselves, and those (as commonly they use to do that disband from their own faction) like men distraught of their wits and amazed, being indeed the tongues and trunks that others spoke by, pretended and made allegations in their prohibition, only as they were schooled and taught their lessons at home: (to wit) That a great sort of the Commons were in the army at Velitre & absent, and that the solemn session or assembly for enacting laws, aught to be adjourned until the return home of the soldiers: to the end that all the Commons generally, might give their voices concerning their own commodity and benefit. 
〈◊〉 Li 〈◊〉 against 〈…〉.  Sextius and Licinius with part of their brethren Tribunes, and M. Fabius one of the Tribunes Military, being their own craftsmasters, knew well enough by so many years' experience, how to manage and handle the minds of the Commons: and plied the chief of the Senators (produced forth before the people) so hard, with intergatories of every particular that was proposed, that they wearied and tired them out. Demanding, how they could require to be allowed themselves top ossesse more than 500 acres a man; whereas the Commons had but two a piece divided amongst them? Whether that every one of them might in equity hold the lands, well near, of three hundred citizens: and a commoner to have hardly ground enough for to build him a necessary house upon, and to serve for a place to bury his dead? Also, whether their will and pleasure was that the Commons oppressed with usury, should yield their bodies to bear irons and suffer torment, unless they paid theinterest before the principal? And that daily by whole companies they should be had away from the bar, condemned to thraldom; and Noble men's houses to become goals, filled and pestered with prisoners? And wheresoever a Patrician dwelled, there should be a private prison? These indignities and piteous matters to be heard, when they had with a loud voice charged upon them, even before those that were afraid of the like measure themselves; with more indignation and disdain of all that heard them, than they themselves showed in the uttering and delivery: But these Senators say they (and that they redoubled) will never make an end either of getting more land still into their hands, or spoiling and undoing the Commons with usury, until the Commons make once out of their body one Consul, for to be the maintainer and protector of their liberty. As for the Tribunes of the Commons, they were now just nothing set by: as who by their privilege of Inhibitions and negative voices, spoiled themselves and overthrew their own power. And never will there be any indifferent and equal course taken, so long as the Nobles keep the sovereign place of command, and the sword to strike whiles the poor Commons have only the buckler hand to ward all venues. For unless the government be parted between both alike, the Commons shall never have their due and equal portion, in the Commonweal. Neither is it reason that any man should stand contented with this only, that in the Election of Consuls, the Commons are eligible and capable of the dignity: for in case, it be not concluded absolutely, that one Consul at the least shall be of necessity a Commoner, there will never be any at all. Have ye forgotten already (say they) that notwithstanding an Act made, That there should be Tribunes Military created rather than Consuls, for this intent, that Commoners might aspire and reach unto the chief place of honour; yet for all that in 44 years' space, there was not so much as one of the Commoners chosen Tribune Military? And will any man believe that they will of their own accord confer upon the Commons (when otherwise they may choose) that dignity in the disposing only of two places, who were ever wont in the making of Tribune Military, to take up eight rooms all wholly to themselves? And will they allow them a way unto the Consulship, who thus long have held the (Consular) Tribuneship so guarded, as no man might have access thither but themselves? Nay it must be gotten by a positive law, which in their assemblies for Election, by favour and grace might not be obtained. One of the Consul's rooms must be set aside, past all peradventure and question, and that for a Commoner, to enter into. For as much as if it stand still upon a choice, the mightier man will ever go away with the game clear. And whereas heretofore they have been wont to allege and say, That the Commons afforded not sufficient and able men to bear the offices of the chair and of state: that, now can not be truly objected. Forwas the Commonweal, I pray, you more slackly and negligently governed upon the (Consular) Tribuneship of P. Licinius, Calvus (who was the first Commoner that ever was made Tribune Military) than it was ruled for those years space, in which there was not a Tribune Military but of the Nobility? Nay, on the contrary side, it will be justified that some of the Nobles were condemned after they were out of their Tribuneship, and not one of the Commoners. And whereas not many years past, we began to make Questors or Treasurers out of the Commons, like as we did Tribunes Military, the people of Rome repented never of the choice of any one of them. It remaineth now, that the Commoners bear the office of Consuls too. That were a fortress of their liberty, that were a strength and sure hold to trust unto. If they were once come and slept to that degree, then may the people of Rome think assuredly and be persuaded, that the KK. are banished indeed out of the city, and their freedom fully established for ever to endure. For, from that day forward shall the Commons be partakers of all those things, wherein the Nobles now surpass them: namely, sovereign rule and authority, martial renown, parentage and Nobility: great ornaments doubtless, unto themselves to enjoie here in this life: but far greater to leave behind them unto their children and posterity. These and such like Orations when they saw to be plausible, and willingly accepted, they preferred a new Statute, That in steed of the two Duumvirs for holy ceremonies and matters of the Church, there might be chosen 10 Decemvirs, Provided always, that one part of them should be created forth of the Commons, and another from among the Nobles. The Session for enacting of all those laws, they deferred until the army was returned, which lay then at the siege before Velitre.  
But the year was come about and fully expired, before the legions were reduced home from thence: and by that means the whole business about these new laws, hung still in suspense, and was put off unto the entrance of the new Tribes Military. As for the Tribunes of the Commons, the Commonalty chose the same again, even those twain who had been the proposers of those laws. And the Tribunes Military were these, T. Quintius, Ser. Cornelius, Ser. Sulpitius, Sp. Servilius, L. Papyrius, L. Veturius. Presently in the beginning of the year, they put it to the very jump and final trial what should become of those laws. And when as the Tribes were called, and none of the Tribunes colleagues stepped between to stop the proceeding of the lawgivers: the Nobles were afraid, and ran unto their two last helps, to wit, the highest and absosolute office, and the greatest man among them. They thought it good therefore to create a dictator. And M. Furius Camillus was nominated, who Elected unto him L. Aemylius for General of the horse. The lawmakers likewise for their part, against so great preparation of their adversaries, armed at all parts the cause of the Commons, with stout stomach and courageous heart. And having assembled an Hall of the Commons, they called forth the wards to give their voices. At what time the dictator accompanied with a great train of Nobles, full of wrath and menacing frowns, took his place and set him down. And after the matter was canvassed first, by the ordinary conflict of the Tribunes among themselves, whiles some propounded, and others gainsaid the law with their negatives forces; and that by how much in right the prohibition was the stronger, so much it was overweighed in favour and affection both of the laws and lawgivers: and when the first Tribes had given their voice (
* [〈◊〉 propound] The 〈…〉.  Viirogatis) affirmatively: then Camillus, for as much as, (quoth he) o Qutrites, ye are ruled now by the will and pleasure, and not by the authority of the Tribunes, & as in times past ye obtained the privilege of a negative voice and 
〈…〉  Intercession by your departure & Sesession, so now ye make it void & nothing worth, even by the same force that ye got it by. ay, chosen dictator as well for your sake as for the whole Commonwealth, will assist your privilege of Intercession, and by mine absolute authority maintain this your help and succour, now renversed and overthrown. If therefore C. Licinius and L. Sextius, give place unto the negative voice and intereeding of their fellows in office, I will not in a meeting and assembly of the Commons, once intermeddle, nor bring in the authority, of a magistrate of the Nobles: but if they shall go forward still (notwithstanding all Prohibition) to impose and give laws unto the city, as if it were won by conquest of the enemy, I will not suffer the Tribunes power by their own selves to be defaced and come to nothing. But (all these big words notwithstanding) when the Tribunes of the Commons made but a tush thereat, and went never the latter forward with their enterprise, the n Camillus thoroughly angered in deed, sent his Lictours and sergeants to command the Commons to avoid the place and depart: Threatening with all, that if they proceeded thus, he would take a Military oath of all the younger people, and lead an army presently forth of the city. This put the Commons in a very great fright, but it set their captains and ringleaders, rather in a greater heat of contention, than abated their courages one jot. And when he saw no relenting on either side, he gave up his office: Whether it were that there was some error in his creation, (as some have written) or because the Tribunes of the Commons had put up a bill to the Commons, and they granted it: that if M. Furius (as dictator) had proceeded to any action, he should have a round fine set on his head of 500000 
* 〈…〉  Asses, I know not certainly. But I believe that he was terrified upon some unlucky signs of the birds, rather than with any such strange Act never heard of before, and without precedent. And hereunto am I induced, both in regard of the disposition of the man, so well given and of so good conscience, and also for that M. Manlius was immediately named dictator in his steed. For to what end should Manlius have been created dictator for that broil and stir, wherein M. Furius had taken the foil before? Again, seeing the same M. Furius was dictator the next year following, doubtless, he would never for shame have resumed that office, wherein the year before he had received the foil and disgrace, to be so over ruled. Over and besides, at the same time when as this bill was supposed to have been preferred, concerning his fine, either he might have withstood it too, (whereby he saw himself to be bridled) or else he had not been able to have hindered so much as those, for which this also was proposed. Finally it was never seen to this day wherein we live, so long as the Tribunes and Consuls with their factions and parts taking have beeneat variance and debate with all their might and main, but evermore the authority of the dictator controlled them all, and put them down.  
Between the former Dictatorship of Camillus now resigned up, and the new by Manlius accepted and begun, there was an assembly of the Commons summoned by the Tribunes, in time as it were of a vacancy or Interreigne: wherein the overture was made and evidently it was seen, which of the laws proposed the Commons liked better, and which the lawgivers. For those that concerned usury and land, they granted to pass, but that other of. a Commoner to be Consul, they denied and dashed quite. And surely both matters had been dispatched fully and established at once, but that the Tribunes said directly, that they required the Commons, to give their voices and speak to all three, directly together. After this, P. Manlius the dictator favoured somewhat, and helped the cause of the Commons, by nominating out of the Commons for his General of horsemen, C. Licinius, who had been a Tribune Military before time. The Senators stormed hereat, as I find in records. And the dictator was wont to excuse the matter unto them, alleging for himself the near affinity and kindred that was between him and Licinius: saying also, that the dignity of the General of horsemen was no greater than of a Tribune Consular. Now when the Election day was published for the Tribunes of the Commons, Licinius and Sextius so demeaned themselves, that by pretending that they would not any longer now continue in the office, they set the Commons on to be most earnest and hotly bend for that, which they under colour of refusal, desired and sought for. They seemed, forsooth, to allege and say, That for these nine years they had stood as it were in battle array, and affronted the States and Nobles of the city, to the right great peril of themselves in private, and to no good effect at all in public: and now together with them, both the laws proposed, and the whole strength of the Tribunes authority, were waxed old and decayed. At the first their laws were crossed by the interceding of their brethren Tribunes: afterwards, by packing away the youth of the city to the Veliterne war: and last of all, the Dictator's lightning flashed in their faces, and their thunderbolts shot against them. Now (say they) neither their fellow Tribunes withstood them, nor foreign wars hindered them, ne yet the dictator himself, as who for his part hath given a good foretokening and presage of a Consul Commoner, in electing his General of horsemen from out of the Commons. The very Commons and none else, are they that hurt themselves, and delay their own goods. Who might presently if they would, have their city, their common hall, & place of assemblies freed from these creditors: yea, and their grounds recovered again from the unjust Landlords. Which benefits and liberties, when are they like to weigh and esteem with thankful minds accordingly, if in the very time that they are to accept the laws devised for their own wealth and good, they cut off all hope of promotion and honour, from the publishers and proposers thereof? For it standeth not with the modesty of the people of Rome, to require to be eased themselves of Usury, and to be set in posiession again of the land, wrongfully withheld from them by the mighty men: and then to leave those old Trib. by whose means they have come by those good commodities, to shift for themselves, not only without honour, but also without all hope of honour. Let them first therefore set down with themselves, & resolve, what they are minded to do: and afterwards in the election of Trib. declare the same openly. If they would be willing to speak affirmatively to those laws, all jointly as they were propounded, then there were some reason to choose the same Trib. again: and then would they enact & establish finally that which they had published. But in case their will was to accept of that and no more than which served each private man's turn, than there was small need or none at all to have them still in office, with the envy and grudging of so many. And to be short, neither would they accept of the Tribuneship any longer, neither should the Commons have those laws ratified, which were already granted. When as all the rest of the Senators were strucken into their dumps and blank, for the very indignity to see things thus go. At the last, one Appius Claudius Crassus (the nephew or sons son of that notorious Appius the Decemvir) upon a malicious mind and fell stomach, 
The Oration of Appius Claudius, against the Tribunes of the Commons.  as it is reported, rather than for any hope he had to dissuade the matter, stood up, and to this effect answered that so stout & peremptory speech of the Tribunes, in this manner. It can be no strange matter to me, nor unlooked for, o Quirites, if that which hath been the only thing at all times objected by seditions Tribunes against our house, I also should hear at this present: to wit, that the whole name and lineage of Claudij, have ever from the first beginning, regarded nothing more in the Commonweal, than the majesty and honour of the Senators and the Nobles, and always set and opposed themselves against the good and welfare of the Commons. Of which two challenges, the one I neither can, nor will deny and disavow: namely that we, since the first time that we were enfranchised citizens, and therewith at once taken into the number of Senators, have endeavoured and strained ourselves, that it might be said, and that truly, that the honour and dignity of that state and degree, into which it was your good pleasure we should be incorporate, and graced with, was by us augmented, rather than impaired. And as for the other challenges, this I darebe bold, in mine own behalf, and in the name of mine ancestors and progenitors, to aver, o Quitites: that (unless a man would think whatsoever is done for the weal public generally, is directly against the Commons, as if they were mere aliens of another city) we to our knowledge have practised nothing, witting and willing, either whiles we lived private, or during the time we bore office, prejudicial to the Commonalty: and that neither in deed nor word, we can be justly charged to have wrought and contrived any thing contrary to your good: although peradventure somewhat hath fallen out cross against your will and mind. But were I not a Claudius, and of that family, nor descended of noble blood, but some one of the Burgeoises or citizens: and knew myself to be but free borne, both by father and mother, and to live in a free city: could I (think ye) hold my tongue? but frankly speak and say, that these perpetual Tribunes (God save all) L. Sextius, and C. Licinius I mean, have for nine years (for so long they have played Rex) taken so much upon them, & been so bold as to say they will not permit you to have free voices, neither in solemn assemblies for elections, not in Sessions and Parliaments for allowing and ordaining laws? Upon condition (quoth one of them) you shall make us Tribunes again the tenth time. What is this else but to say? That, which other sue for, we so scorn and disdain, that accept of it we will not, without good hire and recompense. And what reward and consideration is this, good Sirs, for which we may have your Worships, our ever-Tribunes? Marry (quoth he) that ye will accept jointly together and at once, all our laws, whether they like you or dislike you: whether they be good and wholesome, or bad and noisome. Now I beseech you good Tarquin's (Tribunes of the Commons I would have said) imagine I were one of the ordinary citizens, and should from out of the multitude assembled, speak out and say: Pleaseth it your good grace, Sir, that out of these laws propounded, we may choose those that we think good and wholesome for us, and refuse and disannul the rest. 
Appius speaks in to the person of Sextius or Licicinius, within these marks []  [Oh (quoth he) that may not be. Thou mayest allow, belike, and ordain, concerning Usury, concerning lands, which tend to the commodity of you all. But now beware of bugs. This monstrous and portenteous wonder must in no case be permitted in Rome, that thou shouldest see L. Sextius, and this perilous fellow C. Licinius to be Consuls, which thy heart riseth at, and which goeth against thy stomach. Nay, nay, either accept of all, or I will propound none at all.] 
Now speaketh 〈◊〉 in his 〈…〉.  This is all one, as if a man should give him that is hungerbitten, and ready to starve, poison and meat together: and bid him either forbear the wholesome food to preserve his life, or else to take the deadly bane to hasten his death. But if this were a free State indeed, would not many a one have cried out and said, Avaunt you and your Tribuneships, out upon you with yours laws. What Sir? How if your Mastership will not put up & prefer that which is commodious and profitable for the people to accept as there none, think you besides, that will propound it? If any Nobleman, or if any Claudius (which they take to be more odious) should thus say, Either take all, or I will propose none at all. Which of you, Quirites, would endure it? why? will ye never regard the substance more than the person; the matter rather than the man? But all is well taken & heard quickly, which that magistrate shall say. And will ye always hear with the wrong or dease care, whatsoever any of us shall happen to speak? Well, the words are nought, & the speech (without question) very uncivil and rude. Now let us see what manner of law it is, that they storm so at, because by you it is rejected. In good faith o Quirites, much like unto their language. This I require (qd. he) that it might not be lawful for you to make Coss. whom ye will. For what else demandeth he, who would have it enacted by express terms, that one at least of the Coss. must be a Commoner of necessity, & leaveth it not unto your choice to make two Noblemen Coss. If we had wars at this day, such as sometime the Tuscan war was, when Porsens was master of the janicle & kept that piece against us; or such as the Gauls war of late days was, when the enemies were LL. and possessed of all the city here, but the Capitol and forresse only; set case, that L. Sextius should be pricked and propounded either with this M. Furius here in place or with any one other of the Nobles, and stand to be Cos. would ye abide that Sextius should be undoubtedly Cos. and Camillus at devotion and in hazard to take repulse? Is this indeed to bestow your dignities indifferently with even & equal hand? That two of the Commons, forsooth, may be elected Consuls, and not two likewise of the Nobles? And that one of them must needs perforce be created out of the Commons: and in the electing of both, the Nobles may be overhipt? What society is this, what community & participation? Will not this serve thy turn and content thee, that wherein thou hadst no title nor interest afore, thou shouldst now have thy part: unless in seeking to have a portion, thoupluck all unto thyself? I fear me (quoth he) if both Consuls might be made of the Nobility, ye would choose none at all of the commonalty. What is this else but to say? Because willingly of yourselves, ye would not choose unworthy persons and unmeere, I will bind you therefore of necessity, to elect those whom otherwise ye would pass by. And what followeth hereupon but this, that the Commoner who standeth with two Patricij, may plainly say, and that truly, he is not by voices chosen, but by virtue of a law, and so acknowledge no benefit received of the people, nor be beholden at all to them, for their grace and favour? Thus seek they means to wring your dignities from you, and not the way to sue for them: and would so obtain the greatest, as that they mought not be obliged and bound unto you for the least: and had rather get honours and offices by advantage taking and cunning sleights, than by their own virtue, defart and worthiness. But there is some one that scorneth to be pried and looked into, and to be considered as he deserveth: who thinks it meet, that he alone among the other Competitors, that contest and stand in suit, should be sure of offices and promotions, and will not submit himself to your censure who would have your suffrages, of voluntary, to be constrained: of free, to be thrall & servile. I speak not of Licinius and Sextius: whose years of their continual government ye reckon upon, and mark up in the Capitol, as they used sometime, to count the years of the King's reign. But what is he this day in the city, of so base, so abject and low condition, that by the advantage and benefit of this law, hath not easier access to a Consulship, than we and our children have? As for us truly, ye may sometime miss of choosing us, would you never so feign: but for them ye must needs, yea though full against your mind. And thus much concerning the indignity and unworthiness of the thing, For, dignity and worthiness, I take, to be matters properly to men pertaining. What shall I speak now of Religions, and of the solemnity of the Auspexes, which imply a mere contempt and injury done to the immortal gods? Who knoweth not, that by the approbation of the gods, testified by flight of birds, this city was first founded? that by the same Auspexes, all hath been ordered and directed, as well in war abroad, as in peace at home? And who be they that have to do with these tokens & presages, by ancient custom and tradition from our forefathers? Forsooth even the Nobles and none else. As for the Magistrates of the Commons, none are chosen with regard of slight, sight, and feeding of the birds. But to us, they do so properly belong, that not only those Magistrates of the Nobles, which the people create, they do not otherwise elect but by observation of the birds; but we also ourselves, without the assent and voice of the people; do nominate an Interrex by means of the birds: yea and in the private actions of our life, we are guided by them at home, which these Commons use not in their very offices. What then meaneth he else, but to take these Auspicia out of the city, who by creating Commoners to be Consuls, depriveth the Nobles thereof, who only may have and use them? Now let them mock on and scoff at our religions. Let them deride our ceremonies. What makes matter (say they) if those pullet's peck or eat not? What if they come somewhat late out of their coupe or cage? What if a bird sing auke or crow cross and contrary? How then? A great piece of matter surely. Small things but, I confess, they be: but as small as they are, our ancestors by not concerning them, have brought this C.W. to a flourishing state. And we now a days, as if we stood not in need of the grace and favour of God, pollute all holy rites and ceremonies. And therefore let our prelates and high priests, our Augurs, and King at Sacrifices be created (it skilleth not how) even out of the common multitude: Let us set upon any man's head (it matters not whose, so he come in likeness of a man) the mitre of jupiter his Flamine. Let us commit the keeping of the Anciles or heavenly shields, and the secret Sanctuaries; let us commit the gods themselves and the charge of their holy service to those, unto whom we may not lawfully nor without impiety. Let no laws be published nor Magistrates created solemnly, with regard of birds at all, and of the will of the gods. Nor in the Centuriate assemblies holden by degrees, and Curiat-meetings by the wards and parishes, let not the Senators be precedents and have their authority and toiall assent. Let Sextius and Licinius, like Romulus and Tatius reign together, as fellow KK, in the city of Rome, because they give away so freely, the moneys, lands, and territories from others. So sweet and favorie it is to prey upon other men's goods. Never consider they, not look so far into the matter, that by one of these goodly laws, our fields will be desert and waste, by ejecting and dispossessing the rightful landlords: and by the other, all credit in borrowing and lending, in taking and putting forth of money shall be abolished. And then farewell all human society, commerce, & intercourse whatsoever. In these respects therefore, thus I conclude, and would counsel you, in any wise to stop, frustrate and disannul the overture and proceeding of these laws: and in so doing, I pray God bless and speed you well. This Oration of Appius thus far only prevailed, that the time of publication of these Acts, was cut off and differed. But the same Tribunes Sextius and Licinius, being chosen again thetenth time, 
The Ascemuiti creased.  propounded this law and had it enacted, That of the Decemvirs for divine service and church matters, some should be created of the Commons. So, five of them were of the Nobles, and five of Commoners: whereby they seemed to have gained already one good step onward unto the Consulship.  
The Commons contenting themselves with this victory, yielded unto the Senators, that for the present without any mentioning of Consuls, there should be elected Tribunes Military. So there were created A. and M. Cornelij the second time, M. Geganius, P. Manlius, L. Veturius and P. Valerius the sixth time. At what time, when as (but for the siege of Velitre, which was like to be for service a long piece of work, rather than for issue, doubtful in the end) the Romans were at rest for any foreign troubles, the sudden and unlookedfor news of the Gauls war, drove the city to choose M. Furius dictator the fisth time: who took unto him for his General of the horsemen, T. Quintius Penus. Claudius writeth, that this year the Gauls were fought with, about the river Anio: and that there was that noble combat upon the bridge, in which, T. Manlius, in the sight of both armies slew in single fight a Gaul that had challenged him andgiven defiance, and despoiled him of his collar of gold. But there be more writers that induce me to believe, that this exploit was performed ten years after: and that in this year the Gauls had a battle given them by M. Furius Dictator, in the Albans land: where the Romans had neither doubtful nor dangerous victory, although the French made them afraid at first in remembrance of their former overthrow. Many thousands of this barbarous nation were slain in field, many also fell upon the sword in their camp after it was won. Some were scattered & fled, and those most (who took the way to Apulia) saved themselves from the enemy, both by flying so far, and also for that upon fear they were so distracted and parted one from another. The Senators and Commons agreed and made a decree, that the dictator should triumph. Who scarcely had made an end of that war, but he was welcomed home with a more hotter and more dangerous Sedition within the city. For after many sharp bicker and contentions, the dictator and Senate both, were overmatched and overcome, yea & forced to accept the Tribunes laws aforesaid. And also malgree the Nobility and do what they could, there was an assembly holden for Election of Consuls: 
Q. Sextius, the first Comm●ner that was chosen Consul.  in which L. Sextius was created Consul, the first Commoner that ever fate in Consul's chair. But the broils stayed not there. For, by reason that the Nobles denied to approve and give assent thereto, the matter was like to grow unto a Secession and general departure of the Commons, yea to other fearful terms and perilous threats of civil wars and intestine troubles. Howbeit, by means of the dictator, the flames were quenched and the discords appeased, upon these capitulations. Imprimis, that the Nobility should accord unto the Commons, to have one Consul from among themselves. Item, that the common people should be content that the Nobles might out of the Patritij create a Praetor or Lord chief justice for oyer and determiner in causes within the city. Thus when after long anger the two states of the city were grown to unity and concord, the Senate thinking it a worthy matter (and good cause they had verily as ever any time before) willingly to determine, for the honour of the immortal Gods, to set out those most stately [Roman] plays. And whereas before, they had continued but three days, to add one more, & to celebrate them full four. And when the Aediles of the Commons refused that charge and excused themselves, the younger Gentlemen of the Nobility cried all with one voice, That they would most gladly do that service and honour to the immortal Gods, so as they might be made Aediles for that purpose. Thanked they were generally of all hands; and the Senate made a decree, That the Dictator should propose unto the people, that two men of the Nobility might be Aediles and that in all the Assemblies and Elections for that year, whatsoever passed, should be ratified by the sovereign assent of the Senators.   

THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the seventh Book.  
TWO new officers of State, to wit, the Praetorship and Aediliship of the Chair, were adjoined to the rest. The city was sore visited with the pestilence: which was more noted by reason of Eurius Camillus who died therein. The remedy and end where's, whiles they sought to procure by bringing in new and strange religions, at length they devised stageplaies, which then first were set forth. M. Pomponius a Tribune of the Commons, arrested L. Manlius for his exceeding vigour in taking muster of soldiers: and for confining and hardly entreating his own son T. Manlius, for no crime or heinous offence. And the young man himself, whose confining and misusage was laid unto his father's charge, entered the bedchamber of the said Tribune, drew his skein and forced him to swear unto him, that he wouldlet fall his: suit and proceed no further. Then all mischiefs intended, were laid apart and had an end. Curtius' armed at all pieces, mounted upon a courser, vode headlong into the wide gaping chink or gulf within the city of Rome, and so it presently filled up again. The same young Manlius, who had freed his father from the troubles of the Tribune, entered into comb at with a French man, that challenged any one of the Roman soldiers to single fight: flew him, took from him his collar of gold, which he ware about his neck afterwards himself, and thereof was called Torquatus. Two Tribes more were added, Pontina and Publicia. Licinius Stolo was condemned by a law of his own making, because he held in possession more than 500 acres of ground. M. Valerius a Colonel of 1000 foot, killed a Gaul, who challenged him to fight: and that, by the means and help of araven that settled upon his morion, and with talons and bill annoyed his enemy, and there upon was he named Corvinus. For which virtue and valorous Act, he was the year next following created Consul, being not full three and twenty years old. Amity was concluded with the Carthaginians. The Campaines being warred upon by the Sammites, craved aid of the Senate against them: and when they could not speed, yielded their city and territory to the people of Rome. Whereupon it was thought good, seeing both they and theirs, were now become proprietary to the people of Rome, that they should be defended by force of arms against the Samnites. When A. Cornelius the Consul, had led his haste into a place of disvantage and was in great peril, he was by the industrious service of P. Decius a Colonel saved: Who having gained the hill top, which commanded the ridge, whereon the Samnites lay encamped, gave the Consul opportunity to escape and pass into a plain ground: and himself, notwithstanding he was environed by the enemy, broke through them, and got away. The Roman soldiers left in garrison at Capua, having conspired to keep the city to their own behoof, were detected and their plot disclosed: and for fear of punishment, revolted from the people of Rome contrary to their allegiance: but by the policy and wisdom of M. Corvinus, they were reclaimed from their outrage, and restored again to their country. Moreover, this book containeth the fortunate wares against Hernicks, Gaviles, Tyburts', Privernates, Tarquinians, Samnites, and Volscians.  
HERE ensueth a year of especial note and mark, for the Consulship of a man newly risen: also for two new offices, the Praetorship and Aedileship of the Chair. Both which dignities, they of the Nobility purchased to themselves in am of granting to the Commons one place of the two Consuls. The Commons bestowed the Consulship upon L. Sextius for his good service, in propounding the law, whereby that promotion was first obtained. The Nobles conferred the Praetorship upon Sp. Furius Camillus the son of Marcus: and the Aedileship upon Cn. Quintius Capitolinus, and P. Cornelius Scipio, personages of their own order and degree: So gracious were they with the people in Mars filled. L. Sextius had companion with him in government, L. Aemilius Mamercus one of the Senators. In the beginning of the year, much debate there was and hard hold, both as well about the Gauls, who at the first ranged abroad over all 
* Pugsia  Apulia, and were now (as the report went) gathered together: as also concerning the rebellion of the hernics. But all matters being put off for the nonce, until a further time, because nothing should be done by this new Consul a Commoner: all things were still and quiet, as if it had been vacation or Non term: this only excepted, that the Tribunes muttered and could not endure with patience, that for one Consul of the Commons, the Nobility had gotten to themselves three magistrates, all of the Patritij, sitting like Consuls, with their purfled and pourpled long robes in ivory chairs of estate, And as for the praetor besides, as L. chief justice to hear and decide causes, he was fellow with the Consuls, and with the same Auspexes and authority created. Hereupon the Senate was abashed to be instant and to enforce that Aediles of the chair should be chosen out of the Nobility. And first it was agreed amongst them, that every second year they should be elected forth of the Commons: Afterwards, indifferently one with another in common, withoutthat regard. Now when L. Genutius and Q. Servilius were Coss. and all at good rest for any home sedition or foreign war: behold, lest they should at anytime be void of care and danger, there began a great plague. In which died, as men say, one Censor, one Aedible Curule, three Tribunes of the Commons: besides, many a dead corpse from among the multitude, was carried forth, proportionable to the rest. But above all, the bitter death of Camilius and much lamented (notwithstanding the long and goodly time he had in this life) caused this pestilence to be much spoken of and remembered. 
The de●th of M. F● 〈◊〉 Cam●llus.  For the was (in truth) the only person in all fortune both of prosperity & adversity, as well in peace as war: a rare and singular man before his banishment, and during the same more famous and renowned: either in regard that the city had a misle of him, and being taken by the enemy in his absence sought unto him for his help; or in respect of his happiness, in that together with his own restitution home, he therewith restored his natural country. And after this, for 25 years space (for so long he lived afterwards) he bore himself answerable to the title of so great glory: accounted worthy to be surnamed and reputed a second founder after Romulus, of the city of Rome. All this year long and the next which followed, when T. Sulpitius Peticus, and C. Licinius Stolo were Consuls, the sickness continued. By reason whereof, nothing was done worth remembrance, but that for to obtain the mercy and grace of the gods, there was a Lectisterne solemnised, which was the third since the city was first founded. But when by no device of man, nor help of the gods, the violence of the sickness assuaged; their minds & consciences were so possessed with superstition, that among other pacifications and appeasings of the heavenly ire, the stageplays (a strange and new device for a warlike and martial people, who afore time used only to behold the solemn games and frates of strength and activity, in the great Lists or Race called Circus) were (as men say) first begun and ordained. 
Stage 〈◊〉 at R●me 〈◊〉.  But (as all beginnings lightly are) a small thing (God wot) it was at first: without song and metre, without gesture and action suitable unto song and verse, and the same also mere outlandish. For the players, who were sent for out of Hetruria, as they danced the measures to the minstrel and sound of flute, gestured not undecently withal, after the Tuscan fashion. But in process of time the youth began to imitate and counterfeit them, jesting pleasantly besides one with another, and singing in rude rhymes and disordered metre: and their gesture was sorting with their jests and ditties. Thus was this thing first taken up, and thus with much use and often exercise, practised. And hereupon our own country Actors and artificial professors of this feat, were called Histriones, of Hister a Tuscan word, which signifieth a player or dancer. But these uttered not (as they used afore time) in their turns one after another, disordered, confused, and rude verses, like to the loose and bawdy Fescenine rhymes: but went through and rehearsed out, whole satires, full of musical measures, with a set consert of song also, to the instrument of the minstrel, and with gesture agreeable thereunto. Certain years after, 
[〈◊〉]  Livius, who was the first that after the use of satires, ventured to set forth an Interlude, of some one argument and uniform matter, is reported to have been himself (as they were all no doubt in those days) the author and actor both, of his own verses and songs: But being so often called on by the people to play, that he became hoarse again, lost his voice, he got leave to set a boy to sing before the minstrels. And so being silent himself, he acted the song with more agility and nimbleness of motion a good deal: for, not employing his voice, he had no hindrance of liberty in gesture. Then began the players to have others at hand to sing, and they themselves used their voices only in acting their parts in Comedies dialoguewise. After that, by this order taken and law of plays, they came from laughter and pleasant conceited mirth, and that this pastime & sport turned by little and little to a methodical Art and profession: Then the youth leaving to Comedians, the acting of parts in Interludes, began after the old manner to let fly, one at another, merry scoffs and jests, interlaced within their rhyme and meeter, which thereupon were afterwards called Exodia, and were inserted commonly in the Atellane Comedies. Which kind of sport, the youth learned first of the Osci: and having once taken it up, they held it still, and would not suffer it to be distained and dishonested by common players. And hereof cometh it, that the Actors in the Atellane Interludes were neither displaced out of their own tribe, nor made Aerarij, but served in the wars, and have the cities pay, as if they were not base Comedians, and professors of infamous player's craft. Thus have I thought good, among the small beginnings of other things, to set down the Original of stageplays also: that it may appear, that the thing arising from a considerate entrance, is grown now to this foolery andexcessive sumptuousness, as hardly can be defrayed by most rich and wealthy kingdoms. And yet these plays at first, employed about a religious business, neither rid men's minds of scruple and superstition, nor eased their bodies one jot of sickness. But rather, when by occasion of an overflow and inundation of the Tiber, the Circus or Theatre was drowned, and their plays in the very midst hindered & interrupted, this occurrent mightily troubled and affrighted them, as if the gods had turned away their face and countenance, and rejected all their devoir in these appeasings of their wrath and indignation. Therefore in the time that Cn. Genutius, and L. Aemylius Mamercus were Consuls the second time, when men's minds were busied and troubled more in seeking means to pacify the wrath of the gods, than their bodies vexed with diseases; the elder sort and grand siegnours called to mind, that in old time there was a plague assuaged and gave over, by the driving and fastening of a spike or great nail by the Dictator. 
The superstitious driving of a nail.  The Senate upon a religious devotion persuaded herewith, caused a dictator to be created, for to fasten the nail aforesaid. And there being chosen L. Manlius Imperiosus, he nominated for his General of horsemen, L. Pinarius. There is an old law written with ancient letters, and in antic words, THAT THE CHIEF PRAETOR FOR THE TIME BEING, SHOULD IN THE 
* 13 of September.  IDES OF SEPTEMBER DRIVE A SPIKE OR NAIL. Well, a nail was driven, and stuck fast on the right side of the temple of jupiter Optimus Maximus, on that hand where as Minerva's chapel standeth. That nail, because in those days there was but little writing, showed as they say, the number of the years. And thereupon that law was set up in Minerva's church, for that Minerva was the inventresse of numbering. And Cintius a diligent writer of such monuments, and a studious Antiquary, affirmeth, That at Volsinij there stuck such spikes to be seen in the temple of Nortia, a goddess among the Tuscans, to quote and represent the number of the years. Now, as concerning the temple of jupiter Optimus Maximus, M. Horatius the Consul (by an act in that behalf provided) dedicated it, the year next ensuing the expulsion of the kings. Afterwards, the solemn manner and custom of fastening a nail, was transferred from the Consuls to the dictators, as to the greater and more absolute Magistracy. And in process of time, this custom being discontinued, it was thought a thing in itself worthy, for which a dictator should be created.  
L. Manlius being elected [as is above said] for this cause, as if he had been called to that dignity for some war, and not to free the people from their scruple of conscience: and intending himself war against the hernics, plagued the youth with a grievous muster: until at length all the Tribunes of the Commons taking against him, opposed themselves: & were it by force, or for very shame, he relented, and resigned up his room. Nevertheless, in the entrance of the year next following, when Q. Servilius Hala, and L. Genutius the second time were Consuls, M. Pomponius a Tribune of the Commons arrested Manlius. His cruelty in taking of the musters was odious, not only for the loss and damage that the citizens sustained thereby, but also for tearing and mangling their bodies, partly by scourging them with rods, who answered not to their name, and partly by clapping irons upon them in prison. But above all, his own cruel disposition by nature was hateful, 
L. Manlius Imperiosus.  and the surname (Imperiosus) offensive, especially to a free city. This name he got by plain show of his cruelty, exercised no less upon his nearest friends and kinsfolk, yea, and his very own blood, than upon strangers. For amongst other matters, the Tribune laid sore to his charge, that having a young man to his son, detected of no lewdness and dishonest life, 
The complaints of M. Pompor●us, a Tribune of the Com. against L. Manlius.  him he had banished (as it were) out of the city, from his house and home, debarred from the common hall and open sight of men, from the company of his mates and companions, set him to drudgery and servile work, and betaken him as it were, into a prison and house of correction: where, a dictator his son, a young Gentleman highly descended, by this daily misery of his, was taught to know, that he had indeed a lordly and imperious Sir, to his father. And for what great offence, I pray you? Because he was not so fair spoken, nor all the readiest with his tongue. Which infirmity and defect of nature, ought not a father to have borne withal and cloaked (if there had been any goodness, any common humanity in him) rather than to punish it, and by rough handling, and sharp usage, to make it more known and notorious? Why? even the very brute beasts, if it chance that any of their breed or young ones prove but untowardly, feed and cherish them still nevertheless. But as for this L. Manlius, he augmenteth one inconvenience & default in his son, with another: whom, being but soft and slow of nature, he keepeth down the more: and that little life & small metal that is in him, he goeth about to quench and dull atones by this peasant's life and rustical usage, and conversing amongst the cattle and beasts. These bitter complaints and accusations moved the patience, and stirred the stomachs of every man else, sooner than the young man himself. Who chose was grieved in his mind, that he should be a cause of his father's troubles, thus to incur the ill will and obloquy of the people. And that all the world, both heaven and earth might know, that he desired rather to succour and help his father, than to assist his adversaries and foes, he entereth into a course beseeming and bewraying (I must needs say) a rude and rustical mind. Which, although it favour nothing of civility, yet for his kindness and dutiful piety to his father, deserveth commendation. One morning betimes he gets him up, and unknown to every one of the house, with a good skein close by his side, to the city he goes: and from the gate streightwaies directly to M. Pomponius the Tribune his house. 
The ●i●dnesse of 〈◊〉 to his father.  He telleth the porter, that he must needs speak with his master out of hand, willing him to let him understand, that T. Manlius, the son of Lucius, was there. And being immediately let in, (for the Tribune hoped, that the son was thoroughly angered with his father, and brought new complaints, and one matter or other against him, or some devise and ouverture, how to proceed in the commenced Action) and salutations passed to and fro between the Tribune and him, he said, that he was to talk with him apart out of all men's hearing. So the room being voided, and all commanded to depart far enough out of the way, he draweth our his skein: and leaping aloft upon the bed, stood there, and held it full bend against him, and threatened presently to give him the stab, unless he would swear the oath he should tei●der unto him, namely, never to call an assembly or hall of the Commons together about his father's inditement, or impanell a jury against him. The Tribune affrighted (seeing the naked weapon glittering before his face, himself all alone and unarmed, the other a tall and lusty young fellow, and, that which was as much to be feared as the rest, foolhardy, and presuming upon his strength) took the oath in that form as he put it unto him. And afterwards he gave it out plainly and confessed (for his excuse) that by this means he was forced in spite of his heart, to surcease his suit, and give over his enterprise. But the Commons were not so much offended at the son, for giving such an adventure in his father's quarrel: but they could have been more contented and better pleased, that it had lain in their power to have passed their voices, for the condemnation of so cruel & proud a prisoner, as they had under their hands. And the more praiseworthy was this design of the son, because so great rigour of the father, wrought no alienation at all in his heart, from the affectionate duty that he owed unto him. So not only the father escaped his arraignment, but this action of the young man turned to his own honour and preferment. For whereas, this year it was first ordained, that the 
* A Tribune in a 〈◊〉, called Ciul●at●● o● 〈…〉 leader of a 1000 [〈◊〉]  Tribunes or Colonels should be chosen by voices of the legionary soldiers (for aforetime, as at this day, the Generals themselves made them, whom they call Ruffuli) in six places (for so many were elected) he obtained the second room: and that, in regard of no desert otherwise, either at home or abroad, which might win him this favour, as who had spent his youth in the country altogether far from the civil society of men.  
The same year, by earthquake or some other forcible violence, the common place called Forum, clavae and opened wide, well-near in the mids, and sunk down to an exceeding depth: neither could that chincke or pit be filled up, by casting in of earth (notwithstanding every man laboured and brought what he could) before that they began to inquire, according as they were admonished by the divine Oracles, what it might be, wherein the most puissance and greatness of the people of Rome consisted. (For the wizards prophesied, That if they would have the state of Rome to remain sure for ever, they should dedicat and offer it, whatsoever it was, unto that place.) And when they were in doubt what this should be, 
M. Cu●ti●● 〈…〉.  it is reported, that M. Curtius, a right hardy knight and martial young gentleman, rebuked them therefore, because they doubted whether the Romans had any earthly thing better than armour and valour? Herewith, after silence made, he lift up his eyes, and beheld the temples of the immortal gods, situate near to the Forum, and the Capitol likewise; and stretching forth his hands, one while toward heaven, another while to the gaping chinks and gulf in the earth, toward the infernal spirits beneath, he offered and devoted himself to assured death. And mounting upon a brave courser, as richly trapped and set out, as possible he could devise, armed as he was at all pieces, he leapt horse and man and all into the hole. The people, both men and women, threw in after him sundry gifts and oblations, and fruits of the earth in great plenty. 
Curtius' Lacus.  The place was after called Curtius Lacus, of his name, and not of that Curtius Metius in the old time, who was a soldier under Titus Tatius. If I could by any means search out the truth, I would not spare for any pains in that behalf. But now seeing that by reason of antiquity the certainty is not fully known, we must go by the common voice and report of men. And verily the name of the lake is more renowned and noble by occasion of this later and fresher tale, than the other.  
After the expiation of so great and prodigious a wonder, much consultation there was in the Senate that year, as concerning the hernics: for having sent their heralds unto them for an almendate of harms done, but to no effect, they determined with all convenient speed to propose unto the people, for to proclaim war against the hernics, and bid them defiance. The people generally with one voice liked thereof, and approved it. The charge of that service and exploit fell to L. Genutius his lot, to undertake. Now, for that he was the f●st Consul of the Commons that by his own auspexes and conduct should manage war, the city was in great expectation of the sequel and issue: and according to the event that should fall out, good or bad in this journey, they were to judge, whether they had done well or amiss to communicate these dignities with the Commons. But it fortuned so, that Genutius being with great preparation and power set forth against the enemies, was entrapped by an Ambuscado, his legions upon a sudden fear unlooked for defeated, 
L. Genutius Consuli, slain.  himself (the Consul) environned round about, and slain by them, that wist not whom they slew. Which tidings being brought to Rome, the Senators were not so pensive and sorrowful for the common calamity, as they frounced and took on most insolently, for this unhappy expedition and conduct of the Commoner Consul: and muttered in all places these and such like speeches: Now let them go and create Consuls again out of the commonalty, and translate the Auspicia whether they ought not. What? Because the Senators by an Act of the Commons, might be defeated and dispossessed of their dignities, could so inauspicate and irreligious a law, prevail likewise against the gods immortal? Who now themselves have taken the matter into their own hands, and maintained their power, their deity and Auspexes: which were not so soon meddled withal, and polluted by one that had no right thereto, nor lawful title, but both the whole army, and captain also, were vanquished and overthrown; to teach them for ever hereafter, how they make their solemn Elections of Magistrates confusedly, without regard of the rights and royalties of noble houses. These speeches both Counsel house and common place rung again withal. So the Consul Servilius with consent of the Nobles, named for Dictator Appius Claudius, who had aforetime in an oration before the whole assembly of the Commons, dissuaded the proceeding of that law; and now with greater authority blamed the mishap of that counsel, which was by him misliked and reproved. A muster was proclaimed, and a public Vacation. But before that the dictator and these new enroled legions were gone as far as the hernics confines, the other army under the leading of G. Sulpitius the Lieutenant, by occasion of an occurrent that fell out there, got a good hand against their enemies. For when as upon the death of the Consul, the Hernicks advanced in scornful and contemptuous manner, close under the camp of the Romans; with a full hope to be masters of the same; behold, what with the exhortation of the Lieutenant, and what for anger and indignity, wherewith the soldiers stomachs werefull, they made a sally out against them. Whereupon the Hernicks came so far short of their account, that they had no hope to assail, no nor approach the rampire: and so in disarray they dismarched and departed. Afterwards by the coming in of the dictator with a fresh power, the old army was reenforced double. The dictator in a solemn audience, having praised the Lieutenant & his soldiers for defending their tents so manfully, both encouraged them that heard themselves so highly commended according to their deserts, and also whetted on the rest to perform the like valorous service. The enemies on the other side were nothing slack to prepare themselves to fight again: who in remembrance of the honour they had already won, albeit they were not ignorant that the Romans forces were redoubled, increased their own power also. For the whole nation of the Hernicks, even as many as were able to drawsword, were called forth to the wars. Eight cohorts by themselves consisting of four hundred in a band were enroled, even the most able and choice men of all others. This elect and especial flower of their youth and manhood, they fed with hope and encouraged the more to this service, because they had taken order they should have double pay. Freed they were besides from all other labour and Military toil, that being thus reserved to intend the fight and nothing else, they should make reckoning and know, that they were to endeavour and strain themselves above the ordinary carriage of soldiers. Placed also they were in the battle, apart from the other ranks: to the end their valour and devoir might be more seen and marked. Between both camps of the Romans and Hernicks, there was plain of two miles in length: and there in the mid way in a manner, was the battle fought. First, the fight was doubtful on both sides, whiles the Roman horsemen charged and recharged again, but ever in vain, to see if they could break their battalions. Thus when the service on horseback, proved less in effect than in attempt, they asked the advice and craved leave of the Dictator: which being granted, they abandoned their horses, and with a mighty shout, ran forth before the ensigns, and renewed the battle afresh. Neither could they have been any longer endured, but that those extraordinary bands opposed themselves, and received them with equal might of body and valour of heart. Then was the fight maintained between the brave youth and principal flower of both nations. And look what slaughter there was by common hazard of war, as well of the one side as of the other, the loss was greater for the quality of the persons, than the proportion of the number. For the rest of the common soldiers, as if they had shi●ted from themselves the whole conflict, and betaken it to the vawards only, reposed their own event and hap in the manhood of others. Many a man on both parts was smitten down and died in the place, but more were hurt and wounded. At last, those horsemen that dismounted, fell to call and rebuke one another, ask what hope remained else besides? If neither on horseback they were able to drive the enemies back, nor on foot force them to give ground and remove them, what third kind of service looked they for? Why leapt they out so lustily and bravely into the forefront before the ensigns? and sought in the place of others? With these words provoking one another, they plucked up their hearts, and with a fresh shout set foot forward and gave a new charge. First, they compelled the enemies to recuile & lose their standing: then to give more ground: and at length plainly to turn their back and run away. Hard it is to say, being so equally and indifferently matched as they were, what it was that turned the balance and gave the victory: unless it were the perpetual fortune that ever followed both nations, able to advance the spirit and courage of the one, and to daunt and abate the hearts of the other. The Romans had the Hernicks in chase, all the way long, so far as to their camp: but because it was far in the evening, they stayed from assailing it. For by reason that it was long ere the dictator could by sacrifice gather any assured token of God's favour, he sounded not the battle before noon: whereby it continued until night. The morrow after, were the hernics fled and their camp abandoned: only some hurt and wounded soldiers were found left behind. But one troop of them that forsook their ensigns (when as near unto their walls and forts their banners were discovered, slenderly accompanied, and with few about them) was scattered abroad over the fields, and in great fear straggled all about, and shamefully fled away. And yet this victory of the Romans cost them well the setting on, and spent some blood: for they lost a fourth part of their men: and that which was no small damage unto them, some of the Roman horsemen also were slain.  
The next year following, when C. Sulpitius and C. Licinius Calvus the Consuls, were gone with a power against the Hernicks, and finding not the enemy abroad in the country, had by force won Forentinum a town of theirs: in their return homeward, the Tyburts' kept their gates shut against them. And after many complaints & unkindnesses ripped up between them: this last quarrel was it, that moved the Romans by their Heralds (after restitution and amends demanded) to send defiance, and proclaim war against the people of Tybur. That Titus Quintius Penus was dictator that year, and Serg. Cornelius Maluginensis General of his horsemen, it is agreed upon by all authors. Macer Licinius writeth that he was created for the holding of an assembly for Election of Magistrates, and that, by the Consul Licinius: because when his fellow Consul made haste to have the Election before the war, thereby to continue his own Consulship, it was thought good to withstand and meet with his naughty desire in that behalf. But Licinius [Macer] in searching to his name and family, that praise and commendation, maketh himself to be of less credit in writing of the rest: especially, seeing that in none of the old records, I find mention of any such matter. Mine own mind giveth me rather, that the dictator was created because of the Gauls tumultuous war. For certes that year they encamped themselves three miles from Rome, beyond the bridge of 
* 〈◊〉.  Anio, in the way Salaria. The dictator having proclaimed a Vacation, because of these troubles of the Gauls, received the Military oath of allthe younger sort; and with a puissant army departed the city, and upon the very bank on this side of Anio pitched his tents. In the mid way between them and the enemies there was a bridge: which they would not break down on either part, lest they should be thought fearful cowards. But about the seizing and gaining of that bridge, first, there was many a skirmish: and judged it could not be, considering the equal forces of both sides, who should be masters of it. Then advanced forward unto the bridge (void of all guards) a mighty tall and big Frenchman, and as loud as ever he could set out a throat, maketh this challenge; Now (quoth he) let the bravest gallant that Rome hath, come forth and spare not, to combat if he dare, that the event of us twain may show whether nation is more valiant and warlike. The brave Knights and youths of Rome, held their peace a good while, both abashed to refuse the challenge, and also unwilling to run upon the present hazard of a single fight. Then T. Manlius, the son of Lucius, even he who released his father from the Tribunes troubles, goeth forth of his quarter unto the dictator. 
T. Manlius to the 〈◊〉.  Without your leave and express commandment (quoth he) o Noble Sovereign, I would never presume to fight out of my rank and standing, no, not if I should see assured victory before mine eyes: but if it will please your excellency to give me licence, I will show unto that beast yonder (that so proudly and lustily is come forth leaping before the enemy's ensigns, and braving as you see) that I am descended of that house and race, that gave the whole army of the Gauls the foil, and turned them down the Cliff Tarpeia. Then said the dictator unto him, God bless thee T. Manlius: On forth a God's name, in this thy dutiful mind and zeal that thou carriest both to father and country: Go on I say, and with the help of the gods, perform the Roman name to be invincible. Then his fears and companions holp to arm the young Gentleman. A light footman's shield he takes unto him, and a spanish blade by his side, more handsome to fight short and close. Being thus armed and set out, they bring him forth against this vainglorious Gaul, set all upon joy full foolishly, and (as the ancient writers have thought it worth the noting and remembrance) scornfully lelling and blaring out his tongue. 
The 〈◊〉 between T. Ma●lius and a mighty big Caule.  Then the rest departed every man to his own quarter and ward: and the two armed champions were left in the midst, more like a festival spectacle and pageant to behold, than any fight at utterance, suiting to the manner, guise, and law of combat, considering they were not equally matched, if a man should judge by the eye and outward view. The one of them of parsonage mighty and exceeding tall, his coat armour of sundry colours and gay, his harness glittering and all damasked and engraven with gold. The other, a man of a middle 
* Six f●ot high, or five foot and ten inches.  stature of Soldiers, no great show of armour, and that rather fit and handsome, than gaudy to behold: without any houping, singing, and joyous vaunting of himself, without vain flourishes and shaking of his weapons in the air: but he had an heart full of resolute courage, stomach, and close anger within, reserving all his fierceness and eagerness unto the very bickerment and trial of fight. As they stood thus between the two armies, and so many men all about looking on, in doubtful suspense between hope and fear, the Gaul like as he had been a huge mountain aloft over the other, ready to fall upon him, held forth his target with the left hand to bear off the sword of his enemy coming against him, & let drive a downright blow edgelong, that it resounded again upon his shield, and did no harm at all. The Roman bearing his own sword with the point upward, and with his shield having smitten the nether part of his enemy's target, and turned it aside, got with his whole body close within him, and without the danger of being hurt: and when he had wound himself between his enemy's body and his sword point, he redoubled one or two foines, and thrust him up into the belly at the groin, and so overthrew him. There lay the Gaul along, and took up a great ground in length. When he was down, without any further mangling and tormenting his carcase, he despoiled him only of his collar of gold, which imbrued as it was with blood, he did about his own neck. The Gauls with fear and admiration of this sight, were astonished. The Romans with great cheerfulness came forth of their wards & quarters to meet their champion, and with great praise & congratulation brought him before the Dictator. And as they merrily cast forth (as the manner of soldiers is) certain pleasant ditties, ballad wise, but without artificial skill of poetry, they were heard to surname him 
* 〈…〉  Torquatus: which afterwards was taken up & commonly used, & became an honourable name to his posterity, & the whole house besides. Besides all this, the Dictator bestowed upon him a coronet of gold for a reward, and openly before the whole audience of the army, highly and wonderfully commended that fight of his. And certainly, that combat was of such consequence, & made so much to the event of the whole war, that the night next following, the host of the Gauls, fearfully abandoning their tents, departed into the Tyburtine country: and being drawn into a society of ●arre with the inhabitants of 
* 〈…〉  Tybur, and liberally by them relieved with victuals, they passed within a while into Campania. Which was the cause that the next year, C. Petilius Balbus the Consul (when his fellow M. Fabius Ambus●us was by lot, sent with commission against the Hernicks) led an army, by the appointment of the people, against the Tyburtines. To the aid of whom, when the French were returned out of Campania; there was foul spoil & havoc made in the Lavicane, Tusculane, and Alban territories, by the leading and conduct, no doubt of the Tyburtines. And whereas the State stood well contented that the Consul should be the Genererall commander, against these enemies the Tyburtines; this new trouble and tumult of the Gauls, caused a dictator for to be created. And that was Q. Servilius Hala, who named for his General of horsemen, T. Quintius. And by the authority and assent of the Senators, he vowed to set out the great games, in case he sped well in this war. The dictator having commanded the Consul with his army to tarry still, that by his own conduct of war he might keep in the Tyburtines, took the oath of all the younger people: and there was not one refused to go to the war. Not far from the gate Collina was this battle fought, in the sight of their parents, wives and children. Great encouragements, doubtless, to cheer up and animatemen, absent and far off: but now before their eyes, partly for shame, and partly for pity and compassion, they set the soldiers all on fire. After much blood shed on both sides, at the last the army of the Gauls turn back: and being put to flight, they made haste to Tybur, the very strength and fort of the Gauls war. But as they fled straggling one from another, they were encountered by the Consul Petilius not far from Tybur. And when the Tyburtines issued forth to succour them, they with the rest were beaten into the town. Likewise the other Consul Fabius, first in small skirmishes, and at last in one notable pight field, vanquished the Hernicks, at what time as his enemies charged upon him with all their forces and whole puissance. The dictator having highly commended the Consuls, both in the Senate house and also in a public assembly of all the people, and attributed the whole honour of his own Acts unto them, gave up the Dictatorship. Petilius obtained a double triumph, over the Gauls and the Tiburtes. For Fabius it was thought sufficient, that he should enter into the city Ovant, in a petty triumph. The Tyburtines skoffed and made good game at the triumph of Petilius. For, where was it (say they) that they encountered and joined battle with us? There went forth indeed out of the city gates a few of us to behold the flight and fright of the Gauls: but seeing ourselves also to be set upon, and killed one with another as we came in the way, we retired back, and got the city over our heads. And was that such a doughty deed, that the Romans should think, it deserved a triumph? But that they may not deem it still, so noble and so wondrous an Act, to make some stir and raise a tumult in the enemy's gates: they should themselves see shortly greater fearfulness, even under their own walls. hereupon, the year following, when M. Popilius Lenas', and Cn. Manlius were Consuls, at the first watch of the night, they came from Tybur in warlike manner to the city of Rome. This sudden occurrent, happening so fearfully in the night season, struck a mighty terror into them, that hastily awakened out of sleep. Besides, many there were that wist not, either what enemies they were, or from whence they came. Howbeit they cried Al'arm with all speed, on every side. The gates were fortified with warders, the walls manned with strong guards. When as early in the morning, they were descried to be but a mean number of enemies before the town, and those none other but Tyburtines; the Consuls sallied out at two gates, and assailed both ways their forces, as they were now come under the walls ready to scale. Then was it seen that they were thither come, presuming rather on the vantage of the time, than trusting in valour & manhood: so little were they able to abide the first brunt and charge given by the Romans. Furthermore, it was well known, that this their coming turned to the Romans good: for, the discord that was now breeding between the Senators & the Com: for fear of this so near danger was quite stayed. But in the next war that ensued, the enemies came after another sort, & were more terrible to the fields and country, than to the city. For the Tarquinians overran all the marches of the Roman pale, wasting and spoiling all those parts, especially that border upon Hetruria: And after restitution & amends demanded, but to no effect, the new Coss. C. Fabius & C. Plantius, by the ordinance of the people proclaimed war against them. The rumours also of the Gauls war began to be rise. But amid thése manifold and fearful troubles, this was their comfort, that the Latins had peace granted unto them, upon their own suit: & from thence a great power was received, according to the ancient league, which for many years' space, they had sorelet & discontinued. The Roman forces by this aid well strengthened, made a lighter matter of it, when they heard that the Gauls were arrived already at Preneste, and were set down & encamped about Pedum. It was thought good, that C. Sulpitius should be chosen Dictator, named by C. Plantius, sent for to the same purpose. Unto whom M. Valerius was appointed for Commander of his horsemen. These marched against the Gauls with the choice soldiers of two Consular armies. This was a linger war and protracted longer a great deal, than both parties liked of. At the first, the Gauls only were sharp set and eager of battle: but afterwards the Roman soldiers; by rushing into fight and skirmish; exceeded far the fierceness and forwardness of the French. The Dictator, was nothing pleased herewith, to put all upon the hazard of fortune, when there was no need at all, especially having to deal with that enemy, whom tract of time and disadvantage of the place, made daily worse and worse: being unprovided besides of victuals and making long abode without any sensed for't: moreover, of that stomach and constitution of body, as served wholly for expedition and quick service, and by small delays waxed feeble and faint. Upon these considerations, the dictator held off still and drew the war on length, and had proclaimed a grievous punishment, if any without his express commandment should fight with the enemy. The soldiers could not well brook this: but first within their wards and watches began among themselves to carp at the dictator: and otherwhiles they let fly at the LL. of the Senate in general, blaming them for their direction, in that the Consuls had not the managing of this war. They have chosen indeed (say they) a singular General for the nonce, a captain alone, who thinks whiles he sitteth still and doth nothing, the victory will fall from heaven, or fly into his very lap. After this they began openly abroad, and in the day time, to cast out the same, yea and worse speeches too and more malapert namely, that they would either fight, and ask the dictator no leave, or go along in order of battle to Rome. The Centurions also joined themselves to the soldiers: and not only in conventicles and knots together, there was whispering and grumbling: but in the very 
* A place in the camp.  Principia, yea and within the quarter of the L. General his pavilion, were heard confused speeches together in one accord. So as the multitude began now to grow to a full assembly, and from all parts to call and cry aloud, to go presently to the dictator: and that Sex. Tullius should in the name of the whole army speak unto him, as beseemed his virtue and courage. This Tullius now had been seven times already a primipilar or principal Centurion: neither was there in the whole army, of all those that served on foot, a man more renowned for fears of arms. He going before the army of footmen, steppeth to the Tribunal. And when as Sulpitius mervailed, not so much to see that company, as the leader of the company Tullius, who of all the soldiers had ever been in best order and most obedient. 
The O●ation of Sex, Tuli●us unto the Dictator.  Principia, yea and within the quarter of the L. General his pavilion, were heard confused speeches together in one accord. So as the multitude began now to grow to a full assembly, and from all parts to call and cry aloud, to go presently to the dictator: and that Sex. Tullius should in the name of the whole army speak unto him, as beseemed his virtue and courage. This Tullius now had been seven time This is the matter (quoth he) o Noble dictator and nothing else, The whole army in general, supposing themselves by you condemned of cowardice, and in a manner to their utter shame abandoned, & disarmed, have entreated me to plead their cause before your majesty. And I for my part, I assure you, in case we might be charged to have lost ground any where, in case we had turned our backs upon the enemy, in case we had lost our ensigns shamefully, would think it yet a reasonable suit to be obtained at your hands, that you would give us leave to amend that which is amiss, to correct our former fault with hardiness and valour, and by some fresh and glorious exploit, to cancel the remembrance of so foul foil and shameful dishonour. Even those very Legions that were defeated and put to flight at Allia, afterwards in their return from Veij, recovered the same country of theirs by valiancy, which they had once before lost through cowardice. But we by the goodness of God, through the felicity of yourself and the people of Rome, have hitherto kept both the army unfoiled, & honour unstained. And yet I fierce dare say, honour; if so be, that not only our enemies may with all reproachful terms scorn and flout us, as if we were women penned in and mewed up close within our rampire: but also you our General (the more is our grease) deem us your army, to be heartless, handless, and armourlesse: and before any trial of us made, so despair of us, as if you took yourself to be a commander and leader of a sort of maimed and feeble persons. For what else may we think of it, that you, an old experienced captain and a most valiant warrior, should sit, as they say, with one hand in another, doing nothing? For howsoever the truth is indeed, more meet it is, that you should be thought to doubt of our valour, than we of yours. But if this be not a devise of your own setting, but a public plot laid: and some matter agreed upon among the Senators at home, rather than any warreof the Gauls, keepeth us away from thence, confined as it were from the city and our own houses: then I beseech you, whatsoever I shall say, you would think it as spoken, not by the soldiers to their Lord General, but by the Commons to the rulers and Senators. Who may thus reply, that as ye have your policies and counsels, so will they have their designs and ways of their own likewise. For who would think, I pray you, that we are your soldiers, and not your slaves; sent to war, and not into banishment? If any set out the banner of war unto us, lead us forth into the field, & sound the battle, ready we are to fight like men, and like Romans: but if there be no need of war, we will rather sit still at home, than in the camp. And thus much, suppose as spoken to the lords of the Senate. But we thy soldiers, o worthy General, beseech thee first to give us leave to fight, then desirous are we to conquer, and under thy standard and conduct to conquer: to present thee with a glorious garland of laurel, and in triumph to enter with thee into the city: and after thy chariot to go up with joy and mirth to the temple of jupiter Optimus Maximus. This Oration of Tullius, the multitude seconded with their petitions, calling aloud unto the General on every side, to sound the alarm, and command them to arm. The dictator, albeit he thought the matter in itself good, but not handled in good manner; and for example sake not to be allowed: yet promised to satisfy the soldiers desire. And calling Tullius secretly apart, questioned with him what this geere ment, what precedent or custom they had for their warrant? Tullius earnestly besought the dictator, not to think him to have forgotten either military discipline, or his own place, ne yet the majesty of his sovereign. And whereas he had not withdrawn himself away from the multitude being in a mutiny, nor refused to be their speaker (who lightly resemble those that are their ring leaders) it was only for fear lest some other should have stepped in place, such as the unruly people in mutinies are wont to set up for their Chieftains. As for himself, do nothing he would, without the pleasure of the General. Howbeit, he would advise him to look well about him, and carefully to see to it, that he keep his army in order, government, and obedience. And high time it is now, and would not be differred. For considering their hearts were kindled already, and their blood up, they would be their own carvers, and choose themselves both time and place, it the General would not grant it them the sooner. Whiles they were thus in sad communication, there happened two Roman soldiers to take perforce from a Gaul certain sumpter horses, which feeding without the camp, he was driving away. At whom, the Gauls let fly stones good store. And thereupon rose an alarm from the Roman Corpse de guard, and running out there was a-vie, on both sides. So as now they had grown to a full skirmish and battle indeed, had not the Centurions speedily stickled them, and ended the fray. Upon which occurrent, the credit of Tullius with the dictator was confirmed: and seeing the case would abide no delays, he proclaimed battle against the morrow. The dictator notwithstanding he had yielded to fight a field, as presuming more upon the courage of his men, than their forces: began to devise with himself, and cast about every way, how by some stratagem he might strike a terror among the enemies. And having a subtle wit and nimble head of his own, this new policy he thought upon: which afterwards many warriors, both of our own country, and of others also, 
The ●ratageme of C. Su●pitius the dictator.  yea and some even in our time, have used and put in practice. He gave order, that the mules sumpters should be taken off their backs, leaving only two course twillies or cover upon them, and setteth the muletours aloft thereon, furnished with the armour of certain captives, and sick and diseased persons. Of these he made well near one thousand, and joined unto them one hundred good horsemen. All these, he chargeth in the night time to get above the camp into the hills, and among the glins and woods, to bestow themselves close: and not to stir from thence, before that he gave them a signal. Himself, so soon as it was day light, began with great wariness and considerate care to embattle and arrange his army in length, along the very foot of the mountains: to the end, that the enemy might have the hills full against him. Thus having set out and directed these counterfeit cornets of horse, to scare the enemies with, who, as it fell out, did more good in a manner, than the other forces indeed; at the first, the vaward of the Gauls thought that the Romans would not come down on even ground: but afterwards, when they saw them upon a sudden descended, they also, as desirous of fight, ran on forward presently to join battle, and began the fight before the captains had sounded. The Gauls charged the right wing more fiercely, so that hardly they might have been abidden, had not by good hap the Dictator been there in person. Who called upon Sextus Tullius by name, and rebuked him, demanding whether he had given his word unto him, that the soldiers should in that sort fight? What is become (quoth he) of these, that with outcries and open mouth called for battle? Where are those threats now, that they would begin to fight a field without commandment of the General? Lo, your General himself calleth upon you as loud as he can, to fall to your business, and goeth armed before the ensigns in the vaward: will any now follow after, that erewhile would needs lead the way afore? Fierce (I see well) in camp, fearful in the field. And no fable it was that they heard him speak. Whereupon for very shame they were so pricked forward, that without casting any perils, or minding present danger, they ran upon the darts and shot of their enemies. This violence of theirs, as if they had been well-near out of their right wits, at the very first troubled and disordered the enemies. The horsemen that were sent out hard after them, forced them to turn back, when they were once in disarray. The dictator himself seeing the battle of one side to shrink, advanced forward with the ensigns against the left wing, unto which he saw the main multitude to resort and gather together, and withal he gave the sign to them that were within the hills, according as it was before agreed. And when from thence also a new shout arose, and that they were seen to march sidelong overthwart the hill, toward the Gauls camp; then for fear, lest they should be shut out from their hold, they gave over all fight, and ran by heaps to their camp. Where M. Valerius, the General of the horsemen encountered and affronted them. For he seeing the right wing discomfited, had set a compas●e about, and ridden to the fortifications and munitions of the enemies. Whereupon they fled to the mountains and the woods. Most of them were received by the counterfeit show of horsemen, and by the muletours caught up, and came short home: but as many of them as fear drove through into the woods, were (after the heat of the battle was past) cruelly slain and hewn in pieces. Neither was there any one, setting M. Furius aside, that triumphed more worthily over the Gauls, than did C. Sulpitius. He consecrated also in the Capitol a good weighty mass of gold, gotten out of the Gauls spoil, and compassed it within an enclosure of square stone. The same year, the Consuls likewise warred, but with divers fortune and success. For by C. Plantius, the hernics were vanquished and subdued. But his companion Fabius fought rashly and unadvisedly against the tarquinians. The loss in the battle received, was not so much, but that the tarquinians sacrified three hundred and seven Roman soldiers, whom they took prisoners. This foul and shameful execution, caused the ignominy of the Romans defeature afore, to be much more notable, and talked of abroad. Besides this loss, was the Roman territory much wasted (to help the matter withal) by the Privernates, and after them by the Veliternes, who made sudden inroads into the country. The same year also were two more Tribes added, Pomptina and Publicia. The votive solemn plays or games likewise, which Marcus Furius the dictator had vowed, were then set forth and performed.  
Then and never before was the first law put up to the people by P. Petilius, 
A law against ambitious seeking for offices of government.  a Tribune of the Commons, and that by the consent and approbation of the Senators, against the excessive suit and ambitious standing for dignities. By which law men supposed, that the ambition principally of certain persons new risen and of the first head, who were wont to haunt fairs and places of great resort for that intent, was repressed and kept under. But the year ensuing, when C. Martius and Cn. Manlius were Consuls, M. Duellius and M. Menenius two Tribunes of the Commons, went through with a law and got it enacted, which was not so well liked of the Senators, to wit, 
A law against Usury.  concerning Usury of one in the hundred. But the Commons were so much the more forward and better contented, to grant and accept it. Over and besides those new wars the year before intended, the Falisci were declared new enemies: and that, for two quarrels pretended against them, One, for that their youth had served against the Romans under the Tarquiniens: the other, because they had not delivered again those Romans which fled unto Falerij, after their defeature and unlucky fight, notwithstanding the Heralds had made claim unto them and demanded them. This province fell to Cn. Manlius. But Martius had the leading of an army into the land of the Privernates, which by reason of long peace was unfoiled yet, and in very good stare, and thereby enriched his soldiers with good prizes. For, to the plenty and store that there was found, he added his own bounty and liberality; in that he set out nothing for the common treasury, but favoured the soldiers, and gave them leave to better their own private estate. The Privernates lay strongly encamped before their own city: and when he had assembled all his soldiers together, Now (quoth he) I give unto you the enemy's camp and their city for a booty, so you will promise me to quit yourselves like men, and to be as ready to fight as to spoil. Hereupon, with a great cry they call for the Signal of battle: and so advancing forward and exalting themselves bravely and courageously, with assured hope of victory, to battle they go. There, even before the ensigns in the vanguard, Sext. Tullius, of whom we spoke before, cried out aloud, Behold, Noble General (quoth he) how thine army performeth their word given unto thee: and therewith laying down his javelin, with drawn sword confronteth the enemy. Then follow after Tullius, all they that fought in the vaward before the Standards, and at the first shock put the enemies to flight, followed the chase & drove them into the town. And as they were scaling the walls, the town was rendered up into their hands. So he triumphed over the Privernates. By the other Consul there was no worthy exploit done, but that as he lay encamped before Sutrium, he proposed a law to pass by the Tribes, (a course never taken before, and without example) concerning a twentieth part or vicesime, to be levied of their goods that were made free. The Lords of the Senate (because by that Act there accrued no small revenue to the Exchequer, that was now wasted) allowed thereof and gave their assent. But the Tribunes of the Com. moved not so much at the quality of the law in itself, as at the dangerous precedent given, ordained under pain of death, That no man ever after should in making of laws withdraw the people apart: For, if that were once by law permitted, there would be nothing, were it never so pernicious to the people, but it might be enacted by soldiers, that have sworn to their Consul's allegiance, and were at his devotion. The same year was C. Licinius Stolo at the suit of M. Popilius Lenas', condemned upon his own statute in 
* 〈…〉.  10000 Asses, for that he together with his son, was possessed of a thousand acres of land, and under colour of freeing his son, he had deluded the statute in that case provided.  
After this, the two Consuls M. Fabius Ambustus the second time, and M. Popilius Lenas' the second time made two wars. That which Lenas' fought with the Tyburtines was performed with case and facility, For having driven the enemies into the town, he forraied their fields. But in the other war, the Falisci and the tarquinians, discomfited in the first battle the other Consul. Their greatest fear arose upon this occasion. For, their priests carrying afore them light burning torches, and snakes besides, went after a lunatic and frantic manner, and with so strange and uncouth a show troubled and disordered the Roman soldiers. And therewithal, at that very instant the soldiers, as if they had been distraught, besides themselves, and astonished, dismarched fearfully and stumbled upon the munitions and fortifications of their camp. But after, when as the Consul, Lieutenants and Colonels mocked and rated them, for being scared like children with these vain bugbears: for shame suddenly they took heart again, and like blind men ran upon those very same things, that before they had fled from. And so after they had dispatched this vain devise & preparation of their enemies, they fell upon the armed men indeed, discomfited their whole army and put them to flight: and being the same day masters of their camp, with a rich booty returned victors, both recounting in their military merry ditties and songs, the foolish preparation of the enemy, and also condemning their own fearfulness. After this, the whole nation of the Tuscans arose, having for their leaders the tarquinians and the Falisci, 
C. Martius Rutilius first Dictator of the Commons.  and came as far as Salinae. Against which fearful danger, was C. Martius Rutilius chosen, the first dictator that ever was of the Commoners: who named for his General of the horsemen a Commoner likewise C. Plantius. But the Senators thought this a shameful indignity, that the Dictatorship also should now be chosen in common: and did all they could possibly to hinder, that there should be nothing decreed toward the war, nor any preparation made for the dictator. But so much the sooner, and with more readiness, all that the Dictator proposed, the Commons granted. So he departed from the city, and marched on both sides of the Tiber (transporting his army in boats and planks fastened together) to what place soever he heard the enemies were gone: and surprised many forraiers of them, as they wandered and straggled one from another, in the fields. He set upon their camp also, and wan it: and after that he had taken eight thousand prisoners, and either slain or chased all the rest out of the Roman pale; he triumphed, by the suffrages of the people only, without the approbation and assent of the Senators. And for as much as they would not in any case have an assembly for Election of Consuls, held either by the dictator a Commoner, or by the Consul: and because the other Consul Fabius was busied abroad in the wars, and not returned; therefore, the matter fell again to an Interreigne. So there were Interregents one after another, Q. Servilius Hala, M. Fabius, Cn. Manlius, C. Fabius, C. Sulpitius, L. Aemylius, Q. Servilius, and M. Fabius Ambustus. During the second Interreigne, there arose some variance, for that both Consuls were Patrity, i. of the Nobles. And when the Tribunes interposed themselves, and crossed those proceedings. Fabius the Interregent, alleged a law out of the twelve tables in these terms, THAT WHATSOEVER THE PEOPLE ORDAINED OR GRANTED LAST, THE SAME SHOULD BE GOOD, AND STAND FIRM AND RATIFIED: and in the suffrages and voices of the people, were comprised their grant and ordinance. But when the Tribunes, for all their gainsaying and stepping between, could prevail no more, but to prorogue the 
* i. The assembly of the people.  Comices for the Election, there were at length two of the Nobles created Consuls, C. Sulpitius Peticus the third time, and M. Valerius Publicola: who the same day they were chosen, entered into their office. Thus in the 400 year after the foundation of the city, and the 35 after it was recovered from the Gauls, the Commons lost the Consulship again, when they had enjoyed it nine years. And two Consuls of the Patrity; upon the Interreigne, began to govern, to wit, C. Sulpitius Peticus the third time, and M. Valerius Publicot●. The same year was Emp●lum won from the Tyburtines, without any memorable warlike exploit: were it that, under the conduct of both Consuls there jointly together, the war was managed, as some have written: or that about the same time the tarquinians country was by the Consul Sulpitius overrun and wasted, whiles Valerius led forth a power against the Tyburtes. But more ado had the Consuls at home, with the Commons and Tribunes. The Consuls thought now, it concerned them in trust and credit, as well as in virtue and valour, that as they, being Patrity both of them, had received the Consulship, so they should make-over the same again to twain of the Nobility: and either wholly to give up their interest and title for ever, if so be the Consulship should now become a Commoners dignity: or else to keep it wholly in their possession, whereof they were first seized entirely, in right of their ancestors. On the other side, the Commons frounsed and stormed in these and such like terms. What showld we live any longer? and why are we accounted citizens? In case, that which was first gotten by the virtue and power of two only persons, L. Sextius, and C. Licinius, we cannot now all of us together hold and keep? Certes, better we were to endure the KK. and Decemvirs again, or any other heavier and more fearful name of absolute and lordly Empire, than to see both Consuls of the Nobility: and that we, may not both rule and obey in turns, but that the one part settled in the place of rule for ever, should think us, the Commons, were borne for nothing else but to obey and serve. The Tribunes themselves were nothing behind to set forward these troublesome mutinies. But when people are up once altogether and in an hurl, the principal leaders are hardly seen above the rest in the action. And when as they were come down into Mars field sundry times to assembly, but ever to no purpose and effect, and that many comitial days of assembly were passed over, only in seditions troubles: at the last, the Commons being overmatched through the stiffness and obstinacy of the Consuls, took the matter so greevously to the heart, that when the Tribunes broke forth into these speeches, Now farewell freedom for ever: now are we driven, not only to forbear coming into Mars field, but also to abandon and forsake the city, taken captive and oppressed by the lordly rule of the Nobles, and therewithal departed: the Commons with sorrowful cheer did the semblable, and followed after. The Consuls being thus left destitute of one part of the people, yet nevertheless went through with the election, as few as they were there remaining. And Consuls there were elected of the Nobility both, M. Fabius Ambustus the third time, and T. Quintius. In some annals or yearly records, I find Cos. M. Popilius, in steed of T. Quintius.  
In that year, were two wars performed with prosperous success. And the Tyburtines were sought withal until they yielded. From them was the city Sassula won by force: and other towns had tasted of the same fortune, but that the whole nation laid arms aside, and submitted themselves to the Consuls his mercy. He triumphed over the Tyburtines: otherwise the conquest was mild and gentle enough, without extremity of execution. But the tarquinians were cruelly dealt withal: and many a man of them slain in field. Of the prisoners that were taken, whereof there was a mighty number, there were 358 of the Noblest and greatest Gentlemen chosen out, and sent to Rome. The rest of the common sort were put to the sword. Neither sped they better at the people's hands that were sent to Rome. For in the mids of the Forum, were they all beaten with rods and beheaded. This execution made quittance with them, for sacrificing the Romans in the market place of the tarquinians. This good success in war caused the Samnites also to seek for peace and amity. Their Ambassadors were courteously answered by the Senate, and so upon covenants they were received into society. But the Commons sped not so well at home in the city, as abroad in warfare. For albeit the Usury was well eased by bringing it down from twelve to one, in the hundred: yet the poorer people were overcharged with the payment of the very principal, and became bond & thrall to their creditors. Whereby the Com. in regard of their private straits, that they were driven unto, never troubled their heads with the making of both Consuls of the Nobles, nor with the Assemblies and Elections, nor other public affairs. Still the two Consulships remained among the Patritij. And created there were Consuls, C. Sulpitius Peticus the fourth time, and M. Valerius Publicola the second time.  
Now when as the city was earnestly amused upon the Tuscan war, by reason that the news went, how that the people of Caere, for very pity and compassion, and in regard also of consanguinity, took part with the tarquinians: behold the Ambassadors of the Latines turned them clean against the Volscians. Which Ambassadors brought word, that there was an army levied already from thence and in arms, even now upon the point to invade their borders: and would from them enter the territory of Rome, and spoil as they go. The Senate therefore thought good to neglect neither business, and gave direction, that to both places certain legions should be appointed, and the Consuls to cast lots for their several provinces and charges. But afterwards, the greater care was taken for the Tuscan war, upon intelligence given by Sulpitius the Consul his letters, whose commission was against Tarquinij, that the country was wasted and spoiled all about the Roman Salinae, [or Saltpits] and part of the booties carried away into the confines of the C●rites: and that the youth of that people were doubtless employed in the driving of that booty. Whereupon Valexius the Consul, who was opposed against the Volscians, and encamped in the marches of Tusculum, was called back from thence, and commanded by the Senate to nominate a dictator. Who named T. Manlius, the son of Lucius, and he taking to him A. Cornelius Cossus for his General of the horsemen, contenting himself with his Consular army, by the authority of the Senate, and the people's suffrages, proclaimed war against the Caerites, and sent them defiance. Then were the Cerites afraid of war indeed, and not afore, as though there had been more force in their enemies bare words, to denounce and signify war, than in their own deeds, who by spoiling and boothaling, had provoked the Romans to war. Then saw they plainly that they were overmatched and not able to make their parts good: then repented they that they had made such waist and spoil, cursing the tarquinians for soliciting them to revolt, not one of them making any preparation of armour or war: but every man labouring what he could, that ambassadors should be sent, to crave pardon for their trespass & offence. When their Ambassadors were come to the Senate, they were from thence put over to the people. And then they besought the gods, whose sacred Images they had received in the French war and devoutly kept and cherished, That the Romans now in their flourishing estate, would take that pity and compassion of them, which they in times past had of the Romans, in their calamity and hard distress. 
The ambassadors of C●r●, to the people of Rome.  And turning to the chapels of Vesta, they called upon the Flamines and Vestal virgins, sometime their guests, whom they so chastened and religiously had received and given entertainment unto, saying in this wise. Would any man believe we had deserved no better , but thus of a sudden, without cause given, to be reputed enemies? Or suppose we had done somewhat smelling of hostility, would any man impute it rather to deliberate counsel, than to some fit of heat and sollie? And that we would blemish and mar our own good deserts, especially conferred and bestowed upon so thankful persons, with new misdeeds and shrewd turns? and choose to make the people of Rome their enemies now in their wealthy and slowring State, and in their most happy felicity of war: whose friendship in their adversity we had embraced? Beseeching them not to term that, considerate advice, which rather were to be called force and necessity. For the tarquinians, say they, passing with a cruel & puissant army through our country, and requesting nothing but a way, had drawn with them some of our rustical peasants, to assist them only in setching of that booty, which now so heavily is laid to our charge. Whom if you please to have them yielded, we are ready to deliver them: if to be punished, they shall suffer accordingly: most humbly craving, that their city Caere, the very sanctuary of the people of Rome, the harbour and hostel of their priests, the place of receipt for the Roman sacred images and relics, they would grant unto them safe from the calamity of war, and exempt from the slander thereof: and therather for the processed vestal virgins sake, so kindly entertained, and for the love of the gods, by them so devoutly honoured. The people were moved, not so much with the justice and equity of the present cause, as for their old deserts and good turns, to forget rather the harm sustained, than the good received. Whereupon, the people of Cere were pardoned, and agreed it was that a truce for one hundred years should be registered among the Acts of the Senate. Then were the forces diverted against the Falisci, who were tainted likewise with the same offence. But the enemies would no where be found. They wasted therefore all over their confines: and forbore to assail their towns. So they withdrew their legions to Rome. The rest of the year was employed in repairing their walls and towers: and the Temple of Ap●llo was dedicated. In the very end of the year, the contention between the Senators and the Commons, broke off the Election of the Consuls: whiles the Tribunes stiffly denied to suffer any assembly therefore to be holden, unless it were according to the law Licinia. And the dictator again was as stoutly and stiffly bend, to abolish wholly out of the city the Consulship, rather than it should be indifferent for the Nobility & common people. Thus by adjourning the Election, the dictator left his office, and the matter grew to an Interreigne. And the Interregents, finding ever the Commons maliciously set against the Senators, succeeded one after another unto the eleventh Interregent: and all the while continued the discord and variance. The Trib. they called on hard for the maintenance of the law Licinia. The Commons, they had an inward grief that stuck nearer to them, upon the excessive usury that still increased: and each man's private care and greevance, broke out in their public contentions and debates. The LL. of the Senate weary of these troubles, commanded L. Cornelius Scipio the Interregent for the time being, for concord and unity sake, in the Election of Consuls to observe the law Licinia. So P. Valerius Publicola, had joined with him in fellowship of government, Caius Martius Rutilius, one of the Commons.  
Now whiles men's minds were inclined once to concord, the new Consuls labouring to ease also this matter of usury, the only spill or bone (as it were) between, that seemed to hinder the uniting of their hearts, and impeach the general agreement; took order publicly for the payment of debts, 
Five bankers Instituted, called Mensarij.  by creating fi●e officers or Quinquevirs, whom of the despensing and disposing of the public moneys, they called Mensarij. And surely, for their equity and careful diligence, they deserved in all monuments and records to be remembered and renowned. And these they were, C. Duellius, P. Decius, M. Papyrius, Q. Publius, and T. Aemylius. Who underwent and managed this matter, so intricate and difficult to be dealt in: so grievous and cumbersome to both sides for the most part, but evermore to one at the least. Which they performed both with Indifferent moderation otherwise, and also with some cost and deffay of charge, rather than any loss and damage to the State. For the long debts and more entangled, rather in regard of the debtor's slackness and negligence, than their want of ability, either the city out of the common stock crossed out of the book, by setting up certain counters or tables with ready coin in the public hall (provided, that there were good security unto the city by sureties and cautions put in aforehand) or else the goods of men valued at indifferent & reasonable prices discharged. So as not only without any wrong done, 
All debts cleared in Rome.  but also without the complaint of both parties, a mighty deal of debts was satisfied and paid.  
After all this, a vain fear of the Tuscan war, upon a false Alarm given, that their twelve nations conspired and were consedered together, caused a dictator to be chosen. So C. julius was named in the camp: for thither to the Coss. was the patent of the senates decree sent. And to him was joined as General of the horsemen, L. Aemylius. But all was quiet without forth. Within the city the Dictator gave the attempt, that both Consuls should be created of the Patritij: which brought the government for the time to an Interreigne. And the two Interregents that were in that while (to wit) C. Salpitius and M. Fabius, obtained that which the Dictator had reached at in vain; namely, that both Consuls might be created of the Nobility: for now the Commons were more pliable and tractable, by reason of the fresh benefit received, in the easement and satisfying of their debts. So there were chosen C. Sulpitius Peticus, he, who was the former of the twain that gave over the Interreigne, and T. Quintius P●nus. Some there be that give to Quintius the addition of C●so for his surname [and of Cajus for his forename.] Both of them went forth to war, Quintus against the Falisci, and Sulpitius against the tarquinians. Who, for that they could never meet with the enemy in open field, by burning and spoiling made war with the fields rather than with the men. By which lingering continuance, as it were of a languishing consumption, the stubbornness of both nations was so well tamed, that they made petition, first to the Consuls, and by their permission after to the Senate, for a truce, and obtained the same for the term of forty years. Thus the care was laid aside of the two wars, which seemed so near at hand. And whiles there was some rest from Arms, it was thought good because the payment of debts above said, had changed the owners and masters of many things, that there should be held a general Sessing of the citizens. But, when there was an assembly summoned for the choosing of Censors, C. Martius Rutilius professing himself to stand for a Censorship, even he that had been the first dictator of the Commons, troubled the peace and unity of the States of the city. This he went about (as it seemed) in a very undue and unseasonable time. For, both Consuls were then of the Nobility, as it fell out, who gave it forth that they would not admit him to be a competitor, nor propound his name at the Election. Howbeit, both he by earnest perseverance in his resolution obtained that which he went about: and also the Tribunes with all their might endeavouring to recover their right, which was lost in the Election of the Consuls, set to their helping hand. And as the countenance and majesty of the man himself, seemed worthy of the highest type of honour: so the Commons were right willing, that by the same man who had opened the way unto the Dictatourship, the Censureship also should draw to that side, and be in part conferred upon them. Neither in the assembly was there any variance in the Suffrages, 
C. 〈…〉  but that, together with Manlius Naujus, Martius should be created Censor. This year likewise had a Dictator, M. Fabius, not for any fear of war, but because the law Licinia, for the choice of Consuls, should not be revived and observed. The General of the horsemen unto the dictator was Q. Servilius. And yet for all the Dictatorship, the agreement of the Senators together, was in the Election of the Consuls of no more force than it was in the choosing of the Censors. For M. Popilius Lenas' was Consul, of the Commons, and L. Cornelius Scipio of the Nobles. And the Commoner Consul, by good fortune, proved more famous of the twain. For when upon tidings brought, that a mighty army of the Gauls were encamped in the Latin country, this Gauls war was laid extraordinarily upon Popilius, because Scipio lay grievously sick. Who having soon levied an army, and commanded all the younger men, to meet him in their armour at Mars his Church, without the gate Capena, and that the Questors should bring thither the Standards and ensigns out of the Aerarium, [city chamber] and after he had chosen out of them, fully four Legions, he delivered all the residue of the soldiers unto P. Valerius Publicola, the Praetor: and moved the LL. of the Senate to enrol another army to be in readiness, against all uncertain occurrents of war, what need soever the city should have. And now himself being at all points thoroughly furnished, setteth forward to meet the enemy. Whose power because he would know, before he made trial thereof with the uttermost hazard, he began to cast a trench and raise a rampire upon the next hill unto the Gauls camp, that he could come unto. The Gauls, a fierce kind of people and by nature eager of fight, having discovered a far off the Roman ensigns, embattled themselves forthwith, as ready to bid battle. But when they saw the Roman army not brought forth into the plain and even ground, but that they were strongly defended, not only by the height of the place, but also with a ditch and palaisado, and supposing them to be smitten with fear, and the fitter therefore to be assailed, for that they were at that instant busily occupied about their other fortifications; with an hideous noise and horrible shout, gave the charge upon them. The Romans gave over their work never the sooner (they were the Triarij of the rearward that made these fortifications) but the spearmen or javelottiers of the vaward, and the Principes of the middle ward, who stood ready armed in guard for the defence of the pioneers, made head and received them with fight Besides their valour, the higher ground was their vantage: so as all their dares and spears light not in vain (as commonly they do that are flung and lanced on level ground) but stuck all fast as being poised with their own weight: so that the Gauls being surcharged with darts either sticking through their bodies, or fast set in their shields, and so weighing them down; having also run themselves upon the hill; first, as doubtful what to do, made stay; afterwards, when protracting of time had discouraged themselves, and encouraged their enemies, they were driven back and fell one upon another; and in that medley made greater havoc and worse, than the slaughter was by the enemy: and crushed they were to death, more in that crowd and thrust, than were slain by sword. Yet were not the Romans sure of victory: for when they were come down into the plain, there was a new piece of work to begin, and a fresh trouble behind. For the Gauls, by reason of their number, little feeling such a loss (as if a new army had started up in sight, out of the ground) stirred up their fresh soldiers and unfoiled, against the enemy in his victory. Whereupon the Romans made a stand and stayed their eagerness: both because they being already wearied, were to abide a new conflict; and also for that the Consul, whiles he laid about him with the foremost, without regard of his own person, was wounded well near through the left shoulder with a pike, and thereupon for a while was departed out of the battle. By occasion of which linger, the victory had like to have been lost again: but that the Consul when his wound was dressed and bound up, came back again with speed to the foremost ensigns, and said: 
M. Popilius jenas, the Consul, exhorteth his soldiers to fight.  Why stand ye still sirs? ye have not to deal now, with the Latins or Sabines your enemies, whom after ye have conquered by sword, ye may make of enemy's friends and confederates: but upon very savage beasts we have drawn sword. Either we must have their blood, or they ours. From the camp ye have driven them back: chased ye have them head long down the hill side: over the bodies of enemies lying along, now ye stand: fill the plain also with their dead carcases, as ye have done the hills already: and never look that they will fly, so long as ye stand still. You must advance your ensigns, and charge the enemy afresh. With these exhortations they fell to it the second time, and forced the foremost ranks and files of the Gauls to loose ground: and then with pointed close battalions of footmen, they broke through into the heart of the main battle. Whereupon the barbarous people being disarrayed, such as had neither certain directions to follow, nor Captains to command, turned their force upon their fellows, were scattered here and there about the plains, fled in this random beyond their tents, & made toward the fort of Alba; which among many hills that stood of even height, they espied mounting above the rest. The Cos. followed the chase no farther than their camp: both because his hurt made himself unwieldy, and also for that he was unwilling to put his tired army to a new labour, considering the enemy had gained the hills tops, & so rested from farther pursuit. And when he had given the whole pillage of the camp to his soldiers, he brought back to Rome his army with victory, and enriched with the spoils of the Gauls. The Consul his wound stayed his triumph: which was a cause also that the Senate wished and longed for a dictator, to hold the assembly for the Election of Consuls, whiles the other were sick.  
L. Furius Camillus being chosen dictator, had joined unto him P. Cornelius Scipio for his General of horsemen. He restored again to the Senators their ancient possession of the Consulship: and for this good turn, was himself with exceeding affection of them all, created Consul. 
Popilius a Commoner niu●phe. h.  And for his companion he chose unto him App. Claudius Crassus. But before the new Consuls entered into their office, Popilius, with great love and favour of the Commons triumphed over the Gauls: who mumbling and muttering among themselves, would eftsoons ask one another, whither there were any repent of a Commoner Consul: rating with all at the dictator, who despising the law Licinia, had gotten for his reward a Consulship; which was more shameful and infamous, in regard of his private seeking for it, (for being dictator, he had made himself Consul) than for any other public harm and injury. This year for many and sundry troubles was very famous. The Gauls from the Alban glinnes (for that they were not able there to endure the cold of Winter) ranged all over the champion and the sea coasts, and wasted the country. The seas likewise were dangerous by reason of the greeks navy. Also all the tract along Antium, and the river of Laurentum, even to the very mouth of the Tiber. So as the rovers and men of war by sea, and the land robbers of the French, met both together, & struck once for all a dangerous battle: and then departed asunder, the French unto their standing camp, the greeks back unto their ships: both doubtful, whether they had won or lost. Amid these troubles, the greatest fear by far, arose from this, that the Latin Nations held certain Diets and Counsels at the grove of Ferentina; and when the Romans demanded soldiers from them, flat answer was made, That they must no more think to command them, whose aid they stood in need of. And as for the Latins, they were resolved rather to bear arms in defence of their own liberty, than fight for the maintenance of the dominion of strangers. The Senate being grieved and perplexed, as well for these two foreign wars, as also for the revolt of their confederates, seeing no other way, but to keep them in by fear, whom loyalty would not restrain, commanded the Consuls in their mustering, to extend and strain to the utmost the whole strength of the State: for now that their Allies failed them, they were to trust upon their city forces only. From all parts therefore, the youth as well without in the country, as within the city were taken up, & ten legions (as men say) were enroled of soldiers, amounting to 4200. foot and 300. horse in a legion. Which puissant army, if now at this day any foreign wars were toward, these mighty forces of the people of Rome, which the whole world is hardly able to contain, if they were united and brought into one together, would not easily make again: so great are we grown in wealth only and superfluous delights, to which we strive and apply our minds.  
Among other heavy occurrents of that year, Ap. Claudius one of the Consuls, in the very preparation of the wars, departed this life. Whereupon the whole government was devolved upon Camillus. To which sole Consul, either for his quality & worthiness otherwise (not meet to be controlled by the absolute command of a dictator) or for the lucky presage of his name so fortunate in all the tumultuous wars of the Gauls, the Lords of the Senate thought it not decent and convenient, that there should be a dictator adjoined. The Consul, having ordained and appointed two legions for defence of the city, and parted the other eight with the Praetor L. Pin●●tus, bearing in mind his father's valour and manhood, undertook the Gauls war himself, without casting lots therefore: commanding the Praetor to keep the sea coasts, and to put the greeks back from landing on the shore. He went himself down into the country of Pomptinum, and because he was not willing to give battle in the champain, unforced thereunto; and thought the enemy might be wearied out well enough by keeping him short, forforaging and fetching in booties, who of necessity was driven to live of prey, chose a convenient place for a standing camp. Where, as they passed the time quietly in their wards, as a settled garrison: there cometh forth a mighty Gaul, in person tall and big, for armour brave and glorious: who clattering his shield and spear together, and thereby making silence, gave defiance and challenged by his interpreter, the Romans to a combat, man to man. There was one M. Valerius a Colonel of footmen, and a very young man, who thinking himself nothing less worthy of that honour than T. Manlius, having first known the Consul his pleasure, advanced himself forth apart from the rest, 
The 〈…〉  armed at all points. But this conflict (as touching the devoir of the men) was less notable than the other, by reason that the hand of God came between and took a part. For as the Roman was ready to join and cope, behold, suddenly a raven settled upon the crest of his morion, even full in the face of his enemy. Which at the very first the Colonel took joyfully as a token of good luck sent from heaven. Afterwards, he prayed devoutly, that the God or goddess whosoever, that sent unto him from above that augural soul, to presage and foresignify the future event, would be favourable and gracious unto him. And lo, (a wonder to be spoken) the bird not only held the place still, which it first light upon, but also, as often as the champions buckled and closed together, mounting up with the wings, made at the eyes and face of the enemy, with beak and claws both, so long, until Valerius killeth him. For the Gaul being affrighted at this so strange and wondrous a sight, both his eyes dazzled, and his mind was mightily troubled. Then the raven took his rise, flew on height quite out of sight toward the East. All this while the camp on both sides was quiet hitherto. But after that the Colonel began to rifle and disarm the body of his slain enemy, neither could the French keep themselves within their Stations, nor the Romans contain, but run with more sp. ed unto their Conqueror champion. And so about the body of the Gaul that lay along dead, began some skirmish, and thereof grew a sharp and cruel battle. For now not only the companies of the next quarters, and corpse de guard, but also the whole legions on both sides, came abroad and fought. Camillus commanded the soldiers, joious for the victory of the Colonel, joious also for the gods, so favourable and ready to help, for to go to battle: and showing eftsoons unto them the Colonel, set out bravely, and enriched with the spoils of his enemy: Follow this brave gentleman, good soldiers (quoth he) and about the dead champion of the Gauls kill their whole troops, and lay them along. In this fight appeared the help of God and man evidently: and they fought it out with the Gauls, and had no doubtful conflict: both armies had so conceived & deeply imprinted before hand in their mind, the future event of these two soldiers that had fought together. Between the foremost, whose concourse had raised others, there was a sharp conflict: but the rest of the multitude, turned back before they came to the volley of darts. And first they were scattered along the Volscian and Falerne countries: but afterward they took their ways toward Apulia and the lower adriatic sea.  
The Consul having assembled the soldiers to an audience, solemnly before them all, commended the Colonel, and rewarded him with ten oxen & a coronet of gold. Himself, by direction from the Senate, to attend the war by sea, joined camp with the Praetor. And there, because through the cowardice of the greeks that would not come into the field, the war was like to be long and linger, he nominated, by the authority of the Senate, T. Manlius Torquatus for the dictator, to hold the Election of Consuls. The dictator having named for his General of horsemen, A. Cornelius Cossus, held the Election, and with exceeding favour of the people, declared for Consul one like himself, and tracing the steps of his own virtue and glory, M. Valerius Corvinus (for that was his surname afterwards) in his absence: a young man, I say, three and twenty years old. To Corvinus was adjoined companion in government a Commoner, M. Popilius Lenas' the fourth time. Camillus performed no memorable exploit with the greeks: for neither were the greeks good soldiers on land, nor the Romans at sea. At the last, being kept from landing; and failing, besides other necessaries, of fresh water, they left Italy. Of what people, or of what nation in Greece this fleet consisted, is not certainly known. I would think verily, that they were the Tyrants or potentates of Sicily, above all other. For all Greece beyond them, at that time wearied and toiled out with civil wars, much feared the greatness of the Macedonians. After the armies were discharged, and that both abroad there was peace, and also at home quietness, through the unity of the States: lest they should be glutted with too much joie, behold, a pestilence arose in the city, and constrained the Senate to command the Decemviri, to overlook the books of Sibylla: and by direction thereof, was a Lectisterne celebrated. The same year there was a Colony drawn out of the Antiates, to people Satricum, and the town was repaired by them, which the Latins had destroyed. Also there was at Rome a league concluded with the Carthaginian ambassadors, who came of purpose to sue for society and amity. The same rest continued still both at home and abroad, when T. Manlius Torquitus, and C. Plantius the second time were Consuls. The Usury which was before after one in the hundred, became now but half so much. The payment of debts was dispensed and ordered into three years by even portions, so as a fourth part should be paid out of hand. And albeit some of the Commons (for all that) were pinched therewith, yet the Senate had more regard to see credit kept with the chamber of the city, than of the difficulties of private persons. The greatest matters were well eased, in that they forbore to collect the tribute and to muster soldiers.  
The third year after that Satricum was re-edified by the Volscians, M. Valerius Corvinus the second time Consul, with C. Petilius, upon news out of Latium, that ambassadors from Antium went about to the nations of the Latins, soliciting them to rise up in arms, was commanded to make war upon the Volscians, before the enemy's forces were greater: who put himself on his journey with a fierce army toward Satricum. Whither when as the Antiates and other Volscians were come to meet him, with a power provided aforehand, against any preparations from Rome, presently without any stay they joined battle, as being through a deep settled and long hatred, maliciously bend one against the other. The Volscians, a nation more hasty to rebel, than hardy in fight, being defeated in a battle, fled amain, and highed apace to put themselves within the walls of Satricum. But when the walls were not able to save them, for that the town being environed and invested round with soldiers, was ready to be taken by scaling, there were upon 4000 of them, besides the common sort not meet for service, that yielded themselves. The town was razed down and burnt. Only they spared the firing of Matutaes' church. And the whole saccage and spoil was bestowed upon the soldiers. But there were not comprised within this booty, the 4000 that yielded. Those, the Consul in his triumph caused to be led bound before his chariot: and after that, sold them; and brought a round sum of money into the treasury. Some write, that this number of captives, were bondslaves. And that is more like to be true, than that they should be sold, who yielded themselves. After this followed Consuls, M. Fabius Dorsuo, and Servius Sulpitius Camerinus. Then began the Auruncan war upon a sudden invasion that they made. And for fear, lest the action of that one State and city, had been the resolution of the whole Latin nation and by their maintenance, there was created dictator (as if it had been against all Latium already up in arms) L. Furius Camillus: who chose for his General of horsemen, Cn. Manlius Capitolinus. And (as the use had been in time of great troubles and sudden tumults) he mustered without any respect of Immunity and Exemption, and therewith proclaimed a Cessation of all courts of law: and the legions with all speed possible were led against the Auruncans. Where they found, that they carried a mind of harriers rather than of warriors. So that in the first battle, that war was dispatched. Howbeit the dictator, because they not only made the quarrel and warred first, but also offered fight without any drawing back, supposing there was some need of Gods help withal from heaven, had vowed a temple to juno Moneta: and after he had obtained that he vowed for, and thereby was charged to perform his vow, so soon as he was returned home to Rome with victory, gave up his Dictatorship. 
The temple of I●● M●●sta.  The Senate commanded two officers called Duumvirs to be created for the edifying of that temple, according to the magnificence of the people of Rome. The place was appointed & set out on the [Capitol] hill, even the very plot of ground, where sometime before stood the dwelling house of M. Manlius Capitolinus. The Coss. having employed the dictator his army in the Volscian war, surprised at unwares the town Sora out of the enemy's hands. The temple of Moneta was dedicated the year after it had been vowed, when C. Martius Rutilius the third time, and T. Manlius Torquatus the second time, were Consuls. Immediately upon the dedication of that church, there ensued a strange wonder, like unto that old marvel of the hill Albanus. For it reigned stones, & in the day time it seemed to be dark night. And the books of Sibylla being perused (for that the city now was mightily given to superstition) the Senate ordained, that there should be a dictator named for the ordaining of certain feasts and holidays. So P. Valerius Publicola was chosen, and with him, Q. Fabius Ambustus General of the horsemen. Order was given, that not only the Tribes should go in solemn procession with their prayers and Letanics, but also the nations that bordered upon them: with a precise direction unto them, upon what days every one should make supplication. That year (as it is reported) there passed heavy judgements and sentences of the people against the Usurers, with whom the Aediles had commenced suit. And without any notable cause to be remembered, they grew to an Interreigne. Upon which, that something might be thought thereby done, both Consuls were made of the Nobles, M. Valerius Corvinus the third time, and A. Cornelius Cossus.  
Now from hence forth will we indite of greater wars, both for the puissance of the enemies, and also for their far distance: as well for their spacious countries they inhabited, as long tract of time that they continued. 
The beginning of the Samnite 〈◊〉.  For this year began the Romans to bear arms against the Samnites, a nation powerful in wealth, and valiant in field. After which war, fought on both sides with alternative fortune, there succeeded Pyrrhus their enemy, & after Pyrrbus the Carthaginians. To see (good Lord) the wonderful stirs & troubles: and how often the Romans fell into extremies of perils, that their dominion and Empire might arise unto this greatness and high state, which hath much ado to hold it own, and stand maintained. But the cause of the Romans war with the 
* Al●uzzo and the Du●●●e of B●not ●nte as far e●to Nap●s.  Samnites, being in society & amity linked together, arose first from others, and not upon any quarrel between themselves. At what time as the Samnites warred unjustly (as being more mighty) upon the 
* The Inhabitants of Si●i●i● n●nt, other ●●ise called T●an●n, or Thrano.  Sidicines: they as the weaker, and forced to fly for succour unto the richer, banded with the Campaines. Who bringing with them a greater name, than power (in deed) to aid & assist their Allies, & flowing in roiot and superfluous delights, happened in the country of the Sidicines to be foiled & defeated by the other, who had been enured & hardened by continual use of arms: and so afterwards drew upon their own heads, the whole violence and poise of the wars. For the Samnites letting the Sidicines alone, went to the head, and set upon the Campains, as it were the very fortress and castle of defence for all the borderers. For well they wist that there they might win victory as easily: but riches and honour at their hands they were to achieve much more. And when they had gained and held with a strong garrison, the hills called 
* Monte di Capus.  Tifata, that were adjoining, and commanded the city Capua. From thence they descended with a foursquare ranged battle into the plain that lieth between Capua and Tifara: where a second field was fought: In which the Campanies had the overthrow, and were beaten within their own walls. Having therefore no hope near hand, and seeing the strength of their youth greatly decayed, they were constrained to seek for aid of the Romans. Whose Ambassadors being admitted into the Senate, and having audience given them, spoke much what to this effect. The people of Capua, most noble Senators, hath sent us in embassy unto you, to crave at your hands friendship for ever, 
The Ambassadors of the Campaines in the Senate of Rome.  and succour for the present. Which amity if we had requested in our prosperity, well might it sooner have begun, but knit had it been with a weaker bond and not so durable. For then, remembering ourselves to have entered league and society on even ground, and in equal estate with you; friends haply we should have been as we now are, but bounden and devoted unto you, we had never been. But now, in case by your commiseration and pity we be gained and won, and in our distress, by your aid, helped and relieved; we must needs affectionately embrace a benefit from you received, unless we would be thought unthankful wretches, and unworthy of any help either of God or man. And albeit the Samnites, have been before us entertained in friendship and confederacy, yet we think that, no sufficient bar, but that we may also be received into the same. Only thus much it ought to make for them, as to be preferred before us in ancienty of time, and degree of honour. For in that alliance between you and the Samnites, there is no express clause, no caveat or proviso contained, against the making of any new confederacies. And certes, always heretofore ye have thought it cause good enough of your friendship, if the party who sought the same, were but willing and desirous to be your friend. We Campaines (albeit our present condition suffereth us not to speak magnifically) giving place to no nation but yourselves, either for the stately port of our city, or goodnesie, and fruitfulness of our soil, in entering into your acquaintance, shall not a little, I suppose increase and better your good estate. And first for the Aequians and Volscians, those eternal and perpetual enemies of this city, they shall not so soon at any time stir and put out their heads, but we will be straight upon their jacks. And look what ye first shall find in your hearts to do for our safety, the same will we always do for your Empire and honour. And when those nations be once subdued that are between you and us (which your virtue and fortunate felicity, promiseth will be shorly) then shall your dominion reach all the way in a continued train, as far as unto us. A pitiful and lamentable case it is, that our present fortune urgeth us to confess. To this exigent and hard terms of extremity are we Campaines driven (right honourable) that subject we must be, either to our friends or to our enemies. If ye defend us, yours will we be; forsake us once, we must be the Samnites. Consult ye now therefore deliberately, whether ye had leifer, that Capua and all the territory of Capua, should be annexed unto your power and State, or added to the Samnites signory. Your mercy, your succour, o Noble Romans, aught in equity to extend unto all men, but especially unto those, who by yielding their relief and helping hand (even above their power) unto others, that implored and humbly besought succour, are now themselves fallen all, into the same straits of necessity. And yet, to say a truth, we fought in show and semblance of word for the Sidicines; but in very deed and effect for our own selves. For, considering a neighbour nation, bordering even upon us, to be robbed and spoiled most wrongfully by the Samnites; we well foresaw, that when the Sidicines were once set a burning, the same fire would soon be driven and reach unto us. For now are not the Samnites come to assail us, as discontented for any injury received: but, as well pleased that they have cause of quarrel, offered and presented unto them. For if it had been but a revenge only of anger upon some pretended wrong, and not a mean and occasion, to satisfy their greedy appetite: had it not been enough for them, that they had vanquished and put to the sword our Legions once in the Sidicine country, and a second time in Campaine itself our own territory? What a cankered and mortal malice is this, which bloodshed and massacres in two battles cannot satiate or assuage? Besides the wasting of our fields, the driving away of booties, as well of people as cattle, the firing of villages, the ruin and havoc they made; and in every place nothing but fire and sword. Could not their anger and wrath have been satisfied with all this? But it is their greedy and unsatiable covetousness and nothing else, that must be fulfilled. That is it which carrieth them, that haileth and harieth them to the assault of Capua. At it their teeth water, that most goodly and beautiful city will they either destroy, or be LL. thereof themselves. But may it please you Romans, to gain it afore by your own benefit and good desert: rather than suffer them to seize upon it, by wrong and mischief. I speak not this before a people that useth to make it strange and goodly to undertake any rightful and just wars. If ye but show a copy of your countenance, as if ye would aid and succour us, I suppose ye shall have no need at all of further war. The Samnites overweening of themselves and contempt of others, reacheth to us only: further it proceedeth not. So that under the very shadow of your assistance, o Romans, we may be safely covered and protected. And whatsoever we shall hereafter gain thereby, whatsoever we shall be of ourselves (even as much as we are worth) ready are we to acknowledge it all yours. For your sake shall the Campaine ground be titled: for your behoof shall the city Capua be resorted unto and frequented: and accounted shall ye be of us, no less than founders, parents, yea and as the immortal gods. There shall not be a borough or Colony of yours, that shall go beyond us in obsequious dutifulness towards you. Do but afford unto us Campaines, o Noble Senators, a token of your gracious countenance, yield us your invincible name as a powerful deity, and bid us hope assuredly, that Capua shall remain still and continue in safety. What a number think ye of all sorts and degrees of people, followed and accompanied us, when we came from thence? How left we all places filled with their vows, their prayers and tears? In what expectation now, do the Senate, and people of Capua, our wives and children, attend our return? Assured I am, that the whole multitude stand about the gates looking toward the high port-way that leadeth from hence thither, waiting to know what news, expecting what answer, my LL. your pleasure is that we should report back from you unto them, so careful, so heavy, so perplexed. One word presenteth unto them safety, victory, life and liberty: the other, I dread to bode what it may import. Wherefore to conclude, determine of us, either as of them that shall and will be, your confederates and faithful Allies; or else such as must be worse than nothing. After that the Ambassadors were withdrawn aside, and the Senate fell to counsel: although a good part of them were of opinion, that the greatest and wealthiest city of all Italy, the most plenteous country, and near unto the sea, might be as it were the garner and storehouse, whatsoever variable changes of corn and victuals might happen: yet they set more by keeping their faith and promise, than of that great commodity that might accrue unto them: and thus by direction of the Senate, 
〈…〉  made the Consul answer. The Senate judgeth you o Campaines worthy of aid: but meet it is that we entertain your amity, so, as a more ancient society and friendship be not thereby violate and broken. The Samnites are in league, and confederate with us. We must needs therefore debar you from making that war against the Samnites, which should sooner dishonour the gods than hurt and wrong men. Howbeit, as equity and reason doth require, we will to our Allies and friends send our Ambassadors, to entreat them to offer no violence unto you. To this answer the chief man of the Embassage (according as he had in commission from home) replied and said: For as much as ye are not willing to defend our right and cause, by just and lawful power against violence and injury; your own yet, I am sure ye will maintain. 
〈…〉  Therefore, my LL. of the Senate, here we yield up into your hands, and to the signory of the people of Rome, the whole nation of the Capuans, the city Capua, our lands and possessions, the sacred temples of the gods, and all things else both holy and profane. And whatsoever from henceforth we shall suffer and abide, we will sustain it as your liegemen and subjects, wholly devoted as vassals unto you. At which words they all held up their hands unto the Consuls, shed tears plenteously, and fell down upon their knees in the very entry of the Counsel house. The Senate moved with consideration of the changeable course and turn of human fortune, in this world, to see so great & mighty a people for puissance, so pompous for superfluous abundance and magnificence (at whose hands but a while before, the nations bordering had craved and begged their aid) to carry with them now so base and broken hearts, as of their own accord, to submit themselves and all they had in the whole world, to the power and devotion of others: were persuaded now it was a matter of trust and faithfulness, not to abandon and see betrayed, those that thus were reduced under their protection. Neither thought they, that the people of Samnium could in any equity or colour of justice, invade that land, or assault that city, which was surrendered and annexed to the imperial State of Rome. Whereupon presently they agreed to dispatch Ambassadors unto the Samnites, who had in charge and commission to make declaration unto them; First, of the Campaines petitions: secondly, of the answer of the Senate returned unto them, implying the remembrance of the Samnites amity: last of all, of the Campaines surrender. Then, to request and desire them in regard of their mutual society and friendship, to spare and forbear those, that were their vassals, and not with any hostility to invade that territory, which was become subject to the people of Rome. If by this courteous dealing they could do no good, then, to command the Samnites in the name of the people and Senate of Rome, to abstain from the city Capua and the country of the Campaines. When these Ambassadors debated these matters in the counsel house of the Samnites, they returned so stout and arrogant an answer again, not in these terms only, That they would go forward in the war begun: but (that which more was) the rulers coming forth of their counsel house, even whiles the Ambassadors there stood, called to the captains of the cohorts, and with a loud voice commanded them forthwith to make a road into the Campaine country, for to spoil and fetch booties. This Embassage being returned home again to Rome, 
Defiance given by the Romances to the Samnites.  the Senators setting aside the care of all other matters, sent their heralds to demand restitution: and for default thereof, after the solemn manner to proclaim open war. Whereupon they decreed with all speed possible to propound this matter to the people: and by the consent of the people, both Coss. with two armies departed the city, Valerius into Campania, Cornelius into Samnium: and pitched their tents, Valerius at the foot of the hill Gaurus, and the other at Satricula. The Samnit legions presented themselves first to Valerius (for that way they supposed all the forces would be bend) for indignation also, against the Campains, because they were so ready one while with their own succours, and another while in sending for the aid of others against them. And so soon as they discovered the Romans camp, in all haste (every one for his part) called lustily to their captains for to strike up and sound the battle: assuring themselves, and saying plainly, that the Romans should speed as well in succouring the Campaines, as the Campains had done before them in aiding the Sidicines. Valerius, after he had amused the enemies not many days together, with some light skirmishes, only to make trial of them what they could do, put forth the 
* A coat of arms of purple or scarlet colour, hanging forth at the General, his pavilion. The exhortation of Valerius Corvinus, to his soldiers.  signal of battle at the last, but first exhorted his soldiers in a short speech in this wise, That neither this new war nor new enemy should terrify them: for as much as the farther they warred from the city, the more cowardly Nations they were, and less warlike still to whom they went. That they should not esteem the valour of the Samnites, by the late losses and defeatures of the Sidicines or Campaines: For whosoever they be that contend and fight together, one side or other cannot choose, but go to the walls. The Campaines, doubtless, had the overthrow rather through their own effeminate tenderness, as flowing too much in excess and superfluity of pleasures, than by their enemy's hardiness and valour. And what were two only fortunate battles of the Samnites, in so many ages, to be set against so many honourable victories of the people of Rome? Who, from the first foundation of their city, may number more triumphs well-near, than years: who have by war subdued all Nations about them, the Sabines, Hetruria, the Latins, hernics, Aequians, Volscians, and Auruncanes. And as they ought to go into the field, every man presuming and trusting upon his own manhood & glorious warfare: so should they have an eye, and consider, under whose leading and regiment they were to enter into battle. Whether he were a man that in the hearing of his soldiers, could only make goodly and magnifical Orations, fierce in brave words, void of Military works: or he who himself knew how to handle his weapon, to advance before the standards, yea, and to be employed even in the middle medley of all the battle. I would have you (quoth he) my soldiers, to follow my deeds and not my words, and of me to learn, not only discipline, but also good example. I have not by bribing and factions, nor yet by courting and Orations (usual matters among Noblemen) but by this right hand of mine, attained unto three Consulships, and to the highest honour. The time hath been indeed, when a man might have said thus unto me: No marvel, For why? You were a Gentleman of noble blood, descended from those that were the deliverers of their country: and in the same year that the city had first a Consul, this house of yours had the Consulship. But now the case is altered, the way unto a Consulship, is as open to you Commoners, as to us of the Nobility. Now is it not the guerdon of birth and gentry, as aforetime: but the reward and recompense of virtue and valour. And therefore my soldiers, shoot at the highest dignities, and aim at sovereign honour. And although ye that are men, have by the grace and approbation of the gods, given unto meet his new addition of surname [Corvinus] yet have not I forgotten the ancient name of the Publicolas, appropriate unto our family. I love and ever will (as always I have done) the Commons of Rome, at all times alike, both abroad in wars, and also at home in peace: as well a private person, as in mine offices, were they little, or were they much: whiles I was Tribune, whiles I was Consul: and no changeling have I been throughout all my Consulships, one after another. Now for this present enterprise which we are about, with the help of God, and in his name, have a cast with me for a new and fresh triumph over the Samnites. Never was there a General more familiar with his soldiers: as willing as the meanest of them, to lay his hand to any base offices that were to be done; yea, 
The familiarity 〈◊〉 with his soldiers, and his other good parts.  and in the very training and exercises of the soldiers, at what time as equals try masteries of activity and strength, one with another, gently would he other whiles take the foil, as well as the victory, and ever keep one countenance still: not rejecting or refusing any one, whosoever would offer to match him, or be his mate. For deed, benign and bounteous to his power, and as occasion required: in his words, no less mindful of the freedom of others, than respective of his own place and dignity: and (than which, there is nothing more popular) look by what virtuous demeanour and carriage of himself, he sought to attain unto honours and promotions, with the same he bore them, and went through with them. Therefore the whole army with incredible cheerfulness accepting this exhortation of their captain, issued forth of the camp into the field. Never was there battle fought more indifferently on both sides. Their hope was like, their forces equal, with full trust and confidence in themselves, and yet without contempt of their enemies. The Samnites, for to whet their courage, presumed upon their fresh & late achieved acts, and their double victory but few days before. The Romans on the contrary side, stood upon their honour and reputation for the space of four hundred years, and their conquests ever since the foundation of their city. Yet they were troubled, both the one and the other, to deal with a new and unknown enemy. The manner of their fight showed what stomachs they carried. For the conflict was such, as for a good while they seemed on neither part to yield one foot. 
A cruel battle 〈…〉.  Then the Consul, seeing they could not by fine force be caused to recoil, thought to set a sudden fear among them: and therefore assayeth, by sending in the horsemen upon the foremost ensigns, to break their ranks, and put them in disarray. But when he saw, that in so small room of ground they toiled themselves in vain, and could not well manage their troops and cornets, nor break in upon the enemies, he road back again to the vaward and forefront of the Legions, and dismounted from horseback, We that are footmen (qd. he) when all is done, must do the deed I see well. Come on then, and as ye behold me (which way soever I go) by dint of sword to make way and entrance into the enemy's battle: so every man for himself, down with him that stands next in his way. Straightways shall ye see, that where as now their spears and pikes stand glittering and bend upon us, there will be a wide lane made over their slain carcases. He e had not so soon spoken these words, but the horsemen at the Consul's commandment, ran upon both the wings and points, and made way for the footmen to enter the main battle. First and foremost the Consul in person chargeth the enemy, and whomsoever he happened to encounter, him he killeth in the place. This goodly sight set the rest on fire: and then every man did his best, laid about him manfully, and carried it afore him right worthily. The Samnites stood to it still and moved not, albeit they got more knocks and wounds than they gave. Thus when the fight had continued a good while, notwithstanding, much bloody slaughter about the Samnites ensigns, yet no flying was there on any side: so resolute were they, by death only to be vanquished. Whereupon, the Romans feeling their own strength for weariness decayed and spent, and but little day left, inflamed with anger, gave a fresh charge all at ones upon the enemies. Then (and not before) began they to shrink and give ground, and incline to flight: then were the Samnites taken prisoners, and slain thick. Few or none had escaped alive, but that the night came so fast upon them, that it interrupted the victory, rather than ended the battle. Both the Romans themselves confessed, they never fought with a more stubborn and obstinate enemy: and the Samnites also being demanded the primitive cause, which forced them (so stiffly bend as they were) to run away at the last, said, that the Romans seemed to have burning fire in their eyes, and to carry in their faces and visages the furious rage of mad & frantic persons; and there at first began they to be affrighted, more than at any thing else. Which fearfulness of theirs, they bewrayed not only by the present event of the battle, but also by their dislodging and departure away in the night. The morrow after the Romans were masters of their empty and naked camp: unto which all the whole multitude of the Campaines came running in numbers to rejoice and congratulate their victory.  
But this joy had like to have been foully blemished with an overthrow and defeature in Samnium. For Cornelius the Consul being departed from Satricula, had engaged his army unadvisedly within a forest, through which went an hollow valley or lawn, forelaid on both sides with an ambush: neither discovered he his enemies over his head, before such time as he could not retire with his ensigns into a place of safe receipt. But whiles the Samnites stayed, only until he had brought his army fully down into the bottom of the vale, P. Decius, a Colonel of footmen, espied in the forest one little high hill, which commanded the place where the enemies lay encamped: and as it was for an army heavily armed, and charged with carriage, hard to be gotten up unto: so for them that were lightly appointed and deliver, nothing difficult. He perceiving the Consul troubled in mind and affrighted: See you not (quoth he) o Aulus Cornelius yonder hill top above the enemy? That is the very fortress of our hope and safety, if so be that we can gain the same lustily, 
The policy and valour of P. Decius.  as the Samnites have left it blindly. I require no more of you, but to let me have the Principes and spearemen of one only Legion. And when with them I have once seized the top thereof, set forward you from hence and fear not, neither make doubt to save yourself and the army. For the enemy being under us, and lying open to all our shot, cannot stir without great loss and present mischief. As for us, either the fortune of the people of Rome, or our own manhood shall work our evasion. Being commended by the Consul, and having received that troop & guard which he demanded, he marcheth close through the woody pace, and was not descried by the enemy before he approached the place that he went to get. And whiles they all were amazed thereat and wondered, and wholly turned their eyes to himward, he both gained the Consul some time to withdraw his army into a more convenient and open ground, and possessed himself of the hill top, and there rested. The Samnites, whiles they turn their ensigns to and fro, (as men that had lost the vantage of both sides) could neither make after the Consul, but through the same valley, wherein a while before they had him under their shot, nor yet erect their squadrons, and march up that hill, which Decius over them had already gained. But being more angry with those, that thus had disappointed them of the fair means they had of a brave exploit, and considering withal the nearness of the place, and their small number which were gotten thither, they were one while of mind to environ the hill round with armed men, and to keep Decius from the Consul; another while, to make them way, that when they were come down into the valley, they might set upon them. Thus whiles they were in doubt what to do, the night overtook them. Decius at the first, was in good hope to fight with them from the higher ground, as they mounted up against the hill: but afterwards ●he marveled much, that they neither began to charge upon him, nor yet when they were disappointed and put by that purpose, through disadvantage of the ground, fortified themselves with trench and rampire, 
P. Decius to his under captains.  and other pioneers work. Then calling the Centurions unto him, What unskilfulness (quoth he) of military service, what supine slackness and sloth is this? and how got these lozel's the victory of the Sidicines and Campaines? Ye see their ensigns waving hither and thither: one while huddled they are in one together, another while advanced & displayed at length. As for munitions and fortifications, no man beginneth any: & by this time we might have been entrenched round about. But if we stay here longer than for our vantage, we might be counted lazy lubbers like them. Come on then, go with me, that while, day light serveth, we may see in what places they quarter their guards, and what way we may get from hence and escape. All this went he to espy and discover himself in person, clad in a common soldiers jacket, leading with him the other captains in the habit of their soldiers; to the end, that the enemies might not take mark of the General himself, how he went about to view them. After this, when he had disposed the sentinels and corpse de guard, to all the rest he commanded a watchword to be given, that when the trumpet sounded the second watch, they should come all unto him armed, and make no noise at all. When they were thither assembled with silence, as he had commanded, 
P. Decius to his soldiers.  This stillness my fellow soldiers (quoth he) must ye keep, whiles ye hear me speak, and forbear all giving assent by uttering your voices (as soldiers use to do) When I shall have delivered my mind to you, let as many as like thereof, go softly on the right hand, and not speak a word: and look what side is greater, that course shall stand & take place. And now listen what my conceit is, and what I would have done. The enemy hath not invested you here, as men either fled away for fear, or lagging behind for sloth and idleness. The place have ye won by manhood: by manhood must ye from thence escape. In coming hither, ye have already saved a brave army of the people of Rome: and now by breaking out from hence, save your own selves. Worthy you are, that being but a few, have succoured many, ye should not stand in need yourselves of any man's help. With that enemy ye have to deal, who yesterday through their senseless sloth, overslipped their happy opportunity to defeit our whole army; who were so blind, that they saw not this hill of so great importance, even over their heads, before it was by us gained: who being so many thousands, could neither debar us from climbing up, as few as we were, nor when we had gotten the place, compass us about with a trench, having so much day as they had. These enemies, whom ye have thus deluded & beguiled, whiles they were awake, and had their eyesight: ye are to deceive when they are fast asleep: nay, you must do so indeed, there is no other remedy. For at that pass we are now, that I am rather to show you, in what terms of extremity ye stand, than to advise you to the execution of any good counsel. It is no consulting at this time, whether ye should here stay, or depart hence; sith that besides your weapons, and hearts setting up rest upon their weapons, fortune hath left you nothing at all. And die we must, perdie, for hunger and thirst, if we dread the swords point more than befitteth hardy men, and valorous Romans. One way there is therefore, and but one way of safety, even to make a brave sally through and away. This must we do, either by day or by night. And that doubt is soon cleared. If we look for the morrow day, what hope have we, but that the enemy will cast a ditch and bank, even round about us: who already as ye see lying under this little knap, have compassed it with their very bodies. Now, if so be that the night be a convenient and favourable time for eruptions and sallies, as in truth it is: then, this hour of the night certainly, is of all other the fittest. At the second watches sound ye are come hither, at which time all men are in their most sound and dead sleep. Amid their bodies being fast asleep, shall ye go. Either by silence deceive them unwares, or if they perceive you, affright them with a sudden outcry. Do but follow me, as ye have done already. ay, will follow the same fortune that guided me hither. Now as many of you as think this good counsel, and a course like to speed well, make no more ado, but pass on my right hand. So they all passed, and followed after Decius as he went through the quarters, void of watchmen and warders. Now were they escaped the mids of the camp, when a soldier, as he clambered over the watchman's bodies, lying heavy asleep, chanced to stumble at a shield, which gave a sound again. Whereat the watchman being awakened, raised his next fellow; and they being start up, call up other, not knowing whither they were enemies or fellows, whither the garrison of Decius on the hill was broken forth, or the Consul had surprised the camp. Decius then, seeing his soldiers could not pass clear and undescried, commanded them to set up a shout. And there with he amazed them with a new fright, who were already drowned in drowsiness, so as they could neither take weapons readily, nor make head against them, nor yet pursue after them. Whiles the Samnites were thus maskered and in confusion, the Roman garrison had by this time slain the warders whom they met, and were marching toward the Consul his camp. As yet was somewhat of the night to come: but now they seemed to be safe, 
P. Decius to his 〈◊〉.  and past all danger. Then (quoth Decius) on forward in this courage of yours, o hardy Romans. This your passage and return, to and fro, all ages shall extol and praise. But for the full sight and view of so great valour, we had need of broad day light: for ye deserve better, than that the still night should hide you in so glorious a return of yours into the camp. Let us here rest, and wait for day. His words were obeyed; and so soon as the day broke, he dispatched a messenger afore unto the Consul: and so with exceeding great joy they made speed unto the camp. And when it was known in the camp by the privy watchmen, that they who had put their lives, in most dangerous hazard for the safety of them all, were themselves returned safe; then every one came forth to meet them as fast as they could, with praises and commendations, calling them both all and some, their saviours: praising the immortal gods, and giving thanks, yea, and extolling Decius to the sky. This was the triumph of Decius in the camp, as he marched through the midst thereof with his armed garrison, whiles every man cast his eyes upon him, and made him a Colonel, equal to the Consul in all kind of honour. When he was come to the Pretorium, the Consul by sound of trumpet, called all the army to an audience, and as he entered into a discourse of the deserved praises of Decius, Decius himself interrupteth him, and cutteth off his speech. Whereupon the Consul put off the Oration. Decius then persuadeth the Consul, to set aside all other things, and whiles the occasion and opportunity was offered, he urged him effectually, to give an alarm to the enemies, both while they were amazed with this scare by night, and also lay skattering about the hill, as it were in their several sconces. Besides, he thought verily that some were sent out after him to make fresh suit, and wandered astray in the forest. So the Legions were commanded to arm, and being departed out of the camp, and by means of the espials better acquainted with the forest, they were conducted by a wider and more open way toward the enemy: whom suddenly they surprised and charged, unawares and unprovided as he was. And for as much as the Samnite soldiers were straggling abroad, and most unarmed, and could neither rally themselves & take arms, nor retire into their trench, they drove them at first with fear into their camp: after, whiles the guards about it were disordered and troubled, they were masters thereof also. The noise was heard all about the hill, and caused every man to fly out of his hold. So a great part of them took their heels: before the enemy could come. But so many as for fear were driven within the trench (and those were some 30000) were all slain: and the camp rifted and spoiled. The Consul having achieved this exploit, 
P. Decius solemnly precised and rewarded.  called an assembly: and not only finished the praises of Decius, as he before began, but also amplified them with fresh commendation of this new service. And besides other military gifts, he rewarded him with a crown of gold, a hundred oxen, and one especial white one, fat and fair above the rest with guilded horns. The soldiers who together with him held the hill aforesaid, 
The soldiers also recompensed  had given unto them for ever after, a double proportion of corn, and for the present one ox a piece, and two single liveries. After the Consul his reward was bestowed, the legionary soldiers themselves put upon Decius his head a wreath of green grass, in token of a delivery from siege, 
A garland called 〈◊〉.  and with notable shouts and loud cries approved this gift. Another chaplet or garland, also, in token of like honour, did his own band and company set upon him. And thus being adorned with these ornaments of honour, he sacrifice that chosen white ox unto Mars; and bestowed his own hundred oxen among those his soldiers, who had accompanied him in that exploit and service. To the same soldiers the legions gave a pound measure of wheat meal, and a 
m, * Sextari●●●uch about our wine 〈…〉.  sextare of wine, a piece. All these particulars were performed and done with great cheerfulness, and seconded with shouting and acclamation of the soldiers, to signify their good liking and general assent.  
A third battle was fought at Suessula: wherein by M. Valerius, was put to flight the host of the Samnites. Whereupon, the whole manhood and flower of their youth that remained at home were sent for and assembled, determining to fight it out and try their fortune once for all. Fearful news hereof came from Suessula to Capua: and from thence couriers and posts were dispatched to Valerius the Consul, for aid. Forthwith he advanced the standards, and leaving the carriages belonging to the camp, with a strong guard, he marched forward in great haste: and not far from the enemy, he took a little plot of ground to encamp in; as having besides their horses of service, no beasts at all for carriage, nor a rabble of slaves and varlets that follow the camp. The Samnites (as if without further delay they were to fight) embattled themselves. But seeing none to encounter them, they came with banner displayed to the very camp of the enemies. And there so soon as they beheld the soldiers upon the rampire, and understood by them that were sent out of purpose to view the circuit of the camp, in how small compass they had fortified, guessing thereby how few their enemies were; there ran a noise throughout the army, to make no more ado but to fill up the ditches, to cut through the banks, and so presently to break into the camp. And even in that rashness had the war been decided and dispatched, but that the captains held in the violence of the soldiers. But for as much as their own number so great, required good store of victuals, and was both by their lying before Suessula, and also by their long stay there without fight brought to scarcity well near of all things: it was thought good, that whiles the enemies kept within their hold as affrighted, the soldiers should be sent about the country a foraging. In which mean time they supposed that the Romans likewise, would have spent all, who were thither come lightly appointed, and had brought no more come with them, than they could carry on their shoulders, besides their armour. The Consul having espied the enemies straggling over the country, and their guards slenderly manned, after a brief exhortation to his soldiers, led them forth to give an assault upon their camp. Which when he had won at the first shout and onset, and killed more of the enemies within their tents, than either in the gates or upon the rampire; he caused the ensigns that he had taken, to be brought together into one place: and leaving there two legions, for a guard and defence; with a strait charge, that until he came again, they should forbear to rifle and make spoil, 
A notable defeature of Samnites.  he went forward in order of battle. And when the horsemen which he made out afore, had like hunters driven the scattered Samnites, as it were, within net and toil, he fell upon them and committed an exceeding great carnage. For frighted as they were, they knew neither at what signal they should rally themselves together, nor whether they should make speed to the camp, or fly further away. But so great was their fright and flight both, that there were brought to the Consul, 40000 shields, more in deed than there were men slain: besides 170 ensigns, together with those that were won in the camp. Then returned he unto the enemy's tents, and bestowed the whole pillage there, upon the soldiers. And such was the happy success of this war, that it both caused the Falisci being in truce, to sue unto the Senate for a league: and also turned the Latins, who had prepared their forces already, from warring with Romans, to wage war upon the Peligni. Neither rested the same of this so fortunate a victory within the marches of Italy: for even the Carthaginians also, sent their ambassadors to Rome, with gratulation, and a present of a golden crown weighing 
* 75 bb. sterl.  twenty five pounds, to be set up in jupiter's temple within the Capitol. Both Consuls triumphed over the Samnites: and Decius followed after, all goodly to be seen, with his gifts and worthy praises: whiles the soldiers as their manner was, with merry jests and rude ditties, magnified and renowned the name of the Colonel no less than the Consuls.  
After this, the Embassees of the Campaines and the Suessians had a day of audience: and upon their humble request it was granted, that thither should be sent a standing garrison to winter there, for to stop the excursions & invasions of the Samnites. But Capua, even then no good place for military discipline, wrought an alteration in the soldiers there: who having once gotten a smatch, and taken a delight in a world of pleasures of all sorts, quite forgot their own natural country. 
The Ma●●●● and corpuscle of the Garrison soldiers at Capua.  For they of the garrison, began to lay plots and devise how to get Capua from the Campaines: even by the same wicked practice, by which themselves had won it first from the ancient possessors and inhabitants: saying it made no matter, and they were but rightly served, in case their own precedent lewd example, should return upon their own heads. Again, why should the Campaines, not able to defend themselves, nor maintain their liberties and goods, be LL. of the most plentiful country of Italy, and of a city answerable and correspondent thereunto: rather than the victorious army, which with their sweat & blood, had repelled and expelled the Samnites from thence? And was it any reason, that they who had yielded to be vassals unto them, should enjoy that fruitful and pleasant tract; while they themselves wearied with fight, struggled still & wrestled in a pestilent air, & dry barren soil, about the city of Rome? and within that city, endured the settled, inveterat and intestine mischief and plague of usury, that surcharged them daily more and more? Whiles these projected conspiracies were contrived in secret conventicles, and as yet not broached and divulged in all men's knowledge, the new Consul. C. Martius Rutilius came in place: whose lot it was to be L. Deputy of the province Campania, leaving his fellow Q. Servilius in the city. Who having intelligence by the Captains and Colonels, of all the particularities of those designs: being a wise man, both for his old age and long experience (as who was now Consul the fourth time, and withal had been Censor and dictator) thought it best to dissimule the matter and to make void and frustrate the present heat and outrage of the soldiers, by differing and prolonging their hope, as if they might put in execution their plots at their best leisure, whensoever they pleased. He raiseth therefore a rumour, that the garrisons should in the same towns winter again the year following. [For divided they were into sundry cities of Campania: and the web begon at Capua, was spread from thence through all the forces.] By means of this good respite to bethink themselves and devise of these matters, 
The singular policy of M. Rutilius the Consul.  the mutiny for the present was well quieted. The Consul than led forth the soldiers into the summer places of abode and repose, and purposed whiles he had the Samnites in quietness, to cleanse the army by casseering and discharging those busy-bodies & troublesome spirits: pretending colourably, and saying, That some of them had served already so long as the law required, others were now well stepped in years, or waxen feeble and their strength decayed. Some had their passports limited, and were sent home: at the first, one by one singled out; afterwards, certain whole cohorts or bands, as having wintered far from their dwelling places, from their goods and substance. Under a pretence and colour also of military services and employments, whiles some were dispatched one way, some another, a great part of them were rid clean away. All this multitude, the other Consul and the Praetor kept still at Rome; devising this cause, and that, of delays and abiding behind. And verily at first, they being not ware of this delusion, were not unwilling to visit home. But after that they perceived, that neither they who were dismissed first, returned again unto their colours, nor any in a manner discharged else, but such as had lain in winter garrison at Capua: and those especially, who of them were the authors of the conspiracy; first they merveiled, and afterwards feared in very deed, that their complots were revealed and come to light, and that now presently, they should be put to examinations and tortures, abide arraignment and judgement, be executed secretly apart one by one, & suffer the insolent lordliness, and cruel tyranny of Consuls and Senators over them. These and such like speeches sow they and whisper secretly, that were in the camp, when they saw the principal authors of the mutiny, who were the sincwes and strength thereof, by the wily policy of the Consul to be dismembered from them. 
A mutiny and sedition of the garrison soldiers of Campania.  One cohort of them, being not far from Anxur sat them down at Lautulae, in a narrow pace or wood between the sea and the mountains, to intercept and stay, whomsoever the Consul sent about this or that pretended business as is abovesaid. Soon were there gathered together a right strong power: and nothing wanted to make a show of a full army, but only a head and captain. And disordered as they were, they went robbing and spoiling, as far as the Alban country, and under the hill of long Alba they encamp themselves within a trench and rampire. Which work being finished, they spend the rest of the day in consultation about choosing a Commander, little trusting any one there present in place. And who possibly (say they) could be sent for as far as from Rome? What Senator or Commoner was there, that either wittingly would venture upon so great and dangerous an enterprise: or to whom the cause of an army, enraged upon an injury received, might safely be committed? The next morrow, whiles they reasoned still about this point, and sadly debated the matter, some of the wandering and vagrant sorraiers of the country thereabout, bring certain intelligence, that Titus Quintius employed himself in husbandry, and held a farm in Tusculanum, minding neither the city, nor dignities of state and common weal. This man was come of noble lineage, and having served with great credit and honour in the wars, by a wound received, was lame of a leg, and gave over soldiery, determining to lead the rest of his life in the country, sequestered far from all courting and ambitious suing for civil offices. They had not so soon heard his name, but presently they took knowledge of the man, and (that which might turn to their good) agreed with one accord, he should be sent for. Small hope there was that he would willingly do any thing: they thought therefore to use force and to bring him to it by fear. 
T. Quintius surprised by the rebels and made their Leader against his will.  So, in the dead time of the night, they that were sent thereto, entered the farm house, and finding Quintius sound & fast asleep, they awakened him: propounded unto him either rule and honour, or else present death: and no mean between, in case he made stay & refused to go with them: and so they haled and brought him to their camp. Incontinently he was saluted L. General at his first coming. And when the man was affrighted at this sudden and wonderful occurrent, they endue him with the ornaments and ensigns to that honour belonging, and will him to lead them as their commander to the city of Rome. Thus having plucked up the Standards, in this heady fit of their own, rather than upon any advice or counsel of their Captain, they march in warlike manner with an army, toward Rome, within eight miles of the city, upon the causey or street way, now called Appia Via: & had approached immediately in that train to the very city, but that they heard there was a power coming against them, & a Dictator created to withstand them, to wit, M. Valerius Corvinus, together with L. Aemylius Mamercus General of horsemen. So soon as they were come in interview one of another, and took knowledge of the armour & ensigns: the remembrance of their native country wrought in them straightways a mitigation of their mood. They were not yet so far gone, nor so hardy, as to shed civil blood: neither had they knowledge of any other wars but foreign: & the uttermost rage & maddest fit that ever they proceeded unto, was counted their Secession & departure away from their own countrymen. And therefore both captains and soldiers on either side, sought means to meet together, and draw to emparle. Quintius for his part, who having had already his hands full of wars in defence of his country, could worse brook taking arms against the same: Corvinus likewise for himself, as one that with loving affection embraced all his fellow citizens, but the soldiers especially, & above all others those of his own army, that fought under his banner, came forth to a parley. And forthwith as soon as he was once known, he had no less reverence done unto him of the adverse part, than silence and audience given of his own men. The immortal gods (quoth he) o soldiers, as well those which are common to you all, 
The Oration of 〈…〉 to the Rebels  as mine own peculiar patrons, when I took my leave of the city, I adored and worshipped in this wise, craving humbly upon my knees at their hands, to vouchsafe me the honour, not of a victory over you, but of procuring concord and unity among you. Occasions there have been, and will be enough elsewhere, to win glory and warlike renown: From hence, peace only is to be sought. And even that which among my vows that I made, I besought so devoutly of the immortal gods, it lieth in you to make me enjoy. Do but call to mind that neither in Samnium, nor among the Volscians ye are encamped, but upon Roman ground: that those hills which ye behold, are the hills of your native soil: this army which ye see, are of your own countrymen and fellow citizens: and myself your Consul, under whose conduct and Auspice, ye have the year passed twice defeated the Samnite legions, twice by fine force won their camp, and driven them out of the field. I am, sirs, that M. Valerius Corvinus, whose nobleness ye have had trial of, not by any wrongs done, but by good turns on your part received. Author have I been of no proud law, nor cruel Act of Senate against you: a man in all my government and rule that I bore, more rigorous to myself than severe to you. And if ever there were one, who might be proud either of Noble race and gentry, or of his own virtue and valour, of majesty and high calling or honourable dignities; of such progenitors am I descended, such proof of prowess have I given: at that age attained I to Consular honour, that being three and twenty years old, I was able to have been feared and dread, not of Commons only, but also of the Senators. But what deed or word hath passed from me in your knowledge, more grievous & odious when I was once Consul, than all the time I was but a Colonel? The same course held I still during my two Consulships ensuing: and such shall my carriage be, and none other, whiles I am dictator: that I will be no more mild and gracious to these here about me that are mine own and my country's soldiers, than to yourselves affronting; who are, I tremble to speak it forth, mine enemies. Ye shall therefore draw sword upon me, before I draw upon you. The trumpets from thence shall begin sound, the shouting from thence shall arise, the charge from thence shall be given first, if we must needs go to it and fight. Now, find in your hearts (if you can) to do that, which neither your fathers nor grandfathers before you ever could: no, not they who went away and departed into the mount Sacer, nor those who afterwards held and kept the Aventine. Expect, until your mothers and wives, with their hair hanging about their ears, come forth of the city to meet with you one by one, as sometime they did to Coriolanus. Then, the Volscian legions were quieted and pacified, because they had one Roman for their leader: will not ye then, being a whole army, all of the Romans, surcease this unkind and impious war? And thou T. Quintius, howsoever thou art come there to stand, whether with or against thy will; in case there be no remedy, but fight we must, retire thyself among the hindermost: nay, with more honesty fly thou shalt, and show thy natural countrymen a fair pair of heels, than fight against thy country. But stand still hardly with honour and credit among the foremost, to make atonement: thou shalt be a truchman in this our parley and conference, to all our goods. Ask and have, any reasonable and indifferent conditions: although in truth we were better to yield unto hard and unequal capitulations, than wickedly and ungodly, one to fight with another. Then T. Quintius with tears gushing out at his eyes, turning to his own companies: 
T. Quintius to his 〈◊〉.  And even me also (quoth he) o soldiers (if need there be at all of me) ye have a much better captain for peace than war. As for him who even now uttered those words in your hearing, was neither Volscian nor Samnite, but a Roman, even your own Consul sometime, soldiers, and your own General heretofore: whose Auspicate conduct, you having tried for you and in your defence; do not prove now against yourselves to your perdition. Others had the Senate to send as captains, who would have fought more maliciously with you: but they have made choice of him who above all others, could bear with you, yea and forbear you that have been his soldiers: whom you of all others especially might trust, as having been your General. Peace, ye see, even they desire that are able to get the victory. And what is it then that we ought and should desire? Why then set we not anger and hope aside, two false motives, two deceitful guides and counsellors; and betake ourselves and all we have to a man of approved trust and fidelity? These words being liked well of all (as appeared by a general shout) T. Quintius went forth before the ensigns in the forefront, and pronounced that the soldiers should be at the dictator his devotion and pleasure: beseeching him to consider and undertake the cause of poor and wretched citizens; and having taken it into his hands, to maintain and protect the same, 
T. Quintius to the dictator.  according to that faithfulness wherewith he used to govern the Comonmonweale. As for himself privately, he would not indent aught for his own security: neither reposed he hope in any thing else but innocency. The soldiers indeed were to capitulate, as once heretofore the Commons, and a second time the legions had done with the Senators: namely, that this their revolt and petty rebellion, might not be laid unto their charge, to their hurt and utter undoing. Then the dictator, after he had first commended Quintius, and willed the rest to be content and of good cheer, 
Military ordinances enacted.  road post to the city, & by the advice of the Senators, preferred a bill unto the people in the grove Petelinus: THAT THE MUTINY AND INSURRECTION SHOULD TURN NO MAN TO SCATHE AND DANGER. He besought the Quirites also of thus much favour besides, THAT NEITHER IN BOARD NOR EARNEST, THIS SHOULD BE LAID IN NO MAN'S DISH. The same time there was proposed besides, a sacred military law under pain of death, THAT NO soldiers NAME ONCE ENTERED INTO THE MUSTER-MASTER HIS BOOK, SHOULD BE RAZED OUT AGAINST HIS WILL: With this branch annexed over and besides, THAT NO MAN WHO HAD BEN AFORETIME A COLONEL OR TRIBUNE, SHOULD AFTER HAVE THE LEADING OF BANDS, AND BE A CORPORAL. This was followed hard and urged by those of the conspirarie, in regard of one P. Salonius, who in manner each other year had been either a Colonel, or a chief 
* The next degree to a Colonel.  Centurion, whom now they call Primipili. Him the sodiors spighted much, & were maliciously set against, because he had always opposed himself against their conspiracies and innovations, and took not part with them who fled from Lantulae. But when this one point could not be obtained of the Senate, for the favour they bore to Salonius: then Salonius himself besought the Senators that they would not regard his honour, more than the concord of the whole city: and so at length it also was granted and enacted. As unreasonable a damaund was this also, That of horseman's pay, (and that was triple at that time) some Asses should be deducted, for that they also had withstood the conspiracy. Over and besides, I find in some writers, that L. Genutius a Tribune of the Commons, published this law unto the people, That Usury might be made altogether unlawful. Likewise in other Acts of the Commons it was provided, That no man within ten years' space, should be capable of the same office twice: nor in one year bear two offices: and that both Consuls might be of the Commons. Which if they all were granted to the Com. it appeareth that this insurrection carried some sway and force with it. In other Chronicles it is recorded, that neither Valerius was chosen dictator, but that all this business was by the Consuls managed: nor so great a multitude of conspirators rose, before they came to Rome, but even in Rome took arms: ne yet that they came by night, in forcible manner into T. Quintius ferme-house, but into the dwelling house of C. Manlius: and that he was taken up by the rebels to be their General, and from thence went as far as four miles' end, and there encamped in a fortified place: that the motion of concord arose not from the captains, but that of a sudden, when both armies stood araunged in order of battle, they fell to greeting one another: and that the soldiers began to take one another by the hands & embrace with tears: and that the Consuls seeing the soldiers so backward from fight, were forced to move the Senate for an atonement. So as among ancient writers, there is no certainty set down, but that a sedition there was, and the same appealed. But the rumour thereof, and the cruel war which the Samnites begun, withdrew certain nations from the Romans society and alliance. For besides the faithless and untrusty league (a long time) of the Latins: the Privernates also with sudden roads, invaded and wasted Norba and Setia, two Colonies of the Romans near bordering and adjoining.   

THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the eighth Book.  
THe Latins, together with the Capuans revolted: and the Latins having sent their Ambassadors to the Senate (of Rome) offered and presented peace, upon this condition only, that they would create one of their Consuls out of them. This Embassy thus declared, Annius their praetor, who had audience in the Capitol, in going down from thence, took such a fall, that he died in the place. T. Manlius caused his own son to lose his head, because, contrary to his express commandment, he had fought against the Latins, notwithstanding his good success in that combat. At what time as the Romans were greatly distressed, and like to life the field, P. Decius then Cos. with Manlius, devowed and offered himself to present death, f●r to save the army: and setting spurs to his horse, rode into the midst of the enemy's battle: where he was slain, and by his death recovered victory to the Romans. The Latins yielded and rendered themselves. When T. Manlius returned into the city, there was not one of all the youth came forth to meet him, and do him honour. Minutia, a professed Vestal virgin, was condemned for her incest, or incontinent life. The Ausonians being subdued, a Colony was planted in Cales, and another likewise in Fregellae. Many Roman dames were detected of practising poison: and most of them were faced to drink of their own empoisoned cups first, whereof they died presently. Whereupon was the first law then ordained against poisoning. The Privernates, when they rebelled were vanquished, and afterwards endued with the Burgeoisie of the city of Rome. The Palaepolitanes were defeated in battle first, and after siege, surrendered upon composition. Quintius Publilius, who bl●cqued them within their walls, was the first man that had his commission renewed, and continued still in government, when the ordinary time was expired: and by means of the Consuls, had a triumph granted unto him. The common people were delivered from the danger of their creditors, by occasion of the filthy lust of one of them, Lu. P●pyrius, who would have forced, and against nature abused C. Publius, a debtor of his. When L. Papyrius the Dictator was returned from his army into the city, for to take the Auspexes anew, by reason of some error supposed in the former, Q. Fabius the General of the horsemen, having in his absence espied the opportunity and advantage of performing a worthy exploit, gave battle contrary to his Edict, and put the Samnites to the worse. For which cause, when the dictator would seem to punish him accordingly, Fabius made an escape and stead to Rome. And when his cause would not bear him out, he had his pardon, at the earnest suit and prayers of the people. This book containeth also the fortunate exploits against the Samnites.  
NOw was C. Plautius' Consul the second time, with L. Aemylius Mamercus, when as the Setines and Norbans brought tidings to Rome of the Privernates revolt, with complaints of harms sustained at their hands. News came likewise, that an army of Volscians, under the conduct of the Antiates, were encamped at Satricum. Both these wars fell by lot to Plautius. Who taking his journey first to Privernum, forthwith bade them battle: and with no great conflict gave his enemies the overthrow. The town was won and restored again to the Privernates, with a strong garrison therein placed, but two parts of their lands were taken from them. The army thus having obtained victory, was conducted thence to Satricum against the Antiates. Where was a cruel battle fought with much bloodshed on both sides: and when as the tempestuous and stormy weather parted them asunder, before that either side inclined to victory, the Romans no whit wearied with that conflict so doubtful, addressed themselves to fight against the morrow. But the Volscians having taken a view and account what men they had lost in fight, were not of like mind to adventure the hazard again: and therefore as vanquished men they dislodged by night in disorder; and fearfully took their way to Antium, leaving behind them their wounded, and part of their baggage. Great store of armour was there found, both upon and among the slain bodies of the enemies, and also within the camp. Which the Consul promised to dedicate to dame Lua, 
The 〈◊〉 Lua  and so he harried and spoiled the confines of the enemies, even as far as the sea coast. But against the other Consul Aemylius, who was entered into the Sabellian land, neither were the Samnites encamped, nor their legions opposed any where. Whiles therefore with fire and sword he wasted their country, the Samnites Ambassadors came unto him, craving peace: but being by him posted off to the Senate, after they had audience given, they let fall their stout stomachs, and requested peace for themselves with the Romans, and liberty to make war against the Sidicines: which petition they enforced with more reason and equity. First, in that they had entered into amity with the people of Rome, during their prosperity, and not as the Campaines in their adversity: again, they were to take arms against the Sidicines, enemies always to themselves, and never friends to the people of Rome: who also, neither in peace (as the Samnites) sued for friendship and alliance, nor in time of war (as the Campaines) sought for aid and succour: and finally, were neither under the protection of the people of Rome, ne yet their vassals and subjects. When as T. Aemylius the Praetor had consulted with the Senate, about these points demanded by the Samnites, and that the LL. thought good that the league with them should be renewed; the Praetor in the name of the rest, made answer to the Samnites, That neither the fault was in the people of Rome, that the confederacy between them, was not perpetual; neither gainsaied they, but for as much as they were weary themselves first, and repent of the war commenced through their own default, the league might yet be newly made again. Touching the Sidicines, they would be no hindrance, but that the Samnite people, might use their liberty, & do what they thought best, either for war or peace. The league being thus concluded and confirmed, and they returned home, presently the Roman army was brought from thence upon receipt of a years pay, and corn for three months, according to the capitulation covenanted with the Consul, in consideration of a truce granted, until their Ambassadors were returned.  
The Samnites, with the same forces which they had employed to withstand the Roman war, went forth against the Sidicines with undoubted hope, speedily to win the city of their enemies. Then, had the Sidicines before made an offer to yield themselves unto the Romans, but seeing the Nobles to reject them, as coming too late, and wrested as it were perforce from them in their last extremity, they tendered the same to the Latins, who were already of their own accord risen up, and had taken arms. The Campaines likewise (so ready and forward were they to bear in mind an injury of the Samnites, rather than a good turn of the Romans) for bare not to join in this quarrel. Thus was there raised a mighty power of so many Nations banded together, under the conduct of the Latins, and invaded the borders of the Samnites, where more hurt was received by roads than skirmishes. And albeit the Latins in fight had the better hand, yet were they well content for avoiding so many conflicts, to depart out of the enemy's country. Which gave the Samnites leisure to send Ambassadors to Rome, who before the Senate complaining, that they endured the same measure still, being now associates, which they had abidden before when they were enemies: besought most humbly, that the Romans would be satisfied with that victory of the Campaines and Sidicines, their enemies, which they had gotten out of the Samnites hands, and not suffer them to be trodden underfoot by those Nations, the most dastards and cowards of all others: requesting moreover, if so be the Latins and Campaines were under the dominion of the people of Rome, that they would command them by virtue of their authority, to forbear the Samnites country: and if they refused to obey, then to chastise & keep them in by force of war. To these demands they framed a doubtful answer, as being loath & abashed of the one side to confess, that the Latins were not at their devotion, & fearing again on the other side by reproving & provoking them to turn away their hearts, and lose them for ever. And this was the answer. As touching the Campaines, their case was otherwise, who were not by covenants and conditions in form of league, but by voluntary & simple submission, under their protection; and therefore they should be quiet whether they would or no: but as for the Latins, by any capitulation comprised in their accord, they were not prohibited to levy war with whom they list. Which answer, as it sent the Samnites away, in doubt what to think the Romans would do; so it estranged and alienated the Campaines for fear: and made the Latins more stout, as supposing the Romans now would give them the head, and yield any thing unto them. And therefore under a colour of preparing war against the Samnites, they summoned and held many Counsels one after another: and in all their meetings and consultations, their princes & chief men secretly amongst themselves did nothing but plot & practise war with the Romans. In which conspiracy also, the Campaines had their hand as deep as the rest, even to bear arms against those, who had been their Protectors. But although they did what they could to keep all close of purpose, and were desirous before the Romans should stur, to be secured from the Samnites, (an enemy pressing hard on their backs) yet nevertheless this complot was discovered, and intelligence thereof given at Rome, by means of certain persons linked to the Romans in privaté acquaintance and mutual hospitality. Hereupon were the Consuls commanded to resign their magistracy before the ordinary time, that so much the sooner there might be new created against so great a danger and preparation of war. But here rose a scruple of conscience, that the assembly for Election should be holden by them, whose government was thus shortened and abridged. Whereupon they proceeded to an Interreigne. And two Interregents there were one after another, M. Valerius and M. Fabius: who created Consuls. T. Manlius Torquatus the third time, and P. Decius Mus.  
In that year, it is recorded for certain, that Alexander King of Epirus, arrived in Italy with a navy: who, no doubt if he had sped well at his first entrance, would have proceeded farther and warred upon the Romans. 
Alexander the 〈◊〉.  In this age flourished Alexander the Great in glorious conquests, who being this man his sister's son, and a warrior invincible, whiles he achieved feats of arms in another part of the world, happened to die in his best time and prime of his youth. But to proceed forward. The Romans although there was no doubt but that their associates, and namely the Latins, were revolted: yet as though they were carefully busied about the Samnites only, and nothing intended them; they sent for to Rome ten of their chief Peers, pretending to give them in charge what their pleasure was to have done. At that time the Latins had two Praetors or Provosts, L. Annius of 
* 〈…〉  Setia, and L. Numitius of Circeia, both Roman Colonies. By whose means, besides Signia and Velitre, being also Colonies of Rome, the Volscians were solicited likewise to take arms. And thought good it was, that those Latin Praetors by name, should be cited with the rest. No man was ignorant for what intent they were sent for. The Praetors therefore, called a Council before they went, and there declared how they were convented by the Senate of Rome, demanding their advice what answer to make as touching those matters, wherewith, as they supposed, they should be charged. When some were of this opinion, some of that; 
〈…〉  then Annius spoke & said: Although I myself have moved you to resolve upon an answer, yet I think, it concerneth us more in our main estate, to determine what to do, than what to say. And when we are grown to a resolution once of our affairs, and what course to take, an easy matter will it be to frame words fit for the purpose. For if even now already under a shadow & pretence of an indifferent league, we can abide and find in our hearts to endure bondage, what standeth in the way, but that having abandoned & betrayed the Sidicines, we be obedient not only to the Romans commandment, but also to the Samnites? and answer the Romans in these plain terms, That at their beck only, and if they do but nod their head, we will presently lay down all arms? But if at length, the desire and longing after liberty do touch our hearts, and give an edge unto our spirits: if there be a league between us: and if confederacy ought to be nothing else but a society and equal fruition of liberty and privileges: if I say, we may now glory and vaunt, whereof sometimes we were ashamed, that we are of kin to the Romans and of their blood: if they have an army of associates, by the addition whereof they redouble their forces, and which the Consuls in leaving or levying their proper wars, will not part and sever from their own: why is there not equality in all things else? Why is not one of the Consuls a Latin? Look where is parr of power and forces, there also is part of rule and command. And certes, even this in itself, is not a matter of so great honour unto us, as who have granted and confessed Rome to be the head of Latium: yet by long patience and continual sufferance only, we have brought to pass that it might seem honourable. But if ever ye wished to see the day wherein ye might participate in government and recover your liberties again, lo, that time is now come, presented unto you by your own valour, and the gracious goodness of the immortal gods. Tried their patience ye have in denying soldiers: who doubteth not but that they were in a great choler and angry at the heart, when we broke a custom of two hundredth years prescription and above: yet nevertheless this grief have they put up, and given us not one foul word. We warred upon the Pelignians in our own name and quarrel: and they, who aforetimes allowed not us the liberty so much as to defend our own marches of ourselves, nothing gainsaid & crossed it. That the Sidicines were taken to our mercy and protection, that the Campaines revolted from them and sided with us, that we levied an army against the Samnites their confederates, they heard and knew well enough: and yet they stirred not once forth of their city. How come they to be so calm and quiet, but upon a privity and knowledge, both of cur puissance and of their own weakness? I am able to avouch by the report of men of good credit, that when the Samnites complained themselves of us, they had such an answer again of the Senate of Rome, that it plainly appeared that they themselves pretended not to require that Latium should be under the Roman Empire. Do ye but take upon you, and lay claim unto that which they secretly do yield unto you themselves, & repossede it at your pleasure. Now if any man be afraid to be the speaker, Lo, here am I, who profess to be the man, and to say thus much not only in the audience of the people and Senate of Rome, but also of jupiter himself, who is resiant in the Capititoll, namely, That if they will have us to be of the league and confederacy, they shall admit from among us one of the Consuls, yea and a part also of the Senate. As he with great spirit and boldness, not only advised this, but promised also thus to do; all that were present with a general applause & assent, permitted him, to do & say what soever he thought expedient for the common good of the Latin nation, according to that trust which they reposed in him. So soon as he was come to Rome (with other Ambassadors) he was admitted into the Senate, and audience given him in the Capitol. Where when T. Manlius the Consul by the authority and direction of the Senators, had dealt with him and the rest, not to make war upon the Samnites their confederates: Annius faring like a conqueror, as if he had won by force and arms the Capitol; and not as an Ambassador, who was to deliver his mind and message safely, by the protection of the law of nations, 
The Oration of Annius in the Senate of Rome.  began in this sort: The time required (quoth he) now at length, o T. Manlius and ye Senators of Rome, not to treat and deal with us in any affairs by way of authority and commandment, namely, when you saw Latium by the favour of the gods to flourish exceedingly both in men and munition, as having subdued the Samnites, confedered with the Sidicines & Campains, and now also combined with the Volscians: and besides even your own Colonies and townships to, have made choice to submit themselves to the Latins rather than the Romans. But for as much as you cannot find in your hearts of yourselves, nor see, how to make an end of your proud and outrageous lordship and tyranny; We, albeit we are able to restore Latium into her ancient freedom by force of arms, yet for kindred sake will be content to offer indifferent articles and equal conditions of peace, for as much as it hath pleased the immortal gods, that we are equal unto you in power and puissance. Imprimis, there is no remedy now, but your two Consuls, must be one a Roman, and the other a Latin: Item, that the number of Senators be elected as well out of the one nation as the other. Item, that we become one people incorporate, and one Commonwealth. And to the end that there may be one imperial seat, and one name of all, and therefore we or you must needs yield, we are content a God's name (and to the good of both nations may it prove) that this city and state of yours be counted the better and more noble: and let us be called all, by the name of Romans. By good hap it so fell out, that the Romans also had for their Consul, T. Manlius to match him; one as stout & hot as the other: who could not contain his anger no longer, but openly said, That if the Senators were so far overseen and besides themselves, 
The Oration of T. Manlius.  as to take conditions of a Setine, he would come with his sword by his side into the Senate house, and what Latin soever he saw there in counsel, he would not fail but slay him with his own hand in the place. And therewith turning to the image of jupiter: Harken (quoth he) o good god jupiter. Hear this wickedness and inindignitie: hear o justice, and piety to godward. Wilt thou abide to see, o jupiter, in this thy holy and sacred temple, wilt thou endure, as taken captive & trodden under foot, to see Consuls of aliens and a Senate of foreigners? Are these the covenants o ye Latins, which Tullus king of Rome made with the Albans your forefathers? or which L. Tarqvinius after him, concluded with you? Remember ye not the battle at the lake Regillus? Have ye so forgotten indeed, both your own calamities and overthrows of old, and also the good turns and benefits received at our hands? When this speech of the Consul, was seconded with the indignation also of the Senators, it is recorded, that when they called upon the gods, witnesses of those covenants, and reiterated their names oftentimes. Annius in mockery of those protestations, was overheard to despise and scorn the power and godhead of the Roman jupiter. But this is certáine, that as he in heat of anger stepped hastily to the entry or porch of the temple, and went apace, he fell down the stairs, and so hurt his head that dashed against the bottom stair, that he swooned withal, and lay for dead. But because all writers agree not, that he yielded up his last breath thereupon, I also will leave it doubtful as I find it: as also this, that in the very charging of him with breach of covenants, there poured down a tempestuous storm with many mighty thunderclaps. For, as these and such like things may be very true, so they may be prettily devised and invented for the nonce to represent and show the wrath and vengeance of God. Torquatus being sent by the Senate to give the Ambassadors their dispatch, seeing Annius there to lie along, cried out aloud, in the hearing both of the Senate and the people, and said, No force, it is well, and as it should be; thus begin and bless, o ye immortal gods, our just and rightful war. Surely there is a god above, there is a power divine and deity in heaven, thou art no feigned and imaginary god, o mighty jupiter, and not in vain have we hallowed thee in this place, as the father both of gods and men. Why stay yeethens, o Roman Quirites, ye likewise my LL. of the Senate, to take arms in the name of the gods, having them already as you see, to be your Leaders? I for my part, shall soon so overthrow and lay the legions of the Latins along on the earth, as ye now see their Ambassador, lying here at the stairs foot. The words of the Consul, received with so great applause of the people, animated and enkindled them in such sort, that had not the careful diligence of the Magistrates been more (who by commandment of the Consul accompanied the Ambassadors as they went) than the ordinary safe conduct of the law of Nations, they had not escaped the rage and fury of the multitude.  
The Senate also gave their assent to this war, and the Consuls having levied two armies, and passed through the country of the Marsians and Pelignians, & joined unto them the Samnites power, encamped themselves before Capua, whither the Latins with their associates, were already come together. There, as the report goeth, the Consuls both of them in their sleep, had a vision: and there appeared unto them, one & the same shape of a man's parsonage, much greater and more stately than the ordinary port of men, who should deliver these words unto them, That of the two armies embattled and affronting one another, the one was appointed as a due tribute to the infernal spirits, and to Mother Earth: and of the other, the chief General only. And look of whether army the said sovereign General should devow and offer unto those infernal spirits, and to mother Earth, the Legions of the enemies, and his own person withal, that part and that Nation shall have the victory. When the Consuls had imparted one to the other these night-visions, it was thought good and agreed (for to divert and appease God's anger) that certain sacrifices should be slain, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and also if the same showed in their inwards, as appeared in their sleep, then one or other of the Consuls should fulfil the destinies, and accomplish fatal appointment. When as the answers of the Soothfaiers agreed also to that secret religion which was now entered and settled already in their minds, than the Consuls calling together the Lieutenants and Colonels to a counsel, and openly declaring before them all, the pleasure of the gods, (to the end, that the wilful and voluntary death of one of the Consuls, might not fright his army in the field) they agree between themselves, that of whether side the Roman battaillons began first to give back and recoil, the Consul of that army, should devow and betake himself to die for the people of Rome and the Quirites. It was debated also in that assembly, that if ever at any time before there had been war managed by severe rule and government, the military discipline should now be revived and reduced to the old manner and ancient rigour: their care in that behalf was the greater and more redoubled, for that they were to fight against the Latins, suiting altogether to them in language, fashions, armour, & especially above all, in the orders and laws of warfare. For, many a time, in these two armies, soldier with soldier, Centurion with Centurion, Colonel with Colonel, had sorted and conversed together, as colleagues and compeers in the same garrisons, yea, and under the same colours and pennants. By reason whereof, to the end, that by no error the soldiers should be mistaken or deceived, the Consuls made proclamation through the camp, That no man should fight with his enemy out of his own rank, and place appointed unto him It fortuned now, that among other Captains and guidons of horsemen, which were sent out every way as scouts and espials to discover the coasts, Q. Manlius the Consul his son, together with the rest of his cornet and troop, was passed above the enemy's camp, so near, as he was within an arrow shot of their next corpse de guard. In which was quartered the cavalry of Thusculum, under the leading of 〈◊〉 Metius a knight, both for birth, and also for his noble feats of arms highly esteemed in his country. He espying the Roman horse, and knowing the Coss. son, advancing before them, and of especial mark above the rest (for all Noblemen and of quality, were well ynougst known one to another.) What? will ye Romans (qd. he) with one cornet of horse, fight with the Latins & their confederates? What shall your Consuls, what shall two Consular armies do the mean while? Marry (quoth Manlius) they will be here time enough for you, and with them jup. himself, a witness of league and covenants by you broken. jupiter I say, who only can do more, than all men's forces in the world. And we who at the pool Regillus, have given you fight your bellies full, will here also quitour selves so, that never after ye shall have any great joy and pleasure, to encounter and join battle with us again. With that, Geminius, riding forth as he was on horseback, a little from his company, Wilt thou then (qd. he) till that day come wherein ye mean with so great a do, to set forward your armies to a general set field, break a staff with me in the mean time; that by the proof and event of us twain, it may henceforth appear, how far the Latin men of arms, surpass the Roman? The young man his blood and courage was soon up either upon anger and choler, or for very shame to refuse the combat, or because God would so have it, and it was his destiny that could not be avoided. Forgetting; therefore his father's commandment, and the express edict of the Consuls, he runneth on head and rashly, to a single fight: wherein, it skilled not much, whether he had the better or the worse, for any great odds thereby in the main trial of the quarrall. Thus when the rest of the horsemen of both parts were retired aside (as it were) to behold some spectacle or running at tilt in the void place of the plain field that lay between, they ran their horses in full career one against the other, with sharp and deadly spear in rest. Manlius with his lance aloft, glid over and razed the morion of his enemy, and Metius with his spear lightly touched, and passed by the horsenecke. Then having turned about their horses, Manlius came upon him first with a second charge, and so redoubled the push, that he thrust the others horse in, between the ears. At the smart of which wound the horse reared and cabred with his forefeet, and with great force shaking his head, cast his rider. And as he bore his spear and shield, to raise himself from his grievous fall, Manlius ran him through at the throat, so as the spear head came forth at his ribs, & nailed him fast to the ground. And having disarmed & despoiled him, road back to his own troop: and both together with exceeding joy, hastened to the camp, and so to the General's pavilion, even to his father; full little knowing his fatal destiny, & what was to befall unto him, whether he had deserved praise, or incurred danger of punishment. That all the world qd. he (o father) may be persuaded & report truly that I am descended indeed of your blood, and your undoubted son, Lo here I am, who being defied and challenged to fight man to man, have killed mine enemy a man of arms: see here the spoils of him slain and dead. Which so soon as the Cos. heard, presently he could not abide to look on his son, but turned away, & by sound of trumpet, commanded the host to a public audience. Which being assembled in great number. For as much (qd. he) as thou, T. Manlius, without regard of Coss. authority, or dread of thy father's majesty and power over thee, against our edict and express commandment, hast fought with the enemy, and that without thy rank & place; and as much as lay in thee, hast broken the discipline of war, whereby to this day the State of Rome hath stood maintained, and hast brought me thy father to this hard point, that I must forget either the Commoweale, or else mine own self and mine: we will abide rather the punishment and smart for our own misdeeds, than the whole state, to her so great prejudice & damage, should pay for our folly and transgression. 
Manlius' executed by his own father.  A fearful and dolorous example will we afford: but good and profitable to all youth for ever hereafter. As for me verily, both the inbred love and affection of all fathers to their children, and also this show & proof of thy valour and knighthood (although seduced with deceitful appearance and vain resemblance of honour) moveth me not a little: but since that, either by thy death the Coss. hests must be established, or by impunity of thy disobedience, for ever disannulled, I would not wish thee to refuse (if there be any of my blood in thee) but by thy punishment to restore & set up again, the military discipline which this day by thy default is fallen down & ruinate. Go sergeant, & bind him to a stake. At this so cruel a sentence, they were all amazed and in an ecstasy, that were present: and as if they had seen the edge bend against themselves, for fear more than for any modesty or reverence, they were quiet. So when they were come again to themselves, as if their spirits had been recovered after some deep impression of a wonder which had astonished them, they stood still with silence: but so soon as the poor wretch his head was chopped off, and his blood seen to gush & spin out, then began they all of a sudden to speak freely and complain with open mouth, so as they forbore neither lamentations nor curses: they covered the youth his body with his own victorious spoils, they erectected a funeral pile of wood over his corpse without the trench and rampires, set it on fire, and burned him accordingly; and so with as great love and affection as soldiers could show, performed their last duty unto him, and solemnised his obsequies. Thus the commandments of Manlius were not only dreadful for the present, but gave an heavy and fearful precedent for the future, to all sovereign Commanders of an army. Howbeit, the rigour of this punishment made the soldiers more dutiful to their captains and leaders: and besides that, the rounds and sentinels, and the set corpse degard, were every where more carefully looked unto and observed: even in the very hazard & extremity also of the battle afterward, that austere severity did much good. For their fight was much like unto a civil war. So little, or nothing at all in a manner, differed the Latins from the Romans Commonwealth, but only in heart and courage.  
Aforetime they used Roman long large shields, covering their whole bodies; but in process of time, after that they became Stipendaries and to take pay, they bore shorter targets. And where as aforetime they had their battaillons thick and close together, like to the Macedonian Phalanges, afterwards they began to range their battles into bands more loosely and distinctly, and last of all they were divided into thinner orders and squadrons: every such order or squadron contained three score soldiers, two Centurions, and one Pórtensigne. The forefront of the vanguard, were javeliniers called Hastati, in fifteen squadrons, distant some little way one from another: such a squadron had twenty soldiers lightly armed, and all the rest a sort of targatiers. And those were called light armed, who carried only a spear or javelin to fight with at hand, and other darts to lance from them aloof. This forefront contained the flower of youths, that grew up as apprentices to warre-service. Then followed after them of stronger and riper age, as many bands or squadrons, which were called Principes; whom there followed hard at heels, thirty squadrons, all targatiers or shieldbearers, with brave armour above all others. And this battaillon of thirty companies, they called Antepilani [avant-darters] for that the other fifteen orders or bands, were placed hard before the ensigns. And of these, every band consisted of three parts: and each of them they called Primum pilum, & it was composed of three banners or pannonces: and every such banner contained 186. men. The first Pannonce or banner conducted the Triarij, who were old soldiers of approved valour: the second, those that were called Rorarij, of less puissance both for age and prowess: the third, such as were named Accensi, who were of least account and trust, and therefore they were cast behind unto the tail of the battaillon. When the army was thus ordered in battle array into these bands and squadrons, the javeleniers foremost of all began the fight: if they were not able to discomfit the enemies, than they with steedie footing and soft pace retired back into the void places between the squadrons of the Principes, who received them: then began the Principes to enter in the medley and to maintain fight, and were seconded by the Hastati or javelins. The Triarij remained standing all this while firmly, about their ensigns, setting out their left legs afore them at length, with their targets on their shoulders, & their pikes or javelins sticking on the ground, with their heads somewhat bending forward, much like as if their battle were fortified with a Pallaisado or rampair of pauls and sharp stakes. Now if those Principes had not good success in fight, they retired themselves by little and little from the forefront, to the Triarij. And hereupon grew the proverb, that when a thing was at a dead lift and in distress, they would say, We are come to the Triarij. Then the Triarijstanding up right, so soon as they had received the Principes and Hastati, into the void place between their files, presently drew in their ranks and files close together, and shut up as it were all ways of passage and entrance, and with one main joinct and close battaillon (as if now there were no more hope behind) advanced toward the enemy. And this most of all feared and terrified the enemies, when thinking to chase those that they seemed to have vanquished, they saw a new battle of fresh men starting up, and the same increased in number.  
Now were there commonly four legions enroled, consisting of five thousand foot, and three hundred horse to every legion. As many more were added unto them, and those mustered out of the Latins, who at that time were enemies to the Romans, and had ordered their battaillons after the same manner in all respects. And they knew well enough that not only ensign with ensign, all pikes and javelins with pikes and javelins, Principes with Principes, but one centurion with another, if the arrays were not broken; were to encounter. Two Primipili or chief Centurions, there were amongst the Triarij in the one army & the other. The Roman, of body not so strong and well set, howbeit a good soldier otherwise, skilful and of great experience: the Latin, exceeding mighty, and a notable fighter of all others. Well known they were one unto the other, because at all times they had the same conduct and equal place of charge. The Roman not greatly trusting to his own strength, was permitted even at Rome by the Coss. to choose unto him an under-centurion whom he would: who might protect and defend him safe from an enemy, that should happen to deal with him hand to hand. And it fortuned that the young man by him elected, fought in the medley & got the victory of the Latin centurion. As for the battle, it was stricken not far from the foot of the hill Vesuvius, in the very way that leadeth to Veseris. The Roman Consuls before they came into field, killed their beasts for sacrifice. And the bowell-prying soothsayer (as it is reported) showed to Decius the head of the Liver on the inner side wounded (as it were) and cut off: otherwise in all respects, his sacrifice was acceptable to the gods. As for Manlius, he had as good signs of God's favour in his, and all as well as might be. That is well yet (qd. Decius') if my colleague speed well, and have good success by his sacrifice. Their battles being so arranged, as I said before, they marched into the field. Manlius led the right wing, Decius the left. At the first they fought on both sides with equal forces and like courage & heat of stomach. But afterwards, on the left wing, the Roman Hastati, not able to sustain the violent charge of the Latins, retired to the Principes, In which trouble and fearful disorder, Decius the Cos. called aloud to M. Valerius. We have need of God's help (qd. he) o Valerius. Where art thou, the public high priest of the people of Rome? Come & say afore me that form of words, whereby I may devow and betake myself for the legions. The priest commanded him to put on his long purple rob embroidered before, called Pretexta, to cover his head, and to put forth his hand under the said rob at his chin, & standing upon his javelin, with both his feet, to pronounce these words after him, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  as follow. O JANUS, JUPITER, FATHER MARS, QUIRINUS, BELLONA, o YE LARES AND DOMESTICAL GOD'S, THE GOD'S NOVENTITES AND INDIGETES; YE GOD'S LIKEWISE, WHOSE POWER EXTENDET● OVERDO US AND OUR ENEMIES, AND o MANES THE INFERNAL GOD'S, YOU I INVOCAT YOU I WORSHIP AND ADORE, YOUR PARDON I BESEECH AND FAVOUR, CRAVE, THAT YE WOULD PROSPER ALL POWER AND VICTORY UNTO THE PEOPLE OF ROME AND QUIRITES; AND PUT TO FEAR, FRIGHT, AND DEATH, THE ENEMIES OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME AND QUIRITES. AND JUST AS I PRONOUNCE IN SET WORDS, SO FOR THE WEAL PUBLIC OF THE QUIRITES, THE ARMY, LEGIONS AND AIDS OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME, I BETAKE WITH ME UNTO MANES THE INFERNAL SPIRITS, AND DAME TELLUS, THE LEGIONS AND AIDS OF THE ENEMIES, AND MYSELF AFTER THEM. Having made this prayer, he willed the sergeant or Lictours to go to Manlius, and with all speed to tell him, that his colleague was devowed for the army. Himself girded after the Gabine fashion, and armed at all pieces, mounted on horseback and so road into the midst of his enemies. Of both armies he was seen, to carry with him much more stately and venerable port than a man, as sent from heaven to be a satisfaction of all god's wrath, and to turn away all plague and mischief from his own people upon the enemies. All terror and fear he carried with him as he went, and first disordered the ensigns of the Latins in the edge & border of the battaillons, and afterwards entered within forth into the whole army. This was noted and seen most evidently, that which way so ere he road, the enemies were smitten with fear, as if they had been blasted and strucken with some untoward aspect and influence of a planet. But so soon as he was fallen and overcharged with shot of darts, presently from that place all about, the cohorts of the Latins (out of all question) as amazed men, fled away and avoided. And therewithal likewise, the Romans as if they had been discharged and freed from their religious fear and scruple of conscience, and as if they had but then and not before, heard the sound of trumpet to battle, began to charge and fight afresh. For both the Rorarij advanced forward and ran among the ranks of the Aulepilani, and thereby reenforced the Hastati and Principes, and caused them to fight more stoutly: and the Triarij kneeling on their right knee, waited till the Cos. gave them some token to arise. Afterwards in process of fight, when in other parts the Latins in their number prevailed, Manlius the Consul, having heard of the final ended of his companion, and (as right and piety would) accompanied as well with plaints and tears as with due praises so worthy & memorable a death, for a while doubted, whether it were yet time for the Triarij to arise. Afterwards thinking it better that they should be reserved in heart and fresh, unto the last push of extremity, he biddeth the Accensi from the hindmost tail of the rearward to come forth before the standards. Who so soon as they were come in place, forthwith the Latins, supposing the enemies had done the like, raised their Triarij. Who having for a good while sought fiercely and wearied themselves, and either broken their javelins or dulled their points, and yet by fine force repulsed their enemies; thinking now all had been done and the victory achieved, as being come as far as to the utmost skirts of the battaillons; Then, quoth the Consul to the Triarij, Rise now fresh and lusty as ye are, against the wearied, mindful of your country, parents, wives and children, mindful of the Consul, who for your victory hath taken his death. The Triarij all hearty and unfoiled, were not so soon risen up, showing themselves in their bright and glittering armour, but there began on a sudden & unlooked for, a new medley and conflict. For they receiving the Antepilani between their files, set up a shout & outerie, troubled & disordered the Principia of the Latins, gored their faces with their javelins, slew the principal flower and strength of their best & foremost men, and passed untouched in a manner through the other bands, as it they had been disarmed: yea and broke through their pointed and close battaillons, with so great a murder, that scarcely they left behind them a fourth part of their enemies alive. The Samnites also under the foot of the hill, being seen a far off in battle array, smote a terror among the Latins. But among all either citizens or allies, the especial commendation of that service, rested in the Consuls: of whom, the one turned all the threats & dangers from the gods both above and beneath, upon himself alone; the other in that battle showed such valour and policy, that it is confessed both of Romans and Latins, who have written of that journey and commended it to posterity, that of whether army T. Manlius had the conduct, that way doubtless would the victory go. The Latins after their defeature and flight, retired to Minturnae: their camp presently upon the battle was won, and many a man there surprised alive and cut in pieces, but the Campaines especially. That day, could not the corpse of Decius be seen, for that the night came upon them as they sought for it: the morrow after it was found amongst a mighty company of slain enemies, overwhelmed with swords, darts and javelins: and with all honour and solemnity according to his death, performed by his brother Consul were his funerals.  
This also amongst the rest, seemeth worth the remembrance and to be inserted in this place, namely, That it was lawful for Consul, dictator, and Praetor, whensoever they sacrificed and betook to the Devil the Legions of their enemies, for to devow & offer with all, not themselves in any case, but any citizen whom they would: provided always that he were one of the enroled legion of the Romans. AND IF THE MAN WHO IS; THUS ADDICTED AND DESTINED TO DEATH, HAPPEN TO DIE, ALL IS WELL, AND AS IT OUGHT TO BE: BUT IF HE DIE NOT, THAN WAS THE IMAGE OF HIM. 7. FOOT HIGH OR ABOVE BURIED IN THE GROUND, AND A PURGING OR PROPITIATORY SACRIFICE WAS SLAIN IN HIS STEED: BUT wheresoever IT CHANCED THAT IMAGE TO BE SO INTERRED, THITHER WAS IT NOT LAWFUL FOR ANY ROMAN MAGISTRATE TO SET FOOT AND COME. BUT IF A MAN WOULD NEEDS OFFER AND DEVOW HIMSELF TO DEATH, AS DECIUS DID, AND DIE NOT, HE SHALL NOT PURELY PERFORM ANY SACRED DUTY, OR DO SACRIFICE, EITHER FOR HIMSELF OR THE CITY, THAT HATH ONCE THUS BETAKEN HIMSELF. IF HE WILL BEQUEATH AND OFFER HIS ARMOUR TO VULCAN, OR TO SOME SAINT WHOMSOEVER HE LIST, BE IT PERMITTED AND LAWFUL FOR HIM SO TO do, EITHER BY WAY OF SACRIFICE OR OTHER OFFERING AS HE PLEASETH. AS FOR THE WEAPON OR SPEAR OVERDO WHICH THE CONSUL STANDING ON BOTH HIS FEET, MADE HIS PRAYERS AND INVOCATIONS, IT IS NOT leeful THE ENEMY TO SEIZE THEREON: BUT IF HE FORTUNE TO WIN-THE-FIGHT THE SAME, A PROPITIATORY SACRIFICE MUST BE OFFERED TO APPEASE MARS, TO WIT, A SWINE, A SHEEP, AND A BULL. And albeit the records both of all divine and human customs and traditions, make no mention hereof, and are now grown out of use and remembrance, by reason that we prefer new and foreign ceremonies, before the old ancient rites of our own country and ancestors, yet I thought not a miss, to make report hereof, even in those very words and terms, as they were used, delivered, and pronounced.  
In some writers I find, that the Samnites having weighted to see the event of this battle, came to aid the Romans when all was done and passed. Also, that there was succour a coming from Lavinium unto the Latins, but not before they had the overthrow; by reason that they spent a great time in deliberation. And when as now, the foremost ensigns and some part of the army was gone forth of the gates, and news came of the defeature and slaughter of the Latins; as they turned their banners and returned into the city, it is said, That their Praetor or Provost named Millionius, spoke these words, That so small a way as they had gone, m●st cost them dear, and full sweetly would the Romans be paid therefore. Such as were remaining of the Latins after the battle, and were scattered a sunder in many and divers ways, when they were rallied together, shrouded themselves for safety in the city Vescia. Where, in their Counsels and assemblies, Numisius their General, averred, and assured them, that Mars in deed was common, and the hazard indifferent to both parties, as having made an equal massacre in the one army and the other; & that the bare name only of Victory went with the Romans: for otherwise, they carried away with them the fortune of men vanquished, and sped no better than they. For (faith he) The two royal pavilions of their Coss. are polluted & defiled; the one with the parricide of his own son, the other for the death of the Cos. who had devowed himself to die: all their forces in manner slain: their javeliniers & principals killed: a bloody slaughter committed both before and behind the Standards: and only the Triarij at the last upshot, renewed the medley and set all upright. And albeit (quoth he) the power of the Latins also be shrewdly abated, yet for a fresh supply, either Latium or Volsciare nearer than Rome. And therefore if they so thought good, he would with all speed raise the lusty flower and chosen manhood, both out of the Latins and the Volscians, and return again with a fresh army to Capua: and with his sudden coming unlooked for, surprise and defeat the Romans, expecting as then for nothing less, than a second battle. So by dispatching his cautelous and deceitful letters into all parts of Latium and the Volscian nation, (by reason that they who had not been present at the battle were sooner induced to give rash credit) there was a tumultuary army in great haste levied, enroled, and assembled together out of all quarters. This host as it marched, Torquatus the Consul met at Tifanum, a place between Sinuessa & Mintu●n●. And before they could choose out a plot of ground to encamp in, they bestowed their carriages and baggage on heaps, of either side: fell to a battle presently, and made a final end and conclusion of all the war. For the enemies were brought so low, that as the Consul led his victorious army to waste their country, all the Latins yielded themselves to him: and this their rendering the Campaines likewise followed. Thus Latium and Capua forfeited and lost part of their territories. The lands of the Latins with the Privernates laid thereto, and the territory of Falerij which belonged to the people of Capua, even as far as the river Vulturinus, was divided amongst the Commons of Rome. Two acres in the Latin country, with a supplement of three four parts out of the Privernates land to make up the whole: and three acres in the territory of Falerij, with addition of a fourth part to boot for amends because it was so far off, were assigned for a man. The Laurentines only, of all Latium, and the horsemen of the Campains, escaped this punishment and were exempted from the rest, because they had not revolted. And a decree passed, that the league with the Laurentes should be renewed: and from that time usually every year, is it renewed, after the tenth day of the Latin holidays. Those Campaine horsemen were made free denizens of Rome: and for a monument and memorial thereof, they set up and fastened a brazen table at Rome in the temple of Castor. The people of Capua were enjoined to pay yearly to every one of them, (and they were a thousand and vi. hundred in all) 45. 
* 45. Denarij. amount 1020 sh. 1 d. ob. steth  Deniers.  
Thus after the warfully determined, and both rewards dealt, and punishment inflicted according to each man's desert, T. Manlius returned home: whom the elders only [for certain] went forth to meet on the way: the youth, not only then, but ever after, during his life abhorred and with curses detested him. The Antiates made certain roads into the territories of Hostia, Ardea, and Solonae. And for that Manlius the Consul was not able himself in person to intend and manage that war, by reason of sickness, he nominated for dictator, L. Papyrius Crassus, who as it happened was at that time Praetor: by whom was named for General of the horsemen, men, L. Papyrius Cursor. This dictator, albeit he kept the field and lay encamped certain months within the confines, yet achieved no worthy and memorable exploit. After this year thus renowned for the victory of so many and so puissant nations, and withal, for the noble and famous death of the one Consul, and for the government of the other, albeit stern and rigorous, yet notable and renowned; there succeeded Consuls, T. Aemylius Mamercus, and Q. Publius Philo, who met not with the like subject and matter of great affairs: and they themselves were more mindtull either of their own private business; and studious to maintain a side and faction in the Commonweal, than to advance the State of their country. Howbeit, the Latins (who rebelled for anger that they lost their lands) they discomfited in the plain of Fenecta, drove them out of their camp, & forced them to leave the field. Where, whiles Publius (by whose governance and conduct that victory was atthieved) received surrender of the Latins, the flower of whose youth was there all slain and killed up, Aemylius lead his army against Pedum. As for the Pedanes they had maintenance from Tybur, Preneste, and Veliterne, who took their parts: there came also aid from Lanuvium and Antium. Where the Roman Consul, albeit he had the better hand in skirmish, yet for that there remained behind a new piece of service about the city itself Pedum, and the camp of their confederates which was adjoined close to the town: all of a sudden he gave over the war unfinished, because he heard that triumph was decreed unto his brother Consul. He also himself returned to Rome, and called earnestly for triumph before victory. At which untimely and covetous desire of his, the Nobles being offended, denied flatly; that unless he either forced Pedum by assault, or won it by composition, he should not triumph. hereupon Aemylius being discontented and ahenated from the Senate, bore his Consulship afterward like to the seditious Tribunes. For so long as he was Consul, he ceased not to charge and accuse the Nobles before the people; and his Colleague no whit gainsaid him, as being himself one of the Commoners. He took occasion of these accusations upon this, that the lands in the Latin and Falern countries, were divided in pinching and scant measure, among the Commons. And after that the Senate, desirous to abridge the time of the Consul's government, had decreed that a dictator should be declared against the Latin rebels; Aemylius (whose turn it was at that time to govern) nominated his own companion in office to be dictator, by whom junius Brutus was named General of the horse. This Dictatorship was popular and altogether framed to the humour of the common people: both by reason of felaunderous and accusatory Invectives made against the Nobles: and for that it enacted three statutes, most favourable and pleasing to the Commons; and as cross and adverse to the Nobility: first, That the Acts devised and enacted by the Commons, should bind all the Qutrites or citizens of Rome: secondly, That all laws which were proposed, and to pass by the suffrages of the Centuries, before the Scrutiny began, & their voices gathered, the nobles should allow and approve: thirdly, That for as much as they were come thus far already, that both the Censors might be of the Commons, now one censor at the least should be a Commoner of necessity. In so much as the Nobles thought verily that there was more lost at home this year by these Consuls and dictator, than gained to the Empire abroad, by their victories and warlike exploits.  
In the year following when C. Furlus Camillus and Q. Maenius were Consuls, to the end that Aemylius the Consul of the former year, might be more notably reproached for the quitting and letting slip of a victory that should have been achieved in his year, the Senate began to mutter in their speeches, that Pedum by force of arms, by valour of men, and all possible means whatsoever, should be destroyed and razed to the ground. Whereupon, the new Consuls being forced to lay aside all other affairs, and to go in hand with that service, first rook their journey thither. Now was Latium grown to those terms, as they could neither abide war nor endure peace. To maintain the wars they wanted means: and peace they could not away with nor abide to here of, never since the loss of their lands. So they thought best to hold a middle course; to stand upon their guard, and to keep themselves within their towns: that the Romans being not provoked, should make no quarrel of war: and if there were tidings brought of any town beleaguered, there might be aid sent from all parts to the besieged. And yet for all this, were the Pedanes succoured but of very few. The Tiburtines and Praenestines, whose country lay nearest, came to Pedum. But for the Aricines, Lanuvines and Veliternes, who joined their forces with the Antiates and Volscians, were suddenly assailed and set upon, near the river Astura by Menius, and vanquished. Camillus' fought before Pedum with the Tiburtines; who came into the field with a right puissant army, and put him to much trouble & hazard: howbeit he had as good success in the end as Menius. The greatest tumult & trouble was caused especially by occasion of a sudden sally of the townsmen in the very time of the conflict. Against whom, after that Camillus had opposed part of his forces to make head, he not only drove them within the walls, but the same day also, when he had discomfited both them and their succours, he scaled the town & was master thereof. Then it was thought good, with greater preparation of power & courageous resolution, after the winning of that one city, to go about with the victorious army from one to another, and so to subdue and tame for ever, the whole nation and name of Latium. Neither rested they, until partly by main force, and partly by taking one city after another by way of surrender, they had brought all Latium under their subjection. After this, having disposed and placed garrisons in every town which they had gotten, they departed to Rome for triumph: which was to them by a general consent of all men granted. Besides their triumph, this honour was to them done, that two statues of horsemen (a rare thing in those days) should be erected for them in the Grand place, called Forum.  
But before that they gathered the suffrages of the people, in the assembly for Election of Coss. against the year following, Camillus in this wife made a speech to the Senate, touching the Latin nations. 
The Oration of Camillus to the Senate of Rome.  My LL. and Senators of Rome, That which by war and force of arms was to be done in Latium, is now by God his goodness and the valour of our soldiers brought to good pass. The armies of our enemies slain before Pedum and Astura: The Latin towns all, and Antium a city of the Volscians either by force won, or rendered by composition, are now held and kept to your behoose, by your own garrisons. It remaineth now to consult (for as much as they troubleus oft by rebellion) and to devise some means how to keep them quiet in continual peace. In this consultation, the immortal gods have given you thus much power to resolve upon, that it lieth wholly in your hands, to choose whether Latium shall continue still a nation or no: and therefore may ye for ever procure yourselves repose and security from thence, either by rigour & punishment, or by clemency and pardon, choose you whether. Are ye minded to proceed by way of cruelty against those that have yielded themselves, & are vanquished? Ye may, indeed, destroy all Latium, and make all waist and a desert wilderness, from whence oftentimes in sundry and dangerous wars of yours, ye have had the help of an army of Allies, and found them fast and valorous. But will ye (as your ancestors have done before you) enlarge the Roman Empire by receiving unto your city those whom ye have conquered? Then have ye matter & means to grow up still and wax mighty, to your great honour and glory. Certes, that government and dominion is of all other most strong and sure, wherein the subjects take joy in their obedience. But whatsoever you mean to determine in this behalf, ye had need to make speed and resolve betimes. So many nations ye hold in suspense of mind between fear and hope: and therefore behoveful it is, that you both rid and deliver yourselves (as soon as you can) of the care they put you to; and also whiles their heads are busied and minds unresolved (standing as they do amazed in doubtful expectation) either by punishment or by benefit, to forestall and prevent them before they take heart again. For, our part it was hitherto and devoir to effect & bring about, that ye might be able to dispose of all at your pleasure, and as you would yourselves: now your duty it is to determine what is best for yourselves and the Commonweal. The lords and chief of the Senate praised this motion of the Cos. and deemed it good in general. But for as much as the condition of the parties was divers, and their cause not all one, they said that they might resolve and determine best, according to the desert of each state, if they were specified by name, and the opinions asked in particular. So they fell to consultation of them severally as they were propounded: and set down this order and decree, Imprimis, that the Lanuvines be enfranchised citizens of Rome, and enjoy again their own religion and sacred ceremonies, with this proviso, that the chapel and grove of juno Sospita should be common to the Burgeoisses of Lanuvium and the people of Rome. Item, that the Aricines, Nomentanes, and Pedanes, shall be made dennisons of Rome, and endued with the liberties and privileges of the Lanuvines. Item, that the Tusculans retain still that freedom of their city safe, which as then they enjoyed: and the crime & attaindre of rebellion, to be charged upon a few of the chief, to save the common state from danger. Item, that there should be grievous punishment inflicted upon the Veliterns, who being ancient Roman citizens, had notwithstanding so often taken arms & rebelled that their walls should be dismanteled and razed: their Senators from thence translated, and confined beyond Tyberis, there to dwell, upon pain, that whosoever were found on this side the water, it might be lawful for any man to take him as his prisoner, and to ransom him at a 
* 〈…〉  1000 Asles. Provided always, that he should not enlarge him, nor release him of his irons, until the money were fully satisfied and paid. Into the possessions and lands of those Senators, were tenants and Coloners sent to inhabit: who being once enroled, Velitre seemed again as populous as beforetime. At Antium was there a new Colony planted, with this proviso, that the ancient inhabitants of the Antiates should be permitted (if they themselves would) to be enroled there, and remain still. From thence were their long Galleys and war-ships had away, and the people of Antium, wholly forbidden the sea: but the freedom of Roman citizens to them was granted. The Tyburts' and Prenestines forfeited their lands, not for their late trespass of rebellion, common with other Latins, but because they repining and envying the good estate of the Romans, had in times past joined arms with the Frenchmen, a savage and unsociable nation. From the other Latin cities & States, they took away the privilege of marriage, the commerce of traffic, and intercourse of mutual intelligences, & holding counsels themselves, for ever after. to the Campaine gentlemen that served with horse aforesaid, for that they would not give consent to revolt with the Latins: to the Fundanes also and Formanes, through whose country they had always had free, safe, and quiet passage to and fro, this honour was done, as to be made citizens of Rome; but without the liberty of giving voices. Item, it was decreed, that the Cumanes and Suessulanes, should be of the same condition and state that Capua was. The ships of the Antiates were part of them transported to the Arfenall at Rome, and the rest set on fire and burned. With the stems, beakeheads, and brazen pikes whereof, it was thought good, that the pulpit of common pleas and Orations in the grand place of Rome, should be beautified and adorned: which public pulpit was thereupon called Rostra.  
Whiles C. Sulpitius Longus, and P. Aelius Patus were Consuls, when as the Romans held peaceably under their dominion all the countries, as well through the favour which they won by bountiful dealing, as by might and strong hand, there arose war between the Sidicines and áuruncians. The Aurunci, who had yielded afore to T. Manlius' Consul, and were taken into protection, afterwards rebelled not: whereby they had a more just cause to request and seek for aid at the Romans hands. But before that the Consuls had led forth their power out of the city (for the Senate had commanded, that the Aurunci should be defended) tidings came, that the Aurunci for fear had quit their town; and being fled with their wives and children, had fortified Sinuessa, which now at this day is called Aurunca: and that the ancient walls, with the town itself, were by the Sidicines destroyed. Hereat, the Senate offended with the Consuls, by whose delay and linger, their allies had been betrayed in time of their necessity, ordained a dictator to be chosen. So there was elected C. Claudius Regillensis, who appointed for General of horsemen C. Claudius Hortator. But hereupon rose a scruple of conscience about the creation of the Dictator. And when the Augurs had pronounced, that they thought him not rightly created, both dictator and General of horsemen, gave over their rooms. The same year Minutia a Vestal Nun, was first suspected of incontinency, for going in her apparel more trim than was decent for one of her calling and profession: and after that, brought in question and accused by a bondservant, that informed against her to the high Priests. First, by a decree of theirs she was awarded to abstain from divine service, to keep her house, and not to manuprise and set free any of her bond slaves, but to have them forthcoming, whensoever they were called for: and after farther examination and judgement passed, was buried quick under the ground; at the gate Collina, in the paved causey on the right hand, within the plain or field called Sceleratus, Execrable or polluted. I suppose, that place took the name of such 
* Simple fornication or incontinency in a professed Votary, was called Incest.  incest or filthy whoredom. The same year Q. Publius Philo was elected Praetor, the first that ever was of the Commons, notwithstanding the mind of Sulpitius the Consul, who said, That he would not take his name to propound it for Election, nor admit him among other competitors. But the Senate strove the less in impeaching this Praetorship, seeing they could not have their will in the highest rooms and dignities.  
The year next ensuing, under the Consulship of L. Papyrius Crassus, and Caso Duellius, was notable and famous for the war of the Ausonians, in regard rather of the novelty, than the greatness and danger thereof. They were a people that inhabited a town called Cales, and had joined their power with the Sidicines their next neighbours. The whole power of which two nations being discomfited in one battle, and the same not so memorable, was for the nearness of their cities more ready to fly, and in their flight more safe and secured. Yet the Nobles of Rome omitted not the care of that war: for that the Sidicines so often, either had themselves moved war, or aided those that began, or else were the cause of all troubles. Whereupon they endeavoured all that they could, to make Consul the fourth time, the noblest warrior in those days, M. Valerius Corvinus, who had for his brother in government M. Attylius Regulus. And lest haply some error by chance should be committed, suit was made to the Consuls, that extraordinarily, and without casting lot, that province might fall to Corvinus: who having received the army (after the victory at Cales) of the former Consuls, went forth. And when at the first shout and onset he had discomfited his enemies, who in remembrance of their former late overthrow were affrighted, he assayed to assault their very walls: and so eager and hotly bend (I assure you) were the soldiers, that even at the first they would have set ladders to, as making full account to scale up to the top, and enter the town. But Corvinus, because that was an hard adventure, was desirous to accomplish that enterprise by the long toil of his soldiers, rather than their present peril: he raised therefore a countermure, and platforms, and rolling frames, mounted against the walls: but as good hap was, by an opportunity that fell out, they had no use of these munitions and fabrikes. For M. Fabius a Roman prisoner, taking vantage of the negligence of his keepers upon a festival holiday, and making means to break his bonds; let himself down by a long cord, fastened at one end to a pinnacle or battilment of the wall, and slid by the arms, among the munitions and fabrikes of the Romans: who so persuaded and prevailed with the General, that he caused him to give an assault upon the enemies, now being fast asleep, as having filled their bellies with wine and good meats. So that with as little a do were the Ausonians and their city surprised, as they were afore vanquished in fight. A great booty of pillage was there gotten: and after a garrison placed at Cales, the legions were brought back to Rome. The Consul by decree of the Senate triumphed: and that Attilius should not be without his glory too, both Coss. were appointed to lead forth an army against the Sidicines: but before they went, they appointed by a decree of the Senate, L. Aemylius Mamercus to be Dictator, to hold the election of Consuls. Who named Q. Publius Philo for his General of horsemen.  
In this Election, holden by this Dictator, there were created Consuls, T. Veturius, and Sp. Posthumius. Who, albeit there remained some part behind of the Sidicines war, yet to the intent they might gratify the Commons by some good turn, and prevent their longing before they spoke themselves; proposed an Act concerning the bringing of a Colony to Cales: and when as the Senate had ordained, that two thousand and five hundred men should be enroled and assigned thither; they created Triumvirs for to bring them thither, and to divide the lands, namely Caeso Duellius, T. Quintius, and M. Fabius. After this, the new Consuls having received the army of the old, entered into the enemy's confines, wasting all before them, until they came to the very walls of their city. Now, for that the Sidicines had assembled a puissant army, and seemed themselves fully resolute and bend upon utter despair to put all unto the last adventure, and to sight it out to the last man. Moreover, because it was noised, that all Samnium was risen up in arms: by authority from the Senate, the Consuls appointed P. Cornelius Ruffinus Dictator, and M. Antonius was nominated General of the horse. But hereupon grew again another scruple, that there was some error escaped in the creation: so they resigned up their places, and because there ensued also a plague hereupon (as if all their Auspexes for the Elections of Magistrates had been touched and infected with that error and default) the managing of all affairs fell to an Interreigne. Which being now entered upon by the fifth Interregent, M. Valerius Corvinus, than Consuls were created, L. Cornelius the second time, and Cn. Domitius.  
When all things else were at quiet, the rumour of the Gauls war was so rife and hot, that it was taken for a very 
* The rumour of the Gauls war, was even taken for a Tumult (quasi timor multuls) and supposed more dangerous than another ordinary war.  Tumult. Whereupon it was thought good, that a Dictator should be created. And M. Papyrius Crassus was nominated, who had P. Valerius Publicola for General of the horsemen. When they had mustered the soldiers more straightly and with greater regard than would have been for wars near hand, the espials who were sent out, brought word that all was well and quiet among the Gauls. But suspected it was that Samnium now the second year was ready to drop out of their allegiance and seek a change. Whereupon the Roman army was not withdrawn out of the Sidicine country. Howbeit the war of Alexander King of Epirus, drew the Samnites into the Lucanes country, which two nations uniting their forces, gave the King a battle, as he made roads from Pestus. In which conflict, Alexander having gotten the upper hand, entered into a league and amity with the Romans: although it was much doubted, with what faithfulness he would observe the same, if all his affairs prospered as well. The same year was a solemn Cense or Numbering of the people of Rome holden, and the new citizens were matriculated and enroled. And therefore two Tribes were annexed, Melia and Captia: the Censors that ordained them, were Publ. Philo, and Sp. Posthumius. The Acerranes became Roman citizens, by an act proposed by L. Papyrius the Praetor: by virtue whereof, they were enfranchised Denizens, but without the privilege of giving voices. These were the acts for this year both at home and abroad.  
The year next following (were it through the unkind distemperature of the air, or by some wicked practice of man) was infamous, when M. Claudius Marcellus and T. Valerius were Consuls. I find the surname of this Consul to vary in divers Chronicles, in some Flaccus, in others Potitus. But it matters not much whether be true. This rather I could willingly have wished (and yet all authors do not record it) that it had been falsely recorded, That those persons by sorcery and poison were made away, whose death hath defamed that year with the note of a pestilence. But yet as the thing is left in writing, I purpose to deliver it, left that I should seem to derogate aught from the credence of any writer. When as the chief personages of the city died upon like diseases, and after one and the same manner of symptoms, a certain chambermaid presented herself to Q. Fabius Maximus (being for the time an Aedile of State) and professed to bewray the cause of that public and contagious malady, if she might be assured by faithful promise from him, that by the utterance thereof, she should not come to harm nor trouble. Forthwith Fabius delivered this matter to the Consuls: and the Consuls made relation thereof to the Senate: by the consent of which State, assurance was made accordingly unto the party aforesaid, to reveal the matter. Then she declared, that by the lewd and mischievous wickedness of women, the city was thus afflicted: and namely, That certain dames of Rome even their own wives, boiled and tempered rank poisons, (to kill their husbands) and if they would follow it presently, they might be taken in the manner. So they went strait ways with the wench, and found some women as they were seething and preparing venomous drugs, yea and some poisoned confections already put up. Which were brought into the market place, and about 20 of those dames, with whom the poisons were found, were sent for by a sergeant. Two of them, Cornelia and Sergio, both noble women borne, stoutly standing upon these terms, and stiffly avouching, That they were sovereign medicines and wholesome for the body of man, were by the chambermaid aforesaid confuted, and enjoined to drink thereof, that they might disprove her, and make her a liar, and to have devised of her own fingers ends this false slander. Who took a time to commune and confer together, and the people were avoided aside to make them way. Now when as in sight of all the world, these two dames had propounded the matter to the rest there in place, they also refused not: and so having drunk the poisoned potion, they all perished by their own mischievous practice. Then presently were their complices apprehended, who detected and discovered a great number of otherwives: of which one hundredth and seventy were condemned. Never afore that day was there any inquisition nor process at Rome, about poisoning and sorcery. So as the thing was taken for a prodigious wonder, and imputed rather to their minds, besotted and bewitched, than to any felonious intent of theirs. Whereupon the Magistrates of the city, calling to mind and searching the old Chronicles, found, that in times past, at what time as the Commons in a mad fit withdrew themselves and departed the city, there was a spike or great nail driven and fixed by the dictator: and that the minds of the people, which by discord had been distraught and out of their right wits, were by that ceremonial satisfaction, brought again in good tune: and therefore it was through good, that for the fastening or sticking up of such a nail, there should a dictator be created. So Cn. Quintilius was nominated, who named L. Valerius General of horsemen, who so soon as the nail was fastened, gave over their places.  
Consuls than were created, L. Papyrius Crassus the second time, and L. Plantius Venox. In the beginning of which year, there came from the country of the Volscians as Ambassadors to Rome, the Fabraternes and Lucanes, making request that they would take them into their protection; promising that if by them they were defended from the forces of the Samnites, they would become loyal and obedient subjects to the people of Rome. Then were Ambassadors sent from the Senate, to give commandment to the Samnites, to forbear doing any violence upon the borders of those nations. Which embassage sped well and took place; not so much for that the Samnites desired peace, as because they were not as yet ready prepared for war. The same year began the Privernates war. The confederates whereof, were the Fundanes, and their Leader likewise a Fundane, one Vitruvius Vaccus, a man of great name and reputation, not only in his own country, but also at Rome. His dwelling house stood sometime in mount Palatine, even the very same, which after the building was pulled down, and the ground forfeit and confiscate, was called Vacci Prata. Against whom as he wasted and spoiled far and near the Setine, Norbane and Corane countries, L. Papyrius went forth with a power, and rested not far from his very camp. But Vitruvius neither had the wit to keep himself within his trench against a mightier enemy, nor yet the heart to encounter far from his fort. But having put his soldiers in battle array, before they were all well out of the gate of the camp, whiles the soldiers had more mind to fly backward than march forward and encounter the enemy; without either advice or confident courage he fought: and with as little ado, and without any question of the matter he was vanquished: so by reason of the shortness of the way, and the easy retire into the camp so near, he found no great trouble to save his soldiers from much slaughter. For in the very conflict, few or none in a manner were slain, and not many in the press of the rout and tail of the flight, at what time as they rushed into their camp. And in the beginning of the night, the army thus discomfited, made haste to Privernum, there to defend themselves within a wall rather than a trench. Plautius' the other Cos. having from Privernum, overrun and forraied the territory, and driven booties away, conducted his army into the Fundane country. The Senate of the Fundanes as he entered into their confines met him, saying: They were not come as Orators to entreat either for Vitruvius, or for those that took his part; but for the people of the Fundanes: who that they were innocent and not culpable for this war, Vitruvius himself hath plainly proved and declared, in that he chose Privernum to be his place of retreat and refuge, and not the city Fundi the very place of his nativity. And therefore at Privernum the enemies of the people of Rome were to be sought for and pursued, who unmindful of both their own countries, had revolted as well from the Fundanes as the Romans. As for the citizens of Fundi, they were at peace with Rome, nay they were Romans in heart, and carried a thankful remembrance of a benefit received: they entreated therefore and besought the Consul to forbear hostility with a guiltless people: assuring him that their lands, their city, their own bodies, their wives and children were and should be at the devotion of the people of Rome. The Consul after that he had commended the Fundanes, and sent letters to Rome that they remained firm and fast in their allegiance, turned his way to Privernum. But before he dislodged (as Claudius writeth) the Consul executed those that were the heads of the conspiracy, and three hundred and fifty of those rebellious conspirators were sent prisoners to Rome. But the Senate accepted it not, and were not content with that submission, as judging the Fundane people, desirous to be excused and discharged, with the punishment of the needy and base sort of people. Now when as Privernum was besieged and invested with two Consular armies, the one of the Consuls was called home, to hold, the Election of magistrates. That year were erected in the great race called Circus, the Barriers, from whence the horses and their chariots are let forth, when they run their prices. But before they were well past the care of the Privenates' war, there arrived a terrible and fearful brute of the Gauls war, which never was regarded slightly of the Nobles of Rome. Incontinently therefore the new Consuls, L. Aemylius Mamercus, and Cn. Plautius, on that very day, namely on the 
* First of julie.  Calends of july, wherein they entered their offices, were commanded to determine and agree between themselves upon their provinces: And Mamercus, who had the charge of the Gauls war, levied and enroled an army without allowing any immunity and exemption from warfare. Moreover and besides, even the poor handi-crafts men and artisanes, such as keep their shops, and live by sedentary occupations, a sort far unmeet for martial service, are said to have been called forth, and priest to the wars: and a mighty army was assembled and met together at Veij, that from thence they might march to encounter the Gauls: For it was thought good that they should now go farther forward, for fear lest the enemy taking another way, might deceive them and march directly to the city of Rome. But a few days after, when it was known for certain that all the trouble and fear for that time was overblown, they diverted their forces from the Gauls, and bend all against Privernum. But the issue hereof is reported two nmanner of ways, some write that the city was forced by assault, and that Vitruvius came alive into their hands: others, that before the utmost extremity of assault was used, they of their own accords, carrying before them white wands in token of peace, yielded themselves unto the Consul: and that Vitruvius by his own countrymen was rendered and delivered unto him. The Senate being moved, & their opinion asked concerning Vitruvius and the Privernates; sent for the Consul Plautius to triumph, after that he had dismanteled the walls of Privernum, and there placed a strong garrison: and they gave order in the mean time that Vitrurius should be kept fast in prison until the Consul's return, then to be whipped and put to death. They appointed also that his habitation in Palatium should be pulled down, and his goods consecrated to their Idol Semon Sangus. And look what money [of brass] was raised thereof, it served to make brazen round plates, which were offered and set up in the chapel of Sangus towards the temple of Quirinus. Touching the Senate of the Privernates, thus it was decreed, that every one of Senators calling, who remained at Privernum after their revolting from the Romans, should in the same condition and state as the Veliternes, be confined beyond Tiber, and there dwell. These Acts being thus set down, there was no more talk of the Privernates until the triumph of Plautius. After the triumph, the Consul having executed Vitruvius and his complices, supposing now that he might safely propound the cause of the Privernates, to the LL. of the Senate, whiles they were newly satisfied with the execution of the guilty offenders. Since that (qd. he) my LL. of the Senate, the principal authors of this revolt and rebellion, have both at the hands of the immortal gods, and at yours, suffered now already condign punishment; what is your further pleasure, and what shall be done with the innocent and harmless multitude? For my part verify, although I be rather to demand your opinions than to deliver mine own: yet seeing the Privemates near neighbours unto the Samnites, with whom we now at this time entertain a most uncertain and slippery peace, I would have as little grudge and rancour left as may be, between us & them. As the question in itself was doubtful and ambiguous, whiles men gave advise some to proceed cruelly, others to deal gently, according to each man his nature and inclination: so, there was one of the Privernate Ambassadors that made it more doubtful, and put all out of square; a man mindful of that state wherein he was borne, more than of his present need and extremity. Who being demanded of one (that had spoken to the point, and delivered some sharp censure and heavy sentence against them) What punishment he judged the Privernates deserved? Mary (quoth he) that which they deserve, who deem themselves worthy of liberty and freedom. At whose stout and arrogant answer, when the Consul saw those to be more eagerly and bitterly bend, who before impugned the cause of the Priuérnates: to the end that he himself by some mild and gentle demand might draw from the party more modest language: What (quoth he) if we should remit & pardon your punishment; what kind of peace might we hope to have at your hands? If (quoth he) ye offer us good peace, ye shall find it on our part loyal and perpetual: but if ye tender hard conditions of peace, ye shall have it last but a final while. But than one gave out, that the Privernate began to threaten plainly: and said moreover, that such speeches were enough to stir up any peaceable and quiet people to war, that never thought to have fought. But the better part of the Senate drew these his answers to a better sense, and said that it was the speech of a man, and of a man free borne. For, was it credible (quoth they) that any state, nay any particular person, would longer abide (than needs he must) that condition which he misliketh and goeth against his stomach? There only is peace sure and like to hold, where men are contented and willing to keep themselves in peace: and never let men look or hope to find faithful loyalty, where they will impose thraldom & servitude. And to this purpose the Consul himself especially moved & inclined their hearts, reiterating these words to the Senators that were first to give their opinions, and that so loud, as he might of many more be overheard, That they above all other, and none but they indeed were worthy to be made Roman citizens, who minded and esteemed nothing in the world, but their freedom. Whereupon, both in the Senate they obtained their suit: and also by the authority of the LL. a Bill was exhibited to the people, That the Privernates might be enfranchised Romans.  
The same year were three hundred sent as a Colony, to inhabit Anxur: and had two acres of ground a piece allowed them. The year following was memorable in no respect, either of home affairs or foreign, in the time of P. Plautius Proculus, and P. Cornelius Scapula Coss. Only this fell out that year, that in Fregellae (which sometime was in the territory of the Sidicines, and after, of the Volscians) there was a Colony planted: and unto the people there was given a dole, or distribution of raw flesh amongst them, by Marcus Flavius, at the funeral of his mother. Some there were that thought, how under a colour of honouring his mother, he desraied and paid unto the people a deserved hire and reward, in that when he was by the Aediles arrested and brought to his answer for adultery committed with a dame or married wife in the city, the people had by their voices acquit him. This dole given for a favour passed at his trial, was the occasion also of a dignity following: for in the next Election notwithstanding he were absent, he was preferred to the Tribuneship of the Commons, even before those competitors that were present in place.  
There stood sometime the city Palaepolis, not far from thence where as now Naples standeth. In those two cities, one and the same people inhabited, descended and deriving their beginning from Cumes, & the Cumanes fetch their offspring from Chalcis in Euboea. With that fleet wherein they sailed from their own country, they were able to do much at sea, and were mighie upon those coasts where they dwelled. And first landing in the islands Aenaria & Pitchecusae, afterwards they adventured to seat themselves in the main and continent. This city relying and trusting in their own power, as well as presuming upon the faithless and disloyal society of the Samnites with the Romans, or bearing themselves bold upon the rumour that ran of a pestilence that reigned in the city of Rome, wrought much mischief and hostility against such Romans as inhabited the Campaine and Falerne countries. Whereupon, when as (in the time of Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, and Quintus Publius' Philo Consuls, the second time) there were Faecials sent to Palaepolis, for to demand restitution again, and a proud answer returned back from the greeks, a Nation more stout and valiant in tongue than in deed and execution; by the authority of the Senate, the people decreed, that there should be war made upon the Palaepolitanes. And when as the Consuls had divided their Provinces between themselves, it fell to Publius his turn to war upon those Greeks. Cornelius with another army was opposed against the Samnites, if they should happen to stir any way. For the report went, that they looking and expecting assuredly the revolt of the Campaines, would encamp nearer and join with them. There, Cornelius thought it best to keep a standing camp. The Senate was certified from both Consuls, That they had small hope of peace with the Samnites. Publius gave intelligence, that two thousand Nolane soldiers, and four thousand Samnites, were rather by the compulsion and importunity of the Nolanes, than with the good will of the greeks, received at Palaepolis. At Rome it was for certain known, that in Samnium there were new musters taken by the Magistrate's direction, and that the whole country, and the people adjoining, were raised, & out in arms. Moreover, That the Privernats, Fundanes, and Formians were without all dissimulation solicited and moved to rebel. Upon which causes, it was advised by the Senate, first to send Ambassadors to the Samnites, before they made war: and from them they had an insolent answer. And they themselves made quarrel, and charged the Romans with wrongs offered first: and nevertheless they justified themselves for any thing by them done, and answered all objections that were laid against them full stoutly. Namely, that the greeks were not aided by any public counsel or order of theirs, nor yet were the Fundanes and Formians, by them solicited, as who need not to be ashamed of their own power, but thought themselves sufficient enough to war if they listed. Thus much moreover, they could not dissimule, but speak it out in plain terms, That the Nation and State of the Samnites take it in ill part, that the people of Rome had re-edified & repaired Fregellae, a town by them conquered, and won from the Volscians, and by them laid ruinate: and not only so, but they had placed a colony also in the Samnites country, which the inhabitants called Fregellae. Which contumely and reproachful injury, unless they that were the authors thereof would do their best to abolish and cancel, they would with all their might and main repel it from them. And when as the Roman Ambassador made a motion, and would have had them to put the matter for to be decided unto the common confederates and friends of both parties; What double and indirect dealing is this (quoth the Samnites?) What frapling is here to no purpose? As for the quarrels and differences between us (o ye Romans) neither the babbling words of Ambassador, nor yet any daief-man or arbitrator, but the very Campaine filled, wherein we must encounter earnest, even dint of sword, and thespeares point, and the doubtful chance of battle, shall determine. And therefore encamp we between Capua and Suessula, in the fight one of another, and let us then try the issue, whether Samnite or Roman shall be lord of Italy. The Ambassadors of Rome made answer, that they were not to go whether the enemy called them, but whether their General and Captains led them. In this mean while Publius had already gotten a convenient piece of ground between Palaepolis and Naples, and thereby impeached the enemies of the mutual intercourse of succours from the one to the other, which they had used reciprocally, as either place had need, and was distressed. Therefore, when as the time of Election of Magistrates at Rome drew on apace, and expedient it was not for the Commonweal, that Publius (now approaching near the enemy's walls, and ready to assault) should be called away from the hope which daily he had of winning the city; the Tribunes were dealt with all, to propose an Act unto the people, That when the time of Pub. Philo his Consulship should be expired, he might in quality and name of Proconsul, remain in government, until the war with the greeks were fully ended. And unto L. Cornelius were letters sent, implying thus much, That whereas it was not thought good, that he now being entered into Samnium, should be called away from the cheese push of the war, he should nominate a Dictator to be Precedent of the Election of Magistrates: Who named M. Claudius Marcellus, and by him was appointed for General of horse Sp. Posthumius. Yet for all this, was no assembly for the said Election, holden by the Dictator. For it came in question, Whether he were rightly created or no. And the Augurs being hereabout consulted with, pronounced, that the dictator seemed not created aright. But the Tribunes discredited and made suspicious and infamous, by their accusatory speeches, this their sentence and declaration, saying, That neither it was easy to know the fault and error in the creation, seeing that the Consul nominated the Dictator in the beginning of the still night, neither had the Consul written to any man publicly or privately thereof, nor yet was there any person could come forth and say, that he either saw or heard aught, that might mar and interrupt the Auspexes, ne yet could the Augurs sitting at Rome, aread and divine, what error had happened to the Consul in the camp so far off. And who saw not (say they) that the Augurs found fault herewith, because the Dictator Elect, was a Commoner? These and other such allegations were (to no purpose) by the Tribunes given out. For the matter grew to an Interreigne, and the foresaid Election being still put off and adjourned for one cause or other, at length the fourteenth Interregent, L. Aemylius, created Consuls, C. Petilius, and L. Papyrius, surnamed Mugillanus or Cursor, as I find in other Chronicles.  
In that year it was recorded, that the city Alexandria in Egypt was founded: and that Alexander the King of Epirus was murdered by a certain Lucan, a banished person, to verify the Oracle of jup. Dodoneus, which had foretold his death. For when he was sent for into Italy by the Tarentines, he had warning given him, TO TAKE HEED OF THE ACHERUSIAN WATER, AND THE CITY PANDOSIA, FOR THERE IT WAS HIS DESTINY TO END● HIS DAYS: and therefore, with more speed he passed over into Italy, to be as far off as might be, from the city Pandosia in Epirus, and the river Acheron; which issuing out of Molossis into the lower Mere and Lakes, dischargeth itself, and falleth into the Thesprotian gulf. Howbeit (as commonly it is seen when men seek most to fly and avoid their fatal death, they run headlong and plunge themselves into it) he, having oftentimes vanquished and overthrown the legions of the Brutians and Lucanes; won by force Heraclea a Colony of the Tarentines, and Consentia in Lucania, and Sipontum, and also Acerina a Colony of the Brutians, & other cities afterwards of the Messapians and Lucanes: sent into Epirus three hundred noble houses and families, whom he meant to keep as hostages: he encamped not far from Pandosia, a city situate near to the confines of the Lucanes and Brutians. And there he held three hills somewhat distant asunder, from whence he might make excursions and roads into every part of his enemy's country: and he had in ordinary about him almost 200. banished men of the Lucan's, for his sure trusty guard: who notwithstanding (as the natures are of such for the most part) changed with every wind, and carried mutable minds according to the variety of fortune. Now it fell out so, that the continual rains which overflowed all the fields, had foreclosed and stopped the passages three ways between his armies, so as they could not help one another: whereby those two garrisons where the King was not in person, were surprised by the unexpected coming of the enemies: who having put them all to the sword, turned their whole forces to besiege the King. From whence, there were by the Lucan exiles, messengers sent to their own countrymen: who in the name of the rest capitulated, that if they might be restored again, they would deliver the K. either dead or alive into their hands. Howbeit he himself with an elect number of men, made a noble and hardy adventure, and broke through the midst of the enemies: and encountering the chief Commander of the Lucan's hand to hand, killed him outright: and having rallied his men near together, who were scattered a sunder in sight, he came at length to a river, which by the fresh ruins of a broken bridge, that the violence of the water had borne down, showed passage. Which as the army passed over at an unknown and blind ford, one soldier wearied with fear and travail, cursing and detesting the unlucky and abominable name of the river, fortuned to say, Thou hast not thy name 
* A river of anguish and pain.  Acheros for nought: which word when it came once to the Kinghiss ear, he presently began to think and muse of his final end; and there stayed still, in a deep suspense whether he should pass over or no. Then Sotimus, one of the King's servitors and Henxmen, asked him why he lingered and made delay, being in so great a peril and jeopardy as he was? and showed him withal, how the Lucanes intended to play false with him, and sought opportunity to forelay and do him a mischief. With that the King looked behind him, and espied them a far off in a troop coming against him: whereupon he drew his sword, put his horse to it, took the river, and road through the midst thereof: and when he was now so far passed that he was ready to take the land, one of those banished Lucanes lanced a dart a loose at him and strake him quite through. Whereupon he fell down dead with the dart sticking in his body, and the stream carried it down as far as to the corpse de guard of the enemies. Where his breathless corpse was shamefully misused and mangled. For they having cut it cross the middle, sent the one half to 
* Consenza.  Consentia, and kept the other with themselves still, to practise a thousand villainies upon it. And as they shot and slung stones at it a far off, a certain woman being amongst this outrageous multitude (faring beyond all measure of anger and malice that man's heart can devise or believe) after she had besought them to forbear a while, with her eyes gushing out tears said unto them, That her husband and children were prisoners, and in the hands of the enemies: but she hoped with the King's body, howsoever it were abused & martyred, to redeem them again. This stayed them from farther mangling thereof: Thus all that was left of the King's body, by the means of one only woman, was burnt at Consentia: and his bones sent back afterwards to the enemies unto 
* Torride Mar.  ` Metapontum, and from thence conveyed to Epeirus, unto Cleopatra his wife, and his sister Olympias; whereof the one was sister, the other mother to Alexander the Great. Thus much concerning the woeful and unhappy end of Alexander the K. of 
* Albania.  Epeirus. Whose fortune albeit was such, that he came short, & was cut off before he intermeddled in the Roman war, yet because he warred in Italy, let it suffice that briefly by the way I have touched his story.  
The same year was there a Lectisterne at Rome, (which was the fist after the foundation and building of that city) for the pacifying of the same gods as heretofore. Afterwards, the new Consuls by the ordinance and direction of the people, sent defiance and proclaimed war against the Samnites. And as they themselves made greater preparation every way than against the Greeks, so they had besides new aides, whereof (as then) they least thought of. The Lucanes and the Apulians (nations which to that day had no dealing nor commerce at all with the Romans) became their liege & loyal Allies, offering men & munition toward that war. Whereupon they were by form of covenant and league entertained and received into their amity. At the same time also the Romans had good success in the Samnites quarters: for three towns there, yielded unto them, and they became Masters thereof, to wit, Allife, Callife, Ruffrium: all the territory besides at the first coming of the Consul, was peeled and spoiled far and near. These exploits thus prosperously achieved, the other enterprise also of besieging the greeks, was well followed and at the point of an end. For over and besides, that by certain sconces and bloccuzes between the enemy's sorts and forces, one part was cut from the other; they endured also within their own walls, much more misery and calamity, than the enemy menaced & threatened without: and as if they had been captives to their own garrison soldiers, whom they had called to them for their defence, they suffered infinite villainies, and indignities, in the persons as well of their wives as of their children, and even the hardest extremities, that follow upon cities forced by the enemy. And therefore when it was noised abroad, that there were new succours coming from Tarentum and the Samnites: they supposed that for Samnites, there were already die within their walls more of them than they would: mary, as for Tarentines, they looked willingly for their help, as greeks both the one and the other, hoping by their means that they might as well withstand the outrages of the Samnites and Nolanes, as the Romans, their open and professed enemies. Last of all, of many inconveniences that they were driven unto, the least and easiest was thought, to yield simply unto the Romans. Charilaus and Nymphius two great men and the chief personages of the city, having laid their heads and plotted one with the other, so parted the matter between themselves, that the one should sly unto the Roman General, and the other stay behind, to find some opportunity, and minister ready means to render the city according to their designment. Charilaus was the man who presented himself unto Philo, and said unto him, To the good and happy fortune be it said and done of the Palaepolitanes and the people of Rome, I am determined to deliver and surrender the city into your hands: in which Action, whether I may be thought to have betrayed or saved my country, it resteth only in the trust & fidelity of the Romans. As for myself privately, I am come neither to indent, nor yet to crave aught at all: but publicly in the behalf of the city, I would rather by way of petition request, than article and capitulate, thus much, That if this enterprise intended, speed well and take effect, the people of Rome would think and consider, in what affection, endeavour and jeopardy, our city returneth again into their amity, rather than upon what folly & rashness, it broke their allegiance and revolted. Then, after he had been bidden welcome by the General, entertained with good and gracious words, and highly commended, he received three thousand soldiers, to keep, surprise, and to seize that quarter of the city, where the Samnites were lodged, and which they held: of this regiment and garrison, L. Quintius a Colonel had the conduct. During this time, Nymphius also did his part, and dealt so crastely under hand with the Praetor of the Samnites, that he induced and wrought him to this point, That for as much as all the Roman forces, were either about Palaepolis or in Samnium, he would permit him with the fleet to cast about to the Roman coasts, for that he intended to harry and waste, not only the maritine parts, but the territories also adjoining to the city: and the better to deceive the enemy (quoth he) I had need to go by night, and therefore the ships presently must launch forth, and be set afloat. And to effect this more speedily, all the youth of the Samnites besides the necessary garrison of the city, was sent to the shore. Where whiles Nymphius in the dark, and amongst the multitude that hindered one another purposely, and spent time in setting confusedly, some to this and others to that, Charilaus, according to the complot set before, was by his associates received into the city: and having filled the highest places of the town with Roman soldiers, commanded to set up a shower, whereat the greeks upon a secret token given them by their Chieftains, kept themselves still and quiet. The Nolanes then, at the backside of the town, escaped and fled by the high way, that leadeth to Nola. And the Samnites being excluded out of the town, as they had a more readier mean to fly for the present, so they found it, after they were past danger, a more shameful disgrace. For, they were disarmed and naked men, they had left all the good they had amongst the enemies, and returned home spoiled, poor and needy, and served for a laughing stock and derision, not only to other nations, but also to their own neighbours and countrymen. Albeit I am not ignorant that there is another opinion, whereby it is given out that Palxpolis was by the Samnites betrayed: yet as I have credited and followed herein such authors, as me thinks it were hard if they should not deliver a truth; so I am induced the rather to believe that the Neapolitans returned into amity with the Romans, because of the league extant in their name (for unto them afterwards the State and chief seat of the greeks was translated.) Unto Publius was decreed a triumph, for that it appeared clearly and was believed constantly, that by his siege the enemies were tamed, and so constrained to come to a composition and surrender. Two special favours happened to this man above all others before him, namely, the prorogation of his government, not granted to any man aforetime; and triumph after his magistracy was expired.  
Upon the tail of this war, arose another with the Greeks of the other tract or coast. For the Tarentins having born the Palaepolitans in hand a good while, and fed them with a vain hope of help, when they heard once that the Romans were possessed of their city, complained themselves like men forsaken, & not as those who had forsaken others, much blaming the Palaepolitans, and with anger and envy raging against the Romans. Disquieted also they were, for that news came that the Lucanes and Appulians (for both these nations that year began to contract alliances) were under the protection of the Romans. For now (say they) they are well-near come unto us, and shortly we shall grow to this pass, that we must acknowledge the Romans for our lords, or have them our heavy friends. And verily the trial and hazard of our estate, dependeth only upon the Samnites war, and the event thereof, which nation alone, and the same nothing mighty, remaineth now; since that the Lucanes are gone and revolted to the Romans: who yet might be reclaimed & moved to shake off the society with the Romans, if any feat were wrought and practised to sow some discord and dissension between them. These devises and overtures took place and prevailed with such, as were desirous of change and novelty: in so much as certain of the Lucan youth (better knowhe, than trusted and reputed honest, amongst their countrymen and fellow citizens, hired also for a sum of money) whipped one another with rods, came naked into the assembly of the citizens, & with open mouth cried out aloud and said, that for presuming only to come into the Roman camp, they were by the Coss, thus scourged, and escaped narrowly the losing of their heads. The thing in itself piteous and unseemly to behold, as bearing a show rather of wrong done unto them, than of any malicious & subtle practice by them intended, stirred the people up, to force their Magistrates with their uncessant outcries to assemble a Council. Some standing round about the Senate in counsel, call hard for war against the Romans: others run up and down to raise the multitude of peasant's to take arms: and in this hurly and uproar, which was able to disquiet and amaze even those that were well minded, a decree passed; that the league with the Samnites should be renewed, and Ambassadors dispatched forthwith, to the same purpose. This was a sudden change; and as it had no colour of cause, so it carried small credit with it amongst the Samnites, who forced the Lucanian s to give hostages, and to take garrisons into their fortresses: and they, blinded with anger, and inveigled with faiterie, refused nothing. But shortly after began the fraud to appear and show itself, namely, after that the authors and devisers of these false surmises and slanders, were retired to Tarentum: but having put themselves out of all, and being not at liberty to dispose of their own affairs, they had nothing else left them, but like fools to repent in vain.  
That year happened to the Commons of Rome another beginning of their liberty, in that they were no more either bound in chains, or held in thraldom by their creditors. Which privilege against poor debtors, was altered, by occasion of the filthy lust and notorious cruelty of one Usurer. And L. Papyrius was the man, unto whom C. Publius for his father's debt, became bound, and consigned himself his prisoner: whose tender age and lovely favour which might and should have moved pity, inflamed the mind of this Usurer to unkind lust and shameful contumely: for making full account, that the prime and flower of his youth should satisfy and pay for the interest of the debt, he first began to allure & entice unto him the youth with wanton and unchaste speeches: afterwards, seeing that his ears abhorred to hear such filthiness, he fell to minatory words, and ever and anon put him in mind of his present condition wherein he stood: but last of all, perceiving by him, that he stood more upon his honour and freedom by birth, than respected his hard estate by fortune; he caused him to be stripped naked, and whipping cheer to be presented unto him. The poor stripling thus piteously tawed and torn, ran forth into the open street, complained of the filthy lust and cruelty of his creditor. Whereupon, a number of people, enkindled as well with pity and commiseration of the youngling, and indignity of the injury, as also in regard of their own case, and of their children; came running into the Forum or common place, and so from thence in a long train to the court of the counsel. The Consuls upon this sudden uproar were forced to call a Senate, and as the Senators entered into the counsel chamber, they lay all prostrate at their feet, as they passed by, one after another, & showed unto them the young man's back and sides in what taking they were. And that one day, by occasion of the outrageous enormity of one person, broke the neck of that mighty bond, whereby, to that day, the creditors had their debtors in danger unto them. For the Consuls had in charge, to propose unto the people, that from thence forward, no person whatsoever, unless he had committed some heinous fact, and until he were to suffer therefore, should be either kept in fetters and gives, or stretched upon the rack. Item, that for lent money, the goods of the debtor and not the body should be obliged. So, they that were in bondage, became released and enlarged: and order was taken for the time to come, that none should be imprisoned by their creditors again.  
The same year, whiles the Samnites war of itself alone, besides the sudden revolt of the Lucanes, together with the Tarentines the hatchers thereof, held the Senators of Rome in care and perplexity enough: behold over and above all these, the Vestine people, as a surcrease to their troubles, joined and banded with the Samnites. Which new occurrent, as, for that year it rather maintained discourse amongst men in their ordinary talk every where, than ministered cause of serious debating in public council; so the Consuls of the year following, L. Furius Camillus the second time, and jun. Brutus Sceva, thought no one thing more important than it, and needful to be treated of in the Senate, with the first. And albeit the thing were but new, and a breeding, yet so greatly were the L L. hereabout troubled, that they feared no less to begin to take it in hand, than to neglect it altogether, & not to see it: doubting, least if they were let go unpunished, the neighbour nations would grow too lusty and proud: and again, if they seemed to chastise them by war, the rest for fear of the like measure, might be provoked to anger, take arms, & enter into a general rebellion. And all, and every one of them, namely, the Marsians, the Pelignians and Marucines, were in fears of arms comparable and equal to the Samnites every way: which nations they might be sure to have their enemies, if they meddled with the Vestines, and touched them once never so little. Howbeit, that part prevailed and took place, which for the present, seemed to carry more courage and valour, than sage advice and wisdom: but the issue and event showed, that, Fortune favoureth Fortitude. So the people by authority and direction of the Nobles, decreed war against the Vestines: the charge whereof light by lot upon Brutus, and Samnium fell to Camillus. To both places were the armies conducted: and by the care and industry employed in the defence of the marches and frontiers, the enemies were impeached for joining their forces together. Howbe it the Consul Furius Camillus, who had the greater and weightier charge laid upon him, fortuned to fall greevously sick, and thereby could not follow the wars: who being commanded to nominate a dictator, for to manage and conduct his affairs, declared the noblest warrior in those days, L. Papyrius Cursor: by whom Q. Fabius Rutilian●s was named General of horsemen, a couple certes, of great name and highly renowned for their worthy acts, atcheeved in this their government; but yet more famous and voiced abroad, by ●cason of variance and discord which fell between them; whereby they grew well-near to the utmost terms of contesting one another in all extremity. The other Consul warred with the Vestines many and sundry ways, but evermore with like fortune and happy success. For he forraied and wasted their country: and by pilling, rifling, and burning their houses & corn, forced them against their wills into the field: and in one battle so enfeebled and abated the forces of the Vestines (but not without bloodshed of his own men) that his enemies not only fled into their camp; but also as not trusting now to their rampires and trenches, they were constrained to steal away into their towns, minding for to save themselves, as well by the natural situation of the places, as the strength of their good walls. In the end, he made assault upon those walled cities, purposing by force to win them. And first he gained Cutina by the skalade, either through the exceeding courage of his soldiers, or their anger, being so chafed as they were at their hurts received: for that scarcely one escaped out of the medley and skirmish, clear and not wounded. Then he likewise took Cingilia: and gave the pillage of both cities among his soldiers. Neither gates nor walls could stand in their way and keep them out. But into Samnium the journey was undertaken by the Dictator with doubtful Auspexes and uncertain knowledge of the will of the gods. The default and terror whreof took not effect in the main event and issue of the war, (for it was prosperous and fortunate) but turned to the rage and anger of the chief leaders, who fell out deadly one with another. For Papyrius the Dictator, advised by the Pullarius [that had the custody & charge of the sacred Pullet's] went back to Rome to take the Auspicium [or the presage by the bird-flight] again: and straightly charged his General of horse to keep himself close within his hold, and in no wise to give the enemy's battle during his absence. But Fabius after the dictators departure, advertised by the espials, that the enemies were even as careless, as lose and disordered, as if there had been no Roman in Samnium; whether it were, that being a stout and lusty young gentleman, he took foul sko●e and thought it an indignity, that all should seem to rest in the dictator only: or that he was induced with the good opportunity of doing some brave exploit (I wot not:) but he went forth with an army in order of battle, to Imbrinium, (that was the places name) and there fought a field with the Samnites. But such was the happy issue of this battle, that if the dictator himself had been there in person, it could not have been better managed. For, neither captain failed his soldiers, nor soldiers their captain. The horsemen also under the leading of L. Ceminius a Colonel by his place, (who sundry times charged and recharged again, and could not with force break the enemies arrays) unbridled their horses, and so ran them all on the spur, that no strength was able to abide them: such an havoc, such a lane made they all about over armour and men. The footmen seconding this hot charge of the horse, advanced the ensigns against the enemies thus put in disarray: and twenty thousand men (by report) were that day slain. In some authors I find, that twice in the Dictator's absence he fought, and twice had the upper hand. But in the most ancient writers I read but of one battle. In some Chronicles the whole matter is passed over and left out clean. The General of the horse, having gained a mighty mass of spoil, as otherwise he could not choose, upon so great a slaughter & massacre; gathered together into one heap all the enemy's armour, made a fire under, & burned them: were it that he had made some such vow to one of the gods: or (as I list rather to believe) it was a moti●e of Fabius himself, that the dictator should not reap the fruit of his glory, and entitle his name thereto; or in pomp carry those spoils before him at his triumph. Moreover, the letters of this victory by him to the Senate, and not a word thereof to the dictator, were some proof, that he was not willing to impart and communicate his praises with him. But cerres, the dictator took the matter in so ill part, that when every man else was joyful for this noble victory achieved, he only showed anger and sadness in his very countenance. Whereupon suddenly he dissolved the Senate, and departed in great haste out of the court, giving out and often iterating these words; Then hath the master of horsemen in deed as well everted and overthrown, both dictators Majesty and Military discipline, as defaited the Samnite legions, if he can so go clear away and escape unpunished, with so manifest contempt of my express commandment. Whereupon, full of threats and indignation, he hastened to the camp, and took long journeys: yet could he not prevent the bruit of his coming. For, there were Vantcurriers that posted from the city before, to bring word that the dictator was coming, full of revenge, and set upon punishment, & at every second word almost, commending the late examplary justice of T. Manlius. 
The Oration of Q. Fabius to his fellow souldior●s.  Then Fabius immediately calling an audience, besought the soldiers, that with what valour and virtue they had defended the Commonwealth from most deadly and mortal enemies, with the same they would protect him from the outrageous cruelty of the dictator, himself (I say) by whose conduct and fortune they had gotten so glorious a victory. For now, coming he is (qd. he) for envy out of his right wits, and beside himself: for anger at another man's manhood and felicity, furious and horn-mad: and all is no more but this, that in his absence, forsooth we have sped well; who wisheth rather in his hart, if he could change the course of fortune, that the Samnites had won the victory than the Romans: & nothing is so rife in his mouth, as, That his commandment was contemned: as who would say, he forbade not battle with the same mind, wherein he now greeveth that we have fought. For as then his will was good, even for very envy to hinder and suppress the proesse of another, and went about to take weapons away from most forward soldiers, desirous of fight, that in his absence they might not lay hand to their sword: so now, see how he fretteth and fumeth in great choler at this, that without L. Papyrius the soldiers were not disarmed, dismembered as it were, and maimed: and for that Q. Fabius forgot not his place, but bore himself as General of the cavalry, and not as a Henxman and follower of the Dictator, standing atreceit, & waiting at an inch when some under-captainship would fall, that he might step into the place. What would this man (think ye) have done, how would he have frounced, if (as the fortune and doubtful chance of war oftentimes goeth) we had been put to the worse and lost the day; who now that the enemies be vanquished, the field so well fought, the State so well served, as by the most singular captain in the world, better it might not be, thus menaceth execution to me the General of the horse, even in the honour of my conquest? Neither is he (my masters) cruelly bend and set upon mischief against the General of the horse more than against the Colonels, the Centineres, & common soldiers: nay, he would (be ye sure) if he had been able, have raged and fared as bitterly, yea and executed his ire and furious rage upon all. But because he cannot, now he dischargeth his gall upon me alone. For even as envy, like a flaming fire, searcheth & mounteth up to the highest, so runneth he upon the chief captain, and aimeth at the head of this worthy exploit. If he had once extinguished him, together with the glory of this brave service, then like a conqueror and lord over a poor captive army, whatsoever he might by law execute against a General of the cavalry, he would attempt and extend, upon the simple soldiers. Make reckoning therefore, that in standing fast to me and in defence of my cause, ye uphold the liberty of all. For in case he shall perceive once, the same agreement of the army in the maintenance of the victory, which was well seen in the battle, and that ye all have a care & regard of the life and safety of one, his stomach will come down, his heart will relent & incline to clemency, and a milder sentence. To conclude, I recommend my life, & whole estate to your virtue & faithful protection. Then from all parts of the audience they cried unto him aloud, & bade him take a good hart! for so long as the Legions of the Romans were safe, there should no person do him harm or injury. Soon after came the Dictator, and presently by sound of trumpet summoned a general assembly. And the public crier after an oiez made, called by name for Q. Fabius' General of the horse. Who so soon as he was come from a lower place where he was, 
〈…〉  and approached near the Tribunal, (than qd. the Dictator) I demand of thee Q. Fabius, since that the rule of the Dictator is sovereign & highest above all others, whereunto the Consuls, endued with kingly puissance and government, do obey, yea and Prators created with the same authority that Consuls are; whether thou esteem it meet and right, that a General of horse should be obedient to his commandment or no? I demand likewise, whether I myself, knowing that I took my journey and went from home, with doubtful and uncertain Auspexes, aught to have put the main state of the Commonweal in hazard against the order and religious observation in that behalf; and not rather, to go again to take new Auspicia, that I might adventure & attempt nothing so long as I stood in doubt of the grace and favour of the gods? And withal, this I demand, whether the General of the horsemen could be freed, exempt, and discharged of that scruple of conscience, which checked and stayed the dictator from execution of his charge? But what mean I to make these demands? seeing that if I had departed without saying one word, yet thou shouldest have framed thy opinion and applied thy mind according to the interpretation of my will and pleasure? Why sayest thou nothing? Answer me I say. Forbade I thee not expressly, to do any thing in my absence? Forbade I not thee to fight with the enemies? How dared thou in contempt of my commandment, whiles our Auspicia were uncertain, whiles our consciences were unresolved and with scruples troubled, against all Military customs & statutes against the discipline of our ancestors, and against the will & direction of the gods: how durst thou, I say, be so hardy as to encounter with the enemy? To these interrogatories make answer directly. Answer I charge thee, to all these points, and nothing but these, and at the peril of thy life, not a word besides. Now come Sergeant and do thine office the while. To which several articles, when Fabius could not readily answer point by point, one while complaining that he had him for his accuser, who was the judge of his life and death: otherwhiles crying out aloud, that sooner might his life be taken from him, than the glory and honour of his acts: and as he justified and excused his own self, so he began again to challenge and accuse [the dictator.] Then Papyrius being in more heat of choler than before, commanded the General of the horsemen to be stripped out of his clothes and uncased, and the rods and axes to be brought forth ready. With that, Fabius calling earnestly for the help of the soldiers, whiles the officers were a tearing and renting his clothes from his back, made means to retire himself into the ranks of the Triarij, who began already to make a mutiny and uproar in the assembly. From whence there arose an outcry over all the audience. Some were heard to entreat, others to threat. They who fortuned to stand next to the Tribunal, because that being within the view and eye of the Dictator, they might be known and noted, besought his Majesty to spare and pardon the General of the horse, & not with him to condemn the whole army. They that were furthest off in the skirt of the assembly, & especially that plump and company about Fabius, rated and cried out upon such a rigorous and merciless Dictator. And a little thing more would have made them mutiny: nay, within the very compass of the Tribunal all was not clear & quiet. The Lieutenants or Colonels of whole legions, standing about his seat or chair of estate, entreated him to put off the matter until the morrow: to give his choler some time to cool, and allow space and respite to consider of it with advise and council: saying, That if Fabius had played a youthful part, he had paid sufficiently for it already, and his victory had received disgrace and dishonour enough. Beseeching him not to proceed to these extremities of utmost execution, nor to set such a brand and note of ignominy & shame upon the young Gentleman himself, so rare and gallant a Knight; or on his father, a most honourable and excellent parsonage, ne yet upon the noble house and name of the Fabiuses. But when they saw how little they prevailed by their prayers, and as little by any reasons they could allege; then, they admonished him to have a regard to the furious assem●●● of the soldiers: and that it was not for a man of his years and wisdom, thus to put more fire to the hot stomach of soldiers enkindled already, nor to minister more matter of mutiny: and if such a thing should happen, no man would impute the blame to Q. Fabius, who sought and humbly craved pardon of punishment, but to the Dictator; if he, overcome with choler, should blindly so far pass himself in wilful peevishness, as to provoke the outrageous multitude against himself. Finally, that he should not think, how they laboured thus for any affectionate favour they bore to Quintus Fabius; but were ready to take an oath, that they thought it not safe for the State and Commonweal, that he should proceed at such a time, to execute the rigour of justice upon Q. Fabius. By these and such like remonstrances, when as the Lieutenants had stirred up the Dictator his blood against themselves, rather than pacified his mood against Fabius, they were commanded to go down from the Tribunal. And when as the Crier had assayed to make silence all in vain, for that by reason of the noise and tumult, neither the Dictator his voice, nor any of his apparitors & halberds about him, could be heard, the night came upon them and ended the hurley and garboil, as if it had been a battle in field. The General of the horse was commanded to appear on the morrow. Now when as every man gave it out and avouched unto him, that Papyrius would proceed more vehemently, for that contesting of the Lieutenants, and that the more he was dealt withal, the worse he was: Fabius privily stole out of the camp and fled to Rome. And by the means of his father M. Fabius, a man who had been already thrice Consul and dictator, the Senate was called together immediately. And as he was in the midst of his grievous complaints before the Lords, touching the violence and wrong of the dictator, all of a sudden, there was heard before the Council house door, a great noise & hurrying of the Lictours, whiles they made way and voided the press. And no marvel; for the dictator himself was come with a revenging mind. For so soon as he had heard how Fabius was departed out of the camp, he followed after with his light horsemen. Then began the broil to be renewed afresh, and Papyrius caused Fabius to be attached. Whereupon the chief of the Nobility, and the whole body of the Senate began to interpose themselves by way of mediation: but all their entreaty notwithstanding, 
M. Fabius to the dictator.  he persisted still in his implacable anger. Then stepped forth M. Fabius the father. For as much as (qd. he) neither the authority of the Senate, nor mine old age, whom you seek to make childless, ne yet the valiancy & noble courage of the General of horse, by your own self chosen and nominated, can prevail; nor any humble prayers, which are able to appease the fury of the enemy oftentimes, yea and to pacify the wrath & indignation of the Gods: I implore the lawful help of the Tribunes, and to the whole body of the people I appeal. And since that you challenge and except against the judgement of your own army, and of the Senate, I offer and present unto you that judge, who only is of more force and puissance, I am sure, than your Dictatourship. I will see, whether you will yield to this appeal, whereunto the Roman King Tull. Hostilius gave place. Then out of the Council house they went strait to the Common place of audience: and when the dictator, attended with some few, was ascended up, and the General of the cavalry accompanied with all the whole troop of the chief of the city, Papyrius commanded that he should come down or else be fetched, from the Rostra, unto the lower ground. The father followed after him. Well done (quoth he) in commanding us to be brought hither, from whence we may be allowed to speak our minds, if we were no better than private persons. At the first there passed no continued speeches so much, as wrangling and altercation. But afterwards, the voice and indignation of old Fabius, surmounted and drowned the other noise: who greatly blamed and cried out upon the pride and cruelty of Papyrius. What man (quoth he) I have been also a Dictator of Rome myself, 
The Oration of old M. Fabius.  and yet was there never so much as a poor Commoner, no Centurion, nor soldier hardly entreated or misused by me. But Papyrius seeketh victory and triumph over a Roman Grand-captain and General, as over the Leaders and Commanders of his enemies. See, see, what difference there is between the government of men in old time, and this new pride and cruelty of late days. Quintius Cincinnatus a dictator for the time, proceeded no farther in punishment against Minutius, when he was fain to deliver him lying enclosed and besieged within his own camp, but to leave him as a Lieutenant in steed of Consul, in the army whereof he had charge. M. Furius Camillus, not only for the present tempered his choler toward L. Furius, who incontempt of his old age and authority, had fought most untowardly and with dishonour in the end; and wrote nothing to the people or the Senate but well, of his Colleague: but also being returned, made a special reckoning of him above all the Tribunes consular, whom also of all his colleages, when as he had the choice granted him by the Senate, he elected to be his coadjutour in the charge of his government. Neither the people verily, whose power is sovereign over all, were ever more angry against those, that through rashness and want of skill lost whole armies, than to fine them at a sum of money. For the loss and miscarriage of any battle, that a General should be brought into question and answer for his life, was never heard of to this day. And now, rods and axes, whipping and beheading, are prepared for the Commanders under the people of Rome, and those, who are conquerors and have deserved most justly triumphs; which by no law can be offered to those that have been vanquished. What else Ipray you) should my son have endured, if he had beastly suffered the field to be lost and his army withal? If he had been discomfited, put to flight, and driven clean out of the field, how far forth further would the dictator his ire and violence have proceeded, than to scourge and kill? And see how fit and seemly a thing it is that the city for the victory of Q. Fabius, should be in joy, in processions to the gods, and thanksgivings, with congratulation & feasting one another: and he himself by whose means the temples stand open, the altars smoke with incense and sacrifice, and are heaped up again with vows, oblations, and offerings, to be stripped naked, to be whipped and tewed in the sight of the people of Rome, looking up to the Capitol and the Castle, lifting up his eyes to the gods, upon whom in two such noble battles he called and invocated, not in vain not without good and happy success? With what heart will the army take this, which under his leading and conduct, and under his fortune, achieved victory? What lamentation will there be in the Roman camp, and what rejoicing on the other side amongst the enemies? Thus fared the good old father, thus pleaded he by way of expostulation and complaint, calling upon God and man for help, and withal embraced his son in his arms, and shed many a tear. On the one side, there made with young Fabius, and took his part, the majesty and countenance of the Senate, the favour and love of the people, the assistance of the Tribunes, and the remembrance of the army absent. On the other side were alleged against him by Papyrius, the invincible government and Empire of the people of Rome, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  the discipline of warfare, the Dictator's commandment (observed and reverence at all times, no less than the Oracle and will of the gods) the severe edicts of Manlius, whose fatherly love and affection to his dear son was set behind the service and common good of the State. Also it was alleged, that the same exemplary justice, L. Brutus the first founder of the Roman liberty, executed in his two sons: and now, mild and kind fathers, indulgent and fond old men, in the case of contempt of other men's commandment, give liberty to youth, and pardon as a small matter, the overthrow of military discipline. Howbeit, he for his part would persist in his purpose still, nor remit one jot of condign punishment to him, who contrary to his commandment, and notwithstanding the trouble and confusion of religion, and the doubtful Auspicia, had given battle, saying, That as it was not in his power to abridge any jot the majesty of that State and Empire, for being everlasting: so, L. Papyrius would diminish nought of the authority thereof, wishing, That neither the Tribunes puissance sacred and inviolable itself, should by their opposition and interposing of their negative voice, violate the Empire of Rome: nor that the people of Rome, should in him above all others abolish and extinguish both dictator and Dictatorship. Which if it did, the posterity hereafter should lay the wait and blame (although in vain) not in L. Papyrius, but in the Tribunes, and the perverse judgement of the people: when as the Military discipline being once polluted and stained, neither soldior would obey the Centurion's commandment, nor the Centurion the Colonels, nor Colonel the lieutenants, nor lieutenant the Consuls, nor yet General of horse, the dictator: whiles no man hath regard and reverence either of men, or of gods; no Edicts of Dictator, no flight of birds observed; but that without passport, the soldiers may wander and rogue, either in their own ground or the enemy's land, and unmindful of their sacred military oath, may casse and discharge themselves from soldiery, through a licentious liberty of their own, whensoever they list; leaving their ensigns and colours not attended, not meeting at summons, not repairing to the rendezvous, according to proclamation: without all discretion, making no difference whether they skirmish by day or night, on even ground or uneven, with vantage or disadvantage, with direction of captain, or without; observing no signals and watchword, no array. In sum, the whole course of military service henceforth, blind, rash, and inconsiderate, after the guise of robbing, to stand and go currant for solemn and sacred warfare. With these crimes and absurd inconveniences (o ye Tribunes) charged you must be to the world's end: lay down you must, & gauge your own lives for the audacious disobedience of Q. Fabius, for whom ye are now answerable. The Trib. were astonished hereat, and for themselves now, rather careful and perplexed, than for him who had recourse unto them for refuge & succour. But the general consent of the people of Rome, turning to prayer and entreaty, eased them of this heavy load and burden: and with one voice humbly besought the Dictator, to remit the punishment of the General of horse, for their sake. The Tribunes also, seeing that was the way, and all inclining and growing to Petition, followed after, and did the semblable; earnestly beseeching the dictator to forgive this human fragility, and youthful folly of Qu. Fabius, saying, That he had suffered chastisement enough. Then the young man himself, than his father M. Fabius, forgetting all strife, and laying aside debate, fell down at the Dictator his feet, and besought him to appease his wrathful displeasure. Hereupon the Dictator after silence made, Yea marry (quoth he) o Quirites, this I like well, and thus it should be; now hath military discipline got the victory, now hath the majesty of your Empire prevailed indeed, which lay both a bleeding, and were in hazard to have been abolished and overthrown for ever, after this day. Q. Fabius is not acquit of his offence, in that he fought against his sovereigns commandment: but being thereof convicted and cast, is forgiven, nay is given rather to the people of Rome and the Tribunes power, whose assistance and help is granted for their instant prayers, and not of duty. Well, Rise up Q. Fabius and live, a more happy man for this agreement of the city in thy defence, than for that victory, upon which erewhile thou barest thyself so bravely. Live (I say) thou that hast been so bold to commit that fact, which thine own father here, if he had been in L. Papyrius his place, would never have pardoned. And as for me, into my grace and favour thou mayest come again, at thine own will and pleasure: But to the people of Rome, to whom thou art beholden and obliged for thy life, thou shalt perform no greater duty and service, than that the example of this days work may be a teaching & warning to thee for ever, to obey, as well in war as in peace, all lawful hests of superior Magistrates. After that he had pronounced the pardon of the General of horse, and discharged him of the court, and was departed himself out of the common place of audience: the Senate joyful and highly contented, and the people much more, came all about them, and on the one side bidding joy to the General of the horse aforesaid, and on the other side giving thanks to the dictator, followed after, and accompanied them both: and it was generally thought, that military government was no less confirmed and established by this peril and danger only of young Q. Fabius, than by the late pitteoous execution of young Manlius.  
By chance that year it so fell out, that as often as the dictator absented himself from the army, so often the enemies rose and raised troubles in Samnium. Howbeit, the fresh example of Q. Fabius was ever in the eye of M. Valerius, Lieutenant General and governor of the camp, who feared as well the dread wrath of the Dictator, as any violent attempts of his enemies whatsoever. Insomuch, as when purveiours for come being entrapped by an ambush were slain, in a place of disadvantage; commonly it was thought and believed, that they might have been by the Lieutenant rescued and saved, but for fear of these rigorous and terrible edicts. For anger hereof, the dictator lost the hearts of the soldiers, who were already male content, for that he was so inexorable in the cause of Q. Fabius, and had denied them that, at their instant entreaty, which afterwards he yielded unto and pardoned, at the suit and request of the people of Rome. The Dictator, after that he had left for the government of the city L. Papyrius Crassus the General of horse, discharged Q. Fabius, and forbidden him to administer any thing by virtue of that office, returned into the camp. Whose coming was neither very welcome and joyful to his own countrymen the soldiers, nor yet struck any terror in his enemies the Samnites. For, the next morrow, were it, that they knew not that the dictator was come, or little cared and weighed whether he were present or absent, they approached the camp in order of battle. How beit, that one man, L. Papyrius the Dictator, was of such valour and importance, that if the love of the soldiers had seconded the policy and sage conduct of their commander, the war with Samnites had that day been quite dispatched and ended, past all peradventure; so skilfully set he the battle in array, so warily chose he his ground of advantage, so strengthened he the same with supplies out of the rearguard, in all warlike skill and singular policy. But the soldiers failed for their parts, and went coldly to their business, even of purpose, that the valiant & commendable parts of the captain might be discredited and depraved; and so the victory was much hindered and impeached. Howbeit, many of the Samnites were slain; and in exchange, as many of the Romans hurt. But he like a wise and expert captain, soon perceived, what was the cause that stayed the victory. He saw well enough, that he was to temper his own nature, and to allay that severity of his, within mildness & courtesy. And therefore, taking with him the Lieutenants, himself in person went about to visit the wounded soldiers, putting his head into their tents and cabins, ask each one how they did; charged the Lieutenants, Colonels, Provost-Marshals, and other offices of the camp, to tend and look unto the sick soldiers, recommending their care unto them particularly by name. This being a thing in itself popular, he handled and ordered with such dexterity; that by curing their bodies, their minds also and hearts were much sooner gained and reconciled to their General. And nothing made more for the speedy recovery of their health, than their thankful acceptation of that care and diligence of his. When he had thus refreshed and repaired his army, he encountered once again the enemy with assured hope of himself and his soldiers, to obtain a final victory; and so discomfited and put them to flight, that the Samnites after that day, durst never fight again with the Dictator. Then the victorious army marched, as any hope of booty & pillage guided and directed them: and as they overran their enemy's country, they found no force nor resistance, either in open show, or covert ambush. This also encouraged them the more, and cheered their hearts, for that the dictator had by proclamation given away the whole spoil among the soldiers: so that their private gain whet them on against their enemy, no less than the common anger and public quarrel. The Samnites tamed and subdued by these losses and overthrows, sued to the dictator for peace: with whom they capitulated, and made offer to allow unto every soldier one livery, and the full wages of one year. But being commanded to go to the Senate, they made answer, That they would accompany the dictator, recommending and putting their cause and whole estate to his faithful protection, to his virtue and goodness only. Thus the army was withdrawn from the Samnites, the dictator with triumph entered the city: and when he would have resigned up the Dictatourship, the Senate ordained, That before he gave over, he should create Consuls. So, C. Sulpitius Longus the second time, and Q. Aemylius Caeretanus were elected.  
The Samnites not having concluded peace, (for that they varied about the conditions, and were to treat farther thereupon) yet brought with them from the city of Rome, truce for a year. Which they observed not faithfully: so soon were their stomachs up again to make war, after they had intelligence, that Papyrius was out of government. Whiles C. Sulpitius, and Q. Aemylius (or Aulius as some Chronicles have) were Consuls, besides the revolting of the Samnites, there arose a new war also from the Apulians. Both ways was there a power sent. Sulpitius' his lot was to go against the Samnites, and Aemylius against the Apulians. Some write, that upon the Apulians themselves no war was made, but chose, that the confederate States of that Nation were defended from the violence & wrongs of the Samnites. Howbeit, the low estate of the Samnites, at that time, hardly able to maintain and defend themselves, maketh it more likely and credible, that the Apulians, were not warred upon by them, but that the Romans made war with both Nations at once. But no memorable act or exploit was there performed: only the Apulian country, and Samnium was wasted: and the enemies no where at all to be found. But at Rome there happened a scare by night, which raised every man so suddenly out of their first sleep, and so affrighted the city, that presently at one instant the Capitol and the Castle, the walls and gates were full of armed men. And when as from all places there was running, and crying alarm, the morrow morning at the break of day, there appeared neither author, nor cause of this fear.  
The same year the Tusculans were judicially convented before the people of Rome by process, and that, by a law that Flavius preferred. This M. Flavius, Tribune of the Commons, exhibited a bill of inditement to the people that some punishment might be inflicted upon the Tusculans; For that through their assistance and counsel, the Veliternes and Privernates had taken arms against the people of Rome. The Tusculans with their wives & children resorted to Rome. Which multitude having changed their apparel, & clad in poor array and habit, as prisoners at the bar, went about from Tribe to Tribe, falling down upon their knees to every man. Whereupon, pity prevailed more to obtain pardon of punishment, than the goodness of their cause to the purging of their guilt. So all the Tribes except Pollia, disannulled and made void the inditement aforesaid. But the sentence of the Tribe Pollia was, That as many as were of age and undergrowne, to wit, fourteen year old & upward, should be scourged and put to death. Item, That their wives and children, by martial law, should be sold in open port-sale. And for certain it is reported, that the Tusculans took so deep an anger against the authors of so hard a Censure and cruel doom, that they have carried it in mind even to our father's days. For in despite thereof no candidate, or competitor for an office of the Tribe Pollia, was ever wont to get the voices of the Tribe Papyria. The year following, whiles Q. Fabius and L. Fulvius were Consuls, A. Cornelius Arvina dictator, and M. Fabius Ambustus General of horse, having taken a straighter levy of soldiers than ordinary, for fear of a greater war in Samnium (for it was reported that the whole manhood and flower of the youth were taken up and waged out of the countries adjoining) lead forth a goodly and puissant army against the Samnites. But they pitched their camp so carelessly in the enemy's ground, as if the enemy had been far of: and the Samnite legions came on a sudden so proudly, that they set forward the trench and rampire, and encamped close to the Corpse de guard of the Romans. Howbeit they night approached so fast, that they were hindered for assailing the camp: but they gave it out plainly, they would do it the morrow after by day light. The Dictator seeing that he must fight nearer than he expected or hoped; for fear lest the straightness and disadvantage of the ground, might prejudice and hinder the valiancy of his soldiers, leaving fires thick burning in the camp, for to disappoint the sight of the enemies, in the still night with silence leadeth forth his legions: but yet could he not for the nearness of their camp escape, but be espied of them. The horsemen forthwith followed upon them in the tail, and pressed hard upon the army in their march, yet in such sort, that before it was day, they would not fight, nay the very footmen were not all issued out of the camp before day light. At length when it was broad day, the horsemen adventured to charge upon the Romans, and partly by playing upon the tail of the hindmost, and partly by skirmishing in places that were hard to be passed over, they hindered their march and kept them behind. In the mean while their Infantry also overtook the cavalry, so as now the Samnites with all their forces came upon them. The dictator seeing he could not go farther without his great loss and disadvantage, commanded his men to fortify even in that very place where he stood: but for as much as the light horsemen of his enemies were overspread all about, they could not possibly go to provide stakes to make a parapet or rampire, nor begin to cast a trench. When he perceived therefore that he neither could go forward, nor stay and fortify, he removed all his baggage out of the ranges, and set his men in battle array. The enemies do the like, and were not behind either in courage or in forces. But this most of all heartened and encouraged them, for that they being ignorant that the occasion of the enemy's retreat was the disadvantage and straightness of the place, presumed that they did it upon fear; and therefore they in terrible manner followed after them, as if the Romans had fled and been affrighted. And even that for a good while held the fight in doubtful balance, albeit the Samnites now a long time had not been used to abide so much as the first shout of the Roman army when they give the charge. 
From nine of the clock in the morning, until two after noon.  But verily that day, from the third hour unto the eight, it is said that the battle stood so equal and indifferent, that neither the shout and cry was redoubled, nor heard the second time, after it was once set up at the first buckeling: nor the ensigns were set forward, or withdrawn backward, but remained where they first were: ne yet of any part were they seen to retire or recoil, but every man in his degree and place, bending forward and pressing with his shield, without breathing or looking back, still fought a front: the same noise, one resolution to die or fight it out, and not to give over before utter weariness or dark night. Now began the strength of men to fail, now the spear point and edge of the sword, began to turn and lose their force, and now the captains themselves were to seek for counsel and what to do: By what time all at once the Samnites horsemen, hearing that the carriages of the Romans with only Cornet were gone a good way off from the armed soldiers, without any other guard and fortification; for greediness of spoil set upon them. Which when a messenger in great haste and fear reported to the dictator, Let them alone (quoth he) let them encumber themselves with the spoil, and spare not. Then came others one after another, windless with running, crying out and saying, that all was gone: and that every where the soldiers goods were rifled, ransacked and carried clean away. Whereupon he sent for the General of horsemen, See ye not (quoth he) o M. Fabius, the battle abandoned of our enemy's cavalry? They stand still and are encumbered and pestered with our carriages. Now therefore charge upon them, disbanded as they are, (which usually happeneth to any multitude, busy in pillage) find them you shall (no doubt) few on horseback, and as few with weapon in hand: and whiles they are loading their horses with spoil, kill them unarmed, and make it a bloody booty to them, and let them buy it full dearly: as for me, let me alone with the charge of the legions and footmen; have you the honour of the horsemen's service. Then the cavalry ranged into a squadron, as exquisitely and skilfully as possibly might be, ran forcibly upon the enemies disarraied and clogged with carriage, beating them down, and making a miserable massacre of them in every place. For being (as they were) among packs & fardels which they cast from them suddenly, & now lay against their feet to stumble on as they fled, and in the horse's way, that were maskered and afraid, they were not able well, either to fly or to fight, and so were slain. When as the enemy's cavalry were thus defaited and well-near all come to nought, then M. Fabius wheeling about his wings of horsemen, for to fetch a compass, set upon the Infantry at their backs: Whereupon arose a new fearful cry, which caused the hearts of the Samnites to tremble and quake. The Dictator withal, seeing foremost of the enemies fight in the front, looking back ever & anon, their ensigns out of order, and all their battalions waving and floating to and fro; called hard upon his soldiers, & exhorted them to fight lustily: cried unto the Colonels, the sergeants of Bands and Caporals severally by name, to reencharge and renew the medley again with him. Thus with a fresh and new shout, they advance the standards, & set forward the ensigns: and the farther they march on, the more perceived they the enemies to be troubled, and in disarray. And now by this time, the horsemen also were within the sight of the foremost in the vanguard: and Cornelius looking back to the bands and companies of his footmen, making sign with hand and with voice as well as he could, showed and made demonstration unto them, that they saw the guidons and targuets of their own fellow horsemen. Which when they once heard, and saw withal; presently as if they had forgot the battle which they endured almost a whole day, and felt no smart of their wounds, they bestirred themselves against the enemy as lustily, as if they had newly come out of their tents, fresh and in heart, and seen but now the signal, and heard the sound of trumpet, to a battle. Now were the Samnites no longer able to sustain the terror of the horsemen behind, & the violence of the footmen before: but were either slain in the mids between, or scattered abroad in flight. Such as stayed and were environed about, the footmen slew: those who fled, were trodden under the horse feet and killed: among whom, the General himself left his body on the earth. This battle above all other, so quelled and daunted the hearts of the Sabines and crushed their forces, that in all their Diets and Counsels they mutterered and gave out, That it was no marvel that they sped so ill, in all their affairs of arms, the quarrel was so bad and ungodly, and the war begun so contrary to a covenant of truce, and having the very gods, and that justly, more against them and greater enemies than men: and that such a war must needs cost some great overthrow, and might not be expiate without some notable satisfaction. Here only was the difficulty and difference, whether vengeance and punishment should be taken of the guilty blood of some few, or the guiltless blood of all. And even then, some there were, that durst nominate the very authors of this war. And one especially, to wit Brutulus Papius, whose name was by the common voice and consent heard above all the rest. A noble and mighty man he was, and without question, the principal breaker of this last truce. The praetors being enforced therefore, to determine as touching him what was to be done; at length decreed, That Brutulus Papius should be delivered to the Romans, and that together with him, all the Roman pillage and their prisoners should be sent to Rome: and that of all the goods, unto which according to the covenant and composition, the Fecials laid claim, there should, according to right and equity, restitution be made. Then were the Heralds, by virtue of the decree, sent to Rome, together with the dead corpse of Brutulus: for he to avoid shame and punishment, wilfully killed himself. It was thought good, that with his body all his goods also, should be delivered. Howbeit none of all these things but only the captives, and whatsoever could justly be owned out of the booty, was received: all the rest were offered, but in vain, for nothing was accepted. The Dictator by virtue of an act of the Senate, triumphed. Some write that this war was fought by the Consuls, and that they triumphed over the Samnites: and that Fabius also went forward into Apulia, and from thence brought away great and rich prizes. But without all controversy A. Cornel. was dictator that year: this only was the doubt, whether he were created for the conduct of this war, or at the Roman games Circenses, (because L. Cautius happened to be grievously sick) to give the signal when the chariots & steeds should be let out of the Barriers to run the race for their prize: & that having done that function of a charge (iwis not worth the remembrance) he should leave his Dictator's place. It is not an easy thing to prefer either one matter, or one author before another. I suppose rather for my part, that the record and memorial of these matters hath been depraved and cortupted, by these funeral Orations of praises, and by these counterfeit and false titles of images: whiles every house and family draweth to it, the honour and renown of noble exploits, martial feats, and dignities, by any untruth and lie, so it be colourable. And hereupon, certes it is, that both the deeds of particular persons, and the public records and monuments of Acts, are confounded: neither is there extant any one writer, who lived in those days, upon whom, as a true and certain author, we might ground, and rest ourselves.   

THE NINTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the ninth Book.  
Titus' Veturius and Sp. Posthumius Consuls, having engaged their army so far, within the Gullet or straight of Caudium, into a place of great disadvantage, that they had no means nor hope to get forth again, sell to capitulation with the Samnites, and compounded with them: and after they had delivered unto them 600 Roman horsemen for hostages, they went away with the rest of the army, but so, as they were forced all of them to pass shamefully under the gallows. The same Consuls (even by the motion of one of them, Sp. Posthumius, who persuaded the Senate, that by rendering of those into the enemy's hands, through whose default so shameful and ignominious covenant was concluded, the city might be delivered and discharged of the promise given in the name thereof) with two Tribunes of the Commons, and as many besides as had subscribed to the foresaid accord and agreement, were sent and yielded to the Samnites: but they might not be received. Not long after, Papyrius surnamed Cursor, defaited the Samnites, & put them likewise under the gallows: and recovered again those 600 Roman horsemen aforesaid, that were left for hostages. By which means, the shame and disgrace of the former beastly Act was canceled and abolished. Two Tribes were added to the rest, Vsentina and Falerina. New inhabitants were sent to people Suessa and Pontiae. Ap. Claudius being Censor, brought a channel of water to the city, called of his name Claudia: and paved the highway, named after him likewise, Appia. He admitted also into the range of Senators the sons of Libertines. But for as much as this state and degree of Citizens, seemed as it were polluted with these unworthy persons among them, the Consuls of the year following, in the review of the Senators, and choosing new, held-themselves to the order that other Censors next before had observed. This book containeth moreover the prosperous wars against the Apulians, Tuscans, Vmbrians, Marsians, Pelignians, Aequians, and Samnites: with whom was renewed the ancient league and amity. Flavius the scribe or notary, the son of a Libertine or enfraunchised Roman, was made Aedile Curule, by the faction of the base common people. Which faction, because it troubled and disquieted all the assemblies for Elections, and whole court in Mars field, wherein they bore a great stroke and ruled all by means of might and strong hand, were by Q. Fabius the Censor, reduced into four Tribes by themselves: Which was the thing that purchased Fabius the surname of Maximus. [i. right. Great.]  
AFter this year, immediately followed the peace made at Caudium, so memorable for the Romans foil and misfortune, which happened in the Consulship of T. Veturius Calvinus, and Sp. Posthumius. During which, the Samnites had for their General Conductor C. Pontius, the son of Herennius, a most prudent and politic father, and was himself a worthy warrior, and a most excellent captain. This Pontius, after the Ambassadors aforesaid (who had been sent to yield and deliver the goods) were returned home without peace concluded, spoke thus in a frequent assembly of the Samnites, 
The Oration of C. Pontius to the Samnites.  and said: Masters and friends, think never, but good there hath been done in this voyage, and our Embassage hath taken some effect. For look what wrath the gods in heaven conceived against us, by our breach of covenant & truce, is thereby wholly satisfied, and fully done away. This I know assuredly, that the gods above (whose pleasure it was, that we should be driven to this near point and hard exigent, as to render the goods claimed of us, by virtue of an accord and covenant) were nothing contented and pleased, that this our satisfaction and recompense for the breach thereof, was so proudly and disdainfully despised and rejected of the Romans. For what could possibly have been done more, either to pacify the gods, or to appease men, than that which we offered and performed? Whatsoever we won by way of hostility and spoil, from our enemies, and which by right of war seemed to be ours, we sent back again: the counsellors and persuaders of taking arms, because we could not send alive, we delivered dead as they were: and their very goods also (because nothing might remain with us, to bring us within the compass of their guiltiness) we brought to Rome. What owe I more to thee o Roman? what am I bound to perform besides, in regard either of covenant, or of the gods, the judges of the covenant? Whom shall I choose and take for an indifferent arbitrator between thine anger and my punishment? No State and body of people in general, no private person in particular do I refuse: and if no equity and reason for the poor & needy, be reserved amongst men against the greater & more mighty, yet fly will I, & have recourse to the gods, the revengers of such intolerable pride: and I will pray them to turn their anger upon those, whom neither restitution of their own goods, not the tendering of other men's withal to boot, will serve and content: whose fell cruelty, neither the death of the guilty persons, nor the delivery of dead bodies, neither the owners themselves yielded, nor all they had in the world rendered with them, can satisfy: briefly, who may not possibly be appeased, without we should part with our hart blood unto them, for to drink, and give our bowels & entrails to be torn in pieces. The war (o Samnites) is just and right on their behalf, who have no way and means to avoid it: and ever lawfully take they arms, who have no other hope, but in force of arms. Since then, in all the affairs of this world, nothing is of more importance than this, That men weigh and consider, whither the gods be gracious or adverse unto their enterprises: be sure of this, that as we made our former war not so much against men as the gods; so, we shall fight that which is now in hand, in the name of the gods, and under their conduct and guidance. Having spoken by way of prophesy these words, (which as they were right pleasant and plausible in the hearing, so they proved as true and were verified in the success ensuing) he lead forth an army into the field, and about Caudium he encamped himself, as covertly as he could. From thence, he sendeth to 
* Gaiazzo  Calatia (where he heard that the Roman Consuls and their forces lay in camp) ten soldiers disguised in the habit of herdmen, and commanded them to keep their cattle grazing apart, some in one place and some in another, but never far from the Romans forts and guards: with this instruction, That when they happened upon any of the Roman foragers and vantcouriers, they should agree all in one tale, and say, That the Samnite legions were in Apulia, besieging Luceria with all their forces, and were at the point of winning it by assault. This rumour also was for the nonce by others before, set abroad and spread of purpose, yea and came to the Romans ears: but these captives made it sound more credible and like to be true, for this especially, that all their words agreed one with another. No man doubted but that the Romans would aid the Lucerines, their good and faithful Allies, and the rather for fear lest all Apulia would upon this present trouble and fearful example revolt, and band with the Samnites: and the only thing they stood upon was this, Which way to go unto them. For twain there were leading to Luceria; the one, broad & open, along the coast of the Adriatic sea: but as it was the safer, so it was the farther about. Another shorter cut there was through the straits or guller of 
* Sucttode Arpaia 〈…〉 jugo ● S. Maria, and Valle de Caida●o.  Caudium called Furculae Caudinae. But the natural situation of the place is thus: There are two deep, narrow, and woody pases, or dales, one in the tail of the other, with continual crests and ridges of hills round about them: between them lieth enclosed in the midst, a good large plain or meadow, green of grass and full of waters, through the midst whereof, there lieth a direct passage. But before ye come to that green, ye must enter into that first straight aforesaid, and return again either the same way that ye went in, or if ye proceed to go forward, ye must pasie through another such pass or straight, but narrower and more cumbersome than the other. Into that plain aforesaid the Romans marched down with their army another way, through an hollow rock, but when they went on forth to the other straight valley, they found it stopped and made up with the fall of trees, one cross over another, and likewise with an huge heap of mighty stones, laid full against them in the way. And they had not so soon discovered this guileful practice of their enemies, but they might descry withal, a power of them also on the top of the hill. Then with all speed they seek to go back again the same way they came; but it they found also dammed up in like sort, and beset with armed men. Whereupon they made a stand, without any man's commandment: and as their minds were all amazed and astonished, so their bodies also were possessed as it were with a strange and extraordinary numbedness in their limbs: and whiles they looked one upon another, each man thinking his fellow to be more witty, and have better understanding than himself; for a good while they stood still, and said not a word. But afterwards, when as they saw the two Consuls pavilions a setting up, and some making ready things necessary to fortification; although they saw well enough, that in this desperate case, past all hope of recovery, for all the defences they could devise, they should but lose their time and travail and prove fools in the end: yet nevertheless, because they would not seem to increase their distressed fortune, and double it with their own default and negligence, every man what he could, to his power, without the direction of any leader, settled himself to work, and to fortify along the water side their camp, with a trench and rampire. And besides the insolent and proud scoffing and derision of their enemies, every man with pitiful confession scorned and checked his own work and travail, as vain, and to no purpose. As the Consuls than were pensive and discomforted, & called none about them to counsel, (for that in deed they supposed they were past all advice and help) the Lieutenants and Colonels came unto them of their selves unsent for, and the soldiers turning to the Praetorium or Consul's Quarter, cried to their captains for help and succour, which hardly the very immortal gods could afford and give them. But they, rather made their moans and complaints one to another of their misfortune, than sat in sage counsel to give or take advise, until the night came upon them: whiles each man according to his natural humour and fancy, muttered diversely. One said, let us break though the stoppages opposed against us in the way: another, let us pass over the mountains and woods before us, what way soever we may be able to carry armour; for so we get to the enemy once, whom we have almost for these thirty years vanquished and chased before us; all will be plain, even and easy unto us Romans fight against these faithless, perjured, & disloyal Samnites. Tush, saith another, whether should we go, or which way? What? Are we about to remove mountains out of their places? So long as these tops of hills are over our heads, how will you possibly come to the enemy? Armed or unarmed, courageous or cowards, all is one, entrapped we are and undone everieone. Our enemy will not so much as offer us the sword, whereon we may die like men with honour: he will sit still and end this war. Thus passed words too and fro, and thus passed the night away: unmindful were they of taking repast, never thought they of taking repose and sleep. The Samnites on the other side, in this so fortunate and happy opportunity presented unto them, were as much to seek what to do, and what course to choose and follow. Whereupon, they all in general were to dispatch letters to Herennius Pontius, the father of their General, and to know his opinion. Now this man beforetime, by reason of his great age, had given over not only Military affairs, but also all civil businesses: howbeit in that old crazy and spent body of his, he bore the fresh vigour of the mind and a pregnant wit to give counsel. When he understood that the Romans army was shut up fast within the two forests, at the Caudine Gullets, and that his advice was asked by his sons messenger: he gave presently this counsel, That with all speed they should be let go from thence every one, without any harm at all done unto them. Which opinion of his being rejected [of his son and the army] his mind was demanded a second time, by the same courier sent again unto him of purpose. And then he gave advise, that they should be all killed, and not one left alive. Upon which answers so far disagreeing, and thus delivered, as it were out of a doubtful Oracle: albeit his son himself imagined, of all others most, that his father's wit was in the wane, and aged as well as his feeble wasted body: yet by a general consent of all he was overcome, to send for him in person for to declare his meaning by word of mouth. Neither thought the old man much thereof, but was brought (by report) to the camp in a chariot: and being called to counsel, he was in the same tale still, so as he nothing changed of his former advice, but alleged only causes and reasons thereof. Namely, that in his former resolution (which he took to be simply the best) his meaning was, by a singular benefit and good turn, to confirm peace and amity for ever, with a most mighty and puissant people: in the second his purpose was, by the utter loss of two armies, whereby the state of Rome would not easily recover their strength again, to differre the wars for many a year. And as for a third counsel, he had none at all. When his son and other chief captains, by questioning inquired of him, what if a middle course between both were taken, namely to dismiss them safe, & according to the law of arms and conquest to impose upon them, hard laws and conditions? Marry (quoth he) this is the way indeed, that neither winneth you friends, nor yet riddeth you of your foes: save them whom ye have provoked with shame and disgrace; and see what ye get thereby. The Romans are of this nature, that they cannot be still and quiet so long as they have the worse; it will never die in their hearts, but will be always fresh whatsoever shame this present extremity shall brand them with: and never will it give them any rest, before they have been by manifold and sundry ways revenged of you. So his advice was not accepted, neither the one nor the other, and old Herennius was carried home again from the camp. The Romans likewise in the camp, after many attempts (but all in vain) for to break forth and escape away, being now in great penury and scarcity of all things, for very necessity were driven to send Ambassadors unto the enemies: who first should crave an equal and indifferent peace: and if they might not obtain it, then to bid defiance & challenge them to a battle. Pontius made answer, that there was no talking of battle; for that the field was won already: and because they being vanquished, and as good as taken captive, knew not how to come down and confess their poor estate; he gave them to understand, That he would put them under the gallows, despoiled of their armour, and stripped into their shirts: and as for other conditions of peace, they should be such, as were meet to pass between men conquered, and conquerors: namely, if they would depart out of the Samnites country, withdraw their colonies, and so both Samnite and Roman in equal alliance live under their own laws and customs: upon these articles & capitulations, he was content to come to some point of accord with the Consuls. If any of these covenants disliked them, than he forbade the Ambassadors to repair again to him any more, but at their peril. When relation of this answer was made in the camp, there arose suddenly such a sighing and groaning amongst them all, and so great pensiveness and anguish of heart seized upon them, that it seemed they could not have taken it more heavily, and to the heart, if word had been brought that they must all have died in the place. After long silence, when as the Consuls wist not how to open their mouth, either for the accord and composition so shameful, or against it so necessary: then L. Lentulus, who as well in regard of his virtue, as of his dignities, was chief of all the lieutenants, said: I have heard my father (quoth he) o ye Consuls, oftentimes make report, that he was the only man in the Capitol, who persuaded the Senate not to ransom and redeem with gold, the city from the hands of the Gauls; at what time as, they were not enclosed either with trench or rampire by their enemies, (a nation to say a truth, of all others most idle in such works, and fortifications) but might have broken through them, if not without great danger, yet without evident ruin, and assured destruction. Were the case so now, that as they then, being armed might have run down out of the Capitol upon their enemies under them (in which sort oftentimes the besieged have sallied out upon them that lay in siege) so we might but fight with our enemies in any place (it skilleth not) good or bad, even or uneven: I would not in giving counsel, be any jot behind my father in courage & valour. For I confess verily, that to die for our country is a brave death: and for my own part, ready am I even to offer my body as a sacrifice to present death, yea and it were, to engage myself among the thickest of my enemies, thereby to save the people of Rome and the legions: But alas, here I see my country, here I see all the Roman regiments and legions that are, who unless for their own selves they will run upon their death, what have they else to save by their death? Why? will some man say, the houses and buildings of the city, the walls, and that multitude that inhabit the city. Nay rather, if this army fortune here to miscarry, they are all clean betrayed into the enemy's hand & not saved. For who shall defend them? Peradventure, the weak & unarmed multitude: even as well surely as they defended it against the violence of the Gauls: Or will they send for an army from Veij, and beseech the help again of captain Camillus? Even the one as well as the other. But here in this place is our whole hope, here is all our power & puissance: in saving it, we preserve our country; in offering it to die, we abandon and betray our country. To yield and render ourselves, is a foul and shameful thing; true: but such is the love of our country, that we ought to preserve it, as well with our utter shame, if need require, as by our death. Let us undergo then, and abide this shameful indignity whatsoever, and obey that fatal necessity, which the very gods themselves cannot overcome. Go to then, Consuls, a god's name, redeem the city with your armour and weapons, which your forefathers ransomed with their gold. Then went the Consuls to Pontius for to parley. And when as he began like a conqueror to debate about the capitulations of Covenants, they denied plainly that any league could be made, without the privity, will & authority of the whole people: nor without the Fecials, and other solemn and usual ceremonies. So that this Caudine accord was not (as commonly it is believed, and as Claudius also writeth) concluded by form of absolute covenant, but by way of stipulation and promise. For what needed either sureties in a perfect agreement & league, or hostages to be given when the matter is passed by this form of prayer, BY WHOSE DEFAULT IT HAPPENED THAT THE CONDITIONS AGREED WERE NOT OBSERVED, THAT PEOPLE JUPITER WOULD SO SMITE, AS THE SWINE THERE WAS BY THE FECIAL SMITTEN? The Coss. Lieutenants, Treasurer's, and Colonels, who undertook as sureties, subscribed and signed; and the names yet are extant of them all: where, if the matter had passed by way of an absolute league, there should have been subscribed no more but the names of two Fecials only. Moreover, by reason that the conclusion of this accord was of necessity deferred, there were required also 600 horsemen hostages, who should lose their heads, in case the covenants of the agreement were not observed. And thereupon was the time appointed and set down of delivering the said hostages, and yielding the army without their armour. Now the coming of the Consuls renewed again the sorrow in the camp, that hardly they could hold their hands from those, through whose rash conduct they were come to that place of disadvantage: and through whose cowardice they were to depart from thence more shamefully than they came: complaining that they had not so much as a guide to direct them, nor an espiali to discover the coast: but like beasts were driven blinded into a trap or pitfall: and one looked upon another; beholding the armour that within a while they were to deliver up, viewing their right hands, which anon should be unarmed, their naked bodies exposed to the mercy and devotion of the enemy. They set before their eyes, the gallows prepared by the enemy for them to pass under, the scorns and reproachful taunts of the Victor, his proud and disdainful looks, and how they (disarmed) should pass in a long train and go through the armed enemies: then afterwards, the piteous spectacle of the way which they must go, & the shameful dismarch of their disgraced army: briefly, their foul and dishonourable return through the cities of their allies unto their country and parents, whether they themselves and their ancestors often times had gone in triumph. They, were the only men, which without wound, without dint of weapon, without battle fought, were discomfited and vanquished: who might not so much as draw their sword, and never came to join or encounter with their enemy; having armour, having strength of limb, having hearts given them in vain. As they brayed out with great discontentment and anguish, these words, the fatal hour of their reproach and shame was come; which by proof and sensible experience, was to make all matters more heavy and woeful, than they conceived and imagined in their minds aforehand. First and foremost were they commanded all, to go forth without the trench disarmed, and in their single garments: then were the hostages presently delivered, and had toward: after this, were the sergeant and officers willed to depart from the Consuls: whose rich coats of arms, when they were plucked from their shoulders, moved such pity & compassion even in them, who a while before with all cursing & banning, judged them worthy to be delivered bound hand and foot into their enemy's hands, for to be mangled despiteously and cut in pieces; that every man forgetting his own estate, wherein he stood, turned away his eyes, as it were from an abhommable spectacle, and could not endure to behold that disgrace & disfiguring of so great state and majesty. The first that were put under the gallows, were the Coss. well-near half naked: and according to their degree and place, so was every one in order put to the shame: and afterward, the legions one after another. The enemies in their armour stood all the while about them, scorning, mocking, & making a game of them: many had swords and daggers set against their hearts, in menacing wise, some were hurt and stabbed to death, namely, such as with stern countenance and grim looks above the rest, for the indignity of these things, offended the conqueror. Thus were they sent with shame enough under the gallows, and (that which was more grievous than the thing) even in the sight & view of their enemies, they were not so soon gotten outofthe forest, but although they semeed but then as plucked out of dark hell to see the day, yet the very light itself was worse than all kind of deaths, when they beheld so ill favoured an army & unseemly. And therefore, albeit they might have reached to Capua before night, yet being doubtful of the faithfulness and protection of their allies, or else dismayed for very shame, they cast their poor and silly bodies upon the ground, about the high ways not far from Capua. Whereof, when news, came to Capua, the just & due pity which they took of their allies, overcame the inbred arrogancy and pride of that people by kind. Immediately they sent unto the Coss. the ensigns & ornaments belonging to their place of authority, the lictors & sergeant with their rods, they sent armour and horses, apparel & victual also for the soldiers bountifully: and as they came near to Capua, the whole Senate and people went out to meet them, and performed all duties of kindness & hospitality, both private and public, that could be devised, and as meet was and requisite. And yet neither the courteous usage, the pleasant countenances and lightsome speeches of their allies, could draw from them any words, no, nor so much as make them to hold up their heads and eyes, and to look again upon their friends, when they yielded them all these comforts they could. So as, besides their grief and sorrow of heart, a certain bashfulness and shame forced them to shun all communication and conversing with men. The morrow after, when as certain young gentlemen of the Nobility were returned, who had been sent in convoy from Capua, to accompany them and bring them on their way, as far as their liberties and confines; they were sent for into the Senate house, and being demanded by the ancients and elders, what news: they reported, that they seemed unto them much more heavy & cast down than before, so silent and in manner dumb, they marched along: that noble mind and courage of the Romans was now mute and mum, their hearts clean done and gone, together with their armour, not able to greet again, no nor to give a word to those that saluted them, not one of them for fear able to open his mouth, as if still they bore that yoke and gallows upon their necks, under which they went. That the Samnites had indeed not only a brave victory, but also a perpetual over them, and the hand of them for ever; and had now won not Rome, as the Gauls aforetime, but also (which was a more hardy and warlike exploit) had conquered the Romans courage, stoutness, and valour. As these news were reported, and audience given thereto, with such assent, that every man lamented now the Roman name, as desperate; and concluded generally it was in the counsel of these their faithful confederates, that they were past recovery; one Osfilius Calavius, the son of Ovius, a man right nobly borne, renowned for his valiant Acts, and besides, very grave and reverend for his age, spoke by report in this manner and said, That he took the matter far otherwise than they all did: for that stubborn & resolute silence, (qd. he) those eyes fastened so wistly on the earth, those deaf ears to admit all solace & comfort, that shame of theirs to look up and behold the light, were express and certain tokens of them that tossed and rolled from the very root & bottom of their heart, a huge heap and mass of anger & despite. Either (qd. he) I know not the nature of the Romans, or else that stillness & silence will shortly cost the Samnites, woeful cries & doleful groans: and the remembrance of this Caudium accord, will be more heavy and dolorous a good deal to the Samnites than to the Romans: for, as for them, they will every man find their hearts and courages again, wheresoever they shall hap to encounter; but the Samnites shall not meet every where with the Caudium straits for their purpose.  
And now by this time was this shameful overthrow and disgrace known at Rome. Intelligence they had before, how they were beset and enclosed about: but afterwards arrived a messenger with news more heavy and sorrowful for that ignominious peace, than for any peril and danger otherwise. At the first noise and bruit that they were besieged, they began to muster; but after they heard, that they had so shamefully yielded themselves, all that preparation of aid and succour was discharged and sent away: and presently without any order from public authority, they gave themselves every one to all manner of mourning and lamentation. The shops all about the market place were shut up. A general vacation began of itself, and pleading in all courts ceased, before proclamation made: the purple and scarlet robes were left off, the golden rings laid away, and the whole city in a manner more sorrowful and heavy, than the very army. Neither were they angry and offended with the captains only, with the authors of the peace, with the cautions and sureties for the same; but hated also the guiltless soldiers, denying flatly, that they were worthy to be received into city or house. Which heat of stomach and wrathful indignation, the first arrival of the army, utterly allayed; which even to angry persons was pitiful and lamentable. For they returned not as men that escaped safe, alive, and unlooked for into their country, but like captives in habit and countenance, they entered late into the town, and hid their heads, every man within his own house: so as the morrow after, and for certain days following, none of them would come into the market place, nor put his head out at doors to look into the streets. The Consuls likewise for their part, kept in, as private men, and would exercise no function pertaining to their charge, but only that which thy were forced unto by an act of the Senate, namely, to nominate a dictator to be Precedent at the Election of Consuls. So, they elected Q. Fabius Ambustus for Dictator, and P. Aelius Paetus, General of horse. Who being wrong created, and without the approbation of the Auspexes, there were chosen in their room, M. Aemylius Pappus for dictator, and L. Valerius Flaccus General of the horsemen, and yet by them was not the assembly holden for the Election abovesaid. And for as much as the people were even weary again of all that years Magistrates, as unlucky and unfortunate, it grew at length to an Interreigne. So Interregents there were, Q. Fabius Maximus, and M. Valerius Corvinus, who created Consuls, Q. Publius Philo, and L. Papyrius Cursor the second time; with the whole consent, no doubt, of the city, for that in those days there were not two more noble and renowned captains to be found.  
The same day they were created, they entered their Magistracy (for so the LL. of the Council had decreed:) and after certain solemn and ordinary acts of the Senate passed, they went in hand to consult about the treaty of the Caudine peace. And Publius, whose course it was then to have the sovereignty of rule, Speak (qd. he) Sp. Posthumius, to the matter propounded, and let us hear your opinion, and what you can say. Who after he was risen and stood up, with the very same countenance and cheer that he went under the gallows; 
The Oration of Sp. Posthumius late Consul in the Senate.  I am (notquoth he) o ye Consuls, ignorant, that I am first called forth, not for honour, but to my disgrace; and commanded to speak, not as a Senator and Counsellor, but as a man culpable and accused, both for an unfortunate war administered, and a shameful peace concluded. Howbeit, seeing that ye have not propounded and touched aught, concerning either our trespass or our punishment, (setting apart all kind of excuse and defence, which would be no very hard matter to maintain, before men that are not ignorant of human fortune, and of necessities, whereto men may be driven) I will in brief deliver my mind concerning that, which you have moved and propounded. Which sentence of mine may sufficiently witness and testify, whether I meant to spare mine own life, or save your legions, when as I became bound to that dishonest or necessary stipulation and promise, call it whether ye will. And yet, seeing it was made without the people's privity and grant, the State of Rome is not obliged thereto, and thereby nothing due to the Samnites but only our bare bodies. Let us therefore be rendered by the hands of the Feciales and Heralds, in our shirts, and fast bound: let us deliver and rid the people of all scruple and trouble of conscience, if we have entangled them with any; that there be no let in law of God or man, but that both justly and lawfully ye may begin the war a new. In the mean while my mind and advise is, that the Consuls levy, enrol, arm, & lead forth an army: but not to enter within the enemy's marches, before all things duly belonging to the delivery of us into their hands, be fully accomplished. Now, I pray and beseech ye, o immortal gods, that seeing it was not your good will and pleasure, that Sp. Posthumius and T. Veturius Consuls, should with fortunate conduct fight against the Samnites, yet ye would be satisfied herewith, That ye beheld us put under the gallows: that ye saw us obliged in an infamous and shameful bond of covenant: that ye now view us naked and delivered bound into the enemy's hands, ready to receive upon our heads even with the loss of our lives, all their anger, malice, & despite: and that it would please you, that the new Consuls and Legions of the Romans, may in that sort war with the Samnites, as evermore the wars before us Consuls have been conducted, managed, & performed. When he had spoken these words, all men both so wondered at this man and pitied him too, that one while they would not believe he was the same Sp. Posthumius, who had moved and persuaded so soul and dishonest a treaty of peace: otherwhiles they lamented that so brave and noble a parsonage, should suffer any especial torment above other, at the enemy's hands, for anger and despite of reversing and breach of that accord. When as now they all after singular praises of the man, condescended to his opinion; the Tribunes of the Com. L. Livius and Q. Melius, attempted for a while to oppose themselves against this proceeding: saying, That neither the people could be acquit and assoiled in conscience, by their delivery, unless every thing were again restored to the Samnites, in the same estate wherein they stood at Caudium: nor they themselves (in that they subscribed and became bound for the accord of peace, to save the host of the people of Rome) had deserved any punishment: ne yet, last of all, ought they being sacred Magistrates and Inviolable, 
The Oration of Sp. Posthomius  to be yielded to the enemies, and exposed to any outrage and violence. Then (quoth Posthomius) in the mean while deliver us up that are but lay and profane men, whom with safe conscience and without offence ye may. And as for these, so sacrosainct as they now be, ye shall hereafter render them likewise, so soon as they are out of their charge. But if ye will be ruled by me, let them before they be thus yielded, here in this common hall be whipped and scourged, for the usury and interest of their punishment, which they would seem to defer and put off so long. For whereas they allege and say, That by the delivery and yielding of us, the people's consciences cannot be cleared and assoiled; who is so ignorant in the Feciales and heralds law, that knoweth not that these men spoke this, for this end rather, that they themselves might not be rendered, than for that the truth requireth so. Neither do I deny my Lords, that bare promises and stipulations are unviolable, and to be kept as well as covenants & obligations with those men, amongwhom both religion to godward, and faithfulness to men is in regard and estimation: but I deny again, that without the people's assent & grant, any thing can be established good and effectual, to bind the people thereunto. What life the Samnites, in the same pride and insolency, wherein they obtruded and forced upon us this stipulation, yea and wrung it from us, would also have urged us to utter and speak, the solemn form of words, which they use to do that surrender up cities; would ye (my Masters that are Tribunes) infer and say, that by virtue thereof the people of Rome is surrendered into their hands? and that this city, with the temples, chapels, limits, and waters, by strength thereof, are the Samnites possession? Well, I let pass to speak of dedition, because the matter in question is touching only a stipulation. What, I pray you, if we had promised and undertook, that the people of Rome should forsake and abandon this city? or set fire on it? or not have Magistrates, Senat, or laws any longer? or to be governed again by Kings? God forbid and forfend that, say you. Well, it is not the indignity of things, that easeth the bond of Stipulation. If there be any one case, wherein the people may be obliged, then in truth may they be in all as well: neither skilleth it any whit, (whereat happily some will make a stay, and think it is material) whether Consul, Dictator, or praetor, enter into bond and become surety. And even this it was, that the Samnites themselves judged so to be, and stood upon: thinking it not sufficient, that the Consuls became bound, but they put the Lieutenants, the Treasurers, and the Colonels there, to the same. And now, let no man demand of me, why I entered so into stipulation, being a thing not incident to the Consul his charge and right, neither was I to undertake unto them peace, which was not in my power to effect: nor in your name to promise it, from whom I had no commission and warrant. Certes my Lords and Senators, there was nothing at Caudium done at all by man's policy and council. The immortal gods bearest both your Generals and the enemies too, of all their sense and understanding: for neither we, in the conduct and ordering of our service, stood warily enough upon our good guard: and they again, as they got the victory full badly, so they lost it as lewdly: whiles they hardly trusted the strength of those places, by means of which they had gained the vantage and better hand of us: and while they made such haste, upon what agreement they cared not, to disarm men that are born martial, & naturally made for wars. For, if they had been in their right wits, what an hard matter was it for them, in the time that they sent for old aged men from their home, to come to Council, for to have dispatched their Ambassadors to Rome? and so to have dealt and treated with the Senate and people, about a perfect peace and final league in deed? It had been but three days journey for men not encumbered, but lightly appointed. All that mean while, there might have been truce, until the Ambassadors from Rome, had brought them either certain victory or assured peace. For that had been a covenant and stipulation good in law, the which we should have agreed unto, by warrant of the people's will and approbation. But ye would never have granted & allowed it: no more should we have entered into any such stipulation. Neither was it Gods will and providence, that there should be any other issue and end of things, than this: that both they, should vainly be deluded, and feed themselves as it were, with the fancy of a more joyful dream, than their minds could well conceive and apprehend: and also that the same fortune, which had entangled, snared and brought into danger our army, should lose the same, and rid it again out of peril: that as their victory was frivolous and vain, so a vainer and more frivolous peace, should make it frustrate and worth nothing: and that such a stipulation & promise should be interposed and come between, which might oblige and bind no person, but the very makers themselves. For what dealing hath there been with you my Lords of the Senate? or with the people of Rome? Who can challenge you? Who can call you into question? Who can come forth and complain that he is by you deceived? enemy? or citizen? To enemy ye have passed no promise: citizen to undertake for you and in your name, ye commanded none. Therefore ye have nothing to do to meddle with us, to whom ye gave nought in charge: and with the Samnites as little, with whom ye had no treaty at all. To the Samnites, we are sufficient pledges enough, and answerable to perform that which is our own: for that, I say, which we are able to make good and yield; even our bodies and lives: upon these let them exercise their rage, upon these let them whet their swords and their spiteful malice. And as for the Tribunes of Commons, consult ye together, whether they may be rendered presently, or aught to be reserved and put off to an other day: let us in the mean time (o Veturius, and ye that are the rest) offer these wretched heads and lives of ours, like caitiffs to discharge our bond, and by our punishment and execution, deliver and set free the Roman army.  
Both the cause itself, and the advocate also, moved the Lords of the Senate: and wrought so much not only with the rest, but also with the Tribune's themselves [of Commons] that they promised to be at the Consuls ordering and appointment. Whereupon immediately they gave up their offices, and were delivered into the Fecials hands with the other, to be led all, to Caudium. There was not so soon an act of the Senate passed hereof, but it seemed that the very light and rays of the sun shone upon the city again. Posthumius was in every man his mouth, him they praised and extolled to the heavens: comparing him with the voluntary offering of P. Decius the Consul, for the safety of the army, and other worthy and noble acts of others: Saying, that by his ouverture, by his means and travail, the city was delivered from a servile, dishonourable and unhonest peace: He (say they) hath offered himself to all the torments, anger, and vengeance of the enemies, & made full satisfaction thereby for the people of Rome. Nothing now but war, war: Alarm, now cried every man: and, oh, that ever they might see the day, to encounter once again with the Samnites, in their armour and with weapon in hand. So, whiles the city was thus inflamed and boiled with hateful ire and indignation, there was an army levied, well near all of voluntaries. New legions were mustered and enroled again out of the same soldiers, and a puissant army set forth to Caudium. The Fecials marched before, and when they were come to the gate of the city, commanded the Sureties, such as had subscribed and signed the accord aforesaid, to be despoiled and stripped out of their clothes, & their hands to be pinioned behind them. And when the Lictour or sergeant, for very reverence of Majesty in Posthumius his person, bound him at large and at ease, Why dost not thou (qd. he) draw and pull the cord straighter, that the rendering and delivery of us may be according to law and as it ought to be, and no fault to be found withal? Afterwards, when they were come into the assembly of the Samnites, & before the Tribunal judgement seat of Pontius; A. Cornelius Arvina one of the Feciales or Heralds thus spoke: For as much as these persons, without commandment and commission from the Quirites and people of Rome, have undertaken by stipulation, That there shall a league and peace be made with you; and in so doing have offended and trespassed against the State, therefore, to the end, that the people of Rome might be freed and assoiled from a detestable and heinous offence, Here I deliver and yield unto you, the self same men. No sooner had he uttered these words, but Posthumius with his knee smote the Feciall his thigh, with all the might he could: & with a loud voi●e said, That the being now a Samnite citizen, and the other an Ambassador and an Herald of the people of Rome; had against the law of nations injured him and offered him the abuse:??? whereby the Romans might more justly make war. Then quoth Pontius. This delivery neither will I accept of and admit, neither shall the Samnites hold it good and lawful. But why dost nor thou Sp. P●sthumius, if thou believe there be any gods, either undo and cancile all, or stand to thy bargain and covenant? For by right either are they all due unto the Samnites, whom they once had in their power; or else peace, in lieu of them. But why speak I thus, and challenge thee, who dost yield thyself again prisoner to the conqueror as faithfully and loially as thou canst? The people of Rome I challenge, who, if they repent of the promise and bargain made at the straits of Caudium, let them bring again the Legions into that gullet, wherein they were environned, enclosed, and compassed. Let no man deceive and delude other. Let all be undone again, and everything as it was: let them take again their armour, which by covenant they yielded up: let them return into their own camp, and have whatsoever they had the day before the Parle. Then let them please themselves with war, with valiant and magnanimous deeds: refuse they then, and spare not all covenant: reject they then all treaty of peace. Let us have the same fortune, the same opportunity and vantage of the places, which we had before the mention of peace: and so make war, and try the issue. So shall neither the people of Rome, blame the Consul's stipulation, nor we find any lack and default in the faithfulness of the people of Rome. And will ye never have done, but always find shifts and excuses, and not stand to your covenants, when ye are overcome, and have the worse of your enemies? Ye gave sometimes hostages to King Porsena; and when ye had done, afterwards stole them away. For a sum of gold you bought again your city of the Gauls; and as they were receiving the same gold, murdered they were by you & hewn in pieces. Peace ye have covenanted with us, upon condition that we should restore again your legions unto you; that peace you cancel and make void, & evermore ye set some colour of right upon your cautelous and fraudulent dealing: Well, alloweth not the people of Rome of the saving of their Legions, by a dishonourable and shameful peace? Say it is so. Let peace go whether it will: but give you again to the Victor, your Legions captivate. Is this your faithful dealing? are these your covenants, & ceremonies of Fecials and he ralds? that thou, according to the agreement and accord, shouldest have that desire of thine, even so many citizens lives saved? and I not have the peace (which by letting mine hold go unto thee an enemy) I bargained for? What justice is this, that thou o Cornelius, and ye that are heralds, prescribe to Nations abroad? Nay verily, I neither will accept of those persons whom ye make a show to deliver, neither can I believe, that they are yielded in verity and good earnest. Nay, I pass not at all, whether they return again into that city, which is obliged by a covenant made, attended upon with the wrath and displeasure of all the gods, whose heavenly power and deity i, thus deluded. Now go and make war, seeing that Sp. P●sthumius erewhile josteled and pushed an Ambassador herald with his knee; and so the gods will believe no doubt, that Posthumius is a Samnite citizen, and no Roman; and that by a Samnite, a Roman Ambassador hath been abused: and thereupon you may take a just occasion and good quarrel to make war upon us. Are you not ashamed, and bash you not to broach and set abroad, in the view and face of the world, such mockeries of religion? What? old and ancient grave personages, and such as have been Consuls, to seek such subtle devises (not fit for very children and babes to play with) and all to shift off and falsify their promise made by covenant. Go Lictor, lose the Romans of their bands: and no man so hardy as to stay them, but that they may depart when they will at their own pleasure. So they, having thus perhaps discharged the public fidelity, or at leastwise quit themselves undoubtedly of their own, returned from Caudium, unhurt, to the Roman camp.  
The Samnites seeing that in am of a proud and unreasonable peace, there was a most cruel war new sprung up again, not only forecast and apprehended in their minds, but well near saw evidently with theireys, all that ever ensued after. Then, all too late and in vain, God wot, they praised the twofold counsel of old Pontius: and how they taking the middle way between, were deceived, and had exchanged the certain possession of victory, for an uncertain and doubtful peace: and having lost the opportunity both of gratifying the Romans, or doing them harm any more, were now to fight and wage war with them, whom they might either have disabled for being hurtful enemies, or made their fast and assured friends for ever. And so without any weakening of their power and forces of either side by battle: their hearts after this Caudine peace were so changed, that Posthumius by his voluntary yielding was more honoured among the Romans, than Pontius his bloodless victory among the Samnites: and the Romans made this reckoning, that the possibility of making war was to them as much as undoubted victory: and the Samnites believed verily, that the Romans had at once made war again and gotten the upper hand.  
Whiles these things thus passed, the Satricanes revolted to the Samnites: and the Colony at Fregellae, by the sudden and unlooked for arrival of the Samnites (with whom it is certain the Satricanes were banded) in the night was surprised and taken. But the mutual fear one of the other, kept them in on both sides that they stirred not out until the morning. Then began the sight, which for a certain time was equal and indifferent: yet, for that the Fregellones within fought for their Church and chimney (as they say) and by reason that the multitude, unmeet for arms, stood them in good steed in annoying their enemies from off their houses; they held out and found them play a long time. But afterwards, a wily and deceitful policy turned all backwards & was their undoing: for they suffered the voice of the crier to be heard through the town, who proclaimed, That whosoever laid down weapon, should depart alive & safe with bag & baggage. The hope whereof, caused them to slack somewhat of their fight, and therewith they began to cast away their armour in every place. But the resolute sort armed still, broke away through a postern gate, whose venturousnesse proved to them more safe, than the inconsiderate fear of the other which made them credulous & too light of belief. For the Samnites compassed them about with fire, and for all they called upon the gods for their help, and to the●● enemies for performance of their promise, yet they burned them most piteously.  
The Consuls parted between themselves, their provinces. Papyrtus took his way to Luceria in Apulia, where the Roman horsemen given for hostages at Caudium were kept in ward: but Publius stayed in Samnium to make head against the Caudine legions. Which thing much troubled and distracted the minds of the Samnites: for neither their hearts would serve them to go to Luceria, lest the enemy should come on their backs; nor yet to stay behind, for fear least in the while, Luceria should be lost. They thought it best therefore, to put all in hazard of a battle, and to try it out with Publius. Whereupon, they bring forth their power into the field: with whom when Publius was minded to join in fight, he thought it not amiss, first to make some speech unto his men, and so commanded them to assemble unto an audience. But, as they came running to the Praetorium, with exceeding great cheerfulness, so by reason of their noise that called hard for battle, no exhortation of the General could be heard: each man his own heart mindful of the former disgrace, served well enough to encourage and animate them. So they march out to battle, putting forward the standerd-bearers and port-ensignes. And because they would lose no time, they first charge with lancing their javelins and shooting darts, and after that, in drawing their swords, they threw away their javelines, as if they had had a signal given them so to do, and with naked drawn sword, they ran upon their enemies. No cunning was there to be showed of warlike captain, no skill to be showed either in setting in array the files and ranks, or placing of the rearward for supplies: the soldiers furious anger, with raging violence, marshaled & managed all. So, the enemies were not only discomfited and put to the rout, but also because they durst not hinder their flight by retiring to their own camp, they made all the hast they could, disbanded as they were, toward Apulia. Howbeit they were rallied together in one company, and so came to Luceria. The Romans, in the same boiling heat of blood that they pierced through the mids of the enemy's battle, entered also into their camp: where was more bloodshed and execution than in the battle: and the greater part of the pillage was in their choler marred and clean lost.  
The other army commanded by Papyrius the Cos●marched along the sea coast to Arpi: and all the country they passed thorough, showed them friendship & courte●ie, more for the outrages and losses sustained by the Samnites, & the hatred they bore them, than for any love to the people of Rome, or good received at their hands. And now the Samnites at that time dwelling upon the hills in villages, being mountainers & wild people, and as it is commonly seen, of like disposition to the places which they do inhabit, wasted the plain Champain & sea coasts, despising indeed their more civil life & conversation. Which country, if it had been true to the Samnites, either the Roman army had not been able to come to Arpi, or else the penury and scarcity of all things between Rome & Arpi, would have consumed them, being cut off from all provision of victuals. For even then, being gone from them, & lying encamped before Luceria, as well they without in the leaguer and those that were within the city besieged, were nipped and bitten with hunger. The Romans were served all from Arpi, but so slenderly & scantly, that whiles the footmen were occupied in their guards warding, watching, and working uncessantly; the horsemen, were feign to bring come from Arpi, in little leather bags: and otherwhiles, if they met the enemy, were forced to cast the corn from off their horse backs, to fight more nimbly. They that were within besieged, before the other Consul came with his victorious army, had both from the mountains of the Samnites, victuals brought unto them, and succours also of men let in to them. But the coming of Publius made all provisions more straight: for, leaving the charge of the siege to his brother Consul, he rod lightly appointed without carriage, all over the country, and so beat all the quarters, that they were too hot for the enemies to forage and purveigh victuales. Then the Samnites, seeing that they within the city besieged, were past all hope to abide the famine any longer, encamped about Luceria, and were forced to gather all their forces together from all parts, and to give Papyrius battle. At which very instant, when they were on both sides preparing to fight, the Tarentine Ambassadors came between, discharging and forbidding, both Samnites and Romans to fight: professing withal, that whosoever they were that refused to give over war, against them they would fight in defence and favour of the others. Papyrius having heard that embassage, making semblance, as if he had greatly regarded their speeches, answered that he would confer with his brother Consul; and having sent for him, and bestowed all the mean time in preparation to fight, when he had talked with him as touching the execution of matters already resolved, he presently gave the signal, and set out the bloody banner of battle. Now as the Consuls were busy in sacrificing and performing duties belonging to God and man (as their manner is when they purpose to go to a battle) the Tarentine ambassadors aforesaid, encountered them and expected an answer. To whom Papyrius, The Chickmaster (qd. he) oye Tarentines, sendeth me word, that the birds feed right, and all is we●l; and besides that, the gods in our sacrifice seem passing well pleased. And in the name of the gods, & under their conduct (as ye see) we are going to battle. Then commanded he to set forward the standards, and led forth his power, mocking the foolish nation for their great vanity, who, not able to manage their own affairs by reason of home seditions and civil discords, thought it meet to be moderators between others, and to prescribe them war or peace. The Samnites on the other side, having slaked all their care and desire of war, for that they desired peace in good earnest, or else thought it expedient for them to make a semblance thereof, for to win unto them the Tarentines; seeing the Romans all of asuddaine arranged in battle array and ready to fight, cried forth aloud, that they rested still in the authority of the Tarentines, and were at their direction: neither would they come forth into the field, nor put themselves in arms out of their fort: choosing rather being thus disappointed, to abide the the chance of fortune whatsoever, than to seem to have despised the Tarentines, who had interposed themselves as mediators for peace. Marry (quoth the Coss.) we take that for a good osse and presage of lucky succusse●: & we would wish no more at God's hands, but to put into their enemy's heads that resolution, not to defend their trench & rampire. So the Coss. when they had parted between them their forces, approached the very camp of their enemies, and set upon them with an hot assaulton every side. Thus while some filled and dammed up the trenches, others plucked up the stakes of the rampire, and threw the bank and all down the diches under their feet: whiles not only their own inbred valour by nature, but also anger and choler provoked and pricked to the quick, their hearts already fretted and cankered at the very root, for the last disgrace received; they entered the camp. Every man for his part gave out and said, Here are not the the strait gullets of Caudium, here are not the impassable nor inaccessible passes, & forests, where as proudfraud had gone beyond their silly error and want of forecast: but Roman virtue and provess, which no rampire never so strong, no trench how deep soever, is able to put by and withstand. So they killed all afore them indifferently, as well them that made resistance and stood to it, as those that recuiled and gave way; armed and disarmed, bond and free borne, old and young, as well under age as undergrowne, man and beast, one with another: neither had there escaped any living creature drawing breath, but that the Consuls sounded the retreat, and with minatory words commanded the soldiers, so greedy of murder and bloodthirsty, to go forth of the camp. Whereupon when they were highly discontented and in great indignation, for that they were stayed and interrupted in this sweetness of wreaking their anger, and satiating their revenge to the full; it was time to deliver this speech unto them, wherein the soldiers were given to understand, how the Consuls neither were behind any of them in malice and harred to their enemies, nor would be hereafter: but as they were their chief conductors to the war, so they would be their leaders and show them the way, to unsatiable appetite of revenge and execution; had not the care and regard of those 600 horsemen, which were kept as hostages in Lucena, cooled their thirst and stayed their stomachs; lest happily the enemies in despair to find pardon and mercy, should run upon them in a blind fit of fury and rage, and put them all to the sword; choosing rather to torment and kill them first, before they died themselves. The soldiers greatly commended this course, and rejoycedthat thus their choler was allayed, and their fury bridled, confessing, That they were indeed to abide all whatsoever, rather than the life of so many of the forwardest and principal young gentlemen of Rome, should be betrayed; or in danger. This audience being dismissed, they drew together to a counsel, whether with all their forces they should assail and press hard upon Luceria, or with one of the armies and chief leaders, give the attempt to sound the Apulians, a close and secret kind of people thereabout, who ever to that day had stood in doubtful rearmes with them.  
Publius' the Consul, who had taken this journey to overrun all Apulia, in that one voyage and expedition, either by force subdued and brought under his obeisance certain States, or upon conditions entered league & society with them, Papyrius also, who stayed at the siege of Luceria, within a short time sped according to his expectation. For having forelaid and beset all the ways, by which victual was conveyed thither out of Samnium, the Samnites who lay in garrison at Luceria, pinched and tamed with famine, sent Ambassadors to the Roman Consul, making offer to release and deliver up into his hands those horsemen, (the only cause of the present war) in case he would raise and levy the siege. To whom Papyrius made this answer, that they should have gone first to Pontius, the son of Herennius, by whose counsel they had put the Romans under the yoke and the gallows, to learn and know of him, what in his opinion they were to abide, who were vanquished and overcome. Howbeit, for as much as they had leifer, and chose rather to be censured indifferently, and to receive equal conditions of their enemies, than of their owneselves, he willed the Ambassadors to give them to understand in Luceria, that they should leave their armour, their bag and baggage, their beasts of carriage, and impotent multitude not fit for the waters, within the walls. And as for the fight soldiers, he would put them to pasie under the gallows in their single shirts, for to revenge the shame first offered them, and not to inflict any new ignominy upon them. Nothing was denied and refused: seven thousand men of war were put under the gallows, a rich and huge pillage raised within Luceria, all their own ensigns and armour regained, which they had lost at Caudium: and that which surmounted all other joys, they recovered again those gentlemen of arms, whom lying for pledges and security of the peace aforesaid, the Samnites had sent to Luceria to be kept in safe custody. There is not lightly to be found a victory more noble, and of greater consequence to the people of Rome than this, in regard of the sudden change of fortune, in case (as some records bear witness) Pontius also himself the son of Herennius, and General of the Samnites, to make satisfaction and quittance for the Consul's disgrace and shame, was put under the yoke, as well as all the rest. But I less marvel, that it is not clear, but left uncertain, that the enemy's General was rendered, and went under the gallows: this rather I wonder at, that doubted it is, whether Lucius Cornelius Dictator, with L. Papyrius Cursor, General of the horsemen, managed these acts first at Caudium, and then afterwards at Luceria: and being the only revenger of that disgrace of the Romans, triumphed most worthily (I dare be bold to say) of any man before that time, next to Furius Camillus: or whether the chief honour hereof pertain by right to Papyrius as Consul. Upon this error followeth another in the neck of it, whether Papyrius, surnamed Cursor, for his good service at Luceria, in the next Election, continued in Magistracy, and were made third time Consul with Q. Aemylius Caretanus, the second time: or whether it were L. Papyrius Mugillanus, and the error grew upon the surname. But it is agreed upon by all writers, that from this time forward all the relics of the wars, were performed and finished by Consuls. Aemylius in one prosperous battle made a final conquest of the Ferentanes, & upon composition had the city delivered up unto him, whither they had retired their forces for succour, after their defeature in the field, and hostages were imposed upon them. With like good success fought the other Consul with the Satricanes, who being Roman citizens, had revolted to the Samnites, after the loss at Caudium, and had received into their city a garrison of theirs. For when as the Roman army approached under the walls of Satricum, and that the citizens within (after Ambassadors sent to treat by way of humble petition for peace) had received this hard and heavy answer from the Consul, That unless they would kill the garrison of the Samnites, or deliver them into his hands, they should come no more again to him: the Coloners and inhabitants were more frighted & terrified with that speech, than at all the forcible attempts of their army. Whereupon the Ambassadors followed their suit hard, and continued still, demanding eftsoons of the Consul how he could believe, that they being but few, feeble, and disarmed, should be able to force a garrison so strong & well appointed, againsttheir wils? being willed to ask counsel of them, by whose means they had received the said garrison into the town, they departed their ways: and having hardly obtained leave & licence at his hands, to consult with their Senate, & to bring answer, they return home again. Their Senate was divided into two factions, which distracted & held them in suspense, that they could not soon resolve. The one, consisting of the chief personages & head men, who had solicited them to revolt from the people of Rome; the other of true hearted and loyal citizens. Howbeit, both sides strove in the end, and endeavoured to labour the Consul for reconciliation of peace. The one part thought it sufficient (because the Samnites garrison having not provision enough aforehand to hold out the siege, was to depart the night following) to give notice to the Consul, what hour of the night, through what gate the enemies would go forth, & which way they would take: the other, namely against whose will they were revolted to the Samnites, the very same night, opened another gate besides to the Consul, and privily let their enemies armed into the city. So by a twofold complot of treason, they were surprised unawares and all their throats cut, not only the garrison of the Samnites (by reason that the woods all about the high way were laid for them and beset) but also at one instant there was a shout and alarm raised by the enemies, within the city, which was full of them: and thus in the space of one hour both the Samnites were slain, the Satricanes taken, and all they had in the world seized into the hands of the Consul: who after diligent inquisition by torture, Who were the principal authors of this revolt? whomsoever he found guilty, those he scourged and beheaded: and setting there a strong garrison, he took from the Sa●●icanes all their armour. From thence Papyrius Cursor departed to Rome for to triumph (as they write, that say, by his leading Luceria was recovered, and the Samnites put under the yoke). And without question, a man he was worthy of all commendations of a warrior, surpassing not only in fortitude and courage of spirit, but also in force and natural strength of body, and namely for his good footmanship: whereupon he got his surname 
* An excellent 〈◊〉.  Cursor. For in running (they say) he had not his peer, but went away with prick and prize before all other in those days: and were it by reason of his bodily vigour and strong constitution, or his much exercise, a stout and mighty eater he was, he drank as liberally to his meat, & could carry it as well. Never had foot or horse under any captain more rough & harder service, for that himself was of so tough metal & steel to the very back (as they say) that he could abide any pains and travail whatsoever. His horsemen upon a time were so bold, as to request him in lieu of their good service in some exploit, to ease them a little of their ordinary toil and labour: yes marry will I (quoth he) and that ye shall not complain that ye have no easement at all, I will ease you of this pains, That when ye alight from your horses, ye shall not need any more to struck their shoulders, back and buttocks. He was a man besides for severity straight, and of right great command, as well over his allies and confederates as his own citizens. The Praetor of Preneste, for very fear chanced once to be somewhat behind, and slack in bringing forward the rearward, into the vanguard and front of the battle: as he walked before his pavilion he commanded him to be called unto him: when he was come, he willed the sergeant to bring forth his axe immediately: at which word when the Prenestin stood amazed and well near dead, Dispatch Lictor (quoth he) stock me up and grub this root that hindereth them that walk this way: and when he saw him astonished and his heart in his heels for fear of death, he set a good round fine upon his head, and so let him go. Doubtless in all that age (than which there was never any more fertile and fruitful for virtue and valour) there was no one man, upon whom the state of Rome rested & relied more: In so much as men had destined, & in their minds appointed him to have matched and made head with Alexander the great, if after the conquest of Asia, he should have bend his power hitherward, and warred in Europe.  
Albeit it may well appear that I have nothing less sought, ever since I began this work, than to digress and decline more than was needful, 
〈…〉 Alexander the great and the Romans.  from the order and course of mine historic, and by extravagant garnishing and mingling my writings with variety of matters, both to seek for the readers pleasant starts and diverticles to repose themselves, and for myself some e●se and recreation of my spirits: yet the mention of so mighty a king and renowned captain, maketh me to think upon, and to u●●er abroad the secret conceits and discourses, which often I have cast & tossed in my mind: & which induce me now to search & examine willingly, what event would have happened and befallen to the Romans, in case they had waged war with Alexander. First and foremost, the things that seem to bear sway and prevail in war, be these (to wit) number of soldiers, valour, and courage withal, wit, sufficiency and dexterity of their chief leaders, and lastly, fortune, which as in all other human and worldly affairs beareth a great stroke, so in war most of all. Which points, if a man consider either severally by themselves, or jointly altogether, do prove that the Roman Empire & government had stood as well against him, as other princes & nations invincible. And first, to begin with comparing of the captains themselves; I do not deny, but that Alexander was a noble and singular warrior: and this maketh more for his fame and renown, that he was a sole commander of himself, that he was a young man, and died in the growth of his prosperous affairs, before he had felt and tasted of adverse fortune. For to let pass other glorious Princes and brave captains, (the great mirrors and examples of human changes and varieties of this world) what was it that exposed Cyrus, whom the Greeks commend and magnify above all other, as also of late time, Pompeie the great, to disfavor & the turning wheel of fortune, but only this, that they lived long? Let me but rehearse and reckon up the Roman captains, and those not all, nor in every age, wherein they flourished; but even them only, with whom being either Consuls or Dictator's, Alexander should have warred, if he had come: namely, M. Valerius Corvinus, C. Martius Rutilius, C. Sulpitius, T. Manliu Torgu●●us, Q. Publius Pbilo, L. Papyrius Cursor, Q. Fabius Maximus: the two Dec●, L. Volumnius, M. Curius: Besides other brave men and valiant personages that followed after, in case he had fought the Carthaginian were first (for if he had lived he meant to have warried there) and then passed over into Italy, when he had been well stepped in years. In every one of these, there were the same good parts, the like towardness of nature, as much forwardness of courage and spirit, as in Alexander, yea and as good Military discipline, which even from the foundation of the city, passing from hand to hand, grew at length to the form and perfection ofan Art, framed & compiled of continual rules and precepts, and confirmed by experiments. For so, after one course the Kings conducted their wars: even so, next unto them the banishers of the Kings, (to wit the unij and Valerij) so, consequently the Fabiuses, the Quintij, and Cornelij: so did Furius Camillus, whom those two Romans in their youth (Manlius Torguatus and Valerius Corvinus) with whom Alexander should have encountered, saw an aged man in the latter end of his days. And whereas Alexander ventured his own proper person in battle, & performed all Military duties with other soldiers, (which was not the left part of his praise and glory) would Manlius Torguatus have given him one inch of ground, think ye, ash had met with him in the medley equally matched? or Valtrius Corvinus either, both of them brave& doughty soldiers before they were leaders and captains? Or would the Deccis have given him place, who with devoted bodies to death, cameamong the thickest of their enemies into present danger? Would Papyrius Cursor have given him way, a man of that incomparable strength of body, & invincible courage of hart? And (not to name every one particularly) would that Senate & Counsel have been overwrought with the stratagems & policies of that one young man? which, who soever he was that said, it consisted and was composed altogether of kings, was the only man that conceived & comprehended the true image and Idea of the Roman Senat. Mary here was all the doubt (forsooth) lest that he knew not how to choose out a convenient plot of ground, to pitch a camp in, more wisely and cunningly than any one of those before named, to make provision for victual, to foresee and beware of ambushes, to pick out and take a meet time for to fight a battle, to set his battaillons in array, & to strengthen the same with sufficient succours & supplies from the rearguard. Certes, he would have said himself, that he had not now to deal with Darius, which Monarch carrying with time a train of dainty women, and tender eunuchs, weakened and made effeminate with wearing purple and gold, with all his rich furniture, for show and ostentation of his wealthy and superfluous fortune, Alexander without any bloodshed, with doing nought else, but knowing well how to contemn such toys and vanities conquered as a prey and bootic rather than an enemy and warrior. He would have thought verily that the situation and nature of Italy far differed from that of India, through which he marched at his ease with his drunken army, feasting and banqueting all the way; but specially, when he should have beheld the woody forests and unpassable straits of Apulia, the high hills and mountains of Lucania, and the fresh marks and tokens of the loss that happened in his own name and house, namely, where not long before his Uncle Alexander late King of Epirus miserably perished. Our talk all this while is of Alexander, not drowned yet with the overflow of prosperity; wherein no man had ever less rule of himself than he. Whom if we consider, as he was arrayed in the habit and attire of his new fortune, and (if I may so say) of a new nature, whereinto after his conquests and victorieshe was transfigured; surely he would have come into Italy more like a Darius than an Alexander, and brought a bastard army with him, nothing at all resembling but quite forgetting their native country of Macedon, degenerated already, and growing out of kind, into the manners and fashions of the Persians. It greeveth me, and I am ashamed, in so great a Monarch as he was, to report the proud changing and variety every while of his apparel, his excessive vainglory and desire of being courted & crouched unto (as he was) in flattering manner, by men lying upon the earth grovelling and prostrate at his feet. Such abject baseness should have been hardly endured of Macedonians conquered and subdued; much less then, being conquerors as they were. Abashed I am to recount the foul & horrible torments and executions, the murders of his well deserving friends, even in the midst of his cups and dainty viands: last of all, his vanity, his overweening, & forging to himself a divine race & pedigree from the gods. But what if his drunkenness & unmeasurable love of wine, were every day more than other? what if his fell anger & exceeding heat of choler increased daily? (for I report nothing, but that which all writers agree upon) reckon we not these infirmities for great blemishes, & wondrous hindrances, to the virtues and perfections of a warrior & general commander? But here is all the danger & fear (which some are wont to give out & allege, even the vainest persons of all other greeks, who favour & magnify the glory of the very Parthians in comparison of the Roman name) that the people of Rome had never been able to abide the very majesty and name of Alexander the great. (And I think verily, that even themselves that talk so much of him, never heard the truth, so much as by the bruit & fame) and that against whom in Athens, a City mightily decayed by war with the Macedonians, & even then, when as they might see before their face the ruins of Thebes in manet smoking full in their eyes, the Orators durst freely make public invectives (which appeareth by the very records of their Orations now extant) against him: I say, not one of so many States & noble personages of Rome durst have opened his mouth, and given one word again frankly & boldly. How much soever the grandeur & greatness of this man may be conceived & imagined in the mind, all that, shall be but one only man, rising, growing, & come to his height with the felicity of little more than ten years. Which happiness of his, they that extol in this respect, that the people of Rome, although in no war they were subdued, yet in many battles had the foil and lost the day; whereas Alexander never fought field but he won the victory; little understand, that they compare the exploits of one person, and him a young man, with the deeds and acts of a State, which had now warred eight hundred years. And can we marvel, if when on the one part there maybe reckoned more ages, than years on the other, that in so long a time, fortune should vary more, than in the space of thirteen years? But why compare you not man with man, Captain with Captain? and lay their fortunes together? How many Roman Chieftains and Generals, in this case am I able to name, who never lost field? Ye may turn every leaf & page of the yearly annals of Magistrates, of daybooks & journels of those Consuls & Dictator's, whose valour & felicity, the people of Rome had never cause to repent of and be discontented for, so much as one day. And that which maketh them more wonderful, and to be admired above Alexander or any other king in the world, some of them bore the Dictatorship but ten or twenty days; and none the Consulship longer than a year. Their levies and musters now & then were letted and impeached by the Tribunes of the Com. The due and best time for war otherwhiles overslipped them, and yet they went forth. Before their term expired, they were often called home, for to be precedents of the Magistrates Election. In the very midst and busiest time of their affairs, the year eftsoons turned about. The inconsiderate rashness one while, & the peevish crookedness another while of a Colleague and companion in government, was hindrance & harm both. They succeeded sundry times after the loss & overthrow of their predecessors, & received an army either of raw untrained soldiers, or such as were in ill discipline nuzelled up: whereas Kings & monarchs contrariwise, not only freed & exempt from all such obstacles & inconveniences, but also Lords & Masters, & of absolute command, over their enterprises, over times and seasons fit for execution, give direction to others, draw all after them to their advice and counsel, and are themselves directed and overruled by none. Say now, that Alexander were invincible, and dealt with these Captains as invincible as himself, he should likewise have hazarded as great pawns & favours of fortune as any of them; nay rather he should have adventured & incurred more jeopardy; in that the Macedonians had but Alexander alone, a man not only subject but also exposing himself; to many perilous chances: but many Romans there had been equal to Alexander, either for glory or greatness of their worthy deeds: who every one should have lived and died according to the fatal course of his own several destiny, without the hazard of the whole and main chance. It remaineth now that forces be compared with forces, and armies to armies, either in number, or in quality of soldiers, or multitude of Allies, from whom they had their aides. There were esteemed by computation in the Taxing years, & Surveys taken by the Censors of that age, two hundred & fifty thousand polls Citizens of Rome. And therefore in all the revolts and rebellions of their allies the Latins, they were able to levy and enrol ten legions complete, of Roman citizens well near and none else. And for many years often times, there were four and five armies employed at once, which maintained wars in Tuscan, inHetruria, in Vmbria, take also the Gauls with you their enemies, likewise Lucania in Samnium. Besides all these, Alexander should have found all Latium with the Sabines, Volsciens, and Acquians; all Campania, part of Vmbria and Hetruria, with the Picentes, the Marsians, Pelignians, Vestines and Apulians, and all the cost adjoining thereto of the greeks, along the nether Tyrrhen sea, from the Thurians to Naples and Cumes, and from thence, the Samnites, as far as to Antium and Hostia. All these he should have met with, either mighty and puissant allies and friends to the Romans, or if they were enemies, vanquished and subdued by their arms. He should have passed the seas himself, having of old Macedonian bands, not above thirty thousand foot, & four thousand horse, and those, most of them Thessalians; for this was all his power. And in case he had joined thereto, the Persians, Indians, and other such nations, he should have drawn along after him, more let and encumbrance, than help and succour by them. Take this over and besides; The Romans had fresh supplies always ready and near at hand, at home in the City: whereas Alexander his army (as afterwards it happened to Annibal warring in a strange country) would have waxed old and decayed. They had for their armour and weapons, a shield or buckler, and a spear in manner of a pike. The Romans had a target of larger capacity to cover the whole body, and a javelin, being a weapon much better and more forcible than the pike, either to strike and push withal near hand, or to be lanced a far off. The soldiers, I confess, both of the one side and the other, stood their ground surely, kept their place and array still, within their several ranks. The Macedonian massive Phalanx moved not, was steadfast, and always after one sort: but the Romans battaillon more distinct, and consisting of many parts, easy both to divide and display, or to join and reunite upon any occasion. To speak now of painful work and travail, what soldier is comparable to the Roman? who better able to endure all sorts of labour? Alexander by the loss but of one battle, had been clean done, and his war at an end for ever. But the Romans, whose hearts, neither the shameful disgrace at Caudium, nor the woeful defeature at Cann●●, could mate and daunt; what power would have discouraged? what battle in the world would have broken their backs? Certes, Alexander, although he had great prosperity and good success in his first beginnings and enterprises, would oftentimes here, have miss his Persians and Indians, and desired with all his heart to have had dealing with them again, and other cowardly and dastardly nations of Asia: nay, he would have said, that he had warred before but with women, as Alexander king of Epirus (by report) gave out, when he was wounded to death, conferring the easy occurrents of war which this young Prince his nephew, met withal in Asia, with the difficulties of his own, that he found here in Italy. And verily, when I call to mind and remember the conflicts and fights at sea, in the first Punic war, for the space of xxiv, years, with the Carthaginians, I suppose the whole age of Alexander would hardly have brought about and finished that one war, and against one of those two States. And peradventure, when both Carthaginians and Romans had been combined, either according to the ancient leagues, or for equal fear of a common enemy, & those two cities most puissant both for men and munition, had taken arms at once against him, he would have been overwhelmed with the Punic and Roman war together. Moreover, the Romans have made good proof of the Macedonians as enemies, if not when they had Alexander to be their Captain, nor whiles the Empire of Macedon was at the best, and stood upright unfoiled: yet tried them they have, & made head against them under the conduct of Antiochus, Philip, & Perses: & it never cost them the loss and overthrow of their own part, no, nor so much as any appearance of danger at all. I would not be thought to speak a proud word, but be it said without arrogancy, and setting all our civil wars aside; never were we distressed, either byhorse or foot, never in open field and battle ranged, never on even and plain ground, never in unequal places of disadvantage, were we endangered. The soldior in heavy & complete harness, I confess, may fear the cavalry in the plains: may fear shot of arrows, cumbersome forests and woods, straight gullets, & unpassable wild's, without ways forward or backward: but let there be a thousand armies greater and stronger than the Macedonians or Alexander, so long as we hold together, and continue still in this love of peace and care of civil concord, wherein we live at this present, we are able, and ever shall be, to discomsite and put them all to flight.  
After this, were M. Follius Flaccina, and L. Plautius Venox Consuls. The same year there came from sundry Nations of the Samnites Ambassadors, to treat for the renewing of the league, and moved the Senate, most humbly kneeling prostrate upon the ground: but being put off & referred to the people, their prayers availed not to such effect: for as touching a league, they had a flat nay. And after they had for certain days together, importuned them one by one apart, with cap and curtsy: at length after much suit, they obtained truce for two years. And out of Apulia the Theanenses and Canusines wearied with roads and spoil made in their territories, after they had put in hostages to Lucius Plautius the Consul, yielded themselves to his protection. The same year first began Provosts to be created at Capua, to govern under certain laws given unto them by L. Furius the Praetor: after that themselves had made suit for the one and the other, as a remedy for their state, greatly decayed through civil discord. And at Rome were two more Tribes added to the rest, Vtentina, and Falerina. When Apulia began once to shrink & go backward, the Theatines, being also Apulians, presented themselves unto the new Consuls, C. junius Bubulcus, and Q. Aemylius Barbula, and sued to enter into a league with the Romans. And since they were the men that led the way first, and by their example and persuasion induced all Apulia to be in peace with the Romans, and had confidently undertaken, as sureties and pledges to bring it to pass, they obtained their request. Yet was not the league indifferent and formal, with equal conditions, but so, as they should be in subjection to the people of Rome. After that Apulia was conquered (for junius had won also Tarentum, a strong town and a rich) they marched forward against the Lucanes. Then upon the sudden coming of Aemylius the other Consul, Nerulum was by force taken. And after that it was noised abroad amongst the allies of the people of Rome, that the state and weal public of Capua were established by Roman discipline and government; the Antiates also, who made moan and plained, that they lived without positive set laws and magistrates, obtained of the Senate certain advocates or Commissioners, to ordain statutes likewise for that Colony. So, that not only the Roman arms, but also their law and jurisdiction extended far and near, and was of great request. C. jun. Bubulcus, and Q. Aemylius Barbula Consuls, in the end of the year, delivered their legions not to the Coss. by them created, Sp. Nautius, and M. Popilius, but consigned them to L. Aemylius the dictator. Who with his General of horse, L. Fulvius, began to lay siege to Satricula, whereby he gave the Samnites occasion to rebel. Which brought upon the Romans a double fear two ways. For of the one side the Samnites having assembled a mighty army, to deliver their allies from the siege, pitched their camp not far from the Romans leaguer: on the other side, the Satricanes set open their gates suddenly, and with a great tumult broke into the wards and corpse de guard of their enemies. And so both parts, relying rather upon hope of succour and help elsewhere, than trusting upon their own strength, within a while began to charge the Romans in full battle, with banner displayed, and distressed them. And although the dictator was assailed both ways, yet was he sure and safe on either side, because he had gotten a plot of ground, not easy to be compassed, and made head both against the one and the other, advancing his ensigns accordingly. Howbeit, he charged more hotly upon them that sallied forth, and without much ado beat them again within the walls. Then turned he the whole battle upon the Samnites. Where there was hard hold, and more to do. The victory, though long first, was neither doubtful nor variable. The Samnites being chased and driven into their camp, having in the night put out all their fires, dislodged and departed privily away: and being past all hope of descending Satricula, they besieged Plistia, a town confederate to the Romans, to requite their enemy with the like displeasure. The revolution of the year being gone about, the war continued under the conduct of Q. Fabius' dictator: and the new Consuls, like as the former, remained still at Rome. And Fabius came before Satricula to receive the army of Aemylius, bringing with him anew supply to make up the broken bands: for the Samnites made no stay at Plistia, but having levied and sent for fresh soldiers from home, presuming upon their great numbers, encamped in the very place where they lay afore: where by braving the Romans, and challenging them with many skirmishes, they would have forced them to raise the siege. But the Dictator so much more earnestly, bend his forces against the walls of the enemies, thinking it the best piece of service to assail the town, as being of such importance to the rest of the war, which depended thereon: and was more careless therefore of the Samnites, and only opposed against them certain guards both day and night, along the trench and rampire, to keep them from making any assault upon the camp. But the Samnites on the other side, so much the more fiercely skirmished on horseback about the fortifications, and never gave them rest. In so much, as when the enemy now was at the point to enter the gates of the camp, the General of the horse. Q. Aemylius Ceretanus, without advice and direction of the dictator, riding forth in a great noise with all his cornets of Horse, repelled the enemy. But even in that light manner of skirmish, and no set battle of any long continuance, Fortune so played her part, and showed what she could do, that on either side there befell a notable loss, with the glorious death of both the captains. For the General of the Samnites first taking it to the heart, to see Aemylius so fiercely ride and give the charge, and himself to be disarraied and driven out of his place, with much entreating and exhorting his horsemen, renewed the fight. Against whom, as he advanced himself, bravely to be seen amongst his men, and fought most valiantly, the Roman General of the horse, with spear in rest, so galloped his horse, that with one push he unhorsed him and left him for dead: and yet for all this was not the whole troop besides (as commonly it is seen) at the fall of their captain so much amazed, as provoked rather to fight. For they that were about him, charged Aemylius heard, as he rashly road without heed, and engaged himself too far within the thickest of the squadrons of his enemies, and lanced their javelins at him: but they gave the especial honour to the brother of the Samnites captain, to be revenged for his death. He, full of anger and sorrow, plucked Aemylius from his horse, and slew him in the place, even in the midst of his victory: and for that he fell among the troops of his enemies, he had like to have left his dead corpse among the Samnites. But presently the Romans alighted on foot, and the Samnites were forced to do the same: and thus being ranged suddenly in great haste into battaillons, there began a cruel fight on foot about the bodies of the captains. Wherein the Romans went clear away with the better, and having recovered the corpse of Aem ylius, in great joy, intermingled with sorrow, they return winners into their camp. The Samnites thus having lost their captain, and tried their strength what they could do in fight on horseback, left Satricula, which they supposed could not possibly be defended, and so returned again to the siege of Plistia. After few days, Satricula was rendered by composition to the Romans, and the Samnites by assault wan Plistia. Then changed they the seat town of the war. For out of Samnium and Apulia, the Legions were removed to Sora. This Sora was revolted to the Samnites, and had slain all the inhabitans therein that were Romans. Against which place, when the Romans were come first by great journeys to revenge the loss of their countrymen, and to recover the Colony, their espials and vaunt-couriours whom they had sent out dispersed along the high ways, brought word, that the Legions of the Samnites followed, yea and one after another gave advertisement, that they were not far off. Hereupon they went forth to meet with the enemy, and near to a place called Lautulae, there was fought a doubtful and dangerous battle: for no slaughter it was, nor flight of either part, but the very night that parted them, and they knew not whether they had the better or the worse. In some Chronicles I find, that the Romans lost the day, and that there died in this battle Q. Aemylius General of the horse. C. Fabius chosen into the room of Aemylius, came with a new and fresh army from Rome, and having dispatched messengers before to the Dictator to know his advice, where he should stay and rest, at what time, and on which side he should set upon the enemy: after he was well informed and instructed in all points what to do, he put himself close in ambush, The Dictator himself, who had for certain days after the last skirmish, kept his soldiers within trench, more like one besieged, than besieging; all on a sudden, put forth the signal and token of battle: and thinking nothing more effectual to animate & kindle the courages of hardy men, than to know of no other help or hope, nor to trust upon any man but in themselves, he conconcealed from his soldiers the coming of the General of horse and his fresh forces; and as if there had been no other way but one, 
The Oration of 〈…〉 to his 〈◊〉.  even to break forth and fallie with violence: We being (quoth he) my soldiers, penned here and taken tardy in these straits have no other issue but that 〈◊〉 by victory we shall make open. Our hold wherein we lie is fortified sure enough, but the same for scarcity of all things noisome, irksome, and hurtful to us: for all parts here about are revolted, from whence we should have convoie of victuals: and were it that the people were disposed to help us, yet the advenues & passages are hard, and the place of our abode, incommodious. Therefore will not I deceive and abuse you any longer, by leaving here your tents into which ye may after (ye have miss the entire victory) betake yourselves for safety, as ye did the otherdaie: for our fortifications and holds, aught to be defended by force of arms: and not our arms by sensed forts. Let them have their camp well fortified, to issue forth and to retire thither again at their pleasure, who have a purpose to make a long war of it. But let us cut off all regard of other matters, but only of a present and final victory. Advance then your ensigns directly against the enemy: and so soon as our army is once without the trench and rampires, let them set the tents a fire, that have the charge so to do: you shall make up your losses again, my soldiers, with the spoil of all the nations hereabouts, that have revoked. At this speech of the Dictator, which showed no other semblance but of extreme necessity, the soldiers took heart and were hot set to march straight to the enemy. And the very sight of their tents burning behind them (albeit those only which stood next were set on fire, for so the Dictator had given commandment) was no small provocation and prick unto them. And therefore they gave a charge like mad men, and at the first push and brunt they broke the array of the enemies: and withal, in good time, the General of the horse, when he saw a far off the tents on fire (for that was the signal agreed between them) came hastily upon the back of the enemies and assailed them. So the Samnites being environed round about, made every man what shift he could to get forth and escape, and so fled. But the main multitude that were thrumbled together all on a round heap, for fear, being an hindrance one to another in the press, was slain in the mids and cut in pieces, the enemy's camp won, & ransacked: with the pillage whereof the soldiers were laden, and the Dictator brought them back unto their own camp: who were not so joious for the victory, as for that they found (besides a little part thereof disfigured by fire) all the rest safe and sound, beyond their expectation.  
From thence they returned to Sora, where the new Consuls M. Petilius and Caius Sulpitius, took the army at the hands of Fabius the dictator: who discharged many of the old soldiers, and brought certain new cohortes for supply in their steed. But when by reason of the difficult and unaccessible site of the town, they knew not well which way and by what means to make assault, and seeing that the winning of it would either ask long time, or be exposed to manifold and present dangers: a certain runaway traitor of Sora who was closely stolen out of the town, got to the Roman Sentinels, and required forthwith to be brought to the Consuls: who being presented before them, promised to betray the town: and being questioned withal, how and by what means he would perform that which he undertook, seemed unto them to allege some reasons to good purpose, and prevailed so far with them, that he caused the Roman camp, which lay in a manner close under the walls, to be removed fix miles off the town, saying, that thereby, the wards by day, and the watch by night, would be neglected, & less careful and diligent to keep the city. Himself the night following after he had willed certain cohorts of footmen, to lie in ambush within the woods near the town, took with him ten elect and chosen soldiers; and through steep places, and such as were not well passable, conducted them into the Castle, having brought thither more shot and darts to throw, than to serve so small a number of men: besides, there was good store of stones at hand, which lay there, either scattering by chance (as commonly in such craggy and rocky ground) or else heaped together by the townsmen of purpose, for the better defence of the place. Where, after he had bestowed the Romans, and showed them a narrow and steep pathway out of the town into the Castle, From getting up here (quoth he) there needs no more but three men only well armed, to keep back the greatest multitude that is: ye are in number ten, and more than that, Romans; & of Romans the most hardy & valiant: the place will steed you, I know, the darkness of the night will be for your purpose, the night, I say, which by reason of uncertainties, maketh all things seem much more than they are, to men affrighted and amazed already. I will for my part set all presently in a hurry, look you in the mean time that ye duly keep the fortress. This said, he runs down with as great a noise and shouting as he could, 
So●a surprised by neason.  crying Alarm, help help citizens, the Castle is taken by the enemy, come away to defence. These words he resounded ever, as he rapped at the gates of the principal citizens and noblemen: these words he redoubled aloud, to all that he met, and to as many as ran forth affrighted into the streets. This fearful alarm received from one man, was set abroad by many more all over the city. The Magistrates quaking for fear, sent certain to the Castle in espial to discover the truth: and advertised by them that the Castle was surprised indeed by armed men, and full of armour (for they made the number & everything else more than it was) were clean put out of all hope to recover their fortress. So every where they fell to running away: the gates were broken open by them that were not well awake, and those most part unarmed. At one of the gates, those companies of the Romans aforesaid, who lay in ambush, and were raised with the noise and clamour, broke in, and killed all that in this affright ran headlong in their way. Thus was Sora won, against the Consuls should come in the morning betimes by break of day: and look whose fortune it was to scape out of the massacre made in the night, and to fly away, those they took to mercy upon their submission: whereof 225. even those who by the general voice of all were pointed at, and reputed above the rest the principal actors in that horrible massacre abovesaid, of the Roman Coloners, inhabitants, and the authors of the revolt, they had away with them to Rome, bound hand and foot. The other multitude they left at Sora safe and unhurt, and planted there a garrison. All they that were brought to Rome, were in the market place scourged with rods, and beheaded, with the exceeding joy & contentment of all the commons, whom it concerned most, that the multitude which should be sent into sundry Colonies, might in every place live in safety, and security of their lives.  
The Consuls being departed from Sora, marched forward to make war upon the lands and territories of the Ausonians; for by the coming of the Samnites after the battle of Lautulae, they were all out, full of insurrections and commotions, and many conspiracies there were in all places about Campania: neither was Capua itself without blame and faultless. Nay, this matter passed as far as to Rome, where information was made against some of the Nobles, and warning given to inquire into them. But the whole nation of the Ausonians, by reason that the Cities were betrayed like as Sora, was reduced under obedience to the people of Rome. Ausonia, Minturnae, and Vestina were the Cities, out of which, twelve of the chief young Gentlemen having conspired and sworn together to betray their own Cities, 
A Conspiracy of the Ausonians.  presented themselves unto the Consuls; giving them to understand, that their countrymen wished long ago for the coming of the Samnites, and so soon as they heard of the battle before Lautulae, made account that the Romans were utterly vanquished, & helped the Samnites both with men & munition. But now, say they, that the Samnites were chased from thence, they lived unresolute in doubtful terms of peace, and shut not their gates in dread upon the Romans, for fear of bringing war upon themselves, yet obstinantly bend to shut them, if their army approached toward them. In this wavering and doubtful floating of their minds, they might at unwares be suddenly surprised. By this persuasion of theirs, they encamped nearer, and at one and the selfsame time were soldiers sent about those three towns before named, some in armour closely to lie in ambush in convenient places near the walls: others in side gowns with swords under them, who alittle before day, so soon as the gates were set open, should enter into those Cities. By whom the matter was so handled, that at one instant they began to kill the warders at the gates, and gave a signal to those armed soldiers who lay in ambush, for to rise all at once and come to succour. Thus were the gates seized and possessed, and three towns in one hour by the same stratagem surprised. But because this exploit was performed in the absence of the Captains, there was no stay in execution and carnage, but beyond all measure, and without all mercy, no sex nor age was spared: and so the whole nation of the Ausones, before they were detected for certain of revolt, was destroyed and extinguished, as if they had warred mortally, and been at deadly feawd.  
The same year Luceria came into the hands of the Samnites, by reason that the city had betrayed and delivered the Roman garrison to them; but the traitors went not long unpunished for it. The Roman army chanced to be not far from thence, and at the first assault, the city standing as it did on a plain, was won. The Lucerines and Samnites both were put to the sword every one: and so far forth proceeded their furious rage, that when the Senate fate in counsel at Rome, about sending men to inhabit Luceria, many were of mind, that the city itself should be razed to the ground and destroyed: for besides the cursed and execrable hatred they bore against them being twice conquered, and as often revolted; the distance also of the place so remote, caused them to mislike greatly, and abhor the confining as it were of their citizens, so far from home, to live amongst such a kind of people so cruel and dangerous. Howbeit, their opinion took place and prevailed; who gave advise, that Coloners' and inhabitants should thither be sent, and to the number of 2500. were there planted.  
The same year when as the romans found all unloyall unto them, and nothing but falsehood on all sides; at Capua also certain secret conspiracies of the Nobles and best of the City were detected and revealed. Touching which, the Senate's advice was asked, and the matter not neglected by them, but commissions were appointed: and thought good it was that a Dictator should be nominate, for to fit upon the same commissions and inquisitions. And C. Maenius was created, who named M. Fillius General of Horse. Great was the terror of that Magistrate, and thereupon, either for fear, or guiltiness of conscience, the two Calavij, Ovius and Novius, who were the chief of that complot, before information was given against them by name to the Dictator, died: and questionless by their own hands shortened their days, & so avoided the trial of justice and punishment accordingly. After that, when the inquisition wanted subject matter once about the Capuans, the Inquisitors (by interpretation of the words in the commission) proceeded to Rome, saying, that the Senate had good warrant to make enquiry and straight search, not by name and precisely, who at Capua only; but generally, who in any place whatsoever, had used conventicles, and conspired against the Commonwealth: and all secret meetings, say they, & pack together, for to get dignities & Offices, were directly against the State & Commonwealth: so that the Commission extended larger both for person and real action. Yea and the Dictator himself nothing gainsaid, but that the virtue of his Commission was directed without limitation. Hereupon were certain Gentlemen of the Nobility brought into question: and notwithstanding they called unto the Tribunes for to assist them, with interposing their negative, yet there was not one of them would succour and relieve them, but presentment was taken against them, and they indicted. Then the Nobility, I mean not them alone who were in trouble, but generally the whole Gentry of the City, at once, pleaded, That they were not the natural & true Noblemen indeed, who were to be touched and charged with this crime: who if it were not for sinister and indirect courses, had easy and open access unto all honourable places and promotions; but certain new upstarts and Gentlemen of the first head: saying, That it was the very case of the Dictator himself, and his General of horse, who were rather parties guilty, and offenders themselves, than sufficient inquisitors, and competent judges: and that should they well know and understand, when they were once out of their place and office. This made Manius to bestir himself, who mindful rather of his good name and reputation, than respective of his high place and absolute government, went up into the common place of audience before all the people, 
The Oration of Manius the dictator.  and spoke to this effect. My masters and friends all, Citizens' of Rome, well assured I am, that privy ye are to the whole carriage and course of my former life; and besides that, even this very honour and dignity which you have bestowed upon me, is able to testify and approve mine innocency. For, to sit upon these inquisitions, there was not to be chosen now for dictator (as oftentimes heretofore, according to the dangerous occasions and necessity of the time) a man reputed the best and noblest warrior of all other; but such a one, as throughout his whole life hath most of all misliked and condemned ambitious conventicles. Howbeit, for as much as certain persons of noble lineage, (for what cause, it is more meet for you to deem and judge, than for me being a Magistrate, to speak without book, as they say, and upon no sure ground) first have endeavoured with all their might and main to overthrow the process of the inquisition itself; and afterwards, seeing they were not able themselves to bring that about (notwithstanding they were Patrity) have fled to the holds of their very adversaries, even the protection of the Tribunes and their negative, rather than to justify themselves and stand to the trial of their cause: and at last having there also a repulse (thinking all means safer than to approve their innocency) have fallen upon us, and bashed not (private men as they are) to accuse and touch the person of him that is dictator: to the end therefore, that both God and man, and all the world may know, that as they have assayed to compass that which they are not able to bring to pass, namely, to avoid the rendering an account of their life and demeanour; so; I am ready (to set forward their accusations) to offer myself unto mine adversaries; and giving them means to call me to mine answer, here I resign up my Dictatourship. And I beseech you, o Consuls, if so be this charge be laid on you by the Senate, to proceed in examination against me first, and this gentleman the General of horse M. Fellius: that it may appear, how we, through our own innocency alone, and not by the countenance and privilege of our dignity and high calling, are protected and safe from these slanders and intended crimes. Herewith he gave over his place of dictator: and after him incontinently, M. Fellius yielded up his room likewise of General over the horse. These persons were the first, who being charged and put to their trial judicially before the Consuls, (for to them by order from the Senate, was the commission directed) notwithstanding all the depositions and testimonies of the Patritij, were in every point found unguilty, and acquit. P. Philo also, albeit he had so many times attained to the supreme dignities of state, after he had atcheeved so many worthy deeds, as well in peace as war, yet a man malliced or envied rather of the Nobility, was put to plead for himself, and finally absolved. But this inquiry into such men of name and quality, lasted no longer in force, (as it is usually seen) than whiles it was fresh, and in the first heat thereof. From them it began to fall to persons of less reckoning and base account, until such time, as by the same conventicles and factions, against which it was devised, it fell to the ground, and was trodden underfoot.  
The bruit of these things, and more than that, the hope of the Campaines revolt, whereto certain had conspired and sworn (as ye have heard) recalled the Samnites back again to Caudium, who were turned & bend wholly into Apulia: that from thence, being so near at hand unto Capua, they might (if haply any insurrection and trouble presented the ouverture and opportunity) seize upon it and take it perforce from the Romans. Thither came the Consuls with a strong and mighty army: and at the first they stayed and lingered about the passes and straits, having on the one side & the other an ill way of passage unto the enemies. Afterwards the Samnites fetching a short compass about, came down with their army through the open places into the plains, I mean, the champain country and fields about Capua. And that was the first time that the enemies had a fight one of the others camp. Whereupon by light skirmishes, on horseback oftener than on foot, they tried masteries on either side: neither were the Romans one jot discontented with the issue & event thereof, nor repent of the delay whereby they drew the war alength. chose, the Samnite captains perceived their forces to wear daily by small losses, and their courage to cool and decay evidently by that linger war. Whereupon, they came abroad into the field, and divided their cavalry into wings: with a special charge, to have a more careful eye backward toward their camp (for fear of any impression and assault that way) than to the main battle: which would be guarded safe enough by the infantry. The Coss. marshaled themselves in this manner, Sulpitius led the right point of the battle, and Petilius the left: the right side (whereas the Samnites also were arraunged in thinner ranks and files, of purpose to compass and environ the enemies, or not to be compassed and enclosed themselves) showed itself more broad & open. They on the left hand, besides that they stood thicker and more close, were by occasion of a sudden policy of Petilius the Cos. further strengthened. For those cohorts & bands which were reserved apart in the rearward, for help at any need, & kept fresh against all occurrents and hazards of long fight, he advanced presently to the forefront in the vaward, & with all his forces at once charged the enemy at the first encounter, & forced him to recoil. When the footmen of the Samnites were thereby troubled and disarraied, the horsemen followed close and entered into the medley. But as they road cross and overthwart between the two hosts, the Roman horsemen pricked and galloped their horses to flank them; and disordered and huddled the ensigns, guidons, squadrons and troops of foot and horse, pellmell together, until he had caused the whole battle of that side, to turn their backs. In this left point not Petilius alone, but Sulpitius also joined with him, and was present in person to exhort and encourage the soldiers: for he had transported and distracted himself from his own men, who as yet were not come to join battle at the cry and shout that arose first from the left side: and seeing on that part undoubted victory, he went towards his own charge, accompanied with a 1200 men: Where he found a change of fortune, namely, the Romans to have recoiled and lost ground, and the enemy as victor, advancing forward his ensigns upon them sore dismayed and daunted. Howbeit, the Consul his coming made a present alteration: for both at the fight of their captain were the soldiers hearts refreshed and comforted; and for to aid them, there came a greater supply indeed, than in show of number, of tall and lusty men. So when they heard first, and saw soon after, the victory gotten of the other part, they renewed the fight. After this on all sides the Romans had the better hand, and the Samnites giving over fight, were either slain or taken prisoners: saving only those, who fled to Maleventum a town now named Beneventum. It is left in record, that there were upon 30000 Samnites, either left killed in the place, or brought away captive.  
The Consuls having obtained this notable victory, forthwith from thence lead their Legions, to lay siege unto Bovianum: and there wintered before the town, until such time as C. Petilius (chosen dictator together with M. Fellius his General of the horse, by the new Consuls L. Papyrius Curser the fifth time, & C. jun. Bubulcus the second time) received the army at their hands. Who hearing, that the castle of Fregellae was by the Samnites taken, left Bovianum, and went forward to Fregellae, which he recovered again without drawing his sword; for that the enemies had quit the place, and were fled by night: and when he had placed a strong garrison there, he returned from thence into Campania, of special purpose to regain Nola by force of armies. Thither were retired within the walls, a little before the dictator his coming, both all the whole multitude of the Samnites, and the rustical peasants about Nola. The dictator having viewed the situation of the town, to the end he might have the more open access to the walls, set all the houses on fire that were in the suburbs along the counterscarpe (and there they stood thick and were well inhabited.) And not long after, whether it were by Petilius dictator (I know not) or C. janius Consul (for it is reported as well of the one as the other) Nola was forced & won. They that would draw unto the Consul the honour of winning Nola, ad moreover & say, That he won also Atina and Calatia: and that Petilius upon a pestilence that began, was made Dictator, for the setting or fastening of a spike or great nail. Two Colonies that year were conducted to Suessa and Pontia. Suessa belonged to the Aurunci. The Volscians inhabited the Island Pontiae, situate over against their own shore within a kenning. And a decree passed from the Senate, that to Cassinum also, a third Colony, there should be sent inhabitants. M. Valerius and P. Decius, the Consuls that next succeeded, ordained three Triumvirs, for that purpose, and sent four thousand to people those places.  
The war with the Samnites was in a manner now dispatched and brought to an end: but before that the Nobles and Senators of Rome had left the care thereof, a brute was blown of the Tuscans war. And there was not in those days, another nation (setting the Gauls tumults aside) whose forces and hostility they more feared, for that their country was so near a neighbour and so populous withal. Therefore, whiles one of the Consuls was occupied in dispatching the relics of the war in Samnium, P. Decius who stayed at Rome grievously sick, by authority of the Senate, named dictator C. junius Bubulcus. He according as the important affairs required, caused all the younger fort to take the military oath, and priest them for soldiers. Armour and whatsoever requisite besides, with great diligence he prepared. And albeit he were thus furnished and well appointed, yet was he nothing bold and forward to begin war, willing (no doubt) to be quiet and stand upon his guard, unless the Tuscans showed themselves first in arms. The same purpose had the Tuscans also, both in preparing for war, and in making stay to begin war. So, of neither side they departed out of their own limits.  
In that year was there a famous Censorship of App. 
* Surnamed Cae●● 〈◊〉 Bli● 〈◊〉 Blind.  Cladius and C. Plautius. But the name of Appius became more memorable of the twain, and of happier renown unto posterity, for that he paved with stone the causey or 
* Appiae vis.  Port-way (bearing his name) and conveyed a channel of 
* Out of the river Anv, and 〈◊〉 called Agua Claudia.  water into the city of Rome. Which works he finished alone, for that his Colleague for shame of an infamous and odious choice of certain Senators which he made gave over the office. But Appius having the stout stomach, engrafted in his name and house from the beginning, bore the Censourship alone. By the motion and means of the same Appius, the Potitij, to whose family properly belonged the priestly service, at the altar of Hercules called Maxima, had taught certain public servants (for that the function might be committed over to them as delegates) the solemn rites and ceremonies of that sacred ministery. Hereupon is reported a wonder to be spoken, and that which might strike a scruple of conscience, and make men afraid ever after, to alter any thing in religion from the former state and first institution. For whereas at the same time, there were twelve houses of the Potitij, and in themupon a thirty that were above 14 years of age; within one year it (is said that) they died all, with their whole issue and offspring. Moreover, that not only the name of the Potitij became thus extinct, but that Appius also the Censor, within certain years (such was the ire of the gods, mindful of revenge) fell stark blind. Therefore the Consuls that followed in the next year, C. junius Bubulcus the third time, and Q. Aemylius Barbula the second time, in the very entrance of their office framed a complaint unto the people: That by the lewd and corrupt Election of some new Senators, that honourable state and order was deformed, & namely, how some were overhipt, who were of more worth than those that were taken in: And saying plainly, That they would not observe & have in any regard, such a choice, which without respect of good and bad, was made for favour and affection to some, & at the pleasure of the Censors: and immediately they cited the Senate by name in that order and form, as had been used before the Censors, App. Claudius and C. Plautius.  
And in that year were two places of charge and command, first given by the people, both pertaining to warfare: the one, that sixteen Colonels for four 
* A Legion consisted 〈◊〉 of ●000 footmen: 〈…〉 as other 〈◊〉 of 3000, 5000, sea, and 6000. and the Colonels fewer or more in a legion, according to the quantity thereof. There belonged besides to every legion ordinarily 300 Lose. With whom the Tribunes or Colonels aforesaid had nothing to do, being captains of 1000 foot a piece.  Legions, should from that time forward by the people be created, which before were in a manner the gifts and favours, conferred by the dictators and Consuls; and few or none of the people had any hand or voice therein. This Act and Ordinance was propounded by L. Petilius and C. Martius, Tribunes of the Commons. The other was, That the same people should have the appointment and ordaining of two Duumvirs at sea, for the rigging, repairing, and trimming of the navy. The maker of this Act was M. Decius, another Tribune of the Commons.  
I would let pass one thing that happened this year, as of small weight and importance, and not worth the speaking, but that it seemed a matter pertinent to religion. The minstrels that played upon the fluit and haut-bois, for that they were prohibited and debarred by the last Censors, to have their good cheer any more in the temple of jupiter, according to an old custom and tradition; took snuff thereat, and in a pelting chaufe all in one company, went their ways to Tybur: so, as there was not one of them in the city left to sing and pipe before the pomp of sacrifices, and on their festival days. The Senate made some conscience hereof, and were troubled in their mind. Whereupon they dispatched certain messengers to Tybur, to travel with the townsmen, and endeavour all they could, that these good fellows might be restored and sent home again to the Romans. The Tyburtines undertook the matter, and promised right courteously to do their best: and first they sent for these musicians into their town hall, and persuaded with them to return again to Rome: but when they could not be brought to that, for any thing they could do, than they wrought another policy and feat with them, that sorted and fitted well the humour of such kind of people, and of their coat. Upon a festival holiday, under a colour of making merry with minstrelsy and music about them, some invited one, and some another, to give them a fit of mirth accordingly. But they plied them so with wine (which all the sort of this profession love but too well) that they drank until they winked, and winked so long, till they fell fast asleep. And being found asleep, the Tyburtines brought them gently to their beds in certain wagons, and thus bestowed, conveyed them to Rome. Neither perceived they ought, senseless drunken nols they, before that their wagons were left in the market place of Rome, Nay, before they had slept out and concocted their wine that steemed up into their heads, and clouded there, the day light came upon them, & then they awoke. The people came running together from all parts to them, and after they had either gotten at their hands, or charged them to stay, and make no more such braides, it was granted unto them that three days every year, being disguised & dressed in a mask for the purpose, they might range and walk about the city, with singing, and founding their instruments, after this licentious manner and joilitie, which now a days is yearly used, and their privilege of eating in the temple was restored to them again, namely to such as sung and played in time of their divine service and sacrifices: and all was well. This ridiculous pageant happened amid the care and preparation of two great and dangerous wars.  
The Consuls parted their provinces between them: To junius fell by lot the Samnites, to Aemylius the new war in Hetruria. In Samnium, Cluvia, a fortress and hold of the Romans being impregnable by any assault, was a long time besieged; and forced by extreme famine, was delivered up to the Samnites. After they were once masters of the fort, they took the garrison soldiers, and not withstanding they yielded themselves, yet they whipped and tore their flesh most beastly, and in the end, without all mercy killed them. junius exceeding wroth at this cruelty, thinking nothing more needful to be done first, than the winning again of Cluvia, laid all other matters aside, and the same day that he assailed the walls, took it by force, and slew all he could find above fourteen year of age. In this train of victory the army was brought against Bovianum. This was the chief place of the Pentrians in Samnium, the welthieft city, the best provided, and most furnished of all other with men and munition. The soldiers very eager and sharp set for hope of a rich pillage, won the town. But for that they were nothing so angry & hot of revenge as before, they dealt not so cruelly with the enemies: but they got together and carried away more spoil and faccage from thence, than they ever had well near, out of all Samnium; and as liberally was it bestowed every whit upon the soldiers. And for as much as no pitched battle in plain field, no camp so well forrified, no cities and forts howsoever sensed, were able to withstand the puissant Romans in force of open arms: all the Princes in Samnium studied and applied their wits, to find means of sleight and subtle policy; if haply, as they wasted and forreied the territories after a loose and licentious manner, the army disbanded once, might be entrapped and enclosed within some ambush. Irsell out so, that certain fugitive peasants of the country, and captives, some by chance and other of purpose, coming in their way, made relation of tidings to the Consuls, well agreeing all in one tale, and the same founding of a truth indeed; namely that a great sort of sheep, and other cartel were driven together into a by-forrest out of the way: and so induced them to lead thither the legions lightly armed, and to fit their hands with a fat booty. Now the Samnites had privily foresaid all the high ways with a mighty army, and after that they saw the Romans to have entered and engaged themselves within the chase or forest aforesaid, all of a sudden they rose up and with a great cry and shout ran upon them to charge them when they least thought of any such thing. At the first this so strange and unexpected occurrence, made them afraid, while they took them to their weapons, and laid their fardels and baggage together on a heap in the mids. But after that every man was eased of his load, and had put on his armour, they rallied on all sides to their ensigns; and without the commandment or direction of any man, they of themselves put the battle in array, each one knowing his range and place according to the accustomed order of the ancient Military discipline. 
〈◊〉 the Consul to his soldiers.  The Consul perceiving that he was brought to a most doubtful and dangerous battle, alight from his horse; and protested before jupiter and Mars, & the other gods whom he called all to witness: That he came not into that place to get glory to himself by any enterprise, but only a booty for his soldiers: and that no fault else could be imputed unto him, but an overmuch desire and affection of his, to enrich his soldiers by the spoil of the enemy. From which blame and shame both, nothing could free and acquitie him else, but the manhood and proesse of his soldiers: exhorting them with one accord, but to stay themselves and endeavour all together to set upon their enemy, defeated and vanquished in battle, driven out of camp and field, bereft of his towns and strong holds, and come now to attempt his last and utmost hope, of privy & thievish trains of forlaying, trusting upon the vantage of the ground, and not pure force of arms. But whatplace is there now unaccessible or unpregnable to the valiant Romans? Heerewithall he named the castle of Fregelle and Sora, and what place of disvantage and hard access soever, they had won by force. With these words the soldiers encouraged and inflamed, forgetting all difficulties and dangers, marched apace & advanced forward up to the army of the enemies that now approached them, and were over their heads. Where the Romans found some difficulty, all the while they climbed up the cliff or ridge of the hill against them. But after that the foremost ensigns were mounted up and had gained the plain in the top, and perceived they were embattled upon an even and equal ground, presently the terror turned upon those that lay in wait for them, and being disbanded, scattered, and driven to fling away their weapons, they fled and trudged as fast as they could, to recover again those starting and lurking holes, wherein before they had hidden themselves. But even those difficult places which they had fought of purpose for their enemy, and their own deceit and guile, encumbered themselves. For very few of them could find the way out, and escape by flight. Insomuch as to the number of 20000 were slain. And then the Romans after this victory, ran up and down at their pleasure, to that booty of sheep and cattle, which was first presented unto them by the enemy, as a bait to catch them with.  
Whiles these things thus went in Samnium, all the people of Hetruria by this time, but only the Aretine's, were up in arms, and entered into a right great war; beginning first with the siege and assault of Sutrium: which city being allied to the Romans, was (as a man would say) the very Barriers of all Hetruria. Thither came the other Consul Aemylius with an army, to rescue & deliver their allies, and to raise the siege. Against the Romans coming, the Sutrines courteously brought victuals for the camp, lying before the city. The Tuscans spent the first day, in consulting whether they should make a short war of it, by hot assaults, or temporise and protract the time by linger siege. The morrow after, when as the captains liked rather of expedition and hasty courses, than of more sage and safe proceedings, at the sun rising they set out a flag of defiance and the signal of battle, & armed they go forth of their camp into the open field to fight. Which after it was told the Consul, presently he commanded a watchword to be given, that the soldiers should take their breakfast: and after they had refreshed and strengthened their bodies with food, go straight to arm themselves: which was obeyed accordingly. The Consul seeing them well appointed in readiness, commanded the ensigns to advance forward out of the rampire, and not far from the enemy marshaled his battles. For a good while they stood on both sides, wistly looking, & waiting that the shout and charge should begin from the adverse part. But it was past noon before there was one dart flung or javelin lanced, either from the one side or the other. But then, because they should not go away without doing somewhat, the Tuscans began to set up a cry, the trumpets sound the charge, and the standards came forward. Neither were the Romans any ot behind to begin battle. Thus they ran to it, and encountered with exceeding animosity and fury; the enemies more in number, the Romans better in hardiness & virtue. The fight was doubtful, & dangerous, and cost the life of many a man on both sides, and namely, those that were most forward and valiant: neither began they to shrink on any part, before that the second battalion of the Romans, fresh and lusty, advanced to the forefront of the vanguard, into the place of their wearied fellows. The Tuscans, for that their vaward was not supplied and reenforced by any new succours, both before and all about their ensigns were beaten down and slain every man. Never in any one battle had there been less running away, or more bloodshed, if the night had not protected the Tuscans: so resolute were they all to die in the place: in so much as the winners gave over play before the losers. After the sun set, the retreat was founded: and by night both parts returned into the camp. After this, no exploit was performed before Sutrium that year, worth remembrance: both for that, the forward of the enemy's army, was wholly in that one battle defaited & destroyed; and they had none left but the subsidiary soldiers of the rearward, & those hardly able and sufficient to guard and defend the camp: and also, the Romans were so hurt and fore wounded that there were more of them died after the battle of their hurts, than were slain in the very medley outright. Q. Fabius Consul for the year following, succeeded and entered upon this war at Satrium. And for his colleagne he had C. Martius Rutilius: and like as Fabius brought a new supply from Rome to furnish out the broken bands, so there came fresh forces also unto the Tuscans, levied at home.  
For many years there had been no jars and debates, between the magistrates of the Nobility and the Tribunes of the Commons: but now there began a variance and contention, out of that family and house, which even then was fatal (as it were) and born to do mischief to the Tribunes & Commons both. Appius Claudius the Censor, after eighteen months expired (which by the law Aemylia, was the full term of bearing that Magistracy) notwithstanding that C. Plautius' his colleague, had given up his office; could by no means possible be forced himself to go out and give over the place. Then rose up one P. Sempronius, a Tribune of the Commons, who took in hand this matter, as touching the demission of the Censureship, within the time prefixed by the law: an action doubtless, not more popular than just and rightful, nor less acceptable to the better sort, than pleasing to the very Commons and base people. He having eftsoons rehearsed and reiterated the law Aemylia, extolled with praises up to the sky, the author and maker thereof, Mamercus Aemylius a Dictator; who had reduced the Censorship, an office aforetime of five years continuance (a puissance and authority, which by the length thereof favoured of Lordship) within the compass of a year and six months. Come on, quoth he Ap. Claudius, answer and say, what you would have done in case you had been Censor, when C. Furius and M. Giganius were Censors? Appius answered and said, that this demand and question of the Tribune, did not greatly touch or concern his cause. For put the case, that the law Aemylia had obliged those Censors, during whose magistracy the Act was made, (for that after those Censors created, the people had granted that law, and look what they last allowed and ordained, the same was good, lawful, and ratified) yet neither he nor any of them, who after that law enacted were created Censors, could be bound by virtue of that law. Whiles Appius thus cavilled, and no man there present foothed him up, or gave applause and assent unto him: 
The Oration of P. 〈◊〉 a Tribune of the 〈…〉  Behold Quirites, quoth Sempronius, again, the progeny and race of that Appius, who being created Decemvir for one year, elected himself the second year: and in the third, being chosen neither by himself nor by any other, in quality of a private person, held the sovereign dignity and government, with all the regal marks and ensigns thereof: and thus continuing still in rule and dominion, would never give over, before that those usurped governments of his, ill gotten, badly borne, and naughtily kept and retained, were his final fall and utter overthrow. This is the same family and house, (my masters and friends, citizens of Rome) by whose violence, by whose wrongs and oppression, ye were driven like poor banished persons to forego your own dear native country, and to seize and hold the Mount Sacer; the very same, against which ye procured and purchased to yourselves, the support and help of Tribunes; the same, for which with two armies ye were feign to possess yourselves of the Aventine hill; the same; that always withstood the Statutes devised against Usury; the same, that ever impugned the laws for division of waste lands among the people; the same brake for the time, and interrupted the marriages between the Nobles and commons; the same kept out the commons so long from bearing any Dignities of the Chair, and of State: finally, this name is much more spitefully and mortally bend against your freedom, than that of the Tarquin's. And is it so indeed, o App. Claudius? would you have us believe, that being now an hundred years since Ma●ercus Aemylius was Dictator, there have been so many Censors most noble and valiant personages, that none of them all ever read the twelve Tables? and none of them knew that to be law which the people last granted and allowed? Yes iwis, they all wist that well enough: and thereupon yielded they, and obeyed rather the law Aemylia, than the old and ancient Statute, (whereby at first Censors were created in the common wealth) even because the people approved it last: and by reason, that where there are two ordinances repugnant and contrary one to the other, there the new, always repealeth and abrogateth the old. And is this your saying, o Appius? That the people are not bound to the law Aemylia? or rather that they are tied unto it, but your good self alone, is free and exempt therefrom? Was the law Aemylia able to bridle and curb those violent Censors C. Furius, and M. Giganius, who showed sufficiently what harm and mischief this magistracy could do in a commonwealth, when for anger and despite that their term was abridged and cut short, they disfranchised, and deprived of the right of voice and Suffrage, yea and brought within the range of Tributaries, M. Aemylius the worthiest and most excellent parsonage of his time, both at home in peace, and abroad in war?. This law took hold of all the Censors, one after another in order, for the space of an hundred years after; and bindeth now C. Plautius your Colleague, created with the same Auspexes, and in equal authoitie with you. Tell me (I pray you) did not the people elect and make him with as good right and authority, as any Censor might be? Are you the only and special man amongst all others, to have this prerogative, this privilege and singular pre-eminence by yourself? Suppose a man should create the King Sacrificer, should he, having once gotten the name and title of a King, give out and avouch, that he was a King indeed, of as great a prerogative as any King of Rome? Who, think you, will be content with a Dictatorship of six months, or with an Interreigne for five days and no more? Whom may a man boldly and confidently create Dictator either to fasten a spike or great nail? or for the stately plays and games, or horserunning, and such like? How foolish, think ye my masters, how baseminded and simple were they in this man his conceit, who within twenty days, after notable exploits done & achieved, gave over their Dictatorship? or they that being created, with some error and default, went out of their place? But what need I to rehearse examples of old date? Of late, even within these ten years, C. Menius Dictator, for enforcing a commission more severely, than stood with the safety of some great & wealthy persons, was charged by them with the guiltiness of the same crime, whereupon he fate & made inquisition; who, to the end, that being a private person, he might answer the accusation of his adversaries, and justify himself, resigned up his Dictatorship. But I would not, that you in any hand, were so modest: no, no, degenerate not a jote from that most imperious stock and proud race: go not you forth of your office, howsoever you do, a day, no nor an hour sooner, than you needsmust: but see then withal, that you exceed not the ordinary time limited and set down. At lest wife, it might content you to draw out your Censureship a day longer, or to stretch it farther by a month. A month? what tell you me of a month? I will exercise my Censorship (quoth he) three years and six months, more than may be by the law Aemylia: yea, and by myself alone will I exercise it. Yea mary sir, this is somewhat like indeed, and spoken like a King. What? will you substitute unto you a Colleague in the room of the other? will you so? whom lawful it is not to be subrogated and chosen, no not in the dead his place? for you think it not enough, be like, that you (religious holy Censor that you be) have translated and transmitted, that most ancient solemnity, and only instituted by that good [Hercules] in whose honour it is celebrated, from the function of most noble Sacrificers and Chaplains, of that divine and sacred service, unto the ministery of base servants, and abject slaves: and that a kindred and lineage of greater antiquity, than the very first foundation of this city, so sanctified by entertainment and lodging of the immortal gods, by your means, and by occasion of your Censorship, within one year is rooted out and perished every mother's son: unless also by the same means, you hazard the whole commonwealth, and bring all into the same enormity, & guilt of wickedness, which even to osse & bode, my heart doth tremble and quake again. In that Lustrum [or 5 years space] was the city of Rome taken by the Gauls, wherein L. Papyrius Cursor, because he might not go out of his Censorship, took a colleague unto him, M. Cornel. Maluginensis, in the place of C. julius the Censor late deceased. And yet see, how much more sober and moderate was his ambitious humour in that behalf, than this of yours, o Appius. For L. Papyrius neither alone, nor yet beyond the just set time by law, administered his Censorship: yet found he never any one person after him, that would imitate and follow his example. All Censors from that time forward afterwards, upon the death of their fellow Censor, gave up the office. But as for you, notwithstanding that the date of your Censorship be fully out, and your companion in government departed out of the place; neither law nor shame, is able to rule and restrain. You suppose that virtue consisteth in pride, in audacius boldness, in contempt both of God and man. For mine own part truly, o Ap. Claudius, for the reverence and majesty of this honourable place, which you have borne, I would not willingly enter into any such hard courses, as to touch your person by violence of hand; no nor so much as to offend your name with any soul or unkind language. But as, these words that have already passed, your own peevish & perverse frowardness, your opinative contumacy, and insolent pride, have wrung & forced from me: so unless you will obey the law Aemylia, by your leave, I will be so bold as command you to ward and prison. And since our forefathers and ancestors have so provided and ordained, that in the Election of Censors, if either of the twain come short of sufficient voices requisite for to choose him, the other can not be admitted and declared Censor; and so they must proceed again to a new election, and the former Scrutinies are of no effect: shall I suffer you to exercise the Censorship alone, who may not lawfully be created alone? These and such like remonstraces after he had alleged, he commanded the Censor to be attached and committed. In these proceedings of his, six of his fellow Tribunes adhered unto him, and three only assisted Appius; who called instantly upon them for their protection and lawful succour: and so with exceeding ill will, and highest discontentment of all states and degrees, he went clear away, and bore the Censorship alone.  
These matters thus passed at Rome, & Sutrium was besieged still by the Tuskanes: and as the Cons. Fabius was leading about at the foot of the hills, certain forces to succour his allies, & to assail sail the fortifications of the enemies what way he could, they with an army in battle array met with him. Whose great multitude when he might discover upon the plains underneath, because he would help out the small number of his men by some advantage of the ground, he wheeled a little about, up toward the hill tops (which were rough and craggy places spread all over with stones) and from thence he turned his banners full upon the face of the enemies. The Tuscans forgetting all things else, and thinking upon nothing but their multitude, whereof only they presumed; gave battle so hastily and in such greediness, that casting away their shot and darts from them, to the end they might the sooner come to hand strokes, they drew their swords, as they marched against the enemy. The Romans on the contrary side, laid load with shot, and plied them one while with darts, another while with the stones which the place plenteously afforded them. Which, as they thumped and clattered, andstucke upon their shields and morions, although they hurt them not much, yet maskered them not a little: neither could the enemies easily come within them to fight near and close, nor any darts or javelins had they to fling and lance a far off, and thereby to annoy their enemy. And whiles they stood still exposed as butts, to receive all that came, and had nothing now to cover & protect them sufficiently; whiles some of them also gave ground & recoiled, and the whole battle was wavering and unsteady, the Roman Hastari & Principes, came forward with a new shout, & charged them a fresh. This violent assault could not the Tuscans bear, but turning their ensigns, fled amain in disarray toward their camp. But when as the Roman horsemen who were ridden over through the plains and had gotten before, met them affront in the rout, they left their way unto the camp, and turned toward the mountains: from whence with their whole company in a manner disarmed & sore wounded, they recovered the forest Ciminia. The Romans having slain many thousands of the Tuscans, gained thirty eight ensigns of the field, and won also their tents with rich pillage; began to consult about pursuing the enemy. The wood Ciminia was at that time more unpassable and to be feared, than were of late days the german forests: for never to that day had it been travailed and frequented so much as by merchants. And scarcely any one but the captain himself durst venture to enter into it: for, all the rest had not forgotten as yet the unhappy luck they had at Caudium. Then the Consul his brother, one that was there, (M. Fabius, as some say, as other, Caeso, and as other some C. Claudius, his brother only by the mother side) promised that he would go as a scout in espial, to descry the wood, and within a while bring certain news. He had in his tender years been brought up at Caere, among the ancient friends of his house & family, where afterwards he was taught the Tuscan learning and knowledge, and thereby was perfect in their tongue and language. And I find some authors of credit that write, how in those days the Romans young children went to school for to learn to parle Tuscan, as now they do to speak Greek. But it standeth more like a truth, that there was some special matter in this man, who with so bold semblance and dissimulation, durst intrude and insinuate himself amongst the enemies. It is said, that one only servitor accompanied him, one who had been brought up and nourced together with him, and thereupon not ignorant of the same language. And all the way as they went they did nothing else, but superficially and after a general sort, learn the nature and site of the quarters which they were to enter into, and the names withal, of the chief rulers & principal personages of that country and nation: to the end that in their speech and talk, they might not falter and trip, & be taken tardy in any apparent thing, which might bewray and discover them. They went clad in pastoral weeds like herdmen, armed like country Kerns or peasants, each of them with a falchion and two javelins. But neither the familiar use and commerce of the tongue, nor the fashion of apparel which they ware, or weapons that they carried, saved them so much as this one thing, That no man would ever believe, that any foreigner and stranger durst enter upon those thick Ciminian forests. Well, forward they went (by report) as far as to the Camertines in Vmbria. There, the Roman ventured to bewray who they were: and when he was brought into their Senate, he treated with them in the Consul's name, about a league and amity. Whereupon, after he had been courteously entertained and friendly entreated, he had his dispatch, and was willed to relate unto the Romans, That there should be ready for their army, sufficient victuals for one whole month, if they would come into those parts: Also, that the youth of the Camertines in Vmbria should be at their command, priest in arms at all times. These tidings being reported to the Consul, after that he had sent before his carriages at the first watch of the night, and commanded the legions to go after, himself stayed still with the horsemen: and the morrow morning by daylight he began to skirmish with the corpse de guard of his enemies, which were quartered without the forest, and when he had long enough kept them play, & amused them at his pleasure, he retired into his camp; from whence he went forth at another gate, and before night overtaketh the main army. The morrow after, at the point of day break, he was gotten up to the crest of the hill Ciminius: from whence, after he had beheld & viewed the goodly prospect of the rich grounds and fields of Hetruria, he sendeth out his soldiers abroad to forage and fetch in prizes, and by that time they had gotten, and were driving away a fat booty, certain tumultuary bands of the rustical peasants of Hetruria, gathered together in great haste, and of a sudden, by the States of that country, met with the Romans; but so out of order were they, that being come to rescue a prey, they had like to have been a prey themselves. A number of them were slain or put to flight, and the Romans, having wasted and made spoil all over the country, enriched with store of all things, returned victorious into their camp. Thither were arrived (as it fell out) five messengers or pursuivants with the Trib. of the Com. to warn & command Fabius in the name of the Senate; no● to pass through the forest Ciminius. But these messengers being glad that they came too late for to hinder and interrupt their enterprises, returned home again to Rome with news of the victory.  
By this expedition and journey made by the Cos. the war rather increased and spread farther, than was dispatched and brought to an end. For all that tract lying along the bottom & foot of the mountain Ciminius, felt the smart of this road: and provoked to anger & desire of revenge, not only the States of Hetruria, but also the borders and marches of Vmbria. Whereupon there came to Sutrium, a greater power than ever afore: for not only they removed their camp forward out of the woods, but also for eager desire of fight with all speed, they come abroad into the plain field. Afterwards, they stood first embattled in a plot, by them fitly chosen, leaving overagainst them a space of ground for the enemies to set themselves in order of battle: but perceiving the enemies to fall off, and no point fight, they approached the very trench and rampires; but finding there, that the sentinels & guards were retired within their hold, all at once they began to cry with one voice to their captains, for to give order, That the rest of their allowance of victuals for that day, should be brought them thither out of the camp; for they would stay in their armour and harnies, as they were, & either in the night, or else in the morning betimes by daylight, give the assault upon their enemy's camp. The Roman army was no more quiet than they, yet at their General's commandment kept in. Now it was wellnear the 
* Four o clock after noon.  tenth hour of the day. When as the Consul willed his soldiers to take their refection, and warned them to be ready in arms at what hour soever by day or by night, he should give them the signal of battle. And in the mean time maketh a short speech unto them, praising highly, and setting out the Samnites wars, debasing the Tuscans, saying, that there was no comparison between either enemy to enemy, or number for number: over and besides, he said that he had another seat and secret devise in store for them, which they should know when time served; in the mean while they must keep silence of necessity, and hold their peace. By these dark speeches and hidden mysteries, he made semblance, as though he had some privy intelligence, that one part of the enemies would betray the rest when time came: this did he, to the end, that the hearts of his soldiers (which haply were dismayed and discouraged at their great multitudes) might be comforted and refreshed: and for that the enemies lay abroad in field without any hold and fort, it was more likely & probable, which he pretended. The soldiers having taken their repast, they laid their bodies to repose and sleep, and somewhat before the relief of the 
* Between two and three of the clock in the morning.  fourth watch, they were raised without noise, and armed themselves. The soldiers boys & lackeys, and such as followed the camp, had mattocks and spades divided amongst them, to cast downethe rampire, and to fill up the ditches with the bank, whiles that within the compass and circuit of the camp, they were marshaled in battle array. The chosen 
* A Cohorts is a regiment or band of 500 footmen commonly. Once in Li●ie we read of Quadringenta●●e cohortes, of 400 & no more.  cohorts or bands were placed at the gates and passages forth. Then at the sound of trumpet, a little before day (which in summer nights, is the time of the deepest and soundest sleep) the whole army, when the rampire was laid along and level, issued forth at once, and charged the enemies on all sides, lying here and there scattered on the ground. Some before they were stirring, others half asleep and half awake in their couches; but the greatest part, making haste in that sudden fright to take arms, were slain & cut in pieces. Few had time to put themselves in armour, and they having no ensigns, no colours to follow, and no captains to direct them, whereby the Romans soon discomfited, put to flight, and pursued in chase. Some made haste to the camp, other to the woods, sundry ways one from another. But the woods were the safest place of refuge. For their camp pitched in a plain, was the same day taken and won. All the gold and silver there found, was by express commandment brought unto the Consul his pavilion; the rest of the pillage, was the soldiers share. Slain and taken prisoners that day, there were of the enemies to the number of 60000. This so noble a battle (some writers say) was fought on the other side of the wood Ciminia, before Perusia: who also report, that the city of Rome was in great fear, lest that the army being enclosed within so dangerous a wood, should have been surprised and defeated by the Tuscans and Vmbrians, who were risen up in arms together from all parts. But wheresoever it was fought, the Romans had the day. Whereupon there came Ambassadors from Perusia, 
* 〈◊〉  Cortona, & 
* 〈◊〉  Arretium, which were in manner the chief and principallcitties at that time of all Tuscan, treating and suing to the Romans for peace, and a league: but they obtained truce only for thirty years.  
During these affairs in Hetruria, the other Consul, C. Martius Rutilius, wan from the Samnites the town 
* 〈◊〉  Allifas. Many other villages and castles were either utterly demolished & destroyed by way of extreme hostility, or yielded safe and whole unto their subjection. At the same time the Roman navy also, under the conduct of P. Cornelius, whom the Senate ordained Admiral of the seacoast, set sail for Campaine; & being arrived at 
* 〈◊〉  Pompeij, the mariners and sea-servitours went a land to waste & harry the territory about 
* 〈◊〉  Nuceria: and after they had made spoil, and peeled by snatches the parts lying nearest unto the sea, from whence they might safely again return to their ships; they adventured farther for sweetness of gain and booty (as usually it falleth out) and so gave the alarm to the enemies for to rise. As they straggled all over the fields, no man madehead against them, at what time, as they might have been soon slain every one: but as they were returning with a disordered march, and stood not upon their guards, a troop of the peasants of the country overtook them, not far from their ships, and ●ased them of their spoil and pillage, and slew some of them: the rest of the multitude, as many as escaped the sword, were chased to their fleet.  
The journey of Q. Fabius beyond the forest Ciminia, as it caused great fear in Rome, so it gave occasion of as joyful news in Samnium. For the rumour ran, that the Roman army was shut up and besieged. And hereupon they called to remembrance, and alleged the like example of a loss and shameful disgrace at Caudium; reporting and giving forth, that these Romans being a nation greedy always of encroaching farther, and winning more ground, were through the same rashness now run headlong into the blind forests impassable, and environned not so much with the power and force of enemies, as the dangerous difficulties of those passages. In such sort as amid this joy of theirs, they envied also that fortune had turned the glorious honour of the conquest over the Romans, from the Samnites to the Tuscans. And therefore being well appointed with men and armour, they ran out from all parts, to tread down and confound C. Martius the Consul for ever: minding from thence, in case Martius would not abide a battle, to go into Hetruria through the Marsi and Sabines. But the Consul met with them by the way; where was fought a sharp and cruel battle with doubtful event, and much effusion of blood on both sides. And, as uncertain as it was, whether part lost more blood, yet the rumour went, that the Romans had the worse, by reason of the loss of certain knights and gentlemen of Rome, and Colonels, and one Lieutenant; and that which made most, for that the Consul himself was hurt. Hereupon the brute (as commonly is seen) got more feathers still as it flew, and made every thing greater: so as the LL. of the Senate in Rome, were in great fear and perplexity, and agreed to create a dictator. Neither was there any doubt at all, but that Papyrius Curfor should be the man, who in those days was reputed the only warrior above all others. But neither could they be assured of sending a messenger safely into Samnium (considering all the country was up in arms) nor that the Consul was for certain alive. And as for the other Consul Fabius, upon an old secret and private grudge, he malliced Papyrius: which quarrel, lest it might hinder the service of the Commonweal, the Senate thought good to send unto him certain Ambassadors (as it were) even such as had been Consuls; who of their own authority, as well as by virtue of public commission from the State, should admonish and counsel him to remit and forget all old displeasures and rancours, for his country's sake. When these personages were come to Fabius the Cos. and had delivered unto him the decree of the Senate, and used withal such speech & reasons of their own, as suited well to the errand they had in charge: the Cos. casting his eyes down toward the ground, departed from the ambassadors without giving ever a word, and left them doubtful what he would do. But the night following, in the dead time (as the manner is) he nominated L. Papyrius for Dictator. And when these messengers or ambassadors gave him great thanks for mastering and ruling his affections so exceeding well, he held his resolution still of silence, and without any answer given, or mention made of himself, dismissed them; that it might appear, how upon a high mind and haughty stomach, he bridled and kept in that grief of heart, and despiteous anger of his. Papyrius named C. junius Bubulcus commander of the horse. And whiles he proposed an act concerning the regiment & command of his army, before the people assembled by the Curiae or wards, there happened a matter of ominous presage, which caused that business to be put off until the next day: for that the ward Faucia, which by lot had the prerogative now to give the first voices, was noted already for infamous and unhappy, in regard of two calamities which fortuned in both years, wherein the same Curiae likewise began the suffrages first; namely, the taking of the city of Rome, and the Caudine peace. Macer Licinius maketh that ward ominous and unlucky, for a third loss and calamity received at Crémera. But the next morrow, the Dictator, after he had taken new Auspexes, went through with the act, and obtained his commission, and set forward with the legions lately mustered and enroled upon the fearful alarm given, that the Roman army was passed the wood Cyminia, until he arrived at Longula: where, after he had received of the Consul Martius, the old bands of soldiers, he brought his forces into the field to give battle. The enemies for their part seemed not to refuse fight: howbeit, as they stood armed and aranged, and neither the one side nor the other would begin to charge, the night came upon them, and forced them to retire. Then they abode encamped near together in rest and quiet for certain days, neither distrusting their own puissance, nor yet disdaining and despising their enemies. In this mean time there was some doings & war in Etruria; for both there was a battle fought with the army of the Vmbrians: howbeit, the enemies were rather discomfited and put to flight than slain, for that they were not able to hold out and maintain fight long with such courage and animosity as they began: and also near the lake & Mere 
* Lago di viterbo.  Vadimon, the Tuskans had levied a new army, according to a sacred law, whereby one man had chosen another (who as sworn brethren were to live and die together:) where they fought a field, not only with greater number, but also with more courage than ever at any time before; and with such heat of anger and malice one against the other they encountered, that on neither side they thought of discharging shot and lancing darts, but began at first with their very swords to go to handstrokes: and the conflict being right fiercely begun, increased still, and waxed hotter in the very medley, and continued for a good while so doubtful, that the Romans thought they dealt not with Tuskanes so often by them defaited and vanquished, but with some new nation more warlike than they. No show of flight on neither side; down go the foremost, and lay dead before their Standards: and lest that the ensigns should be left naked and bare, and without defendants, the second range and ward of the battaillon came in place to supply the first: and so still new succours and fresh were set even as far as from the rearward behind, destined for the last help and utmost refuge. And to that extremity of travel and peril they proceeded, that the Roman horsemen abandoning their horses alighted on foot, & were feign to go to the footmen in the forefront of the vaward, over armour, and over dead bodies, lying all spread upon the ground: which new troop & battaillon risen and sprung (as it were) afresh, to reinforce and strengthen their distressed fellows, disordered the squadrons and ensigns of the Tuskanes. The other legionary soldiers, wearied (as they were) followed hard, and seconded their violence and forcible charge, and at length broke through the ranks of their enemies. Then the Tuskanes as stiff as they stood afore, began to have the worse, and certain bands gave side and recoiled: and when they once turned back, they fell plainly to take their heels and run away. This was the first day, that overthrew and laid along the puissance of the Tuskanes, who abounded so long in wealth and fortunate prosperity. Their whole flower and strength which they had, was in this battle slain, and at the same vie their camp won and ransacked.  
With like hazard and glorious success in the end, was the war managed with the Samnites soon after; who besides all other preparations and ordinary furniture of war, gave order that their army should glitter and shine again with a new kind of garnishing their harness and armours. For having divided their forces in two armies, the one had laid their shields with gold, the other with silver. The form and fashion whereof was this, that upper part wherewith the breast and shoulders are covered, was broader, and the head of it of even height; but the nether end growing downward to the bottom was more pointed wedgewise, for to wield it more nimbly: Their breast & stomach was fenced with spounges, the left leg armed with a good grieve, their morions with high crests made a show of tall stature. The soldiers aforesaid with guilded shields, aware coats of sundry colours; the other with silvered, white linen: and these had the leading of the right wing, or point of the battle; but they of the left. The Romans had a notice and knowledge already what preparation there was of brave and goodly armour: and their Captains had taught them afore, That a soldier ought to be dreadful and terrible, not dight and decked in his damasked gold and silver, but trusting in the sharp edge of iron and steel, and a good heart and courage withal: and as for that other furniture, it was rather a good booty than armour of proole; fair and resplendent, before men come to the sharp, but foul and unseemly amongst bloody wounds. The true ornament and beauty of a soldier, is valour and hardiness; as for all those braveries, they went commonly with victory: and to conclude, that a rich enemy would serve well for a good prize to the conqueror, were he never so poor and needy. With these speeches, after that Curfor had animated his soldiers, he leadeth them into the field: himself he put in the right wing: the left he committeth to the conduct of the General of horse. So soon as they charged one another, and buckled together, a great conflict and hardy had they with the enemy, and no less emulation there was between the Dictator and him; striving a-vie whether of them twain should begin the victory. But as hap was, first junius disordered the enemy, and from the left point which he commanded, he charged right lustily the right wing of the enemies: saying ever and anon, That he offered & sacrificed unto the Devil and infernal spirits, those soldiers of theirs, consecrated already unto them after the manner of the Samnites, and decked accordingly in white livery, & bright silvered armour, suiting in colour thereunto: and withal advanced forward his standards, broke their arays, and made the battle to shrink evidently & recoil. Which when the Dictator perceived, How now quoth he, shall the victory begin at the left wing, and shall the right, wherein the Dictator fighteth in person, come behind and follow the battle of another, and not carry away with it the greatest part of the victory? Herewith he setteth on his soldiers, yet gave the horsemen no place in manhood to the footmen, nor the service of the Lieutenants was inferior to the Captains themselves and chief commanders: M. Valerius on the right point, P. Decius on the left, both Consular men, put themselves forward, & road out to the horsemen aranged in the wings, exhorted them to take part with them in honour, and charged across upon the sides and flanks of the enemies. Whiles this new terror upon the former, had on every side entered the battle of the enemies; and the Roman legions, to terrify them the more, had redoubled a fresh shout, and charged them with great fury, than began the Samnites to fly amain. Now were the fields overspread with the bodies of slain men, & strewed thick with armour, erewhile so brave & glorious: and at the first, the Samnites in great affright recovered their tents; but being there, were not able so much as to keep them, for they were won and rifled before night, and fire set upon them. The Dictator by a decree of the Senate triumphed: and the said armour which was taken from the enemy, made the goodliest pageant of all other, in the pomp of triumph: which carried so stately a show and magnificent, that the guilded shields were divided amongst the warders of the company of Bankers and Goldsmiths, to the beautifying of their Hall and Market place. And hereof began first the custom of the Aediles, to adorn and set out the common place of the city in their solemn processions, when the sacred images of the gods, and holy relics were carried about for pomp in silver chariots. And the Romans verily for their part put this goodly trim armour of their enemies to this use, namely, to honour their gods withal. But the Campaines upon a pride, and inveterate hatred that they bore against the Samnites, used to arm their swordplayers and fencers at the sharp (which was a solemn sight and pastime they had at their greatfeasts) with this same attire, and termed them in mockery, by the name of Samnites.  
The same year Fabius the Consul fought with the rest of the Tuscans at 
* Perugia.  Perusia (which city also had broken the covenant of truce) where neither doubtfully nor hardly he obtained victory. And the very town itself he had forced and won (for in the same train of his conquest he approached the walls) but that their Ambassadors came forth and yielded the city. When he had placed a good garrison at Perusia, and sent before him to Rome unto the Senate, the Ambassadors of Hetruria, who treated for peace; he being but Consul, made his triumphant entry into the city, for a more magnificent victory, than the dictator. And for that a good part of the honour of subduing the Samnites, was ascribed to the Lieutenants P. Decius, and M. Valerius, therefore at the next Election, the people with great assent declared the one Consul, and the other praetor. Fabius for taming Hetruria so bravely and valiantly, continued Consul still, and had for his Colleague P. Decius. Valerius was created praetor the fourth time. The Consuls parted between them the provinces, Hetruria fell to Decius, Samnium to Fabius. Who taking his voyage to Nuceria, laid siege to the city of the Allifates, and won it by assault: and notwithstanding they made suit for peace, he rejected and despised them; for that when it wasoffered, they would not accept it. With the Samnites he fought a battle: but without any great conflict, the enemies were vanquished. Neither had the remembrance of that field ben left in record, but that the Marsians first took arms and warred with the Romans. After the Marsians were revolted, the 
* Valuenses.  Pelignians did the semblable, and sped alike. Decius also the other Consul had good success in his wars. He drove the Tarquinians for fear, to find the army corn, and to sue for a truce of forty years. Certain castles and holds of the Volsiniens, he forcibly wan: some of them he utterly razed, for that they should not be any receptacle or harbour for the enemies. And with warring round about every where, he became so terrible, that the whole Tuscan nation made suit to the Consul for peace and confederacy. It, they could not obtain; but truce for a year was granted. In regard whereof, for that year they satisfied the whole pay for the army, and a double livery for every soldier was exacted and taken of them. This was the pension and fine that their truce cost them.  
But now when all was quiet among the Tuscans, the sudden revolting of the Vmbrians, a nation free, and saved hitherto from the calamities of war, but only, that the Roman army passed through their territories troubled all anew: for they having raised the strength and flower of their youth, and solicited also a great part of the Tuscans to rebel, levied so great a power, that making no account of Decius, whom they left behind them in Hetruria, they gave out proud words of themselves, and spoke basely of the Romans, vaunting and boasting that they would march right forth to assault Rome. Which design of theirs, so soon as it was reported to Decius the Col. he made speed, and by long journeys departed out of Hetruria toward the city, and in the country of the Papinians, encamped himself; listening ever after the enemies, what they meant to do. Neither at Rome was the Vmbrians war neglected & set light by: for their very threats and menaces scared them, as who already hadseene by experience, by the soil they had at the Gauls hands, how unsure a city they inhabited and not unpregnable. Thereupon messengers were dispatched to the Cos. Fabius, That if he had any breathing time, & rest from the Samnites war, he should with all speed lead his army into Vmbria. The Cos. obeyed, and by great journeys went forward to 
* Bevagna.  Mevania, where at that time the forces of the Vmbrians lay. This sudden & unexpected coming of the Cos. whom they thought verily occupied in Samnium far enough off from Vmbria, so terrified the Vmbrians, that some gave advise to retire back to their walled towns, others to relinquish the war altogether. One canton or tract of their country (which they themselves call Materina, not only kept the rest in arms, but also set them on to fight immediately, so as they charged upon Fabius, as he was trenching & fortifying. Whom when the Cos. saw rushing upon his rampires in such heaps, he called his men from their work, and as the ground and time would give leave, he marshaled them in order of battle: & after he had encouraged his soldiers with a true report & discourse of many glorious and honourable journeys achieved as well in Thuscia as also in Samnium; he willed them to dispatch this final residue of the Tuscan war, that hung by and remained behind, and to be revenged of that accursed and impious speech, whereby they threatened to assail the city of Rome. These words of his were heard by the soldiers with such alacrity and cheerfulness of hart, that before their General had made an end of his speech, they set up a shout of themselves and interrupted him: and thus before commandment and signal given by found of trumpets and cornets, they ran amain upon the enemies, and charged them as if they had not been men, and those also armed. For (a wonderful thing to be spoken) at the very first they began to pluck the banners and streamers out of the bearers hands; after that, the ensigne-bearers themselves were led to the Consuls, and the soldiers armed as they were, transported out of one battaillon into another, and where there was any scuffling, they fought not so much with sword, as buckler: and what with their bosses and iron pikes, and what with justeling, shouldering, and striking the enemies about the armpits, they were overthrown and felled. In which medley, more men were taken, than slain: and no other cry was heard throughout the field, But down with weapon, down with weapon. So that in the very conflict, the principal authors of the war rendered themselves: and the morrow after, & other days following, the rest of the people of Vmbria likewise yielded. The Otriculanes by stipulation only and pledges given, were received into amity. And Fabius having thus gotten the victory in that war, which fell to another man's lot and charge, led back his army again into his own province. And in regard of his prosperous & happy exploits, like as the people the year passed continued his Consulship: so the Senate against the year following, when App. Claudius, and L. Volumnius were Coss. prorogued his martial rule still, maugre the hart of Appius, who was greatly against it. In some Chronicles I find, that Appius, whiles he was Censor, sued to be Consul, & that his Election was crossed and stayed by L. Furius, a Tribune of the Com. until he had resigned up the Censorship, Being created Cos. and the war with the Salentines (declared new enemies) allotted unto his Colleague, he remained at Rome; that by civil policy, and managing home-affaires, he might augment his own state and authority, since that the honour of warre-service rested in the hands and conduct of another. Volumnius had no cause to repent of his charge & province: for many fortunate battles he fought, and some towns of the enemies by force he won. He was a bountiful giver of the spoil away unto his soldiers: and this bounty in itself alone acceptable, he helped much with great courtesy and gentleness, by which virtues and artificial means, he made the soldiers both venturous in perils, and tough in travel.  
Q. Fabius on the other part, in quality of proconsul, gave battle to the Samnites near the city Allifa, where the day was nothing doubtful. The enemies were discomfited and beaten into their camp: neither had they been able to have kept the field, but that there was but a little day left behind: and yet before night, they were beset round about in their hold, yea, and watched with good guards all night long, that none should make escape. The morrow morning ere it was well day light, they began to yield themselves, and to capitulate, That as many Samnites as there were among them, should be sent forth in their single garments, and they all went under the gallows. As for their confederates and allies, there was no such proviso nor composition made; but they all, to the number of seven thousand, were sold as slaves, and ware a garland. As many as advowed themselves to be Hernicks, were kept apart by themselves to be forthcoming. All those Fabius sent to Rome to the Senate, and until such time as enquiry was made, whether in a public muster they were pressed soldiers, or voluntarily served under the Samnites against the Romans, they were committed to be kept in ward among sundry Nations of the Latins: during which time, the new Consuls, Publius Cornelius Arvina, and Quintus Martius Tremulus (for those were now created) had in charge to propose that matter anew unto the Senate. The hernics took that ill. Whereupon the Anagnines held a Diet or general council in the round Cirque, which they call Maritimus, of all the cities of that Nation, except the Alatrinates, Ferentinates, and the Verulanes. Where the whole State of hernics proclaimed war against the people of Rome. In Samnium also, for that Fabius was departed thence, there arose new troubles and rebellions. Calatia and Sora were forced ● and the Roman garrisons that there lay, were put to the sword, and upon the bodies of as many as they took alive, they exercised much torture and cruelty. Whereupon Publius Cornelius the Consul was thither sent. And to Martius were the new enemies appointed (for by this time decreed it was, That war should be made upon the Anagnines and the other hernics.) At the first, the enemies had so seized all the convenient advenues and ways between both the Consuls camps, that there could not readily pass a lackey or currier between, in so much, as for certain days both Consuls abode doubtful how the world went, and uncertain one of the others state. The fear whereof, spread to Rome, so as all the younger sort [from seventeen years of age to seven and forty] swore to serve: and against all sudden occasions, and occurrents whatsoever, two full and complete armies were levied and enroled. But the Hernick war was nothing correspondent either to the present menaces, orto the ancient glory and reputation of that nation: for having done no worthy adventures, and within few days lost their camp thrice, they covenanted for to have thirty days truce; during which time, they might send Ambassadors to the Senate of Rome; and in consideration hereof, they promised to lay down two months pay and to find corn for the army, and allow every soldior one cote. But from the Senate they were put off and referred to Martius: unto whom by order from the Senate, a large commission was granted, to dispose of the Hernicks as he thought good: and so he took the whole nation as yielded to his devotion. The other Consul in Samnium being in forces more puissant than the enemy, was notwithstanding encumbered much with the difficulty of the ground. All the passages had the enemy stopped, & possessed himself of the forests and woods which were thorowfares, that no way victuals might be conveyed unto him. Neither could the Consul, for all that daily he displayed banner in field, train them forth to fight: so as it was well seen, that neither the Samnites could abide present battle, nor the Romans long delay of war. But the arrival of Martius, who upon the subduing of the Hernicks, made haste to aid his Colleague, caused the enemy to differre no longer the trial of the field. For, they who thought themselves not good enough to match so much as the one army, knewfull well, that if they suffered two Consuls armies to join together, there had been no hope left. They therefore set upon Martius as he marched without order of battle. Hereupon in all hast their trusses and fardels were brought together and laid in the middle; and as the time would permit, he set his soldiers in array. At the first encounter, the shout was hard into the camp of the other Consul. Afterwards the dust descried a far off, gave an alarm, and made a trouble and garboil there. Then the Consul presently commanded to arm: and hastily bringing his soldiers forth into the field, entered upon the battle of the enemies in the flank, whiles they were busied in another skirmish. He, cried aloud to his men, that it were exceeding great shame, to suffer the other army to carry away double victory, & not themselves win the honour of that war, which was their proper charge. Thus, wheresoever he charged, he broke in and made entrance; and having pierced and made a great lane through the midst of the enemy's battle, he passed on toward their camp; which finding void of defendants, he took and set a fire. Which when the soldiers of Martius saw burning before their faces, and the enemy likewise, as they looked behind: then began the Samnites on all hands to fly: but killed they were every where down right: all places full of murder and carnage: so in no part could they find means to escape and save themselves. Now when there were a thirty thousand of the enemies slain, the Consuls founded the retreat, and gathered both their armies together, with great congratulation one to the other: by which time, behold, there were deskried a far off, certain new bands of enemies, enroled for a supply; and they gave occasion of a new & fresh slaughter. Against whom without commandment of Consul, or any signal received from their leaders, the Romans advanced lustily, crying aloud, that these Samnites were to be welcomed with an ill handsel, and this their first training should cost them dear. The Consuls let the legions alone in this ●heir furious heat, as who knew well enough, that these new comers seeing the old beaten soldiers so astonished already and flying away, would soon have enough of it, and not once adventure fight. And they were not deceived in their opinion; for the whole forces of the Samnites as well old as new, fled apace unto the next mountains: and thither the Romans also make as great speed. But no safe place could those vanquished enemies find: for even from the very hill tops which they held, they were beaten down, so that with one voice they all craved peace. Then after the Consuls had imposed upon them co●e for three months, and a years pay, and for every soldior a livery besides, they were permitted to send Ambassadors to the Senat● to treat and capitulate therefore. During which time, Cornelius was left in Samnium, and Martius returned into the city, with triumph over the Hernicks. Moreover a decree passed, that his statue riding on horseback should remain in the common place of assemblies, which was erected accordingly, even before the Temple of Castor. To three States of the Hernicks, to wit, the Alatrinates, the Verulanes and Ferentinates, their own laws, and ancient liberties were restored again, because they made choice thereof, rather than to be enfranchised citizens of Rome: and permitted they were to marry amongst the Romans, which liberty they only of the Hernickes for a good while enjoyed. The Anagnines, and those that had borne arms against the Romans, were incorporate free denizens at Rome, but without the privilege of giving voices and suffrages: debarred they were of holding any counsels and making marriages with them, yea and denied at all to elect any magistracy, but only the function and ministery of divine service and sacrifices.  
The same year the Chapel of dame Salus was by C. junius Bubulcus now Censor, set out at a price to be built, which he in his Consulship had vowed, in the Samnites war. By his direction & appointment, together with his colleague M. Valerius Maximus, were the great high ways and causeys made, of all sides of the city, through the fields, at the common charge and expenses. The same year also, was the league renewed now the third time with the Carthaginians: and their ambassadors who came for that purpose, were courteously entertained, and rewarded liberally with rich gifts. In that year there was a Dictator P. Cornel. Scipio, with P. Decius, General of the horse: and these were Precedents at the election of Consuls, for to that purpose they were created, because neither of the two Consuls could be spared from the wars. Consuls were created L. Posthumius, and T. Minutius. But Piso saith, that these Consuls immediately succeeded Q. Fabius, and P. Decius: leaving out those two years, wherein we have written, that Claudius with Volumnius, & Cornelius with Martius were Consuls. Whether he forgot himself in digesting his Annals and yearly records, or of set purpose overhipt two couple of Consuls, thinking that they were not in truth Consuls, I wot not.  
The same year the Samnites made roads into the territory of Stella, within the liberties and appurtenances of the Campanes, and therefore both Consuls were sent into Samnium: who when they were parted into divers ways, for Posthumius took his journey to Tifernum, and Minutius to Bovianum: first there was a battle fought at Tifernum, under the leading of Posthumius. Some make no doubt, but write, that the Samnites were discomfited, and put to the worse, and thirty thousand of them taken prisoners: others say, that the conflict was equal, and that they departed on even hand: also that Posthumius making semblance of fear, journeyed by night, and closely retired unto the hills adjoining, & that the enemies followed after them, two miles, & from thence encamped, & fortified also themselves in strong places of advantage. The Consul because he would be thought to have fought & chose a safe place, and plentifully stored with all necessaries (as it was no less in deed) where he might keep a standing camp; after he had fortified the same, and furnished it with all kind of provision, leaving behind him a strong garrison for defence; at the relieve of the third watch, leadeth the nearest way, his legions not encumbered with carriage, to his Colleague; who also himself lay in camp over against another army. There, by the persuasion and advise of Posthumius, Minutius gave battle: and when as the conflict continued doubtful until it was far on the day; than Posthumius with his fresh legions, on a sudden charged the battalions of the enemies, now already overtoyled: thus partly for weariness, and partly for wounds, they being disabled for to flee away, were out of all measure slain every one: and xxj. banners were taken: and so from thence they went forward to the camp of Posthumius. Where these two victorious armies, finding the enemy discouraged and amazed at the tidings of this overthrow, set upon them, discomfited, and put them to flight; and wan from them xxuj. ensigns: where the General of the Samnites Statius Cellius, with many a man besides, was taken prisoner, and both their camps won. Bovianum also, which the morrow after began to be assaulted, was shortly after forced: and finally with great glory of so noble acts achieved, both Consuls triumphed. Some write, that the Consul Minutius being grievously hurt, was brought back into the camp, and there died: and that M. Fulvius was substituted Consul in his room: and that it was he, who being sent unto the army of Minutius, wan Bovianum. The same year, Sora, Arpinum, and Consentia were recovered from the Samnites; and the great image of Hercules was in the Capitol set up and dedicated.  
When as P. Sulpitius Averri●, and P. Sempronius Sophus were Coss. the Samnites desiring either to see an end of war, or else to delay it, sent ambassadors to Rome pretending peace. To whom as they pleaded and entreated most humbly, this answer was given; That if the Samnites had not so often treated for peace, when they intended and prepared war, they might after certain interviews, and conferences passed between, obtain their suit: but since that evermore until that time, their words were but wind; now they would trust to their deeds, and nothing else. P. Sempronius the Consul, shall shortly be in Samnium with an army: who would not be abused, but soon see, whether their minds be inclined to war or peace: and as he found and saw every thing, so would he bring word and make relation: and therefore their ambassadors were to attend upon the Consul when he departed out of Samnium. The same year, after that the Roman army had passed peaceably too & fro, and visited all Samnium, having victuals by the country courteously allowed, the ancient league was granted again to the Samnites. From thence turned the Romans their forces against the Aequians, their old enemies; but for many years making semblance of quietness, whereas indeed their peace was little to be trusted: for that the Hernick nation was safe and on foot, they with them, had used oftentimes under hand to send aid unto the Samnites; and also after the subduing of the Hernicks, the whole nation in a manner without dissembling, and averring all they did by public counsel and authority, had fallen away unto the enemy: and after that the Romans had made league with the Samnites, and their heralds came to make claim for their goods took from them by way of hostility, they said, It was but a tempting of them, to see, whether upon fear of war they would suffer themselves to become Romans. Which, say they, how greatly it were to be wished, the Hernicks were able to teach them: for they, as many of them as had liberty to do what they would, chose rather to live under their own laws, than to be enfranchised citizens of Rome: but others, who had not the same scope to choose to their liking, theywere constrained to accept of the Burgeoisie of their city, by way of a punishment. Upon these speeches and arguments commonly tossed in their assemblies & Counsels, the people of Rome decreed war against the Aequians: to which both the Consuls went; and encamped four miles from their enemy's camp. The Aequians (who in their own behalf, and for any quarrel of theirs, had many years sat still and made no war) like as if their army had been levied of a sudden and in haste, without certain Captains appointed, and without any General to command, were afraid. Some thought good to go forth into the field, others to defend themselves, and keep within their camp: most of them were moved to think aforehand upon the wasting of their country afterwards, and consequently the destruction of their cities left but with slender garrisons. Therefore after that, amongst many opinions, this only had audience, namely to abandon the care of public weal, and every man to regard his own private state, and at the first watch to depart divers ways one from the other, and quit the camp, and convey away all their bag and baggage, and to defend their cities within the walls: they all with one accord accepted thereof, and embraced it. Now when the enemies were thus scattered abroad about the country, the Romans by daylight, with banner displayed went forth into the field: and when they saw no man come abroad to meet them, they marched in warlike order apace towards the enemy's camp. But when as they could perceive there, neither warders before the gates, nor any man upon the trench and ramplers, nor so much as the usual noise of a leaguer; being moved with this unaccustomed silence, for fear of forelaying and treachery, they stood still: but being gotten over the rampire, and finding the tents void and empty, they set forward to pursue the enemy by his trace. But when they found their foot tracks, leading to all parts of the country alike, as being slipped here and there, sundry and divers ways: at the first they wandered out of the way, and misled of them; but afterwards knowing by their espials the purpose and intent of their enemies, they went round about and besieged every city, and in threescore days won forty towns all by assault: most part whereof were razed even with the ground, and consumed into ashes, and the nation of the Aequians utterly in a manner destroyed. Over the Aequians there was triumph. Whose calamity and desolation was so fearful an example, to the Marrucines, Marsi, Peligni, and Ferentines, that they sent Orators to Rome to treat for peace and amity: and to all those nations at their request, a league was granted. The same year, C. Flavius a Notary or Register by profession, whose father ●nius was no better than of a slave made free, a man, thus descended of base and low parentage, howbeit otherwise crafty and eloquent withal, arose to be an Aedile Curule. I find in some records, that when he gave attendance in his calling to the Aediles, and saw that his own Tribe were willing to give him their voices and elect him Aedile, but his name not accepted of among other competitors, for that he got his living by his pen; he cast aside his books and papers, and swore an oath, that he would no longer be a Notary and use pencraft. But Macer Licinius avoucheth, that a good while before that, he gave over his writing, namely after he had been Tribune, and borne two Triumvirships, the one for the night misrules, the other for the placing and transporting of a Colony. But they all agree upon this, that he became very stout, and in great contumacy opposed himself and made head against the Nobles that contemned his base birth. The civil law, which before time was laid up in great secret by the Priests, and Prelates in their Arches, he published abroad; and set up a table in the great common place, in manner of a Calendar, wherein all men might know workedayes from holidays: when it was lawful to plead, and when not. Also in despite, and to the great heartburning of the Patritij, he dedicated the temple of the goddess Concord upon the court of Vulcan: and by the general consent of the people, Cornelius Barbatus the high priest was compelled to indite and pronounce the certain form of words thereto belonging; notwithstanding he contested and denied, that by the customs of their forefathers any could dedicate a Temple, unless he were either Consul or General of an army. And therefore by the authority of the Senate, a law was preferred to the people, That no man might dedicate a Temple or Altar, without permission and consent of the Consul, or the more part of the Tribunes of Commons. I will report in this place a thing, of itself not worthy of remembrance, but only for a proof and example of the liberty of the Commons against the pride and insolency of the Nobles. This Flavius, coming upon a time to visit his Colleague lying sick, by a complot afore hand of certain young gentlemen of the patricians that sat by his bed's side, had noreverence done unto him, nor any one so much as rose up at his entrance into the chamber: whereupon, he commanded his ivory chair of State to be brought unto him, & set himself upon it; and so he outfaced his adversaries, that were so vexed to the heart with envy of his dignity. This Flavius was nominated and chosen Aedile, by the base faction of the commoners, banding together in the place of assemblies: who first took heart by the Censureship of Appius Claudius, the first that ever distained and polluted the Senate, by bringing in the sons of Libertines: and when he saw that no man accounted that election of Senators good and lawful, and perceived withal, that in the court he had not that backing of citizens which he sought for; he intermingled in every Tribe certain of the most base persons of the Commons: and so he corrupted both the common place and Mars field also. In so much as the Election of Flavius was reputed so unworthy an indignity, that most of the gentlemen of Rome laid away their gold rings and rich trapping of their horses, which were the ornaments and ensigns of their calling. And from that time forward, the city was divided into two parts. One side was maintained and upheld by the true hearted people, such as favoured and loved good things: the other by the faction of the riff-raff and scum of the city: until the time that Q. Fabius, and P. Decius were created Censors. Fabius to bring the city unto an uniform accord, and to withstand this inconvenience, that the Elections of Magistrates should not be carried away by the strong hand of the vilest and most abject persons, made a separation of all that base rabble, and cast them into four Tribes, and called them 
* 〈…〉  Vrbana. Which action of his (men say) was accepted with so great contentment and thankfulness, that upon this good temperature of degrees, he purchased the surname of Maximus, which in so many victories he had not acquired and obtained. By him also (by report) it was ordained and instituted, that on the Ides of july, the horsemen road, as it were, in a solemn muster, and showed their great horses to the Censor.   

THE TENTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the tenth Book.  
TWo Colonies were planted in Sora and Alba. The Marsians of Carseola, were reduced under obedience. The fellowship of the Augurs was augmented to the number of nine, whereas as before they were wont to be but four. The Law or Edict as touching the appealing to the people, was now the third time proposed by Valerius the Consul. Two Tribes more were added to the rest; Aniensis and Terentina. War was denounced against the Samnites, and fortunately fought with them. What time as there was a battle given to the Tuscans, Vmbrians, Samnites, and Gauls; under the conduct of P. Decius, and Quintus Fabius, and the Roman army was in great extremity of danger, P. Decius following the example of his father, devowed and exposed himself to die voluntarily, for to save the host: and by his death obained the victory of that journey, to his countrymen and fellow citizens. Papyrius Cursor put to flight an army of the Samnites, who were bound by a solemn oath, not to depart out of the battle without victory, to the end, that with more magnanimity and resolution, they should enter into the field. The Cense was held, and the number taken of the citizens, with the solemn purging and Lustration of the city. And assessed there were 262322 polls.  
WHEN L. Genutius and Scr. Cornelius were Consuls, there was rest in manner from all wars abroad; in such sort, as they had leisure to place certain Colonies at Sora and Alba: And for Alba there were enroled 6000 inhabitants, to affront the Aequians. As for Sora, it had sometimes belonged to the Volscians territory; but the Samnites usurped the possession of it, and thither four thousand were sent to inhabit. The same year, the Arpinates and Trebulanes were enfranchised free denizens at Rome. The Frusinates were fined with the loss of one third part of their lands: for they were evidently detected to have solicited the Hernicks to rebellion: and after that the Consul by commission from the Senate, had made due inquisition, the principal heads of that conspiracy, were scourged and beheaded. Yet because there should not pass a year clean without war, a journey was made (such a one as it was) into Vmbria; upon news, that there used to issue forth day by day, certa●ne men in arms out of a cave, and to make roads into the country about. Into this cave or peake; the Romans entered with their ensigns displayed: where, by reason that it was a blind corner, they received many a wound, and specially by throwing of stones; until such time as they found the other mouth of the cave (for it was a thoroughfare.) So they piled a deal of wood together at both ends, and set it on fire: with the smoke and vapour whereof, there were about 2000 armed men driven out of their hole, who rushing at last into the flame, desirous to escape, were smoudred and burnt to ashes.  
When as M. Livius Denter, and C. Aemylius, were Consuls, the Aequians began to war again: for they hardly could abide and endure, that a Colony should be planted upon their borders, as a frontier-fortresse to bridle them, and assayed by all kind of force to win the same: but they were lustily repulsed by the inhabitants only within the town. Howbeit, such a fear they made at Rome, because it was not thought credible, that the Aequians alone of themselves, so distressed as they were, would be so hardy as to take arms, that in regard of that trouble, a dictator was named, to wit, C. junius Bubuleus, with M. Titintus General of the horse. Who at the first conflict subdued the Aequians, and upon the eight day of his government returned into the city in triumph: and now dictator, dedicated the temple of Salut, which he had vowed being Consul, and had put out to workmen for to be builded, while he was Censor.  
The same year a fleet of greeks, under the conduct of Cleonymus a Lacedaemonian, arrived upon the coast of Italy, and wan Thuriae, a city of the Salentines. Against this enemy was the Consul Aemylius sent, who in one battle discomfited him, and drove him aboard. Thus Thuriae was rendered again to the former inhabitants, and the Salentine country obtained peace and quietness. I find in some records, that it was jun Bubulcus the dictator, who was sent to the Salentines: and that Cleonymus before he was to encounter with the Romans, departed out of Italy. From thence he fetched a compass, and doubled the point of Brundisium, and sailed with a forewind through the midst of the Venice gulf: for that on the left hand the Havenlesse and harbourless coasts of Italy, and on the right, the Illyrians. Liburnians, and Istrians, fierce nations, and for the most part, reputed infamous, for roving and robbing by the sea side, put him in exceeding fear. So he arrived at length upon the river of Venice, lying far within the shore, & there, he landed a few to discover the coasts: but hearing that the strand that lay out against them, was not broad and spacious, and when they were passed over it, there were behind them the plashes (as it were) overflowed with the sea tides, and that not far off might be seen the champion fields near hand, and hills beyond; and discovering by this means the mouth of a very deep river, into which he saw, that the ships might be brought about as into a sure harbour (now that river's name was Meduacus) thither he commanded, that the Armada should put in, and to make sail up against the stream. The heaviest vessels, the channel of the river would not bear: but the soldiers were transported in lighter barks and small pinnaces, and so fell at length with the level and the plain country, frequented with much people, by reason that three sea-townes of the Patavines, inhabited that territory. Being once landed, and having left a slender guard for their ships, they take towns by assault, burn houses, harry and drive away prizes both of men and cattle: and when they had once tasted of the sweetness of booty and pillage, they went far from their ships. The alarm hereof was given at Patavium (now the Patavines were always in arms, because of the Gauls their borders.) Whereupon they divided their fight youth into two regiments: the one was led into those quarters whereas the report went, that the greeks forraied here and there all abroad: the other, because they would not meet with the pillars and rovers, was conducted another way to the harbour, where the ships rid (about fourteen miles from the town.) And after they had slain the warders, they charged upon the small barks. Whereupon the mariners were afraid, and were forced to retire their vessels to the other bank side. Likewise upon the main, they sped as well in fight against the straggling rovers: for when as the greeks fled back to recover the harbour, the Venetians encountered them affront, and made head against them. So the enemies were environned in the midst, and most of them slain: some that were taken prisoners, bewrayed what their fleet was, and that king Cleonymus was three miles off. There, when they had bestowed the prisoners sure enough in ward within the next village; some, man with soldiers their river vessels, made fitly and framed with flat bottoms, for to pass over the meres and shallow washeses; others embark armed men in the small galleons taken from the enemies; and made way apace to give an assault upon the main fleet, and beset those ships which rid at anchor, and durst not weigh and remove, fearing not the enemy, so much as the unknown coasts. These, I say, they environned, and charged upon them: and when they made haste to gain the deep and open sea, without any resistance at all, they were pursued and chased unto the mouth of the river. Thus when they had taken the enemy's ships, and fired others, namely, such as for fear and haste were driven upon the shelves, and run a ground, than they returned with victory. Cleonymus hardly saved the fifth part of his fleet. And thus having had no good luck in attempting to land in any coast of the adriatic sea, he departed. The stems of the ships, with their beak-heads, and brazen pikes, together with the spoils of the Lacedæmonians, were set up in the old Temple of juno, and there be many at this day alive, which have seen them. The memorial of this sea-fight, is celebrated yearly (upon the very same day that it was fought) at Patavium, with a solemn skirmish and combat of ships represented upon the river, within the midst of the city.  
The same year was a league made at Rome with the Vestines, who came to sue for peace and amity. But from that time forward, there arose many and divers fearful occurrents. For news came, that Hetruria rebelled, which troubles took their beginning by occasion of the civil dissension and discord of the Aretine's: who began to expel by force of arms the house and family of the Licinij (mighty and puissant above the rest) for very envy and repine of their wealth and riches. Over and besides, the Marsians stood out, and by arms maintained their title to that part of their territory, into which, there had been a Colony of Carseolanes brought, to the number of four thousand men, enroled there to inhabit. Against which stirs and tumults, Marcus Valerius Maximus was created dictator, who made choice of M. Aemylius Paulus to be the Commander of the Horse. Which I rather believe to be true, than that Q. Fabius, a man of those years and that worth, after so many honourable dignities, should be under Valerius. But I would not deny, that the error might grow by reason of the surname of Maximus. The dictator having taken the field with his army, in one battle discomfited the Marsians: and after he had driven them into their walled and fenced towns, Miloniana, Plestina, and Fresilia; within few days, he won them also over their heads: and having fined the Marsians with the loss of some part of their territory, he received them into their ancient league again. Then all the forces were employed against the Tuscans: and whiles the dictator was departed to Rome to take his Auspexes anew, the General of Horse, being gone out a foraging, was by a secret ambush entrapped. And having lost certain ensigns, he was forced into the camp, after a foul slaughter and shameful flight of his men. Which fearful cowardice is not like to have been in Fabius, not only, because if ever he deserved his surname of Maximus by any commendable parts, it was especially for his prowess in war; but also, for that in remembrance of Papyrtus his cruelty toward him, he never could have been brought to fight, without the commandment or permission of the dictator. This discomfiture and loss being reported at Rome, caused a greater terror than there was cause. For no less than if the army had been utterly defeated, there was published and proclaimed a stay and cessation of all law-matters, warders bestowed at the gates, order taken for standing watches in every street, and armour and darts carried up to the walls: And after that all the younger sort were sworn and priest to serve, the Dictator was sent again to the army. Where, he found all more quiet than he looked for, through the careful diligence of the General of Horse. The camp was removed to a place of more strength and safety, the bands and companies which had lost their ensigns, left on the bare earth without the rampires, destitute of tents and convert; and the army eager and desirous of fight, to do away and raze out the former ignominy and shame. Presently therefore, he raised his camp, and removed forward into the country of Rasella. Thither followed the enemies also hard at heels. Who albeit, upon their late good speed, they were in right great hope and affiance to be strong enough even in open fight and plain field; yet they assail the enemy also by the same slights and trains which they had already so fortunately tried. There fortuned to be in the country thereabout, not far from the Romans camp, certain houses half pulled down and ruinate, belonging to a village which was burned when the country was overrun: where, after they had bestowed closely certain men in arms, they drove their beasts and cat-tail in the very sight of the Roman corpse de guard, commanded by C. Fulvius, a Lieutenant: at which bait, when as there stirred no man from the Roman wards, one of the herdmen advanced even under the very trench and fortifications of the Romans, and called aloud to the rest (that seemed for fear to drive but slowly from the ruins of the village aforesaid) ask why they stayed behind, seeing they might safely march, and pass forward still (and it were) through the middle of the Roman camp? These words, certain Caerites interpreted to the Lieutenant Fulvius. Whereat, every band or company of soldiers took great indignation, but durst not stir a foot without a warrant. Then he commanded those that were skilful in the tongue, to mark whether their language sounded nearer to the speech of peasants or to citizens: Who brought word, that both their voice, & also the habit and fresh hue of their bodies, was more elegant and civil than for country shepherds. Go your ways than (qd. he) unto them and bid them bewray & discover their ambush, which in vain they seem to hide: for that the Romans were cunning in all things, and advertised of their designs, and could no more now be overtaken with wiles, than overcome by arms. When these words were once heard and carried to those that lay in wait, presently they start up out of their lurking holes, & brought forth their ensigns all abroad into the open field. The lieutenant supposing they were a greater troop than might be dealt withal and matched, by his corpse de guard, with all speed sent for aid to the Dictator: and in the mean while himself received & bore off the brunt and forcible charge of his enemies. This message was no sooner brought, but the dictator commanded the standards to be advanced, and the soldiers to arm and follow: but every thing was done sooner almost than it could be commanded: forthwith they caught up the ensigns, and took weapon in hand: and scarcely could they be held in, but that they would run amain. For not only the spiteful anger of the late received loss pricked them on, but also the shouts of their fellows, which they might hear more loud, & to be redoubled thicker, according as the medley grew hotter and hotter. The greater haste therefore they made, whiles one putteth forward another, and crieth to the port-ensignes to go faster and mend their pace. But the more hast the Dictator seeth them to make, the more earnest was he to keep them back in their march, and to hold them in; willing them to go fair and softly. chose the Tuscans, who rose up at the beginning of the battle, were there ready with their whole forces to give the charge. Whereupon there came messenger after messenger to the dictator, bringing word that all the legions of the Tuscans were entered into the fight, and that his men already were not able to resist any longer. Nay himself also, from the higher ground, might see in what danger the corpse de guard was. But presuming and resting upon this conceit, that the lieutenant was able yet to maintain fight, considering that he was not far off himself to help and save him out of peril; he was desirous that the enemies might be wearied and tired as much as was possible, and that his own forces fresh and in heart, should set upon them overtoiled. And albeit they went softly forward, yet by this time had the horsemen but a very small ground to take their run with full career. Foremost marched the ensigns of his legions, that the enemy should not fear any couvert and privy stratagem, but leave good spaces and distances between the files of their footmen, through which the horses might have room and liberty enough to gallop with ease. Then all the battaillon of the Infantry set up a cry and shout when they charged, and withal, the cavalry, with reins at large entered within the ranks of the enemies, who being not marshaled & set in order against such a blustering storm of horsemen, were with a sudden fear astonished. Whereupon, the troop of Fulvius which erewhile was in manner environed and compassed about, and had help and rescue almost too late, now all in general breathed themselves at ease, and were put to nothing. For these that came fresh and lusty undertook the whole weight of the medley: which was neither long nor doubtful. The enemies were put to slight, and in disarray made haste to recover their camp. And when as the Romans advanced against them with banner displayed, they quit their place & recoiled, gathering themselves round into heaps in the farthest part of the camp: and as they would have fled out, they stuck fast in the narrow gaps and passages of the gates: a great part of them leapt upon the bank, to climb the rampire, if haply either from the higher ground they might defend themselves, or get over any where and escape. By chance in one place where the bank was not well rammed, the rampire was surcharged with the weight of so many standing upon it, and so tumbled down into the trench. Whereupon, they set up a cry all together, That the gods had made them way to escape, and by that means in deed they saved themselves, but more of them unarmed than armed. In this battle, were the forces of the Tuscans once again utterly abated: in so much as, after they had capitulated and promised a years pay, and corn for two months, the Dictator permitted them to send Ambassadors to Rome for a treaty of peace. Peace was denied, but truce for two years granted: and the dictator with triumph returned into the city. I find in some writers; that Hetruria was by the dictator quieted, without any notable battle, only by composing the variance and debate of the Aretine's, and reconciling the family of the Licinij with the Commons.  
M. Valerius upon his Dictatorship became Consul. Some have believed that he was created without his own suit, yea and while he was absent, and that the said Election was held by the Interregent. But how so ever it was, out of all question, he bore the Consulship with Apulcius Pansa. Whiles M. Valerius and Q. Apuleius were Coss. all was well quieted abroad: for the Tuskanes of one side, partly upon their ill success in war, and partly by reason of their truce, were forced to be still and in repose. The Samnites also on the other side, being well tamed with the overthrows so many years together, repented not yet, and were not weary of their new league. At Rome likewise, the Commons were quiet, and found themselves much eased, and discharged of a great number of base and poor people, which were withdrawn and sent away into colonies. But because their rest should not be every where entire and perfect, there arose a quarrel between the chief and principal men of the city, as well the Nobles as Commons, and that by the suggestion and instigation of Q. and Cn. Ogulnij, Tribunes of the Com. Who having sought occasion and matter every way to accuse and blame the Nobility unto the Commons; when they ●aw all means assayed in vain, at length entered into an action, whereby they kindled and set on fire not only the meanest, but even the chief heads of the Commons, such as had been Consuls, and triumphed: who wanted no promotions & honours, but only Sacerdotal dignities and Prelacies, which as yet were not indifferently common to both States. They proposed therefore a law, That whereas at that time there were but 4. Augurs, & as many Prelates or Bishops, and for as much as they thought it good, that the number of Priests should be increased, there might be chosen to the rest, 4. Bishops, and 5. Augurs, all out of the body of the Commons. But how this college or fellowship of Augurs, was reduced to the number of four, but by the death of two, I can not find: since this is certain, that among the Augurs the number must be odd: namely, that the three ancient tribes, Rhamnenses, Titienses, and Luceres, should have each one their Augur: or if they needed more, they should with equal number increase those Priests: like as they were augmented and multiplied, when as five being put to four, made up the number of nine; that is to say, for every tribe three. Howbeit, because they were chosen out of the Commons who should supply, and make up the number; the Nobles took it as grievously to the heart, as when they saw the Consulship parted equally in common: but they made semblance as though this indignity pertained to the gods more than to them: who would themselves see, that their holy service and sacred mysteries should not be polluted. And as for them, this only they could do, namely, pray and wish, that no calamity thereby should light upon the common weal. But less earnest were they in opposing themselves and making resistance, for that they were used already in all such broils and contentions to have the worse: and they saw besides, that their adversaries shot not at that (which in time passed they could scarce hope for) namely, the greatest honours and dignities: but that they had already obtained all, for which they had strived so long in so doubtful terms of hope, to wit, manifold Consulates, Censurships, and Triumphs. Howbeit, the contention and dispute in debating and arguing too and fro the law proposed, was maintained (as men say) between Ap. Claudius especially, and P. Decius Must: and after they had contested and discoursed in their orations pro & contra, the same reasons in manner, touching the rights and liberties pretended by the Nobles and Commons, which sometimes had been alleged, both for, and against the law Licinia, at what time as it was set on foot for the Commons to be Consuls; 
P. Decius Must against App. Claudius.  Decius (as it is said) represented in open audience the very resemblance and show of his father, in such manner, as many of them who were then present at the assembly, had seen him: to wit, girded and appareled in Gabine rob, standing over his iavelin, in which gesture, habit, & fashion, he offered himself to voluntary death, for to save the people & legions of the Romans: Seemed (quoth he) P. Decius, that then was Cos. as pure and religious in the sight of the immortal gods, as if T. Manlius his colleague had been likewise devowed and offered? and might not the same P. Decius have rightly been chosen, to execute the public divine service and sacrifices of the people of Rome? or is this all the fear and doubt, that the gods would give less ear to his prayers, than to Ap. Claudius? or doth Ap. Claudius with more devotion serve God privately, and worship the gods more religiously, than himself? Who was there ever that repent or misliked of the vows, which so many Consuls and Dictator's of the Com. either at their first setting forth to their armies, or in time of war and battle, pronounced for the common wealth? Reckon and count the chief Captains, year by year, since the first time that the Commons began to have the leading and conduct of the wars: number all the triumphs ever since: it will appear that the Commons are no whit abashed, and have no cause to complain of their own nobility. And this I know for certain, that if any new sudden war should arise, the Senate and people of Rome would repose no more hope & confidence in the ancient Patritij, than in the Com. for to be the Captains and commanders. This being so, quoth he, what God or man can think it an indignity, to adorn those persons also with the titles and ornaments of Bishops and Augurs, whom ye have honoured with chair of ivory, with the long rob bordered with purple, with the cote of arms embroidered and branched with the palm tree, with the gown or mantle of purple, wrought with divers colours, with the chapelots & coronets of triumph, and with the victorious branch and garland of laurel; whose houses ye have beautified above the rest, with setting up the spoils of enemies? Or who can think much, if he be seen with a sacring cup, or holy-water pot, and with a croisier staff, and his head veiled, either to kill a sacrifice, or to take Augury by flight of birds from the castle hill; who hath been adorned & decked with the ensigns and ornaments of the great god jupiter, and hath ridden in a gilded chariot through the city into the Capitol? Or in whose Title inscription and stile over his image, men shall with content, read Consulship, Censurship, and Triumph; will not the same abide to see & read, that ye have added thereunto either Augurship, or Pontifical dignity? I verily for my part hope (without the displeasure, and with reverence of the gods be it spoken) that we by the beneficence of the people of Rome are such, as for our quality and worthiness, may and will yield no less credit and honour to our priesthoods, than we shall receive thereby: and who desire, in regard of the honour and service of God, more than for our own sakes and proper interest, to have the means, That whom we serve and reverence in private, those we may also worship and honour publicly. But why have I hitherto so pleaded the cause, as if the Patritij were entirely alone entitled and invested in the prerogative of Sacerdotal Dignities; and as though we were not already possessed of one right honourable and principal Priesthood? We see that the Decemvirs for celebration of sacrifices, and for interpretation of Sibylla her prophecies, and other the fatal destinies of this people, the prelate's also and ministers of Apollo his sacrifice, and other holy ceremonies, are of the Commons. Neither was there any injury done unto the Patritij at that time, when for to gratify the Commons, the number of the Duumvirs was increased; those I mean, who should oversee (as superintendents) the offering of sacrifices. And now at this present they have no greater cause to complain, if the Tribune, a stout & brave man, hath added five places more of Augurs, & four of Bishops, unto which commoners may be nominated: not to dispossess you of your rooms, or to displace you, o Appius, but that men of the commons might assist you in the function and ministery of divine service & church matters; like as they do their part, & perform good service in human & civil affairs. And be not ashamed, o Appius, to have him for your colleague in the priesthood, whom you might beseem to have in Consulate or Censorship, your companion & fellow; unto whom being Dictator, you might be Colonel of horse; as well as he to you in your Dictatorship. Those ancient Nobles in old time (our progenitors) admitted into their number & order, a Sabine stranger, the very head & top of your nobility, one Ap. Clausus, or Ap. Claudius (choose you whether.) You must not think much then, to accept us into the number of Priests. We bring with us many honourable titles, even all the same that make you so proud, and to bear your head aloft. L. Sextius was the first Commoner, created Consul; and C. Licinius S●olo the first Colonel of horse. C. R●tilius was the first Dictator & Censor, & Q. Publius Philo the first Praetor. We have heard this song evermore sounding in our ears, That to you alone pertaineth the taking of Auspicia: that you only are of noble descent & gentility: that ye & none but ye, by right & duty ought to manage the affairs, and the sovereign government, both at home and abroad: and yet always hitherto the commons in their places and charges, have done and sped as well as the Patritij, and henceforth ever shall (I doubt not.) What? heard ye never it spoken, that the Patritij were at first 〈◊〉 and created, and not descended from heaven: but such as were able to name their father and grandsire; that is to say, even freemen just, and no more? What? I myself can nominate already mine own father to have been a Consul, and shortly shall my son be able to allege his grandsire. There is nothing else, o Quirites, in the matter whereupon we stand, but that we may obtain all which hath been denied us. For the Nobles desire only to maintain a side and to commend, and reak not greatly what issue their contentions come unto. As for me, I am of advice, and this would I have, That (to the good, profit, and happy estate of you all, and the weal public) this law may pass under your affirmative voice [Vtirogastis.] Then presently the people commanded the Tribes to be called to a scrutiny: and soon it appeared, that the law would without all doubt be accepted: but that day was lost, by the opposition and negative of some Tribunes. Howbeit, the morrow after, they were afraid to cross it; and then with exceeding consent of all hands, it passed clear. So there were created Prelates or Bishops; first, P. Decius Must himself (that so pleaded for the law) with P. Sempronius Sophus, C. Martius Rutilius, and M. Livius Denter. Likewise, five Augurs of the Commons, to wit, C. Genutius, P. Aelius Paetus, M. Minutius Festus, C. Martius, and T. Publius. So there were eight Prelates in number, and nine Augurs.  
The same year, M. Valerius the Consul, procured the law of appealing to the people, more surely to be established and confirmed. This was now the third time after the deposition of the kings, that this one Act was revived; and always by the same house or family of the Valerij. The cause of renewing the same so often, was no other I suppose, than this; for that the mightiness of some few great men of the Patritij, was more powerful than the liberty and freedom of the Commons. Only the law Portia, seemeth to have been enacted for to save the back and sides of citizens from whipping, because that it awarded and set a grievous punishment upon him, that either had beaten or killed a citizen of Rome. The law Valeria, which forbade, to scourge or behead any man whosoever, that made his appeal; had this annexed only, that if any one had trespassed and proceeded farther, it should be decreed, LEWDLY AND NAUGHTILY DONE. Such was the modesty & reverence of men in those days, that this one addition [in my conceit verily] was supposed to be a sufficient bond to strengthen the law. But now adays, would a man scarcely threaten his servant or slave in that manner.  
The same Consul made war, without any worthy or memorable exploit, against the Aequians that rebelled; who (setting aside their stout & proud stomachs) had nothing left of their ancient fortune and estate. The other Cos. Apuleius, besieged the town 
* The same that Narnia.  Nequinum in Vmbria. The place was difficult and hard to get up, and on the one side steep down right (whereas now standeth Narnia) so that it was impregnable, either by assault, or countermures & sconces whatsoever. Whereupon, the new Consuls, M. Fulvius Paetus, and T. Manlius Torquatus, entered upon this enterprise, left undone and unfinished by the former. Now when all the Centuries nominated with one voice Q. Fabius for the Consulship of that year, even without his own suit and seeking; Macer Licinius and Tubero do write, that he himself laboured to have that charge put off, and reserved unto a year of more war: alleging, that for the present he would serve the Commonweal in better stead, by bearing some civil office in the city: and so neither dissimuling what he rather desired, nor yet seeking for it, he was made Aedile of the Chair, with L. Papyrius Cursor. But, to set this down for a certain truth I dare not; because that Piso, a more ancient writer of Chronicles, saith, that the Aediles C●rule of that year, were C. Domitius, Cn. F. Calvinus, Sp. Carvilius, and Q. Fabius Maximus. That surname, I suppose verily, gave occasion of the error in the Aeediles. Whereupon ensued a tale (sorting to that error) mixed & compounded of the Elections of Aediles and Consuls together. The same year was held a solemn survey and purging of the city by sacrifice, called Lustrum, by P. Semproniius Sophus, and P. Sulpitius Averrio, and two Tribes more were added to the rest, Aniensis, and Tarentina. And thus much concerning the affairs at Rome.  
But now to return to Nequinum; after much time spent in long and linger siege before the town, two of the inhabitants, whose houses joined close to the wall, undermined the ground, and by a secret way came as far as the corpse de guard of the Romans. From whence they were brought before the Consul, and promised him to let in and receive what garrison and troop of armed men he would, within the city. This offer was thought neither to be neglected and refused, nor yet rashly to be credited. So with the one of these twain (for the other was kept behind as an hostage) two other spies were sent by the same mine to discover the train. By whose relation, when it appeared sufficiently, that all was safe and without danger: by the leading and guiding of the traitor aforesaid, 300 armed men, by night entered the city, and seized that gate which was next unto them: at which, being broken open, the Consul and the Roman army without resistance, made entry, and surprised the city. In this sort Nequinum was reduced to the obedience of the P. of Rome. A Colony was thither sent to frontier against the Vmbrians, called of the 
* Nar, now Negra.  rivers name [which runneth under it] 
* Nerni.  Namia. And the army with a rich prize was brought again to Rome.  
The same year the Tuscans, contrary to the tenure of the truce, made preparation for war. But whiles they were busily occupied otherwise, it fortuned, that a puissant army of Gauls invaded their marches, and for a while altered their dessignements. Afterwards, by the means of money, whereof they were full and bare themselves mighty, they sought to make the Gauls, of enemies to become their friends, and solicited them to band together, and so jointly to maintain war with the Romans. Their society and friendship the barbarous people refused not; only, they stood upon the sum what they should have for their hire. Which being agreed upon and received, and all things else in a readiness for to go into the field; when the Tuscans willed them to follow after, they flatly denied, that they had received any consideration for to make war upon the Romans: but whatsoever they had taken, it was because they should not waste the Tuscan land, and by way of hostility and force of arms, do any violence upon the inhabitants: howbeit, if the Tuscans were so minded to employ them, they would be willing to serve; but for no other reward and recompense, than to be admitted into part of their territory; that at the length they might have some certain place of abode, to settle themselves in. Many Diets and consultations hereabout were held by the States of Tuscan, but nothing resolved and concluded: not so much, for that they feared to part with some of their lands, as because they were in great dread every one and abhorred, to have dwelling by them such neighbours, descended from so savage a race & cruel nation. Thus were the Gauls let go and dismissed, having away with them a huge mass of money, which they got without any travel or peril of theirs.  
The bruit of the Gauls tumult and insurrection, together with the Tuscans war, caused no little fear at Rome. Whereupon, more haste was made to conclude a league with the 
* Marca. Ancona.  Picene people. T. Manlius the Consul had the charge of the Tuscans war allotted unto him. Who scarcely was entered into the confines of the enemies, but as he was training and exercising amongst the horsemen, ran his horse with full career, and suddenly as he turned about, was cast off, and presently lay for dead: and so the Consul, three days after his fall, ended his life. Which the Tuscans taking hold of, as a good ominous token & presage, got hart and were very jolie; saying, that the gods had in favour of them, begun this war. This was heavy news at Rome, both for the loss of so brave a parsonage, and for the time, wherein so unhappily it fell out: so as, the assembly held (by the advice of the chief Peers) for to substitute a Consul in his place that was deceased, frighted the Senators from choosing a Dictator. All their sentences, and all the centuries, gave with M. Valerius to be Consul: who was the man, whom the Senate was about to have pricked for dictator. Then forthwith, they ordained him to go into Tuscan to the army. Whose coming suppressed and kept under the Tuscans; so as not a man durst once go out of their trenches and hold. Even their very fear was as good as a siege unto them: for that the new Consul, neither by wasting the fields, nor firing their houses in such sort, as every where, not only the small villages, but also the good and wel-peopled towns were seen to smoke and burn again, could draw them forth to fight.  
This war continued longer than men thought: but behold, there arose a bruit of another; (which, considering the mutual losses of both sides, was for good causes greatly to be feared) upon intelligence given from the Picenes their new allies, namely, that the Samnites were about to take arms and rebel, and had solicited them also to do the same. The Picentes were highly thanked for this, and a great part of the Senators care was diverted now from Tuscan to the Samnites. The dearth besides of corn and victuals troubled the city: and driven they had been to extreme famine, if Fabius Maximus (as they have written, who are of opinion that he was Aedile that year) by provident purveighing and diligent conveying of corn, had not been as careful and industrious, in the dispensing of victual now at home, as many times before in war-affaires. The same year there was an Interreigne, but upon what occasion, it is not known. The Interregents were App. Claudius, and after him P. Salpitius, who held an Election of Consuls, and created L. Cornelius Scipio, and Cn. Fulvius. In the beginning of this year, there came the Orators from the Lucanes to these new Consuls, for to make complaint, That the Samnites, who by no conditions and means could induce them for to band and take arms with them, were entered into their confines, and made waste of the country, and by very force provoked them to war, saying, That the Lucanes had long ago overshot and passed themselves that way: but now they were so fully resolute, that they could find in their hairs, sooner to abide and endure all kind of calamity whatsoever, than ever after to offend and displease the Roman name. They besought the Senate therefore, to receive the Lucanes into their protection, and also to keep and defend them from the violence and injury of the Samnites. And for themselves, albeit entering into war already with the Samnites, they were of necessity obliged to be sast and true unto the Romans: yet for better security they were ready to put in sufficient hostages. The Senate was not long consulting hereabout: but all with one consent were of opinion, to make league with the Lucanes, and to summon the Samnites to make amends and restitution. The Lucanes, besides a courteous & gracious answer, were accepted into the league. Then were there Fecial Heralds dispatched to the Samnites, to give them warning for to depart the territory of the Roman allies, and to withdraw their forces out of the confines of the Lucanes. But the Samnites sent out certain messengers to meet them upon the way, & to denounce unto them, that if they presented themselves in any Council within Samnium, they should not depart again with safeguard of their persons. When these news were heard at Rome, both the Senate advised, and the people allowed, to make war upon the Samnites. The Consuls parted their provinces and charges between themselves. To Scipio fell Hetruria, & the Samnites to Falvius: and so they take their journey divers ways, each one to the war allotted unto him. Scipio looked for no other, but a linger war at the enemy's hands, and like to the defensive service of the former year: but behold, they with an army well appointed and arraunged, encountered him and gave him battle near to 
* Volterr●.  Volaterre. Where they fought the better part of the day, with much blooshed on both sides: and whiles they were doubtful which way the victory went, the night came between. But the morning after, bewrayed both who were winners, and who were losers. For the Tuscans in the still and dead time of the night dislodged. The Roman Consul coming forth into the field, and seeing by the enemy's departure, the victory confessed; went forward to the camp: which he found empty of men, but full of rich pillage, (for they had fearfully and in great haste abandoned their tents) and was master thereof. From thence he retired his forces into the territory of the Faliscanes: and after he had left at Falerij, all his bag and baggage with a meetly garrison there; lightly appointed, he marched forward, and with a running camp wasted the marches and territories of his enemies. He put all to fire and sword: drove away booties from all parts: and left not the ground only, waist and desert, but set fire also upon castles and borough towns. Only he forbore to assault the great and strong cities, into with fear had driven the Tuscans for refuge. Cn. Fulvius the Consul on the other part fought a noble battle in Samnium, near 
* Boiano.  Bovianum, and the victory was no whit doubtful. After which he assailed Bovianum, and not long after Aufidena: & both cities he won by force. The same year was there a Colony brought to 
* Arceolo:  Carseoli within the territory of the Aequiculi. And Fulvius the Consul triumphed of the Samnites.  
When as now the of this year, there came of the Consul's Election drew near; there was a rumour raised, that the Tuscans and Samnites were levying and enrolling of great and mighty forces: that openly in all their assemblies and Diets, the princes of the Tuscans were coursed & reproved, for that they had not waged the Gauls to war, whatsoever it had cost them: that the magistrates of the Samnites were blamed, for exposing that army as it were a prey unto the Romans, which had been provided against their enemies the Lucanes. For now seeing that the enemies both with their own power, and also with the help of their allies, were come to war; they should not be able to match them, having their forces thus redoubled. Now albeit there were other famous and renowned persons stood to be Consuls, yet this new fear and affright turned all men to become favourites of Q. Fabius Maximus: who at the first made no suit, and afterwards, seeing the inclination of their affections, refused also to be Consul. q] Demanding what they meant to trouble and molest him, so aged a man as he was, and one, who as as he had gone through all labours and travails of this world; so he had passed also the rewards, and recompenses of his travails: alleging, that neither strength of body, norvigor of spirit could always continue the same, and last for ever: and besides, he feared fortune herself, lest haply she might be thought of any of the gods too propice and favourable unto him, and more permanent than the ordinary train and course of this world would permit. Therefore, like as himself had grown up after the glory of his elders, & succeeded them; so he saw & beheld with joy of heart, others also rising up after him, and to succeed him in the like glory: and as there wanted not at Rome high promotions and advancements for hardy and valiant men, so there failed not brave men of worth for to receive those honours and dignities. But by this refusal of his so modest, so just and reasonable he whetted and kindled more and more their earnest affections and favours towards him, which he thinking to dull and quench, with the reverend regard and awe of the laws, commanded a statute to be read, wherein it was not lawful for one and the same man within ten years to be created Consul twice. But scarcely for the noise that the people made, could this law be heard red: and the Tribunes of the Com. said, that this should be no let: for they would prefer a bill unto the people, that he might be discharged and dispensed withal from the Statutes in that behalf. Howbeit he stood stiffly st●l in his refusal: demanding of them to what purpose & end were the laws made, if by the ver●e makers thereof, they might be thus deluded & made of no force? For so (qd. he) laws ruled not, but were overruled. But natheless, the people went to a scrutiny and began to give their voices: and as every century was called into the rails, they named and chose Fabius' Consul, without sticking at the matter. Then at last, overcome with this general accord and consent of the whole city: God say Amen (quoth he) o Quirites, to that you do and are about. But for as much as you will have your will and dispose of me at your pleasure, do me this favour yet, that I may have the choosing of my Colleague. I beseech you make Consul with me, P. Decius, a man approved unto me already, with whom, I have sorted well in the fellowship of another office: a man I say, answerable otherwise to the greatness of his name, and worthy of his father's virtue, from whom he is descended. This favour which he requested, seemed unto them just and reasonable. So all the Centuries behind, created Q. Fabius and P. Decius for Consuls.  
The same year the Aediles served process upon very many citizens; for holding and possessing of more lands, than by law was limited: and none in a manner was able to acquit himself hereof. Which was a great bridle and restraint to their unmeasurable avarice. As the new Consuls, Q. Fabius Maximus the fourth time, and P. Decius Must the third time, conferred and laid their heads togethether about their charges, that the one should take in hand the Samnites, and the other the Tuscans; and consulted what forces might serve and be sufficient for this or that province and exploit; and to whether war either of them were the more meet and sufficient leader; certain Ambassadors, from Sutrium, Neper, and Falerij, advertised them, That the States of Tuscan, were now consulting in their Diets, about a Treaty of peace: which was an occasion, that they turned all their preparations and forces into Samnium. The Consuls being gone forth, to the end they might have the readier provision of grain and victuals, and the enemy be more to seek, which way they would assail them, led their Legions into Samnium; Fabius, through the territory of Sora, and Decius by the way of the Sidicines. When they were come into the confines of their enemies, both of them spread themselves all abroad, and fell to forray and spoil the country: yet so▪ as they sent out their espials farther than they wasted. Whereupon, they were well ware of their enemies, as they lay in ambush well appointed, within a close & secret valley near Tifernum; what way as, they thought to take the vantage of the higher ground, & to set upon the Romans so soon as they were once entered in. Fabius having removed his carriages into a sure place, & set there a competent guard for defence, foretold his soldiers that there was a battle toward: and in a four square battaillon marched directly to the foresaid Embascado, where the enemies lurked & lay in wait. The Samnites then, despairing and out of allhope to do any great exploit, by sudden tumult, considering their trains were discovered; and seeing they must once at the length come to the trial in open field, were themselves also more willing to put all upon a set battle. Thereupon they descended into the plain and even ground, and committed themselves to the fortune of fight, with more courage of heart than hope of victory. But were it, that they had assembled together the whole flower and manhood out of all the nations of the Samnites, or that the hazard of the main chance made them more hardy and take the better heart: surely even in plain field, they held the Romans play and put them to great fear. Fabius seeing the enemies no way to recoil and give ground, commanded M. Flavius and M. Valerius, two Colonels, with whom he had set forward and advanced into the forefront, to go to the horsemen, and to exhort them, If ever they remembered and called to mind, that the Commonwealth had been helped by the valour of thegentlemen on horseback, they should that day endeavour to make invincible and eternal, the glory of that degree and order of cavalry. For seeing that the enemies stood unmovable against the Infantry, there was no other hope but in the force of horsemen: and herewith all he called upon those two young Gentlemen, and plied both the one and the other with like courtesy, one while praising them, another while loading them with fair and large promises. But when as the assay of that force likewise, prevailed not, thinking where strength would take no place, there craft was to be tried and practised, he caused Scipio his Lieutenant, to withdraw out of the medley, the javelineirs of the first legion, and as closely as he could to fetch about with them, toward the next hills: and then, to march up the hill some way from the fight of the enemies; and after he had gained the top, all of a sudden to show himself behind, and charge upon the enemy's backs, whiles their faces were turned another way. Now the horsemen, by the direction of those two Colonels, being ridden of a sudden before the standards, troubled their own fellows almost as much as the enemies. For against these troops and cornets of horse that thus violently put forward, the Samnites battle stood unmovable, and on no part could either be forced to recoil, or to break their array. The horsemen when they saw this attempt to take no effect, retired themselves behind the ensigns, and departed out of the battle. Hereupon took the enemies more heart unto them; neither had the vanguard of the Romans been able to abide so long a conflict, and the violence of the enemies still increasing, upon their own confidence, but that the second ranges in the middle ward, by the Consul his commandment, came forward into the front of the vaward. Where they with their fresh strength, stayed the Samnites, being now ready to enter forceably upon them, and to gain the ground: and withal, at the time appointed, the ensigns showed themselves from the hills, and came down unwares to the enemies; and setting up a shout, not only daunted the hearts of the Samnites [but also encouraged the Romans.] For both Fabius cried aloud, that his Colleague Decius approached, and every soldier for his part, what he might, with joyful and cheerful hearts, iterated, that the other Consul was come, and the legions were at hand. Which error and mistaking, as it turned to the good of the Romans, so it caused the Samnites to fly, and to be surprised with a fright, fearing and doubting nothing so much, as that being now overtoiled and wearied, they should be overcharged also with fresh and lusty forces. And for that in their running every way, they were scattered asunder, there was less slaughter than for the preparation of so great a victory. For 3400 only were slain, & of prisoners were taken, wellnear three hundred and thirty: and three and twenty banners and ensigns won and carried away. The Apulians had joined with the Samnites before the battle, but that P. Decius the Consul encamped against them at Maleventum, and having drawn them forth to fight, discomfited them. Where also there were more that fled, than died upon the sword: for not above 2000 Apulians were slain. And Decius making no reckoning of that enemy, conducted his legions into Samnium. Where, two Consular hosts, having overrun the country in divers parts, within five months space laid all waist and desolate. Five and forty places there were in Samnium, where Decius had encamped: and eighty six, wherein the other Consul had pitched. In which, they left behind them not only the marks of stakes, rampires, and ditches, but also many other more notable signs and tokens of the country wasted all about, and utterly spoiled by them. Fabius besides, won the city Cimetra. Where there were taken prisoners two thousand and four hundred armed soldiers, and slain there were in fight upon 430.  
From thence he went to Rome against the Election of new Consuls; and made all the hast he could to dispatch that business. And when as all the Centuries first called forth to give their suffrages, named Q. Fabius for the Consul; then Appius Claudius a Consular man, and one of the Competitors, a grim sir, and ambitious by nature, laboured no more for his own honour and advancement, than to recover again unto the Patruij, both the rooms of the Consulship, and employed as well his own devoir, as also all the means & assistance of the Patruij and Nobility, to have himself chosen Consul with Q. Fabius. As for Fabius, at the first, spoke and alleged in his own behalf, the same reasons in manner which he had used the former year, and refused to be Consul. The whole body of the Nobility stood about his seat, praying instantly, and entreating him to pluck the Consulship out of the mire and base degree of these Commons, and to restore the ancient majesty both to the Magistracy itself, and also to the Patruij and their houses and families. Fabius after silence made, framed a middle and moderate kind of speech, whereby he appeased and allayed their hot affection, promising and assuring them, that he would willingly accept the names of two of the Nobility, if he might see, that they would create any other Consul but himself: for at this present Election, he would in no wise admit himself, to be eligible and nominated Consul, and give so bad a precedent to prejudice all course of law, for the time to come. So L. Volumnius, out of the body of the Commons, was created Consul with App. Claudius, who likewise in the former Consulship had been matched Colleagues together. The Nobility used to object unto Fabius, and reproached him, that he avoided App. Claudius to be his companion in government, who for eloquence & other civil parts was no doubt a singular and excellent man. When the Election was ended, the old Consuls were commanded to war in S●mnium, having their government continued, and their commission renewed for six months. And so in the year following likewise, when L. Volumnius and Appius Claudius were Consuls, P. Decius, who being Consul, had been left behind his Colleague in Samnium, ceased not now in quality and name of Proconsul, to waste the country; until at length, when the Samnites would in no place abide battle, they were by him chased out of their own borders and limits. And thus driven out of the field, and excluded out of their own country, they went into Hetruria. Where, supposing that with so huge a multitude of armed men, they should do that more effectually with entreaty and prayers, mingled with threats among, which by so many Embassages they had so oft attempted in vain; they called for a Diet and general Counsel of the States and Princes of Hetrutia. Which being assembled, they declared and showed, for how many years space they had maintained war with the Romans in the right of their freedom; that they had assayed all means, if haply they might have been able by their own puissance alone, to sustain and support the weight of so huge and important a war; that they had besides made proof of the aides of other neighbour nations, but to little effect; that they had sought for peace of the people of Rome, when they were not able to wage war any longer: and because peace was more grievous unto them with that subjection, than war with their liberty, they had rebelled and made war again: and now their only hope they had, remained in the Tuscans; knowing well enough, that for men, munition, and money, they were the mightiest nation of all Italy; as having to their neighbours the Gauls, a people borne and bred up in armour and war; by natural disposition fierce & cruel, but especially in any quarrel against the people of Rome: of whom they do (and not untruly report) that they were by them vanquished and constrained to ransom themselves for gold. Now, if the Tuscans were of that heart and courage, as Porsi●● sometimes, and other their noble progenitors were; there were no doubt, but that they might dis●●ize the Romans, and dispossess them of all the ground on this side Tiber, and make them fight for the defence and preservation of their lives, and not for the intolerable signory and dominion of Italy. They said moreover, that there was now come unto them an army of Samnites, well appointed and furnished with armour, and stored with pay and money, who would follow them forthwith, even to the assault of the city of Rome, if they would lead them.  
Whiles they were thus braving, and gloriously boasting themselves, and preparing of war in Tuscan, the Romans war at their own doors, laysore upon them, and stung them at the heart. For P. Decius having learned by the espials, that the Samnites army was gone forth, and had taken their voyage, assembled a counsel and said, What mean we thus to range over the sields, warring from village to village? And not rather assail the walled towns and strong cities? There is no army now, that defendeth Samnium: gone they are out of their confines, and wrought their own exile and banishment. When they all had allowed of this motion, he led forth his power to assault the strong city Murgantia. And so hotly were the soldiers set, both for the love they bore to their captain, and also for hope of winning a richer pillage thereby, than by driving booties out of the country, that in one day by fine force of arms they won the town. Where two thousand and one hundred Samnites, fight men, either fell upon the edge of the sword, or were taken prisoners, with a great & rich booty besides. But for fear that it should surcharge and encumber the army with heavy carriages, Decius caused his soldiers to be called together unto an audience, and thus to them he said. And will ye stand contented indeed with this victory only, and this prey? Or will ye build your hope still, answerable to your prowess and valour? All the cities of the Samnites, all the substance and riches that lieth and remaineth in their cities are yours; for as much as ye have in so many battles vanquished their legions, and at last driven them out of their own country. Sell these prizes, and with hope of gain draw after you chapmen and merchants to follow the army. I will from time to time still help you to wares and commodities for to sell. Let us go from hence straight to the city Romulea, where your toil shall not be so great, but the spoil far greater. So when they had made sale of their pillage, and willingly of themselves called upon and exhorted their captain to that expedition, to Romulea they go. Where likewise, without mure and platform, without warlike engines of battery, so soon as they advanced their ensigns, and approached the walls, they could by no violence be driven from thence, but set up ladders in all haste, at the next place that every man could find, and so scaled up the walls. Thus the town was won and ransacked. To the number of 2300 were slain, & 6000 taken prisoners. The soldiers having gotten an exceeding booty, were forced to sell it, and make all away, as before: and from thence without any rest at all given unto them were they led to Ferentinum, yet they marched thither with exceeding courage and cheerfulness. Howbeit, there they found more difficult & perilous service: for the walls were with all forcible means defended, & the place itself was both by man's hand, and natural situation, surely fenced: but yet the soldiers now being fleshed, & enured to spoil, overcame all difficulties. Three thousand men about the walls were slain: and the saccage fell to the soldiers share. The greatest part of the honour in assaulting & winning of these cities, is ascribed in some Chronicles to Fabius Maximus. For they write, that Murgantia was by Decius won, but Ferentinum & Romulea, by the conduct of Fabius. But some attribute the glory hereof unto the new Consuls. And there are, that give the glory not to both, but to the one of them, to wit, P. Volumnius, unto whom befell the Province of Samnium.  
Whiles these affairs thus went in Samnium (by whose leading and managing it skills not) in the mean time a mighty war was a preparing in Hetruria; and that, of many nations banded together: the principal author whereof was G●llius Egnatius a Samnit. The Tuskanes, in manner all, had taken arms and levied their forces, and the near society, caused also the people of Vmbria adjoining to take their part: besides, Gauls also were waged for money to aid: all which multitude assembled together, & met in the Samnites camp. The news of which sudden and unexpected tumult, being brought to Rome; for so much as P. Volumnius the Cos. with the second and third legions, & with 15000. confederates, was gone already into Samnium; it was thought good & determined, that Ap. Claudius with all speed possible, should go into Hetruria: and after him, two Roman legions followed, to wit, the first and fourth, with twelve thousand allies; who encamped not far from the enemy. But more good was done there, in respect that they came thither betimes, (to the end that the fear of the Roman name might keep in awe certain nations in Hetruria, which already intended war) than for any exploit performed either skilfully or luckily, under the conduct of the Consul. Many skirmishes there passed in places of disadvantage, and at times unconvenient; in so much, as the enemy took more heart, and conceived greater hope every day more than other: and now it grew well-near to this point, that neither soldier could well reckon of the sufficiency of Captain, nor Captain trust upon the loyalty of the soldier. In three several Annals I find, that Appius dispatched his letters to his fellow Consul, and sent for him out of Samnium: howbeit, I am loath to set this down, being so uncertain as it is; seeing that the very Consuls themselves of Rome, who now the second time were coupled together in one government, contested, and openly jarred about this point: whiles Appius denied flatly that he sent any script at all, and Volumnius again avouched, that he was sent for by Appius his letters. Volumnius by this time had won three Castles in Samnium, wherein were slain three thousand enemies, and almost half so many taken prisoners: and composed besides, the seditions and quarrels of the Lucanes, which arose from the commons and needy persons; and that, with the exceeding good contentment of the chief and principal personages of the country, by the means and mediation of Q. Fabius the Proconsul, who was thither sent with the old army. This done, he left Decius to waste and pill the country of the enemies, and himself with his forces marched toward his Colleague into Hetruria. Who at his first coming, was received generally with all the joy that might be. For mine own part, I suppose verily, that as Appius had good cause to carry an angry stomach with him, in case his conscience bore him witness, that he wrote not unto him▪ so again, if he had need of his Colleagues aid, he showed an illiberal, unkind, and unthankful nature of his own, in that he would so dissemble, and not be known thereof. For being come forth to meet him, before they had well greeted and saluted one another, How now, quoth he, o L. Volumnius, is all well? How goes the world in Samnium? What hath moved you to abandon and leave your own charge and province, and to depart? Volumnius made answer, that in Samnium all things went well and chieved prosperously, and that himself was now come, as sent for by his letters: which if they were counterfeit, and that there were no need of him in Hetruria, he would presently turn his ensigns, and be gone. Mary quoth he, & good leave have you: you may be gone when you will, & no man holdeth you: and ill beseeming it is, that you who peradventure are not able to wield and manage your own affairs of war, should glory thus, and make your boast that you are come hither to help others. Here at, Volumnius should reply again and say, It is well, and God send us good luck: I had rather lose my labour, than aught should have happened, whereby one Consul's army were not sufficient to deal with Hetruria. Now as the Consuls were parting asunder one from the other, the Lieutenants and Colonels of Appius his army, came and stood round about them both: some requested their own General, that the aid of his Colleague which ought to have been accepted by them if it had been required; now that it was offered so willingly, and of his own accord, should not be refused and rejected. But the more part encountered Volumnius, as he was ready to go his way, and earnestly besought him not for any froward contention, & debate with his companion, to betray the commonweal. For if any overthrow or misadventure should happen, the blame would be imputed rather to the forsaker, than the forsaken: and now things were come to this pass, that the honour or dishonour of the war in Hetruria, prove it well or ill, should fall upon L. Volumnius: for that no man would inquire of the words and language that Appius gave him, but of the fortune and success of the army: and albeit Appius had given him his farewell and passport, the weal public & the army held him still by the sleeve, and for proof hereof, let him but make trial of the soldiers hearts & affections. Thus with remonstrances, persuasions, and hearty prayers to the one Consul and the other, they drew them both, in manner against their wills, to parley in public audience before the whole army. Where they grew to longer speeches and discourses, but to the same purpose and effect, as before in the hearing and presence of a few. Now when Volumnius (as having the better cause) seemed to reply, and that with good grace and words enough, against that singular eloquence of his Colleague; and that Appius in frumping and taunting manner, gave out and said, That they were beholden to him, and might con him thank, that of a dumb and tongue-tied Consul, they had one now, that was so ready and eloquent: & who in his former Consulship, & specially in the first months, could not open his mouth, and speak a word, was now of a sudden become an Orator, and able to make plausible and popular Orations: then replied Volumnius and said, Would God, with all my hart, you rather had learned of me to fight valiantly, than I of you to speak finely: & in conclusion, he said, he would tender him an offer, which should determine and put out of all doubt, whether of them twain, were, not the better Lawyer and Orator (for at this present the commonweal stood not in need of such) but the better warrior & Captain general. Whereas therefore, there are ij. Provinces, Hetruria & Samnium, it shall be in your choice (quoth he) to take one of them, whether you will, and I myself will with my own army, make war in the other. Then began the soldiers to cry aloud unto them, that they would jointly enter both upon the Tuskane war. Which consent and accord of theirs, when Volumnius had perceived, For as much (quoth he) as I have once mistaken and misinterpreted the will of my Colleague, I will not in any case stand in doubt and be ignorant of your minds too: let me know therefore by a shout of yours, whether you would have me tarry or depart? Whereat they set up such a note, that it gave an alarm to the enemies, and raised them out of their camp; and presently they caught their weapons up, and came forth into the field. Volumnius likewise caused the trumpets to sound, and the standards and ensigns to be brought abroad. Then Appius (as it is reported) seeing plainly, that whether he fought or sat still, the victory would be ascribed to his Colleague, stood in a mammering and suspense for a while: but afterwards fearing, lest that his own legions also would follow Volumnius, gave likewise unto his men the signal of battle, which they so instantly called for. But neither they, nor the enemies were well arranged and in good order: for both the leader of the Samnites (Gellius Egnatius) was gone a foraging abroad, with some few cohorts and bands with him; whereupon the soldiers rather of their own head, than by conduct and direction of Captains, began to charge: and also the Roman armies were not both lead forth together, nor yet had time enough to be marshaled accordingly: for Volumnius first gave the charge, before that Appius could come to encounter the enemies: whereupon, the forefronts were not equally matched together: and as if some fortune had exchanged the enemies, that they were wont to fight with all; the Tuskanes presented themselves to Volumnius, and the Samnites who stayed awhile (for that their General was absent) affronted Appius. It is reported that Appius in the very heat of the medley, was seen in the front of the foremost ensigns, to lift up his hands to heaven, and pray in this wise, O Lady Bellona, if thou give us victory, and the honour of this day, then, be sure, I vow here unto thee at this hour, a fair Temple. When he had thus prayed, as if the goddess had put life unto him, and animated his courage, both himself matched the valour of his Colleague, and his army answered the virtue of their Commander. For he performed the devoir and part (indeed) of a brave General. The soldiers likewise, for fear that the other army should begin the victory, endeavoured and strained all that ever they could. Whereby, they disarrayed, discomfited, and put to flight the enemies, who could not easily abide any extraordinary force and violence, more than they were wont to meet withal. And so with pressing hard upon them still that recoiled, and chase them hotly that were scattered in flight, they beat them into their camp. There, by the coming in of Gellius and the Sabellian bands, the battle for the time was freshly renewed. But when they also, within a while were discomfited, then was the camp assaulted by the conquerors. Thus whiles Volumnius for his part entered with banner displayed unto the very gate, and Appius ever and anon, reiterated the name of Bellona the victress, and all, to set on fire and inflame the courage of his soldiers; there was neither trench nor rampire that could hold them back. So the camp was won and sacked, and a huge pillage therein found, which was given all to the soldiers. Seven thousand and three hundred enemies were slain, 2120 taken prisoners.  
During the time that both Consuls, and the whole puissance of the Romans, were thus bend and implied in the war within Tuscan; there were new forces raised in Samnium, to waste the marches of the Roman dominion: who taking their way through the Vestines, into Campania and the country of Faleria, drove huge prizes & booties away. And as Volumnius by great journeys returned into Samnium (for by this time Fabius & Decius were come to an end of their prorogued government) the bruit that was blown abroad of the Samnites army, & their forraying of the territory of Capua, turned him out of his way, to the defence of his allies and confederates. So soon as he was entered into the country Calenum, both he himself saw the fresh marks and tokens of great damage and desolation: and also the Calenians advertised him, that the enemies carried with them already so excessive a prey and booty, that they were scarceable for it to march in good order, and that their captains began openly to speak and say, that the best course they could take, was presently to retire into Samnium, there to leave their prizes and booties, & so to return afresh to their roads and make new expeditions; and not to commit an army, so laden and surcharged, to the fortune and hazard of a battle. Which words, albeit they sounded much to a truth, yet he thought it meet to look better into the matter, & to build upon a surer ground, and therefore he sent certain light horsemen, to intercept some foragers as they straggled and were scattered one from another in the sields. By whom he learned, after much questioning with them, that the enemies encamped by the river 
* Natarone; or Vulturno.  Vulturnus, and from thence at the 
* About midnight.  third watch, would set forward on their journey directly into Samnium. After he had sufficient intelligences and advertisements concerning these things, he dislodged and put himself upon his way and encamped so far from the enemies, as his approach by being too near could not be known, and yet he might be able to surprise them as they should issue in disorder out of their camp. So, a good while before day, he marched towards the enemy: and sent such as were well seen in the Osciane tongue, to listen and learn what they did. Who being intermingled with the enemies (which was an easy matter in that night garboil and confusion) they found that the ensigns were set forward, not sufficiently accompanied with armed men for defence; and that the whole pillage with the guard and convoy thereof, was now going forth, and marched carelessly, like a fort of vile and base lozel's, every man thinking of his own particulars and running on his own head, without consent of others, and with little or no direction and government. This was thought the meetest time to set upon them: and now it drew near day. Whereupon he commanded the trumpets to sound the charge, and set upon the march of the enemies. The Samnites, encumbered as they were, and pestered with their booty, and few of them here and there in armour, began, some of them to double their pace and to march faster away, and drive before them the booty: some stood still, and wist not whether they were better, to go on forward, or retire again into the camp. But whiles they thus trifled and stayed, they were environed and surprised by the Romans: and by this time they had gotten over their rampire: much killing there was, and confusion in the camp. The Samnites, as they marched, besides that they were troubled with the assault of their enemies, were also disquited with the sudden escape & revolt of their prisoners: who being some of them lose, loosed also those that were bound: whiles others of them, caught up their weapons which were fastened to the packs, and being confusedly intermeddled in the march, made a greater and more fearful garboil and havoc, than the very battle of the enemies. And more than that, they performed form one memorable and notable Act above the rest. For as Statius égnatius the General, went about the ranks and files encouraging the soldiers to fight, they set upon him, scattered the horsemen asunder, that accompanied him, environed him about, and took him as he sat on horseback, and haled him to the Roman Consul. Upon which tumult and stir, the foremost ensigns of the Samnites were called back, and the battle which in manner was done, now began afresh: yet could not they any long time resist and hold out. Slain there were about six thousand; two thousand & five hundred taken prisoners. Amongst whom, were 4 Colonels and 30 ensigns: and (that, wherein the victors took contentment) of captives, 7000 & 400 hundred were again recovered; with an exceeding great booty which they had gotten from their allies: whereunto, by proclamation were called, all that could lay anyclaime, or pretend a right, to seize upon their own goods, and to receive the same by a day appointed. And look what parcels could not be owned or challenged by the true owner, was given away to the soldiers: who were compelled to make sale thereof, to the end, that they should not set their heart upon any thing but war.  
This saccage of the territory of Capua, had raised great trouble and stir in Rome. And at the very same time also, it chanced, that there came news out of Hetruria, how that upon the withdrawing of Volumnius his forces out of those parts, all that country was up afresh in arms; that Gellius Egnatius the Samnite captain, and the Vmbrians likewise, were moved to revolt; and the Gauls also solicited with great sums of money. At this bruit the Senate being afraid, commanded an abstinence or vacation of term, and that all sorts of men should be mustered: and not only the free borne natural citizens, and the flower of the youth were priest and sworn, but certain 
* Cohort 〈…〉  companies also of the elder sort, yea and bands of Libertines newly enfranchised, were enrolled by the hundreds. Likewise they sat in Council about devising means for defence of the city: & P. Sempronius the Praetor, had the whole government of the State. But the Senate was partly cased and discharged of this care, by the letters of L. Volumnius the Cos. which gave intelligence that the forraiers of Campaine were diffeated, slain, and put to flight. Thereupon were decreed in favour of the Consul, for this exploit by him achieved, solemn processions, and the abstinence of term again was remitted, which had continued for eighteen days space: and the procession aforesaid, was tied joifully performed. Then began they to devise about garrisons for defence of the country, thus wasted and overrun by the Samnites. And agreed it was, that two Colonies should be sent, about the Vestine & Falerne costs, one to the mouth of the river Liris, which Colony was called 
* 〈◊〉  Minturnae, the other in the Vestine forest & straits, adjoining to the Fal●rne country; where Synope, a Greek town sometime stood, and afterwards was called by the Romans there inhabiting, 
* 〈…〉 Monte 〈◊〉.  Sinuessa. The Tribunes of the Com. had in charge to ordain by an Act of the common people, that P. Sempronius the Praetor should choose certain Triumvirs, about the sending and translating of inhabitants into those Colonies. But much ado they ●ad to find those that willingly yielded to be enrolled Coloners', supposing indeed, that they were sent thither, not to inhabit land and ground for their best behoof, but to lie in garrison, and to stand upon their guard in those frontiers, which were continually molested by warlike enemies. From the care of these affairs, the Senate was withdrawn, by occasion of the Tuscans war, whereof the rumour daily increased: and letters also came thick from Appius, who warned them not to neglect the rising of that country: which letters imported, that four nations had united their forces, and banded themselves together; to wit, Tuscan, Samnium, Vmbria, and the Gauls: that they were already encamped in two places, for that one was not able to receive so great a multitude. Upon these occasions, as also for that the time drew near of Election of Consuls, Lucius Volumnius the Consul was called home to Rome. Who before that he called the Centuries for to give their voices, having assembled the people to an audience, discoursed before them at large, concerning the greatness of the Tuscan war. How that afore time, when he himself and his brother Consul warred there together, it was of so great importance, that neither one leader, not yet one army was sufficient: and by report, the Vmbrians, & a mighty power of Gauls were afterward combined unto them. So that they should remember, that they were to choose that day two Coss. against four nations. As for himself, but that he was certainly persuaded and assured, that the people of Rome would with a general consent declare him Col. who at that time, without all controversy was counted the principal captain and best leader of all others, he would forthwith nominate a Dictator. No man doubted, but that Q. Fabius was the man, who by the assent of all, was meant & destined to this charge: and him, together with Volumnius, both the prerogative tribe, & all those that were called first, every one, nominated to be Coss. Fabius made a speech by way of excuse, in substance, like as he had done before, two years together: but afterwards seeing he was overcome with the general agreement of the people, he framed it so in the end, that he required P. Decius to be his colleague: Alleging, that he would be in steed of a good prop & stay to him in his old age: how he had found by experience in one Censorship & two Consulships, born jointly together with him, that there was no surety & defence of the Commonweal, to the concord and agreement of those that are companions in government. And to any other new Colleague besides him, hardly could an old man's mind sort & frame. Also that he would and could more easily impart his mind & purpose to one, whose humour, condition, and behaviour, he had been already acquainted with. The Cos. himself confirmed his Oration, and accorded thereunto; as well, in regard of the commendable parts and deserts of P. Decius, as also of the good that proceeded and ensued upon the managing of war-affaires, by the concord and unity of the Consuls; and of the hurt which happened and followed upon their disagreement and dissension; and therewith he showed how near they were of late to utter peril and destruction, through quarrels between him and his brother Appius; admonishing Decius and Fabius both, to live so, as with one mind and heart they affected and intended the same things. He added moreover and said, they were men of Action both, borne for war and to be soldiers; for martial feats renowned already: but for to maintain contentions of words and quarrels of the tongue, altogether rude and unskilful, and such natures, (said he) were fittest to make Consuls. As for nimble heads and sine wits, deeply seen in points and quirckes of law, full of their eloquent terms, such as Ap. Claudius was; those were meet to be made Lord Precedents of the city and chief justices in the common place, for to sit in judgement of causes, and see the execution of laws. Thus in handling of these matters was that day spent. The morrow after, according to the Consul's appointment, was the Election held, both of new Consuls, and also of Praetors. Q. Fabius and P. Decius were created Consuls, and App. Claudius' praetor, all absent. And L. Volumnius by Act of the Senate, and grant of the Commons, had his government prorogued, and continued in his charge one year longer.  
The same year were many strange sights and prodigious monsters seen: for the turning away of the dangers foresignified and menaced thereby, the Senate decreed supplications and Litanies for two days together. Wine and incense for the sacrifices, was allowed at the public charges of the city, and in procession went both men and women in great number, with much reverence, to visit the holy shrines, and there to do their devotions. These solemn supplications were more renowned and memorable, by reason of a contention that arose among the dames of the city, in the chapel of Lady Pudicitia Patritia, which standeth in the beast-market, by the round church of Hercules. The noblemen's wives would not admit into that chapel Virginia the daughter of Aulus, who, notwithstanding she was nobly descended from the race of the Patruij, yet had espoused Volumnius the Consul, a Commoner, and was married (forsooth) out of the family and range of the Patruij. Whereupon, there began some short and cutted shrewd words to be dealt between: and so (as women commonly are soon angry and set on fire) they grew to heartburning and hot contention. Whiles Virginia alleged and said, that she being a gentlewoman and Patritia borne, and a chaste and honest dame, was enteted into the chapel of Patrician Chastity: over and besides, she had not been noted for Bigamy; but was the wife of one only husband, unto whom she was given and brought a pure maiden: and as for her husband, and his dignities which he had borne, his noble acts that he had achieved, she had no cause to complain, or be ashamed, nay rather she gloried therein right greatly. After this, she accumulated these magnificent & glorious words, with as generous and brave a deed. For in the long street where she dwelled, she set by and cut off a part of her dwelling house, as much as would serve for an Oratotie or petty chapel, and there erected an altar. And when she had assembled the wives of the Commoners together, and had complained of the injurious dealing of the Patrician dames, This altar (quoth she) do I dedicate unto Pudicitia Plebeia: and all you here I exhort, that with what emulation, the men our husbands, in this city contend about feats of valour and arms, who may do best; so likewise the Matrons and wives strive a-vie in continence and chastity; and that ye will labour and endeavour, that this altar may have the name to be frequented, and resorted unto, with more reverence and devotion, yea and if (it be possible) of more chaste women, than that other of the Nobility. And so it fell out indeed, that from that time, this altar also had the same rites (in a manner) and ceremonies as the other, which was more ancient: in such sort, as no wise, but of approved honesty and chastity, and wedded but to one husband during her life, might be allowed there to sacrifice and offer oblations. But this religious order and institution, in lapse and process of time was profaned afterwards and divulged, and the altar frequented by them that were stained and infamous, and not only by matrons of name and quality, but also by women of all sorts and degrees, until at last through disuse it grew to be utterly forgotten, and came to nothing.  
The same year the Aediles Curule, Cn. and Q. Ogulius accused certain Usurers, who were convicted, and their goods forfeit and confiscate. And of that which came into the common chest, they caused to be made a brazen portaile in the Capitol, and silver vessels for to furnish out three tables in jupiter his chapel: also the image of jupiter himself in the lantern or frontispiece of the Capitol, sitting in his chariot drawn with four steeds. Moreover, at the figtree Ruminalis, they erected and set up the images of the foundling babes, the first founders of the city, pendant at the teats of a she wolf. They paved also with square stone, the causey and high way from the gate Capena, unto the temple of Mars. The Aediles likewise Commoners, L. Aelius Paetus, & C. Fulvius Curvus, of the forfeited money which they levied of the graziers or farmers of the city pastures, who were condemned and fined, exhibited certain pageants and plays, and set up golden bowls in the temple of Ceres.  
After this, Q. Fabius the fifth time Consul, and P. Decius the fourth, entered their government, who now had been companions together in three Consulates, and in one Censorship, men renowned, not more for the honour of their noble exploits in war, which was right great, than for their loving agreement and concord. Which unity of theirs was not perpetual to the end; by occasion, I suppose, of the contention of the States that came between, rather than of any difference betwixt themselves. For the Patruij laboured, that Fabius should have the province of Tuscan extraordinarily: and the Commons were as earnest with Decius to put the matter to a Lottery. Certain it is, that a great contention there was in the Senate. But afterwards, seeing that Fabius was able there to do more and make a greater side than his Colleague, the matter was brought again before the people. 
Debate 〈…〉.  In which assembly, few words passed between the parties themselves, being martial men both, standing more upon deeds than words. Fabius gave out and said, that it was an indignity, that another should gather fruit under the tree that he had planted. Also, that himself was the man, who had opened the way through the wood Ciminia, and had given entrance and passage for the Roman war, through desert and wild forests. What meant they then to trouble him, a man of those years, with this place of charge, in case, they minded to give the conduct of this war to any other General but himself? No doubt, but by little and little he upbraided them covertly and cast in their teeth, for choosing unto him an adversary, and not a companion in government: yea, and charged Decius, that he repented and envied the good concord, wherein they had lived together, during the time of three Magistracies already. Finally, he aimed and reached at no farther matter than this, but if so be, they thought him worthy of the province, thither to send him. For as he had been at the appointment & pleasure of the Senate, so would he be at the ordering and direction of the people. On the other side, P. Decius complained of the injury offered by the Senate: for that the Nobles had endeavoured to their power, and done their best, that no Commons might have access to honourable places and dignities: and after that prowess and valour had gotten the upperhand, and prevailed so, as even in those kind of men virtue wanted not her due reward and honour; there were means sought, that not only the voices of the people were deluded and made vain, but also the very awards and arbitrements of fortune, were transferred to the wills and pleasures of some few. All Consuls before him had their provinces by lot: and now the Senate by their absolute authority, without casting lots, gave unto Fabius the charge of his province. If it be (saith he) to honour the man: verily, he hath so well deserved both of myself and of the Commonwealth, that I favour highly and tender the glory of Q. Fabius; provided always, that it get not a shining lustre, by a foil of my disgrace and dishonour. And who will ever doubt, where there is one difficult and dangerous war, and the same precisely and absolutely charged upon one Consul, without ordinary and lawful calling: but that the other Consul standeth for a cipher, and is reputed either needless, or good for nothing? As for Fabius, like as he gloried in his service and noble Acts achieved in Tuscan, even so would Publius Decius also full sane do the semblable: and peradventure, he should be able to put out and quench that fire once for all, which Fabius left behind him, so covered and raked up, as that oftentimes it suddenly broke out again, and yielded forth new flames and blazes. In conclusion, he could be content to yield the titles of honour and all rewards of virtue unto his Colleague, in the reverend regard of his old age, and majesty of his person: but for any hazard or jeopardy that might be presented unto them, he neither at this time gave place, nor ever would (with his good will) to him or any man else whatsoever: and if he got no other good by this contention, yet would he obtain thus much at the least, that the people should hold their own, and dispose of that absolutely at their discretion, which was in their power; rather than permit the Nobles to gratify any one therewith attheir pleasure. And herewith he prayed jup. Opt. Max. and all the immortal gods, that even as they vouchsafed to bestow upon him and his Colleague equal valour and happiness in the conduct of their war, so they would afford them one and the same right in authority and rule. For certes, it was in nature meet and reason, for example good and profitable, and for the credit and fame of the people of Rome much material, that such should be Consuls, as by either of their guidance and conduct, without exceptions, the war with the Tuskanes might be administered, as it ought to be. Fabius then, having besought the people nought else, but that before the Tribes were called in to give their suffrages, they would hear the letters of Ap. Claudius' Praetor red, which were brought out of Tuskane, departed out of the assembly. So the Province of Tuskane, without casting lots, was awarded unto Fabius, with no less consent of the people, than of the Senate. Hereupon, all the younger sort (in manner) ran unto the Consul, and offered their service of themselves, and gave their names to be enroled, so desirous were they to serve under that Captain. Which multitude being thus flocked about him round; Four thousand footmen, quoth he, and six hundred horse, and no more, am I minded to take up and levy. As many therefore, as to day and to morrow, will present themselves and give their names, will I accept of, and take with me: more care have I to bring you all home rich and wealthy, than to have numbers of soldiers to fight my battles. Thus went he forth with a competent army well appointed, and so much more confident, & in hope of good success, by how much less he stood upon the great number; and directed his journey to the town Aharna, where Appius the Praetor encamped, & from whence the enemy was not far distant. A few miles on this side, the fevillers or woodpurveiors, accompanied with a good guard of soldiers for their convoy, met him: who seeing the sergeants going before, & understanding that it was Fabius the Consul, with joy & cheerful hearts, thanked God & the people of Rome, for sending unto them such a General. After this, when they came all about the Consul to salute and welcome him, Fabius demanded whether they went? who answered, To purvey wood and fuel. Say ye so? (quoth he) and have ye not your camp empaled and fortified? Yes, cried they all, and that with a double rampire and ditch, but yet are we in exceeding fear. Then quoth he, ye have wood and timber enough. Go ye back again, & down with the trench & palisade. Who returned into the camp, and as they were plucking up the rampire, they gave the alarm both to the soldiers that tarried behind in the camp, and to Appius himself, and made ●hem afraid. Then every man said, to one or other as they came, that it was by the express commandment of Q. Fabius the Consul that they did so. The morrow after they removed the camp, and Appius the Praetor was dismissed and sent away to Rome. After which time, the Romans abode no where in standing camp: for he said, it was not good & commodious for an army to make abode in any one place; but that it was better and more wholesome both for the agility and health of their bodies, to have a running camp, to be ever marching, and changing the air and the soil. But their journeys were no other, than the winter would permit, which was not yet past.  
In the beginning of the Spring, Fabius having left the second legion at Clusium, which in old time was called Camars', and appointed L. Scipio Propretor to be governor of the camp, he returned himself to Rome for to consult about the war: were it of his own accord & motife, because it appeared evidently in view of eye much greater than it was reputed before; or that he was sent for by order from the Senate: for there be writers that affirm both the one and the other. Some would have it thought, that he was called back again by Appius Claudius' Praetor, who both at the Counsel table in the Senate house, and also before the body of the people (like as he had continually done by letters) enforced the fear and terror of the Tuskanewarre, laying, that one General and one army, were not sufficient to make head against four nations: that it would be dangerous and doubtful, whether they jointly in one mass gave battle unto one, or maintained war apart in divers quarters: that one man was not able to perform and manage all at once. As for himself, he had left behind him two Roman legions and no more, and with Fabius there were come not full five thousand in all, of horse and foot together. His opinion therefore was, that with all speed, P. Decius the Consul, should go to his Colleague into Tuscan, and L. Volumnius have the charge of Samnium in the mean time. But in case the Consul had rather go into his own province, than he advised, that Volumnius took his way directly, with a full and complete Consular army into Tuscan, to the Consul. When this discourse of the Praetor, had moved a great partof the house, than P. Decius spoke (by report) to this effect; That all should be left entire and free to the disposition of Q. Fabius, until such time as either himself in person (if it might stand with the weal public) were come to Rome, or sent one of his Lieutenants, by whom the Senate might be informed, and truly understand, the poised and importance of the war in Tuscan; what forces were requisite, and how many leaders and captains were expedient and needful. Fabius, so soon as he was returned to Rome, both in the Senate house, and also in the audience of the people, held a middle course in all his speech; that he might seem neither to increase, nor yet to diminish the rumour of the war: and in assuming to himself another Captain, he pretended, that he condescended thereunto, in regard of other men's fear, more than for his own safety, or for any danger that the State was like to incur. Howbeit, if they would allow him a coadjutor and companion in war, how might he forget P. Decius the Consul? of whom he had so good proof and experience in so many Magistracies, which they had borne and administered together. Of all men in the world he loved none better, and would make choice of no one sooner: and having P. Decius with him, he would never think his forces too few about him, nor his enemies too many before him. But if peradventure the mind and heart of his Colleague stood otherwise, his request was, that they would give him L. Volumnius to be his assistant. The determination of all was referred over to Fabius: both by the people and Senate, and also by the Consul himself. And when as Decius showed & testified, that he was ready to take a journey either into Samnium or Tuscan, there followed such a joy and gratulation of all men, as if they had conceived in their spirit a victory aforehand, and even now, had decreed for the Consuls, not a doubtful war, but a glorious triumph. I find in some writers, that Fabius & Decius, presently upon the entrance into their Magistracy, went into Tuscan, without any mention of casting lots for their charges and provinces, or of the contention between the two Colleagues, which I have set down. There be some again, who having laid abroad these debates, stayed not there, but over and besides have added a surcrease of matter, touching the invectives of Appius before the people, against Fabius in his absence; as also the obstinate stubbornness of him being Praetor, against the Consul, to his very face: moreover, another contention and variance between the two Consuls; whiles Decius endeavoured to bring about, and was instant that each one should keep him to his own Province allotted unto him, and hold it. But all writers agree in the course of the history, from the time that both Consuls went out to war, and so forward.  
But before that the Consuls arrived in Tuscan, certain Gauls called Senones, came with a great power before Clusium, ready to give assault unto the Roman legion and the camp. But Scipio, who was left Governor thereof, thinking it necessary to help out the small number of his men, by advantage, of the ground, led his army up to the hill between the town and the camp. But (as it falleth out in such sudden cases) he had not discovered aforehand the ways and avenues all about; but inconsiderately went forward, and engaged himself up to the top and pitch of the hill, which the enemy was master of already, by another side. Thus was the legion assailed on the back, & beaten down, and thus was it enclosed and environed round, by a multitude of enemies, and put to the sword. Some writers there be who report, that the whole legion perished there, so as not one escaped alive to carry tidings. Also, that the Consuls who now were not far from Clusium, had no news brought them of this overthrow, before the horsemen of the Gauls were in fight; who carrying the heads of them that were slain, some hanging before at their horse poitrels, other sticking aloft upon their lances, braved and triumphed, singing and chanting songs of joy, after their manner. Some write they were the umbri and not the Gauls, and that the defeature and massacre was not so great: also that when the foragers for the camp under the leading of L. Manlius Terquattis a lieutenant, were compassed about by the enemy; then Scipio the Pro-pretor came forth of the camp to succour and rescue them, and that the Vmbrianes who first had the better, afterwards when the battle was renewed, suffered the foil and were overcome, and that as well their prisoners as their booty was taken from them. But more probable it is, that this overthrow was given by the Gauls, than the Vmbrians; for that as divers times afore, so that year especially the city was frighted with the tumults and risings of the Gauls. Upon this defeature, over and besides, that both the Consuls were gone to war with four legions, and a great power of cavalry of natural Romans and a thousand horsemen of Capua, chosen out of purpose for that war, and sent unto them, with a greater power also of allies, andof Latines than of Romans; there were two other armies not far from the city of Rome, opposed to frontier & make head against Tuscan: the one in the Faliscian territory, the other in the Vatican. Cn. Fulvius & L. Posthumius Megillus, both Propretors, were commanded to keep a standing camp in those parts. But the Consuls by this time, having passed over the mountain Apenninus, were come to the enemies within the country of the Sentinats. And there about four miles off, they sat them down and encamped. Then the enemies, after much consultation, resolved in the end upon this point; not to be intermingled all in one camp, nor come into the field and hazard all their forces at once in one battle: but that the Gauls should take the Samnites unto them, and the Vmbrians join with the Tuscans. The day of the battle was appointed. The Gauls and Samnites had the charge to maintain the fight: and in the time of battle the Tuscans and Vmbrians were commanded to assault the camp of the Romans. But these their designs and purposes were altered by reason of three Clusine fugitive traitors, who by night stale away privily unto the Consul Fabius, & disclosed the intents and enterprise of the enemies: who were sent away with rich rewards, to the end that every hour, upon new plots and devises that should be determined by the enemies, they would give them an ynkling and certain intelligence. The Consuls write unto Fulvius & Posthumius, that the one should advance & come forward with his army, out of the Faliscane country; and the other out of the Vatican directly unto Clusium: and that with all their forces, they should overrun and destroy the enemy's country. The rumour of these roads and invasions, caused the Tuscans to remove out of the Sentinate territory, to the defence of their own frontiers. Hereupon the Consuls made speed to strike a battle in their absence. And for two days space they skirmished continually with the enemy, and chalengedhim to the field: but for those two days, no worthy deed of importance was achieved. A few on both sides were slain, and hereby were their courages rather provoked, & their stomachs whet to a full set battle than any trial or hazard made of the main chance. Upon the third day into plain field they come with all their power. When both armies stood ranged in battle array, there fortuned a Hind to be chased out of the mountains, & to run away before a Wolf, even through the mids of the plains between both armies: then, parted both these wild beasts asunder, the Hind took her way to the Gauls, and the Wolf his course to the Romans. The wolf had way given him through all the ranks & files: but the hind was killed among the Gauls. Then a Roman soldior, one of the forefront, who was to fight before the ensigns: There will the flight, (qd. he) there will the slaughter be, where you see the beast sacred and dedicated to Diana lie dead: but here on this part, the martial wolf, consecrated to Mars, having with victory gone clear away safe and unwounded, hath put us in mind of our martial nation and of our first founder, the son of Mars. The Gauls put themselves in the right wing, the Samnites in the left. Against the Samnites, Fabius marshaled the first and third Legions, in the right point: and Decius, the fifth and sixth in the left, affront the Gauls. For the second & fourth served in Samnium under L. Volumnius Proconsull. At the first shock and encounter, the battle was so indifferently fought, and with so equal force, that if the Tuscans and Vmbrians had either showed themselves in the field, or assailed the camp, the loss and overthrow must needs have light in either place, where as they had bend their forces. Howbeit, although hitherto the conflict of battle went equal and indifferent, and that as yet fortune had not determined, which way she would incline and give the victory; yet they fought not alike, in the right and left wings. For the Romans under the conduct of Fabius, rather warded the enemy warily, and stood upon their guard, than offered to charge lustily: so as they maintained fight, & drew it at length until it was very late in the evening, because the captain was informed and persuaded of the Samnites and Gauls both, that being as they were in the first skirmish very hot and furious, it was sufficient to keep off at length, & at staff's end. As for the Samnites, their courages would abate & fall, by any long conflict: and the bodies of the Gauls, (who of all other can lest away with travail, & heat especially) would turn all to sweat, and melt away: who at the beginning, fight more fiercely than men, but in the end more faintly than women. Against that time therefore, when the enemy used to fail & give over, Fabius had kept his soldiers in breath, & reserved their strength fresh and lusty. But Decius, being very eager and hot by reason of his youth and courage of heart, laid on lustily at the first, and spent upon the enemies all the force and vigour he had: and for that the Infantry seemed to fight but coldly, he set the cavalry a work: and himself personally in the thickest throng and troop of most valiantand hardy knights, exhorted & besought the foremost gallants of those lusty youths, to join with him, and to charge upon the enemy: saying, that they should carry away a double honour, if by the means of the men of arms, the victory began at the left wing. Twice they forced the Gauls horsemen to turn side and back: but when as they were engaged farther within, and were now fight hard pellmell among the squadrons of the horsemen, they beheld a new and strange kind of fight, which troubled & terrified them. For the enemies standing all armed upon chariots and wagons, with a great noise of their steeds, & rumbling of the wheels ran full upon them, and mightily affrighted the horses of the Romans, which had not been acquainted with such uncouth and strange dines. So the horsemen who had the upper hand before, and were at point of victory, were now with a foul fear discomfited & scattered, as if the hideous furies of hell, and the devil himself had been amongst them. Whereupon they fled suddenly, & not looking before them were overthrown both men and horse. By this occasion, the ensigns of footmen were distressed and disordered; and many of those that were ranged in the front before the ensigns, whereby force of horse & wagons, driven cross through the battaillons, trodden under foot, and their guts squashed out. Here with all the battaillons of the Gauls footmen, seeing their enemies thus scared, followed on apace, & gave them no time of breathing. Decius cried out aloud to his men, Whether she ye? Or what hope have ye to save yourselves by flight? Decius opposed himself against them that recoiled and fled: Decius rallied those that were disbanded and scattered: but seeing that by no force or means he could stay them, thus amazed and astonished as they were; he called upon his father P. Decius by name, and said; Why do I stay any longer the fatal death that is destined to my house and name? It is given to our race and family, to be sacrificed in am of propitiatory sacrifices, for to assoil and save the publike-weale from dangers menaced & threatened unto it. Even now therefore, will I offer the legions of the enemies to be sacrificed with myself to Dame Tellus and other infernal gods. When he had spoken these words, he commanded M. Livius the high priest (whom as he marched into the field, he straightly had charged not to depart from him) for to pronounce and say that form of words, whereby he should devow, offer, and betake himself to death, together with the legions of the enemies, for to save the army of the Quirites & people of Rome. Which when he had done by the same form of prayer, and in the same habit wherein his father P. Decius at the river Veseris, in the war against the Latins, caused himself to be offered to death: and besides these solemn prayers, added moreover these words: That he drove before him, Fright, flight, murder, massacre, bloodshed, ire and wrath of gods in heaven, & fiends in hell; and that he would with deadly maledictions and execrable curses smite the ensigns, weapons, and armours of his enemies; and that one & the same place, should give both himself, and also the Gauls & Samnites together with him, plague, perdition, and destruction. After these cursed, horrible, and detestable speeches against his own person and his enemies; look where he saw the thickest ranks of the Gauls, thither he spurred his horse, and road in amongst them: where amids the pikes, javelins, and swords, he was presently slain. Then could it hardly be seen, that the battle was any longer fought by power and help of man. The Romans so soon as they had lost their captain, (which at all other times is wont to smite a terror into them) stayed their flight, and were willing and contented to renew the battle afresh. The Gauls, and especially that troop which stood about the Cos. his body, fared as though they had been out of their wits, flung their darts from them (I know not how) to no purpose, & in vain: some of them stood still, as it were benumbed, forgetting both to run away, and to fight still. But on the other side, the high priest Livius, with whom Decius had left the sergeant, & whom before his death he nominated and ordained to be Propretor, cried out, as loud as he could, that the had the victory, and by the death of the Consul, were acquit and excused from all other fatal danger: but as for the Gauls and the Samnites, they were destined and forfeited (as it were) to mother Tellus and the infernal spirits. And now Decius (quoth he) haileth after him, and calleth to follow him, the army that with him was devowed, cursed, and offered: now all the enemies are full of furies and fearful fright. Then, as these aforesaid began the m●dley again, behold there came unto them, Cornelius Scipio, and C. Martius with a supply of succours from the rearward: who by commandment of Q. Fabius the Consul, were sent to aid and rescue his Colleague. Where they heard of the worthy end of P. Decius, a noble example to encourage them to adventure all hazards in the service of their country and Commonweal. Therefore, when as the Gauls stood close and thick together, opposing their targuets before them, ranged & joined one over another featherwise, so, as to deal with them affront, and to cope together at hand strokes, was thought a difficult and dangerous matter; then, by the commandment of those two Lieutenants, the darts and lances which lay strewed upon the ground, between the two armies, were gathered up, and flung against the pavoisade or tortuse-fense of the enemies targets abovesaid. And by reason that these javelins and spears light and stuck fast, some in their targets, and some in their very bodies, it happened, that their knot was broken, and the battaillon (asmassive and close as it was) disbanded, in such sort, as many of them, notwithstanding their bodies were untouched and unhurt, fell down astonished one upon another. Lo how fortune altered the case, & changed all in the left wing of the Romans. But in the right, Fabius (as is before said) at the first, lingered and drew on the day: but afterwards, when as he perceived, that neither the enemies shouts, nor their manner of giving charge, ne yet the darts and javelins which they lanced, had the same vigour and force, as before; he commanded the captains of the horsemen to wheel about with their cornets, and to flank the Samnites, that upon a signal given, they might charge them overthwart with all the violence they could, whiles his own legionary footmen by little and little advanced forward, and broke the rank, and disordered the enemy. When he saw once, no resistance made, and that without all doubt, they were wearied and out of breath; then he gathered together all his subsidiary companies of the rearguard, which he had reserved until that time and business, fresh and in heart; and at once, both set forward the Legions, and gave the horsemen also a signal to set upon the enemies. But the Samnites could not endure this violent charge, but ran as fast as ever they could to recover the camp fast by the battaillon of the Gauls, leaving their fellows behind them in fight, to pay the reckoning. The Gauls having likewise made a target-fense, stood thick and close together under it. Then Fabius advertised of the death of his brother Consul, commanded a wing or corner, to the number almost of 500 horsemen of Capua, to withdraw themselves out of the medley, to cast about and to play upon the backs of the Gauls: after whom, be caused the Principes of the third Legion to follow; and wheresoever they espied the ranks of the enemies by force of horsemen disordered and broken, there, to second them, and press on still, and kill them whiles they were in disarray, and afraid. Himself vowed a temple to jupiter Vi●tor, together with the spoils of his enemies. Which done, he advanced straight forward to the camp of the Samnites. Thither all the multitude of them were driven in great fright and disarray. And for that the gates were not able to receive so great a multitude, crowding together, they that were kept out, and could not get in, by reason of the throng of their fellows, began again to fight under the rampire. Where Gellius Egnatius, the General of the Samnites was strucken down and slain: after this, the Samnites beaten within their rampire, were killed every one, & their camp after small resistance won. The Gauls behind their back were environned and cut in pieces. That day were slain of enemies five and twenty thousand, and 8000 taken prisoners. Howbeit, this victory cost the Romans blood: for of P. Decius his army, there died seven thousand, and of Fabius, a thousand and two hundred. Fabius then having sent out to seek the body of his Colleague, gathered up all the spoils of the enemies into an heap, and burned them, to the honour of jupiter Victor. But that day could not the Consul his body be seen, by reason it was covered and hidden: under heaps of the Gauls that lay there dead. The morrow after it was found and brought again with many a tear of all his soldiers. Then Fabius setting all other matters for the time aside, solemnised the burial and funeral obsequies of his fellow Consul, with due commendation and condign praises, and with all honour that could be devised.  
In Tuscan also about the same time, Cn. Fulvius Propretor, had fortunate success to his heart's desire: for besides great damage done to the enemy, by invasions and roads into the country, he fought also a notable battle: wherein of Perusines and Clusines were slain above three thousand, and twenty ensigns won. The Samnites, as they fled through the territory of the Pelignians, were by them intercepted and enclosed; and of five thousand, they were left but one thousand. Great is the fame of that day, and of the battle that was fought in the Sentinate territory; if a man hold him only to the truth, and make no more of it than it was. But some have overreached a little, & written, that the enemies were 40330 foot, and 〈◊〉 Horse strong: also, that they had a thousand chariots or wagons, reckoning and comprising the V●●brians and Tuscans withal: who also (as they say) were at the battle. And to increase also the power and forces of the Romans, they report, that L. Volumnius Propretor, was a Commander, together with the Consuls, and that his army was joined with the Legions of the Consuls. But I find in most Chronicles, that this victory was achieved by the two Consuls only. Volumeter in the meantime warred in Samnium; and having forced and driven the army of the Samnites, to take the hill 〈◊〉; nothing afraid for the disadvantage of the place, discomfited them, and put them in ●light. Q. Fabius, having left the army of Decius behind him in Tuscan, reduced his own legions into the city; and triumphed over the Gauls, Tuscans, and Samnites. His soldiers followed him in his triumph, who in their rude military rhythms and songs, celebrated no less the brave and noble death of P. Decius: than the worthy victory of Quintus Fabius. And they revived the memorial of his father late deceased, comparing him in equal degree, for the issue and event, as well public as private, with the praises of his son. Of the booty and pillage gained from the enemies, the soldiers had given unto them 
* 〈…〉.  82 Asses apiece, with a livery cloak, and a coat; a good reward for a soldiers service in those days.  
For all these notable victories achieved, yet neither the Samnites nor the Tuscans were at quiet. For, both the Perusines began to rebel, so soon as the Consul had away his armies and also the Samnites came down to forrey and spoil into the territory of Vestine and Formianum, and another way into Esetrunium, which lie along the river Vulturnus. Against them was Appius Claudius the Praetor, sent with Decius his army. And Fabius in Tuscan, which began new war, slew four thousand and five hundred Perusines, took prisoners 1740, who were ransomed for 
* 〈…〉.  310 Asses apiece. The rest of the spoil was all bestowed upon the soldiers. The Legions of the Samnites being pursued hard at heels, partly by Appius Claudius' praetor, and partly by L. Volumnius Proconsul, met all together in the territory of 
* 〈…〉  Stella. Where both the Samnite Legions abode, and also Appius and Volumnius joined and encamped together. There, was a sharp and cruel battle fought on both sides. The Romans were incensed with anger and choler against those that had so often rebelled: the other, upon a desperate mind were resolute to hazard the utmost. So there were slain of the Samnites, 16300; 2700 taken prisoners, and of the Romans there died 2700.  
This year so fortunate in war, was by reason of pestilence much afflicted; and for certain prodigious tokens, full of care and perplexed. For it was reported, that in divers places it reigned earth: and that in the army of Appius Claudius, there were many smitten and blasted with lightning. In regard hereof, the books of Sibylla were perused and sought into. The same year Q. Fabius Gurges, the Consul his son, fined and punished by the purse, certain wives who had been convicted and condemned before the people, of Adultery: of which money so raised by their fines, he caused to be built the temple of Venus, which standeth near the great Cirque or Race.  
There remain yet behind certain wars of the Samnites, whereof we have now continued our history in these four books, for the space of fix and forty years, ever since that M. Valerius, and Au. Cornelius were Consuls, who were the first that warred in Samnium. To let pass therefore, and not to trouble the readers, with a prolix narration of the alternative overthrows given and received between both nations so many years one after another, for all which calalamities and losses their hearts and courages could not be daunted or conquered: the very last year, the Samnites, in the Sentinate country, in the Pelignes territory, at Tifemum, and in the territory of Stella, were defeated both by themselves, with their own legions, and also mingled with others; and that, by four armies, and four Roman Captains, lost the bravest and most noble General of all their nation; saw their confederates and allies in war, the Tuskanes, V●brians, and Gauls, in the same predicament as themselves, not able to stand and maintain their estate any longer, either by their own power, or with help of foreign forces; yet for all this, would they not forbear and abstain from war, so little weary were they of defending their liberty, although it were unfortunately: choosing rather, to be vanquished; than not to attempt the winning of victory. Who is he, that would not think it irksome, and tedious, either to write or read this long suit and train of wars, which they in fight were never wearied?  
After Q. Fabius and P. Decius, succeeded Consuls L. Posthumius Megillus, and M. Attilius Regulus. To them both, was committed the charge of Samnium, for that the bruit went, that the enemies had prepared three full armies, the one to go again into Tuskane, the second to invade and overrun afresh the territory of Capua, and the third to defend their own frontiers. Posthumius by reason of sickness remained at Rome, but Attilius went presently with an army forth, to the end that he might surprise the enemies on a sudden in Samnium, before they had taken the field; for so the Senate had given direction: and he found the enemy in the way to meet him, as if it had been so of purpose before by them determined, ready there to keep him from entrance: and so far off were they from wasting the lands of the Samnites, that they could not once enter into their confines; nay, the Samnites debarred them from departure thence, into the peaceable parts and territories of their allies. Now when as they were encamped affront one against another; that, which the Romans being so often conquerors, would hardly have adventured, (see how utter despair driveth men to rash projects and extremities) the Samnites attempted: even to give assault upon the Romans camp. And albeit this so venturous enterprise sped not well in the final effect, yet was it not altogether in vain attempted. There chanced to be a foggy mist, which continued a good part of the day, so thick and palpable, as men could not see before them, I say not, so far as without the trench, but not so much as those that came close to speak one to another. The Samnites hereupon taking the advantage fit for an ambushment, before it was full day light, and the same much overcast and dim with the mist, came as far as the Corpse de guard of the Romans, who in the gates and entrance of the camp warded but negligently: being thus taken on a sudden, they had neither courage nor strength enough to resist. At the back side of the camp, they assaulted the great gate Decumana, seized the Questors pavilion, and that quarter about it: where the Questor himself (L. Opimius Pansa) was slain, and thereupon the alarm was given. The Cos. being with this tumult raised, commanded two bands or cohorts of allies, to wit, the one of Lucanians, and the other of Suessans, which haply were next hand, to defend & guard the praetors pavilion, and that quarter. In the mean while he marched with the legionary bands along the high broad street in the camp, called Principalis, and before they had buckled and fitted their armour about them, they were ranged in battle array; and had knowledge of the enemy, by the ear and outcries, rather than by sight of the eye: neither could they give an estimate what number they were. At the first, as doubtful of the event, and mistrusting their fortune, they recoiled, and received their enemies in, and let them come even into the mids of the camp: but then the Consul cried out, and asked, Whether they meant to be turned out of their own rampires and holds first, and after, have a new piece of work to assail and win them again? So, they set up a shout, and put all their might together, and first made resistance only and kept their ground; but afterwards they set forward, and pressed upon them; and having once beaten them back, they drove them afore them; with the same fear, that they themselves began, yea and chased them out of the gate and the trench: but to proceed further, for to pursue the chase, they durst not, for fear of some ambushment, by reason of the misty & troubled wether, contenting themselves with the saving of their camp and no more: and so they retired within their rampires, having slain to the number well-near, of three hundred enemies. Of Romans, as well those that were in the first Corpse de guard and Sentinels, who kept the watch, as of those that were surprised about the Questors lodging, were killed 230. This bold adventure of the Samnites speeding so well, made them take better hart; so as they would not permit the Romans to encamp farther into the country, no nor so much, as to go a foraging into their territory: whereupon they were compelled to retire again, and to purveie forage in the quiet and peaceable quarters of their friends about Sora.  
The bruit of all these occurrents more troublesome and fearful than truth was, being come to Rome, caused L. Posthumius the Cos. before he was well recovered of his sickness, to take the field; but ere he departed the city, he proclaimed the rendezvous at Sora, for his soldiers there to meet. Himself now dedicated, unto the goddess Victoria, the Temple, which in the time of his curule Aedileship he took order to be built, with the money raised of certain fines taken of persons condemned. Then took he his journey to the army, and so went forward from Sora directly into Samnium, to the camp of his brother Consul. But the Samnites distrusting themselves, as not able to withstand two armies, were dislodged, and departed back: and the Consuls also parted one from another, sundry ways, to waste the country, and assault the towns, Posthumius at his first coming, assayed by fine force to assail the town Milionia, and seeing he could do small good that way, at length by rolling trenches and platforms, he approached close to the walls, and won it: and albeit the town were thus forced, yet there continued a sharp and long fight in all streets and parts thereof, from the 
* From ten of the 〈◊〉 in the morning, until 〈◊〉 in the afternoon.  fourth hour of the day until the eight, with doubtful and variable events for a good while; but in the end the Romans became masters of the town. Of Samnites were slain 3200, and 4200 were taken prisoners: besides the gaining of other booty and pillage. From thence, he led forth the legions to Ferentinum, but the inhabitants with their bag and baggage, and all that ever they could drive or carry, had quit the town in the still night season, and departed in great silence at a contrary postern gate, which opened from the camp of the enemy. The Consul so soon as he was come, at the first approached the walls, as well appointed and provided of all things, as if he should have found as much to do, as at Milionia: but afterwards, perceiving all silent and desolate throughout the city, seeing neither men nor munition within the towers and upon the walls; he held back his soldiers, desirous and greedy to enter upon the bare walls, so abandoned and disfurnished of defence: & doubting, tofal headlong ere he were aware, into the trains of some hidden & privy ambush, he commanded two comets of the cavalry of Latin confederates, to ride about the walls along the countrescarp, and well to view and consider all places. The horsemen finding one or two gates, near together of one side standing wide open, and in the very same ways that led from thence, the fresh tracks and footing of the enemies, as they fled by night; road softly nearer and nearer to the gates; and there they might see straight afore them safe entrance, and the city lying open even from one end to the other: whereupon they brought word back to the Consul, that the city was abandoned, and the enemies gone: which was very evident & apparent, as well by the very solitude thereof, as the new and fresh marks and traces of their dislodging and departure; as also by the stuff and goods that lay here and there scattered all abroad, whiles they hastened fearfully in the dark, to take their flight. The Consullupon this report, with his host drew to that side of the town, which the horsemen were at: and pitching down his ensigns not far from the gate, commanded five other horsemen to enter into the city; geving order, that when they had gone forward a pretty way, three of them should stay behind in the same place; if they saw all safe and out of danger; and the other two, bring him word what they had seen and found. Who being returned, made relation that they were gone so far as they might see about them every way into all parts, and could perceive nothing but silence and vast desolation all about, both far and near: then forthwith, the Consul entered into the city, with certain cohorts lightly appointed, and charged the rest in the mean while to fortify the camp. The soldiers being once entered, fell to break open the doors: where they found a few silly old folk, and some feeble and diseased persons, with such movables as were hard to be conveyed and transported: those they rifled, and ransacked; and by certain captives they understood, that divers other towns thereabout, were all with one accord fled and gone: and as for their own countrymen, they departed at the first watch of the night, and they thought no other verily but that in the rest of the cities, they should find the like emptiness and solitude. And as the prisoners said, so it proved indeed: and the Consul possessed himself of those forlorn and abandoned towns.  
The other Consul M. Attilius, bade not so easy war for his part: who as he was marching with his Legions toward Luceria, which he heard was besieged by the Samnites; the enemy encountered and met him in the very entry of the frontiers, and gave him battle: and the anger and indignation of both sides was answerable to their might & forces. The fight was variable & doubtful on both parts, but the end & issue more heavy & dolorous on the Romans side: both because they were not used to be vanquished; and also for that in the very loose and retreat, rather than in the combat and medley, they found that many more were hurt & slain of their part. Which fearful sight & terror, as it began in the camp, if it had surprised them in the conflict, it would have been an heavy day with them, and no doubt they had received a notable overthrow. And even then, being as it was, they had a careful night, and full of anguish, thinking verily that the Samnites would presently assault their camp, or at least ways that in the morning betimes they must of necessity fight with the conquerors. But the enemies, as their loss was less, so their heart and courage was never the more: For so soon as the day broke, desirous were they to be gone without any battle. Howbeit there was but one way; and that, lay close and near to their enemies; which they were not so soon entered into, but they made show a far off, as if they marched straight to the assault of the camp. The Consul commandeth his men to arm, and to follow after him without the rampires. To his lieutenants, colonels, and captains of the Allies, he gave several charges to do as he thought needful & requisite. They all promised to execute any direction whatsoever: but they said withal, that the soldiers hearts were done, that they had watched and sit up all night, amongst the grievous wounds and uncomfortable groans of them that lay a dying: and no doubt if the enemy had come before day against the camp, so daunted were they, that they would have abandoned their colours: and even now for very shame and nothing else, they forbore indeed to run away, but otherwise their hearts were gone, and they clean spent. The Consul hearing this, thought good to go about himself in person, unto every one of his soldiers, and to speak unto them: and even as he met with any of them, & saw them so backward, and going about so coldly to take arms and weapon in hand; he checked and rebuked them: crying aloud, & ask why they sat still? why they loitered and made such hafting? saying, that the enemies would come to them within the very camp, & cut their throats, unless they made more haste to sally forth: yea & forced they should be to fight before their tent doors, if they would not give battle without the trench and rampires. They that are armed (saith he) and will fight manfully, shall obtain undoubted victory: but the unarmed and naked man that attendeth the enemies coming, must either die for it, or endure captivity. As he rated and rebuked them in these terms, they answered flatly again; that they had enough of yesterdays work, and were utterly done; and had neither strength nor blood left them in their bodies: and now the enemies (say they) seem more in number, than they were the day before. Amid these speeches the army approached: and being now but a little way off, they might take a full view of them more certainly, and see every thing. Whereupon they said confidently, that they saw the Samnites to bring with them their stakes and pales to cast a pallaisade, no doubt, round about their whole camp. At this, the Consul cried out upon them, for very shame, to suffer so foul a reproach and disgrace of a most dasterdly enemy. And shall we be (quoth he) beset and impaled within our own camp, there to die for hunger and famine with shame, rather than by edge of sword (if there be no other remedy) with honour, like me●? The gods speed us well (quoth he) and their will be done; and do every man as he thinks best: as for M. Attilius the Consul, he is resolved even himself alone (if no man else will follow) to meet the enemy in the face, and rather be beaten down and die amongst the Samnites ensigns, than see the Roman camp besieged, with a trench cast, and rampire raised about it. The Lieutenants, Colonels, and all the bands & cornets of the cavalry, yea and the principal Centurions of the foremost companies liked well of this, and accepted the Consul his words. Then the soldiers for stark shame, full faintly take weapon in hand, and as slowly, God wot, go forth of camp. And thus in long ranks and files; not close united together but broken here and there, with heavy cheer, and as men half vanquished already, they marched after a sort toward the enemy, who was neither in hope nor in heart better resolved and settled than they. For so soon as the Samnites discovered the Roman standards, suddenly from the vaward to the rearguard, there went a muttering and bruit from o●● to another, that the Romans were come forth (the only thing they always feared) to impeach and stop their passage; so as now there was no way for them to fly and escape from them, and save themselves, but must either die in the place, or slay their enemies & make a lane even over their bodies. All their packs & fardels, they cast together upon an heap in the mids: and being armed as they were, every man ranged and marshaled themselves in their own arays. Now was there a very little space between the two armies, and they stood looking one upon another, waiting when their enemies would begin to give the first charge, and set up the first shout. But neither of both had any stomach to fight. And surely on both sides, they had gone sundry ways untouched, and without any blows given or taken, but that they feared both, left if they had dismarched of one part first, the other would have come upon them. Thus of themselves they began a faint fight, as unwilling and loath thereto, with an uncertain and unequal shout; neither stirred any man one foot. Then the Roman Consul, to begin the skirmish, sent out some few cornets of horsemen from a side, without the battaillons: whereof the most part fell from their horses, & others were disarrayed and put out of order: whereupon both Samnites ran out to kill those that were fallen, and Romans also to rescue their fellows. Then the skirmish began a little to wax hot: but the Samnites advanced forward in greater number far, and bestirred themselves (as it seemed) more lustily: and withal, the Roman horsemen being disordered and in confusion, with their horses affrighted trodden under their feet the footmen that came to rescue. Who beginning once to fly, caused the whole Roman army also to turn their backs. And now the Samnites played upon the backs of the Romans, as they fled: whereat the Consul road before a gallop to the camp gate, where he bestowed a good corpse degard of horsemen, opposite in the way; and made proclamation, that who soever came toward the camp, were he Samnite or were he Roman, should be taken and used as an enemy. With these and such like threats, he put himself against the soldiers, that hied them so fast in heaps to the camp. Whithera way s●●ha, (quoth he to every soldior that he met) even here thou shalt find men in arms to fight withal; here shalt thou meet with thine enemy, as well as in the field behind: no entering here into the camp without victory, so long as thy Consul liveth: choose therefore whether thou hadst rather fight with thy own countrymen or thine enemies. Whiles the Consul entertained them with this welcome, the horsemen also with spear in rest, and bent full against them, came all about, charging the footmen upon their peril to turn again to battle. Thus not only the Consul his virtue & proesse served in good steed, but fortune also went on their side: for the Samnites followed not the chase so hard, but that the Romans had both time and ground enough to turn about their ensigns, and to direct their battaillons from their camp against the enemy. Than one encouraged another to go to battle again. The Centurions snatched the banners out of the bearers hands, and advanced them forward: declaring to their soldiers, how few the enemies were in number, and how disorderly and out of all array they came against them. In this while the Consul lift up his hands to heaven, and with a clear & audible voice, vowed a temple to jupiter Stator, if so be the Roman army stayed their flight, and by renewing the medley should kill and vanquish the Samnites Legions. Hereupon endeavoured they on all hands, the captain and soldior, both horsemen and footmen, to reinforce the battle. And even the very gods from heaven seemed to have a special regard of the Romans at that time, so quickly the dice turned, and the enemies were repulsed from the rampires, and within a small while forced again to the very place where the battle began. Where by reason of their fardels and packs which they had heaped together in the mids, and now lay in their very way, they were stopped in their passage, and for fear, lest their goods should be rifled and spoiled, they cast a ring round about their bag and baggage. Then the Roman Infantry a front, and the cavalry behind, compassed them, and charged upon them right fiercely: where, in the mids between, they were either slain or taken. The prisoners were in number 7300. who were all put naked under the yoke, and sold: the number of them that were slain was about 4800. The Romans for all this had no great list to boast and brag of their victory, for the Consul taking view and account of his loss these two days, found by computation, that he miss 7300.  
Whiles these things thus passed in Apulia, the Samnites with another power, assayed to surprise and get again 
* 〈◊〉.  Interamna, a Colony of the Romans, situate upon the Latin high way: but when they could not be masters of the town, they overran and harried the territory: and ha●●●g gotten a good booty of men, women, and cat-tail, one with another; whiles they were driving the same before them, together with certain Coloners' whom they had taken prisoners, they light upon the Consul as he returned with victory from Lucena: where they not only lost their spoil, but were themselves slain as they marched disorderly in long files. The Consul made proclamation, That every man should repair to Interamna, for to own and challenge his own goods, and to receive the same again: and there, leaving his army, went to Rome, against the Election of new magistrates. When he laboured instantly for a triumph, he was denied that honour; both for that he had lost so many thousands, and also because he had put his captives under the gallows, and sold them, without farther imposition.  
The other Cos. Posthumius, wanting subject matter of war to work upon among the Samnites, passed with his army into Tuscan: and after he had first peeled and spoiled the Volsinians territory, he gave them battle not far from their walls, who issued forth to defend their frontiers; where there were 2200 Tuscans slain: the rest, by reason that the city was so near, escaped and saved themselves. Then led he his army into the territory of Rosellum, where he not only laid the fields waste, but won the town also; took prisoners above two thousand, and slew under two thousand before their walls. Howbeit, in that year, the peace obtained in Hetruria, was more honourable and renowned, than the war had been. For three of the strongest and most puissant states, even the very capital cities of Tuscan, to wit, Volsini●, Perusia, and Aretium, desired accord. And having conditioned with the Consul, and promised, to find his soldiers clothing and corn, so they might have leave to send Orators to Rome to treat for peace, obtained at length a truce of forty years. And for that present, each city was fined to pay 
* 1562 lib. 10 〈◊〉.  500000 Asses. For these actsdone, the Consul having requested triumph of the Senate, for manner and fashion, rather than upon any hope to speed, and perceiving some of them to deny him flatly, as pretending, that it was so late ere lie departed the city; and othersome, for that without order and direction of the Senate, he passed out of Samnium into Tuscan; and that partly his adversaries, and partly the friends of his Colleague, who might take some comfort and contentment, that he also had the repulse with him, were against his triumph: My masters (qd. he) you that are Senators of Rome, I will not be so far mindful of your honour and majesty, as that I will forget myself to be a Consul: and by virtue of the same authority of commission, wherewith I have conducted and managed these wars; for so much as, I have happily brought them to end, and subdued Samnium and Tuscan, achieved victory, and obtained peace; triumph I will, and ask you no leave. And with that, he departed out of the Senate. After this, there arose a debate and dissension among the Tribunes of the Commons. Some of them said, they would interpose their negative, that he should not in this manner triumph, and give so ill a precedent. Others gave out, that they would assist him in his triumph, maugre the heads of all their Colleagues. After much ado, the matter was referred to the people, and the Consul being thither called, alleged, that L. Horatius, and Mar. Valerius Consuls, also Caius Martius Rutilius of late days, even the father of him, who then was Censor, triumphed without the authority and approbation of Senate, only by the ordinance of the people. Over and besides, he added and said, that himself also would have moved the people therein, but that he knew, that the Tribunes of the Commons, who were become vassals and slaves to the Nobles, would have nipped and crossed the bill. As for himself, he protested, that he did and would account of the will and favour of the people, agreeing together, as well as of all their acts and decrees whatsoever. So the morrow after, by the assistance of three Trib. banded against the opposition and negative voices of seven, yea, and against the general resolution of the Senate, he triumphed: and all the people with great joy solemnised & celebrated the honour of that day. But the records do vary much, about the acts and affairs of this year also. Claudius writeth, That Posthumius having won certain towns in Samnium, was after in Apulia discomfited and put to flight: and that himself in person being hurt, was with some few besides, driven to take Luceria for refuge: and that it was Attilius, that fought in Tuscan, and triumphed. Fabius contrarily reporteth, That both Consuls warred in Samnium, and at Luceria: and that one of the armies was transported into Tuscan: but which of the Consuls had the conduct thereof, he hath not set down withal: also, that before Luceria, there were on both parts many slain: and how in that battle, there was a temple vowed to jupiter Stator, like as Romulus had done before in times past: howbeit, before this time, there was no temple erected, but only a Fanum, [i. a place pronounced, destined, and consecrated before, to build a temple on.] But in this year at last, the city being now twice bound and obliged to perform one and the same vow, made a conscience of it, and moved the Senate to decree and take order, that the house and temple aforesaid should be edified accordingly.  
After this year, there succeeded a brave and noble Consul, L. Papyrius Cursor, as well in regard of his father's glory, as his own reputation. Also a mighty great war, and such a victory as never any General won the like at the Samnites hands before that day, but L. Papyrius again the Consul's father. And as it fell out, they made the like preparation for war, with the same endeavour and furniture of most costly and brave armours, as before time. Moreover, they used the help and favour of the gods besides, by a strange kind of induction and institution of the soldiers, binding them to take their oath, after an old ceremonial custom, as if they were to take orders in some holy mysteries; yea and levied musters throughout all Samnium, after a new form of a law and edict: That whosoever of the younger sort and serviceable man, fit to bear arms, showed not themselves, & gave attendance at the General's appointment and proclamation, and whosoever departed without his leave and licence, his head should be forfeit unto jupiter as accursed and damned. Which done, the Reader-vous was appointed at Aquilonia, for all the forces to assemble. Where there gathered together, to the number of forty thousand fight men, even the whole flower and manhood of Samnium. There, about the mids of the camp, was a plot of ground set out, well sensed and enclosed all about, with hardels and bourds, and the same covered all over with linen clothes: the place was two hundred foot square, every way. Then there was a solemn sacrifice celebrated, and divine service said, according to an order read out of an old book made of linen, and the same, by a certain Priest, one Ovius Paccius, a very aged man: who avouched, that he set these sacredand holy ceremonies from the old ancient religion of the Samnites, according to the manner and custom, which in times past their ancestors had used, at what time as they complotted secretly and conspired, to surprise Capua out of the Tuscans hands. When the sacrifice was done, the General of the army by his Pursuivant at arms, commanded to cite and call forth by name, the noblest persons, either for parentage, or acts achieved: who were brought into the place aforesaid, one by one. Amongst other preparations of this sacred solemnity (which were able to strike a religious fear and devotion in a man's mind) there were certain altars erected in the midst of this place closely covered in all parts, and sacrifices lying slain all about, and the Centurians standing round with their swords ready drawn. Then the soldier was caused to approach near the altars (like a sacrifice himself, rather than one that should have his part of the sacrifice) & urged by virtue of an oath, to promise, that he would never utter abroad and reveal, whatsoever he there should see or hear. Afterward, he was put to swear, after an horrible and dreadful form of words, framed and tending expressly to the cursing of his own person, his house and all his race and lineage, in case, he went not into any battle, wheresoever the Generals should lead him, and if either himself fled out of the field, or saw any one to run away, and slew him not outright in the place. At the first verily, some there were that refused to take such an oath, and presently were massacred by the altars side. And lying there along together with the beasts, which had their throats cut for sacrifices, they served for a warning, to teach all the rest how they made refusal. When the chief of the Samnites had taken this abominable and cursed oath, ten of them were elected and nominated by the sovereign captain, who every one had in charge to choose himself a fellow, & they likewise successively to take other to them, man by man, until they had made up the number of 16000 And these were called Linteata Legio [i. the linen Legion] taking the name of the covering of that enclosure, wherein the Nobility of the Samnites was sworn. These had given unto them brave and glorious armour, with helmets crested and plumed, because they should seem taller than thereit. Another army there was, consisting of twenty thousand and better, who neither in goodly and tall parsonage, nor in martial proesse and reputation, ne yet in furniture and setting out, were inferior unto the linen Legion aforesaid. Lo, what a number there was of fight men, even the whole strength and manhood of all Samnium, assembled and encamped in Aquilonia.  
The Roman Consuls took their journey from the city of Rome, and C. Carvilius first: unto whom were appointed the old Legions, which M. Attilius the Consul of the former year, had left in the territory of Interamna. And with them he marched into Samnium. And, mean while that the enemies were overmuch busied and amused about their superstitious ceremonies, and h●ld their secret and mystical counsels, he won by force from the Samnites, the town Amiternum. Where almost 2800 men were slain, and 4270 taken prisoners. But Papyrius, having by direction from the Senate enroled a new army, forced the town Duronia; took fewer prisoners than his Colleague, but in am thereof, put many more to the sword. A rich booty there was gotten, both in the one place and the other. Afterwards, the Consuls overran the whole country of Samnium, but they spoilt & wasted especially the lands about Atinium. Carvilius marched as far as Cominium, and Papyrius to Aquilonia, where the whole power of the Samnites lay encamped. There, for a good while they neither sat still, & were altogether idle in the camp, ne yet was there any hot service in the field. They spent the time in provoking them to fight, that gladly would have sitten still; or in lying off & giving ground, to those that assailed them: & thus, I say, with threatening, rather than offering battle, they passed the day. For whiles they began eftsoons and gave over anon, there was no issue seen of any skirmishes, and the decision even of small matters and occurrents were prolonged and put off from day to day. The other camp of the romans lay twenty miles off: and albeit the other Consul was absent, yet his hand and counsel was in every enterprise and exploit. For as there lay a greater weight & charge at Aquilonia, than at Cominium: so Carvilius had a more careful eye that way, than to the place which himself besieged. L. Papyrius being now at all points provided to fight, dispatched a messenger to his Colleague, to signify unto him; that he minded the next day, if he were not checked by the Auspexes, to give the enemy battle: and withal, that it was expedient and needful; that he likewise should with all his forces assault Cominium; that the Samnites within, might have neither means nor leisure to send any succour to Aquilonia. This post had that one day allowed him to do his message, and attend hisdispatch; and by night he made return, and brought word unto the Consul from his Colleague, that he liked well of his purpose and advise. Papyrius then immediately dismissed and sent away the courier aforesaid; and assembled his soldiers to an audience, where he discoursed at large concerning war in general. Much he spoke also as touching the present preparation and magnificent furniture of the enemies, more brave & goodly for show and ostentation, than effectual and of importance in the end: For they are not the plumed crests (quoth he) that give the deadly wounds, but the romans spear and lance it is, that is able to pierce their guilded and damasked shields: yea, and that other glittering army with milk-white diaper coats, must be died red in blood, when they come to strokes, and to try it out by dint of sword. The golden and silvered armies of the Samnites, were sometimes by my father put to the sword, and killed to the last man: and they served rather for rich spoils to honour the victorious enemy, than for armour of proof, no defend and save themselves. This is a fatal gift, and destinied to our name and family, for to be chosen Generals, and to be opposed against the greatest puissance and attempts of the Samnites, and to bring away with them, those spoils which might be ornaments to beautify the public places of the city. And the immortal gods no doubt are present to defend and assist us in our quarrel, against those that so oft have sought for peace and alliance, and as often broken the same themselves. And if a man may conjecture and guess of the will and providence of the gods, they never were to any army more adverse and full of indignity, than to that, which being stained and polluted with the blood of beasts and men, massacred and mingled together in an horrible and execrable kind of sacrifice; and devowed to a double anger of the gods, having in dread and horror of one side, the vengeance of the same gods, witnesses of their breach of covenants with the romans; and on the other side the detestable and abominable curses, comprised in an oath, taken against all covenant and promise; hath sworn by constraint and perforce; hateth and detesteth the oath whereby they are perjured, and at one time, is in fear of the gods, of their own selves, and their enemies. Thus having showed unto his soldiers (who were already of themselves badly and maliciously enough bend against the enemies) that he had certain intelligence of all these things, by the constant relation averted by certain fugitives that were fled from them unto him; they all being now full of assured hope of God's help and man's, with one uniform cry called for battle: and nothing grieved them more than this, That it was put off until the morrow; hating in their hearts the rest of that day behind, & that one night, for being so long. About midnight, Papyrius having received letters back from his Colleague, got him up closely when all were fast asleep, and sent the chick-maister to take token, and observe the presage of the pullets. There was not one throughout the whole camp, of what quality or degree soever, but had a desire to fight. The highest as well as the lowest were earnest and eager: the Captains might behold & see the soldiers affection & courage that way, and the soldier likewise the Captains; in so much as the same ardent desire of battle which was in all the rest, reached also even to those that had the charge of the Auspexes. For when as the chickens would not peck, the chick-maister adventured to lie and falsify the token, and made report to the Consul, that it was 
* The chickens fell to their mere so eagerly, that with their hasty feeding, some corn fell from their bi●s to the ground, and rebounded again: and bi●s was Tripudium solistimum, and in their learning was reputed the best Auspiciuns in that kind, and presaged most happy success.  Tripudium solistimum. Whereat the Consul right glad and joyous, pronounced that the token was lucky, and that they were to fight under the favour and conduct of the gods: land hereupon he put forth the signal or bloody banner of battle. As he was now marching forth into the field with his army, behold a fugitive out of the enemy's camp, brought word, that twenty cohorts or companies of Samnites, and those were about 400 in a cohort, were gone to Cominium. And because his Colleague Carvilius should not be ignorant hereof, lie presently dispatched a currier in post unto him, and himself commanded the Ensigns and Standards to be advanced and set forward with speed, ordaining the bands in the rearward for succours, and disposing them in divers places, with Captains over the same, accordingly. He appointed L. Volumnius to lead the right wing, and L. Scipio the left, and the horsemen he committed to the conduct of two other Lieutenants, C. Ceditius, and Trebonius. As for Sp. Nautius, he charged him in all haste to take off the packsadles from the Mules, and to mount the cohorts of the light; armed footmen that serve in the wings, upon their backs, and with them to fetch a compass, and to seize upon an hill there in sight, and in the heat of the medley; to show himself from thence, and to raise as great a cloud of dust as possible he could. Whiles the General was occupied hereabout, there arose some warbling amongst the chicken-maisters touching the auspice or presage of that day; in so much as they were overheard of the Roman horsemen; who supposing it a matter of good consequence and to be regarded, advertised Sp. Papyrius (the Consul's nephew, or brother's son) that there was some doubt and question about the Auspice. The youth, borne in those days when there were no Atheists, nor lectures red of despising. God and religion; inquired farther into the matter, because he would not certify anything whereof he was not sure: and when he had found out the truth, gave knowledge thereof to the Consul: who said thus unto him, God bless thee my son: and be not thou dismayed thereat, but fight hardly more valiantly, and do thy best devoir. As for him, that hath the charge and oversight of the birds & Auspice, if he have made a wrong report, and given up a contrary presage, or false sign, all the mischief and peril light upon his own head for his lewd lie. As for me, I was told of a Tripudium, and that the birds fell heartily to their meat: and I hold it for a lucky auspice and token of good success unto the people of Rome and the army, and for no other. This said, he commanded the Centurions to set those pulletors, in the forefront of the battle. The Samnites also for their part set forward their ensigns, and their battaillons follow after, gallantly set out in gorgeous armour and brave apparel, in such sort, as the very sight of the enemies represented a magnificent and stately show to the beholders. But see what happened; before the first shout given, before the first volley of shot and encounter, the principal pulletier chanced to be stricken with a javelin, lanced at aventure and at random, and fell down dead even before the ensigns. Which being reported unto the Consul, Behold the handy work of God (quoth he) the gods are present in this battle; the guilty person hath his due reward. And as the Consul was a speaking these words, so, just before him a Raven set out a wide clear throat, & cried with a loud note: at which Augury, the Cos. rejoiced, and avowed, that the gods appeared never in men's affairs more evidently. And herewith he commanded the trumpets to sound, and to set up a lusty shout: them followed a cruel and terrible fight on both sides, but with hearts and courages far unlike. The Romans were ravished and carried on end to the battle, with anger, hope, and heat of conflict, greedy of bathing their swords, and imbruing their hands in the enemy's bloodshed. But the Samnites many of them, by force of necessity, and constraint of a blind and superstitious religion, even against their wills, were forced to make resistance, and defend themselves rather than to fight and offend the enemy. Neither had they sustained and held out the first shout, charge, and shock of the Romans (as having now for certain years past been used evermore to go away defeated and vanquished) but that a mightier fear imprinted and settled in their heart roots, held them perforce from running away: for they ever had continually represented in their eye, the whole furniture of that secret sacrifice; of those armed sacrificers and priests with naked swords; of that hideous butchery of men and of brute beasts, lying slain one with another in their blood intermingled together; of the altars besprinkled and stained with the lawful shedding of the one, & the detestable effusion of the other; of the dreadful and horrible execrations; and to conclude, of that frantic, furious, and detestable form of words, composed and devised to the detestation and malediction of their line and race. Being fast bound, I say, with these bonds for fleeing away, they stood to it, and stirred not back, fearing their own countrymen more than the enemies. The Romans from both points, and from the middle and main battaillon charged hotly, beat them down, killed and cut them in pieces, thus amazed and astonished as they were with dread of gods, and awe of man. Small resistance made they, as who only feared to fly and run away: so as by this time, there was execution and havoc made of them almost to the very Standerts. At which very instant, there appeared overthwart from the one side a dust, as if a mighty army had raised it in their march; namely Sp. Nantius (or as some say Octavius Metius) who had the leading of certain Cohorts called Alarie, mounted upon Mules, which for the nonce made a dust greater than son● that number they were. For those varlets and new horsemen, as they sat on their Mitles and Sumpter beasts, drew after them trailing on the ground, roughes of t●ees full of branches and leaves: and first, there appeared in the forefront (as it were through a duskish and dim light) their armbur and guidons: but the dust behind them, rising higher and thicker made show of a troop of horsemen flanking an army of footmen: wherewith not only the Samnites but Romaties also were deceived. And the Consul himself; to avow the error and bear them down it was so; cried aloud amongst the foremost ensigns, so as his voice reached unto his enemies, That Cominium was won, and his brother Consul was come with victory; and therefore, they should endeavour and enforce themselves to get the day, before that canother army should win the honour out of their hands. Thus cried out on horsebacked galoping among the ranks too and fro. Then he commanded the Colonels and Centurions, to make a way for the mein of arms. Himself afore, handwissed Trebonius and Cedilias, that when they ofpied him to bear his spear upright & to shake it; then they should with all the might they had; put forth the cavalry and charge the enemies. Every thing was done at a beck; according as they were directed and instructed before hand. The ways were made wide between the files. The horsemen fling out, and with spear in rest charge upon the middle battaillon of the enemies and broke their arrays wheresoever they charged. Volumnius and Scipid seconded them with the Infantry: and while they were disarmed overthrew them, and bore them to the ground. down went these linen Cohorts now, when God and man fought against them, and were discomfited: and as well those that took the oath, and the other that were unsworn, fled amain; and without respect of one thing or other, feared none but their enemies. All the footmen that escaped the bartaile, were beaten into their camp at Aquilonia. The gentlemen and the men of arms fled toward Bovianum. The Cavallerle of the Romans pursued the horsemen, and the Infantry chased the footmen. The wings took divers ways, the right toward the camp of the Samnites, the left unto the town. Volumnius was somewhat before, and got the camp. Scipio found more resistance in the city: not for that vanquished men, as they were, had more courage and resolution, but because that walls are stronger to endure an assault, and better to keep outarmed men, than a plain trench and rampire. For, from the courtine, with stones they beat and repulsed the enemy. Scipio foreseeing well enough that they should be longer about the assault of a strong and sensed town, unless he dispatched the matter quickly & went through with it, in their first affright and confusion, before they took: heart again: demanded of his soldiers,. If they could take it well, and abide to see the camp won by the other point of the battle, and themselves (being likewise conquerors) to be repelled from the city gates? When they all cried, No; and said they would never endure, that disgrace himself with his target over his head, approached the gate, the other following after under a target sense, rush into the city, thrust down the Samnites about the gate, and got to the walls: but to engage themselves farther into the city, they durst not, being so few as they were. The Consul himself at the first knew nothing of all this, but was occupied about the retreat, and rallying of his men: for now the sun was well near down; and the night coming on a pace, caused everything even to the very victors to seem dangerous and suspicious. But when he was advanced farther, he saw on the right hand the camp taken: and on the left, he heard a confused cry and blunder in the city, compounded of the noise of fight men, and frighted persons: and even at that instant, it fortuned, that they skirmished at the gate. Then he road on, nearer and nearer, and saw his own men upon the walls, howbeit nothing yet fully performed, but through the rash adventure and foolhardiness of some few, an overture only made, and some advantage gotten of performing a great piece of service and a worthy exploir. Whereupon, the commanded the forces that were retired, to be called, and with banner displayed to enter the city. So soon as they were in, they took the next quarter to the gate, and for that the night approached, there they rested, and went no farther. But even in that very night, the enemies abandoned the town. There were slain that day, before Aquilonia 30340 Samnites, and 3870 taken prisoners: and of field ensigns they went away with 90. Moreover this is reported and recorded of Papyrius, that there had not been lightly seen a General, in any battalle more lightsome, cheerful and merry; were it of his own natural disposition, or upon assured confidence of victory. Upon which courage and resolution, he could not be revoked from battle, albeit there was some question and scruple about the Auspice: and even in the hottest time, and dangerous point of the conflict, at what time as the manner is to vow temples to the immortal gods: he vowed unto jupiter Victor, If so be that he defaired the Legions of the enemies, to present him with a cup of sweet and pleasant mead, before he drank any strong and heady wine of the grape: which vow the gods accepted and liked of, and turned the ill presage of the Auspexes, to good.  
The other Consul has as good speed at Cominium: For at the break of day, he approached with all his forces to the walls of the town, and invested it round about: and set strong guards at the gates, for fear they should issue or sally forth. And even as he was about to give the signal of assault, there came a messenger post from his fellow Cons. who in great affright brought word of the coming of twenty cohorts to the 〈◊〉 or them within the city which both keep him short from giving the assault, and caused him to call back again part of his forces which were arranged and ready under the counter scarp to assail the defendants. Then he gave charge to Decius Bruius Scava, one of the Lieutenants to take the first legion, and twenty cohorts of the wings, and other horsemen, to make head against the rescue of the enemies aforesaid; and wheresoever he met them, there to impeach them, yea and if occasion served, to give them battle and in no case to suffer that power to come to Commium. Himself commanded that ladders should be reared on every side of the town, and under a ferise of targets approached the gates. So that in one instant the gates were burst open, and the walls scaled on every part. The Samnites, as their hearts served them well enough to keep the enemies from entrance, before they saw any armed men upon the walls: so, after they perceived, that they were assailed not aloof with stones and darts, but fast by and with hand strokes: and how that they, who hardly and with great difficulty from the plain got up the walls, having now gained & surmounted the place (which they most feared before) could fight at ease from aloft with their enemy, who was not able to match them in the even ground; quit their towers and walls, and gathered all together in the market place, and there for a while tried the utmost hazard of battle. But afterwards throwing down their weapons, 15400. of them yielded themselves to the Consul his mercy. There were slain 4380. Thus went the game at Cominium, and thus at Aquilonia.  
In the mid way between these two cities, where a third battle was looked for, the enemies were not to be found. And when they were seven miles off from Cominium, they had a countremaund from their own countrymen, and were called away, and so came not to the rescue, neither in the one battle nor the other. In the shutting in of the evening, when it began to be dark, being within the sight of the camp of one hand, and Aquilonia on the other; they might hear a like noise and cry from both parts, which caused them to pause. But afterwards, when they were over against the camp which was fired by the Romans; the flame spreading far abroad declared the diffeature of the Samnites more evidently, and stayed them there for going farther. In which very place, they laid them down here and there in their armour (as they were) and passed a restless and unquiet long night, expecting (and yet fearing) the light of the day. At the dauning whereof, and so soon as it began to peep, while they were uncertain and doubtful what way to take, they happened to be discovered by the cavalry of the enemies: and suddenly in a fearful amaze and affright, they took them to their beeles and fled in great, disorder. Those horsemen having pursued the Samnites, who in the night season escaped out of the town, chanced to espy this foresaid multitude, and perceived they were neither entrenched, nor defended with a good corpse degard. This company was descried also even from the walls of Aquilonia: whereupon, by this time, the legionary footmen likewise made after them; but they, could not overtake them in the chase, so fast they fled: howbeit the horsemen cut-off some, and slew two hundred and four score in the tail of the rearguard. In this affright they left much armour behind them, and eighteen ensigns, and so the rest of the army saved themselves, and as well as they might in so fearful confusion, recovered Bovianum. The joy of these two Romans armies was wonderfully increased, to see one another have so good and fortunate success in their enterprises. Both the Consuls, by each others advise and consent, gave their towns thus won, unto their soldiers, to be sacked and rifled; and after the goods were out, to set fire on the empty houses; in such wise, that in one and the same day, both Aquilonia and Cominium were burnt to ashes and the Consuls, with mutual congratulation and joy, as well between their Legions as themselves, feasting one another, joined both their camps in one. Afterwards in the sight of both armies, Carvilius highly commended and praised his soldiers, every one as he deserved, and rewarded them with gifts accordingly. Papyrius also for his part, who had performed many & sundry skirmishes as well in the field and battle, as about the winning of the camp and forcing the city, bestowed by way of honour upon Sp. Nautius, and Sp. Papyrius his broths son, as also upon four Centurions, and the band of the Hastatl or javeliniers, braselers and coronets of gold and namely Nautius, for that he bore himself so worthily in that journey & expedition, wherein with his counterfeit troop of horsemen upon Mules, he so terrified the enemy, as if he had conducted a main army of men of arms: and young Papyrius; for his good service with his cavalry as well in the battle and medley, as also in that night, wherein he forced the Samnites to the secretly; and quit the city Aquilonia: the Centurions and soldiers, in this regard, that they were the first who seized the gates and walls of that town: as for all the horsemen, in consideration of their manifold travail, and brave devoir showed in sundry places; he gave them braselots and little horns of silver. This done, for as much as it was time now to withdraw draw their army from out of Samnium, either both twain, or one of them alone; they sat in counsel and consultation thereupon: and thought it was the better course (to the end that the Samnites might be brought lower, and their state more sensibly decayed) to go forward still, and charge them with greater force and resolution, and to pursue the rest that was behind; that Samnium might be delivered up to the Consuls their successors, utterly tamed and subdued: since that the enemies now had no army abroad in field, like either to give or abide another battle, and there remained but one manner of making war, even to besiege and assault their cities and strong towns; by the winning and subversion whereof, they might with the pillage enrich and make their own soldiers for ever, and withal empoverish their enemies, and make a hand of them quite, being now at the last cast; forced to fight for church and home. Hereupon the Consuls dispatched their letters to the Senate and people of Rome, containing the effect at large of all their exploits; and then divided themselves, and took two several ways: Papyrius marched with his legions to the siege of Sepinum; and Carvilius with his, to besiege Volana.  
The Consul's letters were red and heard with exceeding joy, as well in the court of the counsel of the city, as in the common hall of assemblies; and this public contentment and rejoicing was solemnised with general processions, for the space of four days, and with marveilouszeale, affection, and devotion of private persons in particular. And to say a truth, this victory was to the state of Rome not only great and honourable, but also of great consequence, in regard that it fell out in so good & commodious a time. For even then, news came, that Tuscan was revolted and rebelled, and men began to cast in their minds, and discourse how they should do (in case ought should happen but well in Samnium) to withstand the forces and invasions of the Tuscans: who taking heart, and presuming upon the Samnites, and their cursed and execrable oath, by virtue whereof they were obliged to fight to the utterance and extremity, embraced the occasion and opportunity of taking arms again, whiles both the Consuls and the whole forces of Rome were diverted and withdrawn into Samnium, and there employed. The Ambassadors of their allies and confederates, were by M. Attilius the Praetor brought into the Senate, and had audience given them; where they complained, that their territories were overrun, burnt, and spoiled, by the Tuscans their next neighbours, and all because they were unwilling to revolt from the people of Rome: humbly beseeching the LL. of the Senate, to defend and protect them against the violence, wrong, and outrage of common enemies. Answer was returned unto the ambassadors: That the Senate would have regard, that thein allies should have no cause to repent of their faithful allegiance, and constant loyalty; and that ere many days went over their heads, the Tuscans should taste of the same cup that the Samnites had begun unto them. Howbeit, they would have been slack and cold enough in dealing with the Tuscans, had not fresh news come, that the Falisci also, who had for many years continued in amity and friendship with the people of Rome, were combined with the Tuscans, and entered into arms, as well as they. The near neighbourhood of this nation, gave an edge to the Senators, and whet them on, to take care and ordain, that their Feciall Heralts should be addressed thither to demand restitution and amends for harms done: which being denied, and no goods restored; by the advice and authority of the Senate, together with the grant of the people, war was proclaimed against the Tuscans: and the Consuls were commanded to cast lots, whither of them should pass out of Samnium with his forces, into Tuscan.  
By this time now Carvilius had won Volana, Palumbinum, & Herculaneum, towns appartaining to the Samnites. Volana was forced within few dates: Palumbinum, the same day that he came before the walls: but at Herculaneum, he fought two several battles, with doubtful and uncertain issue, yea and with more loss of his own part, than of the enemies. But afterwards, he pitched his camp before the town, beleaguered the enemies, and kept them within their walls, gave the assault, and won it in the end. In these three towns there were either taken prisoners or slain in all, to the number of ten thousand: but so, as through fear the greater part by far, suffered themselves to be captives, rather than to die on the edge of the sword.  
The Consuls cast lots for their Provinces and it fell unto Garvilius to go into Tuscan, as the soldiers wished and desired, who could no longer away with the rigour of cold weatherin Samnium. As for Papyrius, he found a greater power of enemies, and more resistance, before Sepinum. Many a time he was fought withal in battle arranged: oft skirmished with, in his march: yea and oftentimes under the very walls, the enemies fallyed out against him from the town, in such sort, as he: could not tell what to make of it: for neither was it to be called properly a siege alone, nor yet altogether a battle fight; considering that the enemies were no more protected and covered themselves, by the strength of their walls; than the walls were defended by force of arms, and men of war: howbeit in the end, what with fight, and what with skirmishing, he lodged them within the city, so as they durst come abroad no more, but kept themselves close, & were besieged indeed: and after long siege, as well with forcible assaults, as by trenches, bastils, and rampires, he was master of the town: and therefore after he was possessed of it, upon anger and choler that they had so long stood out and put him to so much trouble, there was the more blood shed; and seven thousand died by the sword, whereas under three thousand were taken prisoners. The spoil and pillage, which was exceeding great, considering that the Samnites had laid up all their goods in some few cities, was given to the soldiers. And now lay the snow thick all over upon the ground: neither could men endure abroad in the field without house and harbour: and thereupon the Consul retired his army out of Samnium. Against his coming to Rome, it was decreed by the general voice of all men, that he should triumph: and so he triumphed whiles he was in his Magistracy, with great magnificence, and sumptuous pomp, as those days would afford. For as well his footmen as horsemen marched and passed by in a show, adorned with their gifts and prizes of honour. Many a 
* For saving of a citizens life in battle, made of grass.  civike 
* For mounting first, over the rampire of the enemy's camp, fashioned 〈◊〉 the pales in a rampire.  vallare, and 
* For scaling over the wails first, of an enemy's city: and form to the manner of the courtin or battilments of a wall.  murale garland was seen worn that day. Much looking and wondering there was at the spoils also of the Samnites armour and apparel: for with their goodly beauty and, glorious hue, were they comparable to those that his father had won before him, which were commonly seen, and well known in the public places of the city, adorned and beautified therewith. Moreover there were led before him in this triumph & pompous entrance of his into the city, certain captives & prisoners of noble blood descended, men of great worth sometime and name, as well for their own deeds, as their father's acts. Great store of Brass bullion in Ingots, and not coined, was carried in show, amounting to the weight of 
* Two millions five hundred shirtie three Asses in valour, and of english sterl. 25006 li. 13. shilfourd within a farthing.  2000533 pound: which mass of brass or copper, was raised of the ransom of prisoners. But the silver which was gotten in the saccage of the towns, came to 
* 3990 pound sterling after five shilling, an ounce.  1330 pound weight and above. All the brass and silver, was laid up in the common treasury of the city, and nothing at all of the whole booty given to the soldiers: and the discontentment and hartburning that grew thereby, was so much the greater in the common people, by reason they were charged besides with an exaction and contribution for soldiers pay; whereas if the Consul had not upon a vainglorious humour brought into the citie-chamber, such sums which he had gained from the enemy, there might a good portion thereof have been bestowed freely among the soldiers, and of the surplusage their due wages paid and dispatched. Moreover, whiles he was Consul, he dedicated the Temple of Quirinus, which his father being Dictator, had vowed: for, that himself vowed it in the very time of the battle, I find not in any ancient writer; and certainly in so short a space, he could not possibly have built and finished it. He trimmed it besides, and garnished it with the spoils of the enemies, whereof there was such store and abundance, that not only the foresaid Temple and the marketplace were therewith set out and bravely decked, but they were distributed abroad to their allies also and Coloners, near inhabitants, for the decoration and beautifying of their churches and public places. After the triumph ended, he brought his army to winter in the territory of the Vestines, because those quarters were distressed and annoyed by the Samnites.  
In this mean while, Carvilius the Consul, having at his first coming given the assault unto Troilium, a city in Tuscan, granted licence to 470 of the richest citizens, to depart from thence, and by composition, to pay a great sum of money unto him. The rest of the multitude fell into his hands, after he had won the town by fine force. This done, he forced five castles, situate in places of great strength: where were slain of enemies 2400, and not all out 2000 taken prisoners. He granted to the Falisci (who sued for peace) truce for one year, and yet to make present payment of a 
* 312 lib. 10 sh.  100000 Asses, and to discharge the soldiers wages for that year. After these exploits achieved, he departed to his triumph: which as it was less honourable and glorious than that other of his companion in government, in regard of the service performed against the Samnites: so, if we consider withal, the Tuscan war, it was equal and comparable unto it everyway. Of brass money he brought into the common chest 
* 937 lib. 15 sh. 7. d.ob. Sterl.  300090 pound; of the surplusage of the pillage and other spoils, he caused the chapel of for'rs fortuna to be built, near unto the temple of the same goddess, dedicated by king Servius Tullus: To the soldiers that served on foot, he gave of his booty 
* 6 sh. 5.dob. siert.  102 Asses a piece, and twice as much to every Centurion and horseman. Which reward they accepted more thankfully at his hands, by reason of the nigardise and misery of his Colleague before him. And so gracious was this Consul, that he protected and saved L. Volumnius, one of his lieutenants, against the people: who being arrested and called to his answer by M. Cancius, a Tribune of the Commons, fled for his last help, to his Lieutenantship (as they say) and avoided thereby the danger of their judgement: for that during his absence in that charge, his accusation might well be set on foot and followed, butbrought to a final end and definitive sentence, it could not be.  
After this year expired, the new Tribunes of the Commons entered their office: and for that there was supposed some error in their creation, the fifth day after were other chosen in their steed. The same year there was a Lustrum or solemn survey of the city, held by P. Cornelius Arvina, and C. Martius Rutilius Censors. In which were numbered and assessed 262322 polls of Roman citizens. These were in order the six and twentieth Censors from the beginning: and this was reckoned the nineteenth Lustrum after the first institution. In this year, and never before, the spectators of the Roman Games and Plates, in regard of their happy success in wars, stood adorned with wreaths and garlands of flowers upon their heads: and then came up the fashion at Rome, borrowed from the manner and custom of Greece, to honour those with branches of the date tree, who won the prizes, and were victors in those solemn Games.  
The same year the Aediles curule, who exhibited the said pastimes and exercises of activity, paved the causey or high way with flint or pebble stone, from the temple of Mars unto Bovillae: and the fines of certain Publicans or farmers of the city, that were graziers and condemned, paid the charges. Then Papyrius held the great Assembly for Election of new Consuls, and created Q. Fabius Garges the son of Maximus, and D. junius Brutus Sceva, Consuls. Papyrius himself was chosen Praetor. This year, so joious and fortunate in many respects, could hardly countervail & recompense with all other comforts, one only calamity, namely, a pestilence and mortality, which consumed & devoured both town and country. In so much, as for the strangeness & extremity thereof, it was held for a prodigious & portentous sign beyond all course of nature, and reach of reason. Whereupon, the books of Sibylla were perused, to know out of them, what issue and remedy the gods would vouchsafe to show of this malady and misery. Wherein they found, that the Image of Aesculapius must be sent for, from as far as 
* Pigiade, or Chronisi.  Epidaurus to Rome. But for that year, by reason, that the Consuls were busied in the wars, nothing was done, but only one day bestowed wholly in supplications and devout Litanies, to the honour of the said god Aesculapius.   

THE TEN BOOKS NEXT FOLLOWING OF T. LIVIUS, (VSVALLY CALLED THE SECOND DECADE) ARE lost: the arguments whereof remain yet extant in the Abridgements or Breviaries of L. Florus, which in steed of the History itself, are set down in this place.  

The breviary of L. Florus to the eleventh Book.  
WHen Fabius Gurges the Consul, had fought an infortunate battle against the Samnites, and the Senate were about to discharge and remove him from his army; Fabius Maximus his father, besought them for his sake, not to offer him that disgrace and dishonour. For rather than that should come to pass, he promised to serve in person under his son in quality of his Lieutenant. Which moved the Senate, and prevailed more than anything else. And he was his words master. For he went to the field, and by his means and good advice, the Consul his son was so well assisted, that he defeated the Samnites, triumphed over them, led captive before his triumphant chariot C. Pontius Lord General of the Samnites, and afterwards struck off his head. Whiles the city [of Rome] was piteously visited and afflicted with the plague, there were certain Ambassadors addressed and sent to Epidaurus, for so translate the image of Aesculapius from thence to Rome. And in steed thereof they brought away a great snake or serpent, which of itself embarked in their ship, and wherein, they were verily persuaded, that the puissance and divine power of the said god was resident. And when they had conducted it with them by sea as far as to Rome, it went forth of the own accord, and swum to the Island within Tyberis, where it settled: and in that very place where it took land, they erected a temple to Aesculapius. L. Posthumius, a consular man [i. who had been Consul] having the charge of an army, was condemned, and had a round fine set upon his head for that he employed his soldiers about some work in one of his sermes. The league was now the fourth time renewed with the Samnites, at their earnest suit and request. Curius Dentatus the Consul, after he bid defeated and slain the Samnites, vanquished the Sabines, who were revolted and rebelled, and received them under his obeisance, triumphed twice during the time of one Consulship. Three Colonies were erected and peopled, to wit, Castrum, Sena, and Adria. The three Triumvirs to sit upon capital crimes, were then first created. Asessing was holden, and a solemn Lustrum, wherein by just account were numbered 273000 citizens of Romans. The Commons, because they were deeply engaged in debt, in regard of grievous and long seditions and dissensions, retired in the end to janiculum, from whence they were reclaimed and brought again into the city, by the means of Q. Hortensius the dictator, who died in the very time of his Magistracy. This book containeth moreover the exploits against the Volsinians, and also the Lucanes, against whom it was thought good and ordained, to send aid and succours to the Tyrrhenians.   

THe breviary of L. Florus to the twelfth Book.  
THe Roman Ambassadors being murdered by the Senonois Gaul, and war thereupon denounced and proclaimed against them, Lucius Caecilius the praetor, fortuned with his whole army to be defeated by them, and put to the sword. When the Roman fleet was spoiled and ransacked by the Tarentines, and their Admiral besides slain, the Senate dispatched their, Ambassadors unto them to make complaint of these wrongs and outrages: but they were evil entreated and sent away with great abuse. Whereupon, defiance was likewise given unto them, and war proclaimed. The Samnites revolted. Against whom together with the Lucanes, Brutians, and Tuscans, sundry battles were fortunately fought by divers Roman captains. Pyrrhus the King of the Epirotes [or the Albanois] passed over into Italy, for to aid the Tarentines. When a Legion of the Campans was sent under the conduct of Decius jubellius to Rhegium, there to lie in garrison, they treacherously flew the natural inhabitants, and seized the city of Rhegium to their own behoof.   

The breviary of L. Florus for the thirteenth Book.  
VAlerius Levinus the Consul, lost a field against Pyrrhus: by occasion principally that his soldiers were terrified and amazed at the uncouth sight of the Elephants. After that battle, when Pyrrhus viewed and beheld the dead bodies of the Romans, lying slain on the ground; he observed & marked, that all their faces were turned toward the enemy affront. From thence he went forward spoiling and wasting all the way to Rome. C. Fabricius was sent unto him for to treat about the redemption and ransom of the prisoners: and was solicited by the King (but in vain) to abandon the service of his own country. The foresaid prisoners were enlarged and sent home without paying any ransom at all. Cyneas was sent as Ambassador from the King unto the Senate; who required, that the K. his master, for to end and compound all quarrels, might be received into the city and amity of the people of Rome: but when it was thought meet to debate and consult of this important matter, in a more frequent assembly of the Senators, Appius Claudius who many a day had not intermeddled with the affairs of State and Counsel, presented himself in the court among the Senators: where his opinion carried the matter clear away, and Pyrrhus his demand was flatly denied. P. Domitius the first Censor of Commoners, held a Lustrum or survey of the city, in which were found 278222 Roman citizens by the pol. A second field w●s fought against Pyrrhus, but with doubtful event and issue. With the Carthaginians, the alliance was renewed now the fourth time. When a certain fugitive traitor that ran from Pyrrhus, offered to C. Fabricius the Consul, for to poison the K. he was sent back again, and the treason was discovered to the king. Over & besides, this book containeth the prosperous affairs in war against the Tuscans, Lucenians, Brutians, and Samnites.   

The breviary of L. Florus, upon the fourteenth Book.  
Pyrrhus' passed the seas into Sicily. When among other prodigies and fearful tokens, the image of jupiter in the Capitol, was overt brown and smitten down with lightning, the head thereof was recovered & found again by the soothsayers. Curius Dentatus, as he was taking musters, sold in port-sale the goods of one, that would not answer to his name when he was called. He defaited Pyrrhus, after his return again out of Sicily into Italy; & forced him to void & depart once for all. Fabricius a Censor, cassed and displaced out of his Senators room, P. Cornelius Rufinus, one that had been Consul, for that he had in silver plate, to the weight of ten pounds. There was a Lustrum holden by the censors, and therein were found 271224 citizens. A society and alliance was contracted with Ptolomee K. of Egypt. Sextilia a processed vestal Nun was convicted of uncleanness and fornication, & buried quick. Two new Colonies were erected, to wit, Posidonia and Consa. A fleet of Carthaginians arrived, to aid the Mamertines: by occasion whereof, the league was broken. This book compriseth also, the happy exploits against the Lucanians, Samnites, and Brutians: together with the death of king Pyrrhus.   

The breviary of L. Florus, to the fiveteenth Book.  
THe Tarentines being vanquished, had both peace granted, & liberty also restored unto them. The soldiers of the Campaine legion aforesaid, which had possessed themselves of Rhegium, were besieged: and after they had absolutely yielded, were every one made shorter by the head. Certain lusty youths of Rome, who had misused & beaten the ambassadors of the Apollionats, sent unto the Senate, were delivered unto their bands to be used according to their discretion. The Picentes were overcome in battle, and obtained peace. Two Colonels were sent, the one to Artminu● within the marches of Picenam, (i. Ancona) the other to Beneventum, in Samnium. Now and never before began the Romans to use silver coin for their mo●ie. The V●brians and Sallentines were vanguished, and their submission of obedience received. The number of the Questors was augmented [to be eight.]   

The breviary of L. Florus, to the sixteenth Book.  
THE first rising of the Carthaginians, with the beginning of their city, are in this book related: Against whom together with Hiero King of the Syracusians, the Senate of Rome ord●ned to send aid unto the 
* The inhabitants of Messina  Mamertines: and after much arguing and debate about this point, whiles some persuaded, & others again dissuaded; the gentlemen of Rome, who served on borsebacke, than first crossed the seas, and bore themselves bravely in many battles & to good purpose, against Hiero: who at length craved peace, and bade it granted. The Censors held a Lustrum and numbered the people: and enroled 
* Eutropius saith 292000.  372224 citizens of Rome, into the subsidy book. D. junius Brutus, was the first that ever represented combats of swordsensors at the sharp to the ●tterance, in the honour of his father late deceased. One Colony was planted at Aesernia. This book comprehendeth besides, the good success of the affairs against the Carthaginians and the Vulscinians.   

The breviary of L. Florus, for the seventeenth Book.  
CNeus Cornelius the consul, being surprised & environed with a fleet of Carthaginians, and under colour of a parley, trained forth and called unto them; was villainously taken prisoner and kept still with them. Cn. Duillius the Consul, fought with happy success against this their foresaid flees: and was the first Roman captain that road in triumph, for a naval victory at sea. In regard whereof, this honour for ever after was done unto him, That when he supped forth in any place of the city, as he returned home to his own house, the waits should found, the ha●boies all the way, and a man go before him with a burning torch. L. Cornelius the Consullwoon a field in Sardinia against the Islanders, together with the Corsians, & Hanno the General of the Carthaginians. Attilius Calatinus the Consul, having unadvisedly engaged his army within a place of great disadvantage, whereas the Carthaginians lay round about in ambush, retired and escaped by the valour and industrious means of M. Calpurnius, a Colonel: who with aregiment of 300 foot venterously salted out, and turned all the forces of the enemies upon himself. One Hannibal a Carthaginian Commannder, upon the deseature of the Armads whereof he was Admiral, was by his own soldiers trussed up, and crucified. Attilius Regulus the Consul, having in battle at sea vanquished the Carthaginians, sailed over into Africa   

The breviary of L. Florus upon the eighteenth Book.  
ATtilius Regulus the Consul, slew [in Africa] a serpent of a mighty and wonderful bigness, but with the exceeding loss of his soldiers. And after many encounters and battles with the Carthaginians, when the Senate by reason of his so happy conduct & management of the wars, sent no other to succeed him, he dispatched his letters unto them and complained thereof: and among other pregnant reasons that he alleged for to have a successor to come unto him, this was one; That the little inheritance and living which he had suffered waist, by the default or lewdness of his bailisses of husbandry. Meanewhiles, as if fortune had been disposed and sought means to show a notable example in the person of this one man Regulus, as well of adversity as prosperity, bec was overthrown in plain field, & taken prisoner by Xanthippus, a renowned captain of the Lace●●monans, whom the Carthaginians had waged, & sent for to aid the. After this, the sundry shipwrecks of the Roman Navy, eclipsed, obscured, and disfigured all the other noble exploits that the Roman Chieftains had fortunately achieved before, as well by land as sea. T. Coruncanius was the first high Priest or Archp●●las, created out of the body of the Commons. M. Sempronius Sophus & M. Valerius Maximus the Censors, when they made a review of the Senate, cassed thirteen, and took their embroidered purple cloaks from them. They held a survey also of the whole city, and entered into their subsidy book 317217 Roman citizens. Regulus, being sent from the Carthaginians to the Senate of Some, to treat a peaceable accord, or if he could not obtain so much to deal about the exchange of prisoners one for another, bound himself by an 〈◊〉 to return again to Carthage, if he sped not, for the exchange afore said. And being come to Rome, himself dissuaded both the one and the other: howbeit, to accomplish and perform his promise by oath given, he made return accordingly, and by the Carthaginians was despiteously put to cruel torture, and so died.   

The breviary of L. Florus to the nineteenth Book.  
CAius Cecilius Metellus, in consideration of his fortunate conduct of the wars against the Carthaginians, rode in a most stately & magnificent triumph: wherein were showed and led captain 13 chief Captains of the enemies, and 120 Elephants. Claudius' Pulcher the Consul, who maugre the adverse presages of the Auspexes, would needs bazard a battle, commanded the sacred Pullet's to be doused and drenched over the head in the water, to see if they would drink, since they resused to eat their meat; and received an overthrow at sea, in a conflict with the Carthaginians. For which, he was called home by the Senate, and commanded to nominate a Dictator: whereupon he declared C. Glaucia, a base companion, and a person of the meanest degree and quality: who being constrained to resign his Magistracy, yet notwithstanding afterwards beheld the games and plays in his mantle of estate. Attilius Calatinus was the first Roman dictator, that led an army out of Italy. An exchange was made of Roman captives for Carthaginians. Two Colonies were transported, namely to Fregelle, and to Brandusium, in the territory of the Solentines. Another Lustrum was taken by the Censors: wherein were reckoned of Rom. citizens 251222. Claudia, the sister of that P. Claudius, who in contempt and despite of the Auspexes, fought a battle to great loss, fortuned upon a time as she came from the great Plates, to be crowded in the thrust and press of people; whereupon she cried out with a loud voice, Would God my brother were alive again, and had the charge of another Armado: for which words, she had a good fine set on her head, and paid it. Two Praetors were now created, the first that ever were at Rome. Cacilius Metellus the high priest, kept perforce within the city, A. Posthumius the Consul, because he was besides, the Flamen unto Mars; and would not suffer him to be Nonresident, and absent himself from his charge. After sundry battles and conflicts that many Roman Captains had against the Carthaginians, C. Luctatius the Consul obtained the honour of the final victory, when he had desaited their Fleet; and so made a full end of the first Punickwarre. The Carthagintans therefore sued for peace, and had it granted. At what time as the Temple of Vesta was on a light fire, Caecilius the high priest, recovered and saved out of the flame the holy relics. Two tribes were added to the rest, Velina and Quirina. The Falisci rebelled, and within six days were subdued, and brought under subjection.   

The breviary of L. Florus to the twentieth Book.  
AColonie was planted at Spoletum, An army was led against the Ligurians [i. Genoese,] which was the first time that they were warred upon. The Sardinians and the Corsians, who revolted & took arms, were subdued. Tuccia a Vestal virgin & a Votary, was condemned and executed for her incest or whoredom. War was proclaimed against the Illyrians, for that they killed one of the ambassadors which were sent unto them, and being defeated, confessed themselves subjects to the Romans. The number of the Praetors was increased from two to four. The Gauls inhabiting beyond the Alps (toward France) who came down and entered into Italy, were overthrown and put to the sword. In which war, the Romans had by report of the Latins and other confederates and allies, to the number of 300000 fight men, that served under them. The Roman forces passed then first, over the river Padus [i. Po,] where the french Insubrians [i. Lombard's] after certain discomfitures, were glad to be ruled by reason, and rendered themselves. Mar. Claudius Marcellus the Consul, having slain Virdumarus the General of the Lumbards' with his own hand, went away with the honour of the third rich and royal spoils gotten from the enemy. The Istrians were subdued: so were the Illyrians also, after they had revolted and put themselves in arms ● and were so tamed, that they came under obedience. The Censors held a Lustrum, and took account of the number of the Roman citizens, and found in all 270000. The Libertines (or slaves enfranchised) were reduced into four tribes by themselves, to wit, Esquilina, Palatina, Suburrana, and Collina: where as before time, they had been dispersed indifferently, and mingled among the rest. C. Flaminius the Censor, saved the high way called Flaminia, and built the great Cirque or Theatre named Flaminius Circus. And two Colonies were established within those territories, that were conquered from the Gauls, to wit, 
* 〈◊〉.  Placentia, and Cremona. ⸫    

THE XXI. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the one and twentieth Book.  
IN this book are rehearsed the acts which passed in Italy, as touching the second Punic war, and how Hannibal, the chief commander of the Carthaginians, contrary to the accord of alliance, passed over the river Iberus: by whom, Saguntum a city belonging to the allies of the people of Rome, was in the eight month of the siege, forced by assault. For to complain of those wrongs and ini●ries, Ambassadors were sent to the Carthaginians. And for that they would not make satisfaction and amends therefore, war was proclaimed against them. Hannibal having passed over the mountains Pyre●ti, and discomfited the Volscians, who made head against him, and would have impeached his passage, mounted the Alpes, and after he had passed through them with great difficulty and pains, and repulsed also the French mountainers in sundry ski●nisbes and battles, he descended into Italy: and near the river Ticinius, discomfited and dis●●aied the Romans in a battle of cavalry. In which conflict, when P. Cornelius Scipio was wounded, his son (the same who afterwards was surnamed Africanus) rescued him, and saved his life. Hannibal after he had defaited the Roman army a second time, near the river Trebia, pushed over the Apennine: where his soldiers were mightily afflicted and distressed, by reason of soul weather and violence of storm and tempest. Cn. Cornelius Scipio sped well in his wars against the Carthaginians within Spain, and took prisoner Mago, the General commander of the enemies.  
THe same may I well say, in the Preface and entrance of this one part of my work, which most writers of histories have promised and made profession of, in the beginning of the whole, to wit, That I will write the most famous and memorable war that ever was, even that, which the Carthaginians under the conduct of Hannibal, fought with the people and State of Rome. For neither any other cities or nations are known to have warred together, more wealthy and puisiant than they; nor at any time ever, were they themselves so great, so strong in forces, and so mighty in means, as now they were. Moreover, they came not newly now, to wage war, without knowledge of the prowess and martial skill, one of another; for trial they had made thereof sufficient already, in the first punic war. Besides so variable was the fortune of the field, so doubtfully were their battles fought, that nearer loss and danger were they, who in the end won the better, and achieved the victory. And to conclude if a man observe the whole course and proceeding of these their wars, their malice and hatred was greater in a manner than theirforces: whiles the Romans took foul scorn and disdain, that they, whose hap before was to be vanquished, should unprovoked, begin war afresh with the Conquerors; and the Carthaginians again were as mal-content, and throughlyf offended, as taking themselves (notwithstanding they were overcome) to be abused too much at their hands, by their proud, insolent, and covetous rule over them. Over and besides all this, the report goeth, that Hannibal being but nine years old, or thereabout, came fawning and flattering as wanton children do, to his father Amilcar, that he would take him with him into Spain, at what time, as after the African war ended, his father was offering sacrifice, ready to pass over thither with an army: where he was brought to the altar side, and induced to lay his hand thereupon, and to touch the sacrifice, and so to swear, that so soon as ever he were able, he would be a professed and mortal enemy to the people of Rome. Vexed (no doubt) at the heart, was Amilcar himself, a man of high spirit and great courage, for the loss of the islands Sicily and Sardinia: for not only Sicily was overhastily yielded (as he thought) as despairing too soon of the state thereof, and doubting how it should be defended: but also Sardinia was by the cunning and fraudulent practice of the Romans surprised out of the Carthaginians hands, whiles they were troubled with the commotion & rebellion of Africa; and a Tribute besides imposed upon them. He being disquieted, I say, and troubled with these griefs and discontentments, so bare himself for five years space, in the Afric war, which ensued immediately upon the peace concluded with the Romans; and likewise after, in Spain, for nine years together, enlarging ever still the dominion of Carthage; that all the world might fee, he intended and designed a greater war than that he had in hand; and if God had spared him longer life, it should have been well seen that the Carthaginians under the leading of Amilcar, would have made that war upon Italy, which afterward they waged by the conduct of Hannibal. But the death of Amilcar happening in so good season [for the Romans] and the childhood and tendernonage of Annibal together, were the cause that this war was put off and deferred. In the mean time, between the father and the son, Asdrubal bore all the rule for the space almost of eight years. This Asdrubal had been Amilcar his minion, grown highly into his grace and favour, at the first (as men say) for the very prime and flower of his youth: but afterwards, in regard of the singular towardness of a brave and haughty mind, which soon appeared in him, and for his forwardness to action, he was preferred to be his son in law, and married his daughter. Now, for as much as he was Amilcar his son in law, he was advanced to the sovereign conduct of the war, with no good liking at all and consent of the Nobility and Peers, but by the means and favour only of the Barchinefaction, which bore a great stroke, and might do all in all, among the soldiers and the common people. Who managed all his affairs, more by policy and sage counsel, than by force and violence: and using the authority and name of the Princes and great Lords of those countries, and by entertaining friendship with the chief rules, won daily the hearts of new nations still, and by that means enlarged the power and signory of the Carthaginians in Spain, rather than by any war & force of arms. But for all this peace with foreign States, he was never the more sure of his own life at hóme. For a certain barbarous fellow, for anger that his master and Lord was by him put to death, 
〈…〉  flew him in open place: and being laid hold on by them that were attendant about Asdrubal his person, he kept the same countenance still, as if he had escaped and gone clear away: yea, 
The 〈…〉 and res lut●●● of a slave.  and when he was by cruel torments all mangled and torn, he looked so cheerfully and pleasantly on the matter, as if he had seemed to smile; so far his joy of heart surpassed the pains and anguish of his body. With this Asdrubal, for that he had so singular a gift and wonderful dexterity, in soliciting and annexing unto his dominion the Nations aforesaid, the people of Rome had renewed the league, upon these two capitulations and conditions; first, that the river 
* 〈◊〉.  Iberus should limit and determine the signories of them both: Item, that the Saguntines, seated in the midst between the territories of both Nations, should remain free, and enjoy their ancient liberties.  
No doubt at all there was now, but when a new Commander should succeed in the rownie of Asdrubal, the favour of the people would go clear with the prerogative voice and choice of the soldiers: who presently brought young Hannibal into the General his pavilion, and with exceeding great acclamation and accord of all, saluted him by the name of Captain General. For this you must understand, that Asdrubal by his letters missive had sent for him, being very young, and hardly 14 years of age; yea, and the matter was debated first in the counsel house at Carthage, where they of the 
* Armican the father of Hannibal was the son of B●tha, from where arose the Barshine fathom so often named in this story.  Barchine side, laboured & followed the matter earnestly, that Annihall should be trained in warfare, & grow up to succeed his father in equal proesse and greatness. But Hanno the chief man of the contrary faction; It is but meet and reason (quoth he) that Asdrubal doth demand: and yet for mine own part I think it not good, that his request should be granted. 
The speech of Hanno in the Scha● of Carthage.  When they mused and mervailed much at this so doubtful speech of his, and wist not what construction to make of it. Why then, (quoth Hanno) to be plain, That flower and beauty of youth, which Asdrubal himself yielded and parted with all sometimes unto Annibals' father, for to use or abuse at his pleasure; the same he thinketh by good right he may challenge and have again, from the son, to make quittance: But it be seemeth not us, sot to acquaint our young youths with the camp, that under the colour, and in steed of their military institution and teaching, they abandon and give their bodies to serve the lust and appetite of the Generals. What? Is this the thing we fear, That the son of Amilcar should tarry too long erche see the excessive graundeur and sovereignty of his father, and the stately show as it were of his royalty? Or doubt we, that we shall not soon enough serve in all dutiful allegiance his natural son, unto whose son in law, all our armies have been left (as it were) in lawful right of inheritance? Nay, I am of opinion, and this is my judgement, That this youth be kept in awe at home, under obedience of laws, under civil magistrates, and learn a while to live in equal condition with the rest of the citizens and subjects; for fear least at one time or other, this little spark do burn outright and raise a mighty flame. A few, and those were, in manner all of the best fort and foundest judgement, accorded with Hanno. But, as commonly it is seen, the greater number overweighed the better.  
Thus Hannibal was sent into Spain, and immediately at his first coming, drew all the whole army after him; so highly he was regarded and beloved. The old soldiers believed verily, that Amilcar was alive again, & come amongst them: they thought they beheld and saw the same vigour and spirit in his countenance and visage, the same quickness and liveliness in his eiés, the same proportion, feature and lineaments of his face. And afterwards, within short time, he had so wrought and wound himself into their favour, that the late remembrance of his father, was the least matter of all others, that won him grace and love among them. 
The natural disposition of Annibal.  Never was there one and the self same nature, framed and fitted better, for two things that are in quality most contrary; namely, to rule, and to obey. Whereby, a man could hardly discern and judge, whether he was more dear untó the General for the one, or to the army for the other. For neither Asdrubal would make choice of any one before him, when there was some valiant service or brave exploit to be executed; nor the soldiers put more confidence in any other leader, nor go more boldly and resolutely to any enterprise, 
His virtues  than under him. Most forward he was and hardy to all hazards and dangerous adventures: right provident and wary again, at the verre point of peril and jeoperdie. No travail was able to weary and tyre his body: no pains taking, could daunt and break his heart. He could away with heat and cold alike. For his diet & feeding, he measured both his meat and drink by his natural appetite, and not by pleasure and delightsome taste. For sleeping, for waking, day and night was all one with him. When he had once performed his service, and finished his exploit; if there were any spare time after, therein would he take his rest and repose: and that, should not be upon a soft bed neither, nor procured with great curiosity by still silence, and making no noise about him. Full often many a man hath seen him, lying on the hard and bare ground, under a good soldiers jacket and homely cassock cast over him, even among the Sentinels and corpse de guard. For his apparel, it was not more costly nor braver than his fellows and companions: mary, in his armour and horses he loved ever to be goodly beseene above all other. Amongst footmen and horsemen both, he would always be a great way foremost. And to conclude, in giving a charge upon the enemy, and to begin the battle, he was by his good will ever the first, and when the fight was done, the last man seen to retire out of the field. Of these noble qualities and manly virtues, he had not so many, but there were as great vices and imperfections in him again, 
His virtues.  to counterpoise the same. Cruelty most savage and inhuman, falsehood and treachery more than 
* Ordinary in Carthaginians.  Punic: no truth, no honesty, no fear of God, no regard of oath, no conscience, nor religion.  
Disposed thus as he was, and inclined by nature, to virtues and vices, he served full three years under General Asdrubal. During which time, he omitted & forgot no one thing, that was meet either to be executed or enterprised by a man that was himself another day to be a captain and chief Commander in the wars. From the very first day that he was chosen and declared Lord General; as if at the same instant, Italy had been the province assigned unto him, as if, I say, he had received commission to war with the Romans, he thought good to make no delays, forfeare lest haply whiles he lingered and slacked the time, some mischance might prevent his designs and cut him short, like as it had overtaken his father first, and Asdrubal afterwards: but presently determined to make war upon the Saguntines, by assailing whom, the Romans no doubt were touched, and would take arms and enter into the quarrel. But first he led his army into the marches of the 
a A people within the kingdom of Teleroin Spain, nerre the city O●asia.  Olcades (a nation beyond Iberus, rather siding & taking part with the Carthaginians, than under their jurisdiction) that he might not seem to have shot at the Saguntines and intended aught against them directly: but that by order and course of his affairs, after he had subdued the country's bordering upon them, he had been drawn (as it were) for vicinity and neighbourhead sake to that war, and to join them also with the rest unto the Empire. And first he won by force, and sacked 
b Clusius suppoposeth is to be Cartagena: some take it for Conill others for Tarissa, or rather Algezira. The French translator, calleth it Altheia.  Carreia, a rich city, the seat town and chief place of all that nation. Whereupon, other meaner and smaller cities also, for fear came under his obedience, and yielded to pay tribute. His army then after these victories, and enriched with spoil and pillage, was brought back to new 
c Cartagena.  Carthage, there for to winter. Where he made sure unto him the hearts and affectionate love, as well of his own countrymen as of the allies, partly by bestowing the pillage liberally among them, and partly by making true payment of soldiers wages for the time past. And then in the very prime of the spring, he went forward to war upon the 
d Old Castilia or Castille.  Vaccei. He forced by assault 
e Salamanca in Castille.  Hermandica and Arbacula, two towns of the 
People in Andalusia.  Carteij. Arbacula by the manhood and multitude of the towesmen held out a long time. But certain fugitives that were fled from Hermandica, having rallied themselves, & joined with other exiled persons of the Olcades, a nation the summer before subdued, raised also the 
g Inhabitants of the kingdom of Tolcium.  carpetans to take arms: and set upon Hannibal, in his return from the Vacce; and not far from the river 
h Ta●●  Tagus, troubled and disordered his march, heavily charged with spoil and booty. Hannibal forbore to fight, and encamped himself upon the bank of the river: and so soon as the enemies were in their first sleep, and all still & hushed, passed over with his army at the fourd: and after he had pitched his camp so far off from the river side, as that his enemies might have room enough to march away besides him, he determined to set upon them as they should pass over the river. To his horsemen he gave commandment to charge upon the regiment of footmen, so soon as they perceived them to have taken the water: and upon the bank he arranged forty Elephants affront them. There were of the carpetans, counting the aides and succours of the Olcades and Vaccej, 100000 strong: an army invincible, if they had fought on even & indifferent ground. Who being both by nature fierce and courageous, and for multitude confident; presumptuous besides, upon their imagination that the enemy was retired for fear; supposed that the only stay of their victory, was, because the river ran between: and setting up a shower and outcry, without direction of any leader, in all disorder they ran into the river here and there, every man what way was next him. Now from the other side of the bank, a great troop of horsemen were entered into the river, encountered them in the mids of the channel, and fought with great advantage. For whereas the footmen unsteady and not able to keep fast footing, and hardly trusting the fourd, might easily be cast aside & overturned, even by naked horsemen, if they did but put forth and prick forward their horses it skilled not how: the horsemen on the other side having their bodies at liberty, and able to wield their weapon, with their horses under them standing sure even in the mids of the stream and whirlpools, might with case either fight close hand to hand, or assail the enemies aloof. Many of them besides perished in the water: some by the whirling waves of the river were driven upon the enemies, and by the Elephants troded under foot, and crushed to death. The hindmost, who might with more safety recover their own bank, after they were rallied together into one from divers places, as fear had scattered them; before they could upon so great a fright, take heart and come again to themselves, Hannibal who with a sour square battaillon had entered the river, forced to sly from the bank: and when he had wasted the country, within few days brought the carpetans also under his obedience.  
And now all beyond Iberus was subject to the Carthaginians, the Saguntines only excepted. With whom as yet he would not seem to war: howbeit to minister some cause and occasion thereof, quarrels were picked, and feeds of dissensions sown between them and their neighbours, namely the 
* Algarbia, a people in Portugali.  Turdetanes. Unto whose aid, when he was come, that was himself the sour of all the variance, and had set them together by the ears; and when it appeared plainly that it was not a matter of right to be tried by law, but an occasion rather sought of fight and open war; then the Saguntines sent their ambassadors to Rome, for to crave aid against that war, which doubtless was at hand. The Consuls at that time of Rome, were P. Cornelius Scipio, and Titus Sempronius Longus, who having brought the ambassadors into the Counsel house, and proposed matters unto the L.L. there, concerning the weal public, and decreed to send their ambassadors into Spain to take survey, and look into the state of their allies: who also if they thought it mere, should give Hannibal warning, not to meddle with their confederates, and molest the Saguntines; and withal, to sail over to Carthage into Africa, and there make relation of the complaints and grievances of the allies of the people of Rome: when I say, this embassage was decreed, but yet not sent, news came sooner than all men looked for, that 
* Morvedre.  Saguntum was already besieged. Then was the matter propounded new again before the Senat. Some were of mind to dispatch the Consuls unto the provinces of Spain and Africa, with commission to make war both by sea and land: Others thought better, to bend all their forces wholly into Spain against Hannibal. There were again of opinion, that so great and weighty an enterprise was not hand over head, and rashly to be attempted; but rather that they should attend the return of the ambassadors out of Spain: and this advice that seemed most safe, was held for the better, and took place. And therefore, so much the sooner were these ambassadors P. Valerius Flaccus, and Q. Rebius Pamphibar, addressed unto Hannibal before Saguntum, with direction, from thence to go forward to Carthage (in case he would not desist and give over war) and for to demand the captain himself, for amends and satisfaction of breaking the league. But whiles the Romans were amused about these consultations and decrees, 
Saguntum besuged by Hannibal.  Saguntum was by this time with all forcible means assaulted. This city of all other most wealthy and rich, stood beyond Iberus, situate almost a mile from the sea. The inhabitants are said to have had their beginning out of they land 
* Zanto.  Zacynthus: and some among them, were descended from Ardea, a city of the Rutilians: but they grew within short time to this puissance & wealth of theirs, partly by the fruits & revenues of their lands, and partly by the traffic and gain of their merchandise, and commodities transported by sea, as also by the great affluence and increase of people, and lastly, by their straight rule of discipline, whereby they observed their troth and loyalty with their allies, even to their own ruin and final destruction.  
Hannibal after he had invaded their confines as an enemy, and by way of hostility, with his army overrun and wasted their country, besieged and assailed the city three ways. There was one canton or angle of the wall shooting out into a more plain and open valley, than any other place all about: against which he meant to raise certain mantlets or fabrics, under which he might approach with the Ram to batter the wall. But as the place far from the wall, was even enough and handsome for such engines of battery to be driven upon: so after that they came to the proof and execution indeed, the success answered nothing to the enterprise begun. For besides that there was a mighty tower overlooked and commanded them, the wall itself (as in a place doubted and suspected) was more fortified and raised higher there, than elsewhere: and also the chosen youth and ablest men were bestowed there, to make more forcible resistance, where there was like to be most trouble and danger. And first with shot of darts and quarrels, and such like, they put the enemy back, and would not suffer the pioneers and labourers in any place to entrench or raise rampires in safety. In process also, they shot not from the wall only and that tower, and showed themselves there in arms for defence, but also their hearts served them to sallic forth, and to break into the guards of the enemies, yea and to enter upon their trenches and fabrics. In which skirmishes there died not many more Saguntines than Carthaginians. But so soon as Hannibal himself, approaching unadvisedly under the wall fortuned to be wounded greevously in the forepart of his thigh, with a dart or light javelin, and therewith fell to the ground; they all about him fled so fast, and were so scared, that they had like to have given over quite & abandoned their mantilets, & other fabrics aforesaid. After this, for some few days, whiles their General was under cure of his hurt, they lay at siege rather, than followed the assault. In which mean time, as they rested from skirmish, so they ceased not to invent new devises, and to prepare new fabrics. Whereupon the assault began again more hot than before: and in many parts at once they fell to raise rolling mantelets, so many & so thick, that some places would not receive them; and withal, to drive the Ram against the walls. Hannibal had men good store, for it is thought he was 150000 in camp, strong. The townsmen with devising means to defend, and fee to every place, began to have their hands full: but all would not serve, For now were the walls beaten with the rams, and many parts thereof shaken and battered: and at one place above the rest, by continual battery there was such a breach, as the town lay open and naked to the enemy. After that, three turrets, and all the courtine between, fell down with a mighty and horrible crash, in somuch as the Carthaginians thought verily that with that rush the town had been won: By which breach, as if the wall had protected both parties before, they ran forth together on each side to fight. The battle was not like to a tumultuary skirmish, such as are wont to be about assaults of cities, by the occasion and advantage of the one part or the other; but a very set and ranged field (as it were) in an open ground between the breaches of the wall, and the houses of the town, that stood a pretty way distant within-forth. Of one side they were pricked forward with hope, on the other with despair; whiles Hannibal thought verily that he was master of the town already, if he held on but a little longer; and the Saguntines seeing their town bare, and void of walls, opposed their bodies in the breach, not one stepping back a soot, lest in the space between he should let in the enemy. The more fiercely therefore, and the thicker and closer that they fought together on both parts, the more were wounded; and there was not a dart could light in vain between their bodies and their armour, 
The description of a weapon or d●rt, called ●alarica.  but it did mischief. The Saguntines used a weapon called Falarica, in manner of a dart, which they let sly & lanced from them, having a long shaft or steal, round and even every where, but toward the one end, where it was headed with iron, & bound about with tow, & smeared with pitch. The iron head was three foot long, that it might pierce both harness and body through. But the greatest scare that it did was this, although it stuckfast in the target, and entered nor into the body, that being driven and flung, when the middle part was set on fire, by the motion thereof as it flew, it gathered much more fire, forced the soldier to forsake his armour, and exposed him disarmed and naked to the shot following. Well, the fight continued doubtful a long time, by reason that the Saguntines took better heart unto them, because they had rested beyond their hope and expectation: and the Carthaginians took themselves vanquished, for that they had not gotten the victory, and better hand: whereupon, the townsmen all at once set up a cry, and beat the enemies back to the very breaches, and ruins of the wall, and from thence thrust them out clean, whiles they were thus encumbered and affrighted, yea and at last discomfited them, put them to flight, and chased them as far as their camp.  
In this mean while news came, that there were ambassadors arrived from Rome: unto whom Hannibal dispatched certain messengers to meet with them at sea side, and to give them to understand, That neither they might safely with security of their persons come among the broils of so many barbarous & fierce nations; nor their master Hannibal amid those dangerous and troublesome affairs, had any leisure to attend or give audience unto embassages. He knew full well, that the ambassadors being not received and entertained, would strait to Carthage. Whereupon, he addressed aforehand his letters and couriers to the chief of the Barchine faction, to frame and prepare the minds of that side, so, as they of the other part might not gratify, or do any thing in favour of the Romans. By which means, besides that they were neither admitted by Hannibal, nor audience given them, that embassage also was in vain, & took no effect at Carthage. Only Hanno, notwithstanding the whole body of the Senate was against him, spoke with great silence and assent of the hearers, by reason of his authority and reputation, and pleaded to the point of the breach of league, 
The Oration of Hanno in the Senate of Carthage.  in this wife. I have, quoth he, foretold and warned you in the name and for the love of the gods, who are the witnesses and judges of covenants and confederacies, I have I say, admonished you, that ye should not send Amilcar his son, or any of his breed unto the camp: for that neither the ghost and spirit, nor the progeny and race of that man can rest and be quiet; nor the Romans league will ever be assured and established, so long as there remained one alive of the Barchine name and family. But sent ye have for all my words, unto your armies, a youth boiling in ambition, inflamed with a covetous desire of being a King, and one that seeth no other way thereto, but by brewing one war after another; to live guarded with armies and legions about him. In which action of yours, ye have as it were ministered dry fuel, and put oil to the fire: ye have, I say, said that fire, wherewith ye now all are set a burning. Your armies now besiege Saguntum, from which by covenant and virtue of the league they are debarred. Within a while and shortly, will the Roman legions lve in siege before Carthage, under the conduct and guidance, no doubt, of those gods, by whose support and aid in the former war, they were revenged for the breach of the accord and alliance. What? know ye not yet, either your enemy, or yourselves, or the fortune of both nations? This good Captain and gentle General, forsooth, of your making, would not admit and receive into his camp, Ambassadors coming from our allies, and in the behalf also of our allies: wherein he abolished the law of Nations. Howbeit, they having taken a repulse, from whence even the very Ambassadors of enemies, are not wont to be repelled, are come unto you, and by virtue of their league demand amends of trespass, and restitution of satisfaction for their damages. And presuppose the State be not touched nor culpable in this Action, they require no more. but to have the author himself in person, who is the offender. The more gently they deal, and the longer it is ere they begin, the more obstinate they will be, and continue with greater rigour (I fear me) if they once begin. Set before your eyes the Islands 
* Gotha, or ●avagnana The same which Virgil calleth A●ae, and the Italians in old time Saxa.  Aegates, & 
* A city in Sicily, synan upon an high hill, of that name. T●apani, or Monte S. julino at this day.  Eryx: and what for these four and twenty years past, ye have endured both by land and sea. Neither was this beardless boy our captain their, but his father Amilcar himself, even a second Mars, as these his supposts would have him. But what of that? We could not then, according to our league, hold our hands, and let Tarentum in Italy alone; like as now we are doing with Saguntum. Therefore, both God and man took the matter in hand, and vanquished us in the end: and when we were at arguing and debating the case with discourse of words about this point, Whether Nation of the twain had broken the league? the event of war, as an indifferent and equal judge, awarded victory where the right was. And Carthage it is, against which, Hannibal even now hath reared mantelets, towers, and other engines of assault: even now, battereth & shaketh he Carthage walls with the Ram. The ruins of Saguntum (God grant I be a false Prophet) will fall upon our heads, and the war begun with the Saguntines, we must maintain against the Romans. How then? (will some man say) shall we yield Hannibal unto them? I know well, how small my authority is in this point, by reason of the old grudge and enmity between me & his father deceased. Howbeit, as I rejoiced, that Amilcar was dead, for that if he had lived still, we should ere now have warred with the Romans: so this very youth, an imp of his, I hate & detest as the very fury and firebrand of this war: whom I would have, by my good will, not only to be rendered unto them, for to purge & expiare the breach of league; but if no man would challenge him for to be punished, I would award, that he should be carried and transported as far as there is sea or land, & to be sent away thither, from whence we might not once hear of him again, & where he might never trouble the quiet & peaceable state of this city any more. Over and besides, my opinion & resolution is, that some Ambassadors be sent presently to Rome, to satisfy the Senate: and others also, with a message to Hannibal, that he withdraw his forces from Saguntum: & with commission, to render up Annibal himself into the Romans hands, according to the tenor of the league: & a third Embassage likewise to the Saguntines, for to make restitution and amends for their harms & losses already sustained. When Hanno had made an end of his speech, it was altogether needless, that any one man there should make reply, and debate the matter with him by way of Oration, the whole Senate was so possessed already & wrought for Hannibal: and with one voice they blamed Hanno, and sounded it out, That he had made a bitterer speech, and more favouring of an enemy, than Flaccus Valerius himself the Roman Ambassador. After this, the Roman Ambassadors had this answer returned, That the war began by the Saguntines, and not by Hannibal. Also, that the people of Rome offered them injury, in preferring the Saguntines before the most ancient alliance of the Carthaginians. Whiles the Romans thus spent time in sending Embassages, Hannibal having wearied his men, what with skirmishes; and what with trenching and raising mounts and fabrics, he gave them rest some few days, and bestowed certain good guards toward and keep the mantelets and other engines of battery. In the mean season he encouraged his soldiers, and set their hearts on fire, partly by pricking and provoking them to anger against their enemies, and partly by tilling them on, and alluring them with hope of great rewards. But after he had once in a general assembly, made proclamation, That the spoil and pillage should be the soldiers share; they were all so enkindled and inflamed, that if presently he had sounded the signal of battle, it seemed, that no force in the world had been able to resist them. The Saguntines, as they had some rest from skirmish, and continued certainued days, neither assailing nor assailed: so they gave not over labouring night and day, for to make up a new wall and countermure, on that side of the town which lay open by reason of breaches. But after this, grew the assault more hot and furious than before: neither wist they well (the shouts and al'armes were so divers & dissonant on every side) whether to come first, or where was most need of help and succour. Hannibal himself was present in person to encourage and exhort his soldiers where as the rolling tower was driven, which was so high, that it overlooked all the mures and countrefabrickes of the city, and being once approached near the walls, furnished as it was in every fit and story, with ordinance of quarrel shot, brakes, and other artillery, beat the defendants from off the walls, so as none durst abide upon them. Then Hannibal taking the time, & supposing that he had now a good opportunity presented unto him, sent about 500 Africans that were pioneers with pickeaxes, mattocks and such like tools, to undermine the wall, yea, and to dig into it from the very foundation. And that was no hard matter to do, for that the cement or mortar was not hardened and bound with lime, but tempered with earth and clay, after the old manner of building: and therefore the wall came tumbling down before it was hewn and wrought into: and through the wide breaches, whole troops of armed soldiers entered the town: and withal, they seized one high place above the rest, whereon they planted their artillery and ordinance of slings and brakes, and cast a wall about it, that they might have within the very city a fort and bastillon of their own, like a castle to overlook all. The Saguntines likewise, raised another mure withinforth along that side where the town as yet was not taken. So that on both sides they made fortifications, and also fought with all their might and main. But the Saguntines defending the inner parts, by little and little brought their town daily into a smaller compass. And by that means, as also by reason of the long siege; as scarcity and want of all things grew more and more, so the expectation of foreign aid and succour was every day less than other: the Romans their only hope, being so far off, and their enemies so near on every hand. Howbeit, the sudden road and journey of Hannibal against the 
* The inhabitants of 〈◊〉.  Oretanes and 
* 〈◊〉 the realm of 〈◊〉.  carpetans, refreshed for a while their troubled and afflicted spirits. These two nations being risen upon a discontentment of a straight muster and rigorous levy of soldiers, had stayed and detained those Muster-masters, that had in commission to take up all sufficient and able men for the wars, and so, made some show & fear of rebellion: but being prevented in the beginning by the speedy coming of Hannibal, were soon quiet, and laid down their arms. But the assault of Saguntum continued nevertheless. For Maharball, Himilco his son, whom Hannibal had left behind as Lieutenant, so bestirred himself, that neither the townsmen nor the enemy found the miss or absence of the General. This Maharball had made some fortunate skirmishes, and with three rams shaken a good part of the wall, so as he showed to Hannibal at his return, all lying along and every place full of fresh ruins. Whereupon the army was presently brought against the very castle of the city, where began a cruel and bloody conflict, with the slaughter of many on both sides, and one part of the said fortress was forced and won.  
Afterwards there was some treaty of peace and agreement, by means of two persons, Alcon a Saguntine, and Alorcus a Spaniard, and some small hope there was of it. Alcon supposing he could somewhat prevail by way of request and entreating, without knowledge of the Saguntines, departed away by night to Hannibal. But after that he saw, that with all his weeping he could do no good, but that heavy and intolerable articles and capitulations of peace were exhibited, as from a wrathful conqueror; of an Orator, proved to be a very traitor, and remained still in the camp with the enemies, saying, that he was sure to die, whosoever should move the Saguntines to peace, under those conditions. For demanded it was of the Saguntines, Imprimis, to make restitution to the Turdetanes of all harms and losses. Item, to deliver up all their gold and silver. Item, to quit the town, and depart but with one suit of apparel a piece; and there to dwell, where the Carthaginians would appoint. When Alcon avouched plainly, that the Saguntines would never accept of peace with these conditions, Alorcus replied again and said, That seeing all things else now failed them, their hearts also must needs come down, and fail likewise; and therewith promised to deliver unto them the tenor of the said peace, and to be a mediator and dealer in the compassing thereof. At that time he served Hannibal as a private soldier: howbeit, a public friend he was, and an host and guest of old to the Saguntines. Who having in fight of all men yielded up his offensive arms, to the warders of the enemies, and passed the rampires, was brought (for so himself desired) before the Governor and Provost of Saguntum. Thither came running presently, a number of all sorts of people: but after the rest of the multitude were commanded to void, Alorcus was called into their Counsel house, and having audience given, 
The Oration of Alorcus a Spaniard, in the Senate of Saguntum.  made this or the: like speech unto them. If Alcon your countryman and fellow citizen, as he came from you to Hannibal for to treat about peace, had likewise brought back again unto you from Hannibal the conditions and articles of peace, I needed not to have taken this journey; who am come unto you neither as an Orator from Annibal, ne yet as a fugitive. But seeing he, hath remained with the enemy, either through your default or his own, I know not whither: the pretended & feigned causeless fear, himself is to blame; but if they stand in danger that report a truth unto you, then are ye in great fault. I therefore, to the end ye should not be ignorant, but that there are conditions offered to you of life, of safety, & of peace, in regard of old amity and acquaintance, in regard (I say) of mutual entertainment long time between us, am now come unto you. And that ye may believe, that whatsoever you shall hear delivered from me, I speak it for your good, and for the favour of no man else; this one thing, if no more, may assure you, that neither so long as ye were able to make resistance by your own strength, nor all the while that ye hoped for aid from the Romans, I never made word or mention of peace unto you. But seeing now, that ye have not any hope at all from the Romans, and that your own forces and city walls, are able no longer to defend you: I present unto you a peace, more necessary, I confess, than equal and reasonable. Whereof you may have some hope, in these terms; namely, if as Hannibal offereth and presenteth it like a conqueror, so you will hear of it; & accept thereof as conquered: if I say, ye will not make reckoning of that which you forego as a loss and damage (seeing by extremity all is the victors) but that which is left, as gain and advantage, yea and freely given unto you. Your town, whereof a great part is ruinated by him, and which he hath taken in manner all, that he mindeth to put you by: your lands and possessions he leaveth unto you, purposing to set you out a plot of ground, whereupon you may build yourselves a new city. Your gold and silver all, as well common treasure as private moneys and plate, he commandeth to be brought unto him: the bodies of your wives and children he is content to spare and save undefiled: upon this condition that you will depart without armour, and with a double suit of apparel a piece, and no more. These are the impositions that your enemy (a conqueror) demandeth: Which albeit they be hard and grievous, yet your fortune and state is such, as you must allow thereof and be content. For mine own part, I am not out of hope, but when you have put all into his hands, he will deal better by you, & remit somewhat of these conditions. But I think ye were better to abide all this, rather than your bodies to be murdered, your wives and children to be ravished, haled and forced before your faces, as the law and manner of war requireth.  
To the hearing of this Oration the people had flocked about, and by little and little intermingled their own assembly with the Senators: and all of a sudden the chief of them withdrew themselves and departed, before answer was given: and brought all their silver and gold, as well public as private, into the market place: and when they had cast it into a great fire made hastily for that purpose, most of them threw themselves into it headlong after. Whereupon there being a fear and trouble already throughout the whole city: behold, another outcry besides and noise was heard from the castle. For a certain tower that had been a long time battered and shaken, fell down; and at the breach thereof, a band of Carthaginians made entry, and gave sign to their General that the city was abandoned of the ordinary watchmen and corpse de guard of the enemies, and altogether lay open and naked. Annibal supposing it was no wisdom to neglect and stack so good an opportunity, with all his forces at once assailed the city, and won it in the turning of an hand: 
The winning of Saguntum.  and presently gave order that all above fourteen years of age should be put to the sword. A cruel commandment, no doubt, but yet needful, as afterwards is was well seen in the end and upshot of all. For who would have spared and taken pity of those, that either shut themselves with their wives and children into their houses, and burned them over their own heads, or in their armour, gave not over fight before they died? Thus was the town won with exceeding store of pillage within it. And albeit much was spoiled for the nonce by the owners, & that in the massacre and execution they had no respect of age in the fury of their anger: and for all that, the prisoners fell to the soldiers share; yet certain it is, that of the goods sold in port-sale, there arose a good round piece of money: and much rich household stuff and costly apparel was sent to Carthage.  
Some there be that write, how Saguntum was won the eight Month after the siege began: and that from thence Hannibal departed to winter in new 
* Cartagena.  Carthage: as also, that the fifth month after he departed from Carthage, he arrived in Italy. Which being so; it cannot be, that P. Cornelius and T. Sempronius should be the Consuls, unto whom both in beginning of the siege, the Saguntine Ambassadors were sent; and who also in their year of government fought with Hannibal, the one near the river 
* Tesino.  Ticinus, and both together a good while after, at 
* 〈◊〉.  Trebia. And we must say, that either all these things were achieved in shorter time a good deal, or else that Saguntum in the beginning of that year, wherein P. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Consuls, began not to be besieged; but finally was forced and won. For the battle at Trebia could not be so long after, as to fall in the year wherein Cn. Servilius and C. Flaminius were Consuls. For that Flaminius entered his Consulship at Ariminum, and was created by T. Sempronius, Consul, who after the battle of Trebia came to Rome to elect Consuls and after the Election was ended, returned again to his army, into the wintering harbours.  
About the same time, as well the Ambassadors which returned from Carthage, brought word to Rome that there was nothing but war: as also tidings came, of the destruction of Saguntum. And so greatly grieved and sorrowed the Senators, and pitied withal their allies thus unworthily massacred, so ashamed in themselves they were, that they had not sent aid in time, so deeply offended and incensed with indignation against the Carthaginians, yea and so mightily feared the loss of the very main chance at home, as if the enemy had been already at the gates of the city: that in very deed, having their minds possessed at one time, with so many troubles, they rather trembled and quaked for fear, than fettled themselves to consultation and counsel. For they considered and saw very well, that neither a more fierce and warlike enemy ever encountered with them: nor the state of Rome was at any time so resty, so feeble, and so undisposed to war. Moreover, it was commonly said, that the 
* The Islanders of Sardegna.  Sardi 
* The Islanders of Corsica.  Corsi, 
* The people of Istria.  Histri, and 
* The people of 〈◊〉.  Illyrici had rather challenged the Romans, and made bravadoes of war, than exercised and toiled them in any hard conflicts: as for the Gauls they were but tumults, rumours, & al'arms which they made, and no wars indeed: but the Carthaginians their enemies, they were old beaten soldiers, enured and hardened for this 23 years in most difficult service of war, amongst the Spanish nations, and went away ever with victory: first trained and practised under Amilcar, then under Asdrubal, and now lastly under the conduct of Hannibal, a right hardy and valiant captain. Considering moreover, that now he cometh fresh from the ruin of Saguntum, a most rich city, and passeth straight ways over Iberus: drawing after him a train of so many nations of the Spaniards, exercised already by him in the wars: and will no doubt raise the Gauls, a people at all times ready to take arms: so as now they were to wage war in Italy, with no more but all the world besides, yea and under the walls of Rome, for the defence of the city.  
Now had the Provinces been nominated & appointed before to the Consuls: but then were they commanded by casting lots, to part them between them. To Cornelius fell Spain: To Sempronius Africa and Sicily. Likewise decreed it was, that for that year, there should be levied six Legions of Romans: and of allies, as many as they thought good: also that as great a navy as might be, should be rigged and set out. So there were enroled 24000 Roman footmen, and of horsemen 1800: of allies 44000 foot, and 4000 horse: 220 galleys, with five course of oars on a side, and twenty foists, were set a float. After this, a bill was preferred unto the people, that it might please them to determine and grant, that war should be proclaimed against, the people of Carthage. And in regard of that war, there was also a solemn supplication holden through the city: wherein the people adored and prayed the gods to prosper and bring to an happy end, this war which the people of Rome had determined. And betwixt the Consuls thus were the forces divided: Sempronius had the conduct of two Legions, consisting of four thousand foot, and three hundred horse a piece; also of allies sixteen thousand foot, one thousand and eight hundred horse, besides 160 galleys, & twelve barks or foists. With this power for land and sea service, was Sempronius sent into Sicily, from thence to pass over into Africa, in case the other Consul were able to impeach the Carthaginians for coming into Italy. Cornelius had the charge of a smaller power: for that L. Manlius the Praetor, was sent in person into France with a sufficient army: but in the number of ships especially, was Cornelius scanted. 60 galleys of five banks of oars he had, and no more, (for it was supposed that the enemy would neither come by sea, nor fight in that kind of service) and two Roman Legions with the full proportion of horsemen, 
● i. 200 to a Legion.  and 14000 footmen of allies, with 1200 men of arms. That Province of France (in those parts where the Carthaginian war was expected) had that year two Legions of Roman footmen, 14000 allies, besides 1000 horse from them, and 600 of the Romans. When all things were thus prepared, to the end that before war began, it might appear they dealt by order of law, and with justice; and that all due compliments might be performed, they sent certain grave & ancient personages in Embassy into Africa, to wit, Q. Fabius, M. Livius, L. Aemylius, C. Licinius, and Q. Bebius, First, to demand and know of the Carthaginians, Whither Hannibal by their public warrant and authority, besieged & assailed Saguntum? then, if they avowed the act, and stood to it (as they were like to do) confessing that it was done by the counsel of the State; to give defiance, and proclaim open war against them. The Romans being arrived at Carthage, had audience given in their Senate house: where, after Q. Fabius had briefly demanded nothing else, but that one thing which he had in charge and commission, than a principal Senator among the Carthaginians stood up and said.  
Your former Embassage, 
The Oration of a Senator in Carthage.  my masters of Rome, was even as vain as this, when ye required and would needs have Hannibal to be yielded unto you; as if he had besieged Saguntum of his own head. And as for this, that you come with now, howsoever in words it seem more mild and smooth, in very deed and in truth it is more rude and rigorous: for then, was Hannibal only charged and demanded to justice; but now are we both urged to acknowledge a fault, and also forced to make restitution and satisfaction out of hand; as if we had avowed and confessed the action. For mine own part, of this mind am I, that the case ought thus to be laid, and the question brought to this issue, not whether Saguntum was besieged by a private person; or public counsel; but whether by right, or wrongfully. For to inquire and examine whether our citizen and subject have done this by our advice, or of himself, pertaineth to us alone, as also to censure and punish him accordingly: with you we are to debate this point only, Whether it might stand with the league to do it, or no. And therefore since it pleaseth you, that we should dispute and distinguish, between the action of a General, warranted by the public state, and an enterprise proceeding from his own motife; ye shall understand, that there was indeed a league between you and us, contracted by Luctatius the Consul, wherein there is a clause, comprising the allies of both parties: as concerning the Saguntines (who as then were none of your confederates) there was not one word at all therein: but in that league (ye will say) that was contracted with Asdrubal, the Saguntines are expressly named and excepted: to which I have nothing to plead, but even that which I have learned of you. For ye yourselves denied, that ye were bound to stand to that accord which C. Luctatius your Consul first made with us, because it passed neither by consent of the nobles, nor grant of the people. Whereupon, there was another league anew drawn out, and by public agreement enacted. If you then, be not tied to observe your leagues, unless they be authorised by the nobles, or ratified by the people; no more can the league of Asdrubal oblige us, which he concluded without our privity and knowledge. Forbear therefore to speak either of Saguntum, or Iberus; and what your mind hath so long conceived, let it hatch now at length, and bring it forth. Then Q. Fabius the Roman Ambassador, having made a hollow lap within the plait and fold of his side gown, Here quoth he, within this lappet, we present and offer war and peace unto you, take whether ye will. At which word, they all cried out at once with as great stomach and boldness: Mary even which you will yourself. Whereat he let his rob lose again, Why then, there is war quoth he, take it amongst you; Let come say they all again, and welcome be it; and as willingly as we accept thereof, so shall we follow and manage it as thoroughly.  
This direct demand, and round denouncing of war, seemed more for the honour of the Romans, than to make much dispute and argument about the right of the cause, and of the covenants; a vain matter before, but now especially, after the winning and destruction of Saguntum. For if the question were to be decided by words and reasoning, that league of Asdrubal which was exchanged for the former of Luctatius, was not the same, nor the tenor thereof to be compared: seeing that in the accord of Luctatius, this branch and proviso was expressly added, [That it should stand good, and be ratified, if the people approved thereof:] but in this of Asdrubal, there was no such condition at all: and besides, the covenant for so many years space during his life, was so established and confirmed, and no word to the contrary; that when the very maker and author thereof was dead, there was no change and alteration. And yet, put case they should have stood upon the former alliance; the Saguntines were therein well enough comprised and provided for, in that the allies of either part were excepted and comprehended. For neither was this clause added [They who at that time were allies] nor yet were they excepted against, who afterwards should become, or be admitted allies. And seeing that it was lawful to entertain new confederates, who is it that would judge it reasonable, either that no man should be received unto amity for any good desert whatsoever; or being once received into protection, should not be defended accordingly: Provided always, that no allies of the Carthaginians should either be solicited to rebellion, or received again, if of themselves they once revolted.  
The Roman Ambassadors, as they were commanded at Rome, passed the seas from Carthage into Spain, for to visit all the cities, and to see whether they could either draw them to their society, or withdraw them from the Carthaginians. And first they came to the Bargusians, where being courteously entertained (for weary they were of the Carthaginians government) they stirred up many other nations beyond Iberus, to have a desire to change for a new world. From thence they came to the Volscians, whose notable answer reported throughout all Spain, 
●span. ●  turned away all other States from banding with the Romans: for thus in a solemn assembly a sage & ancient father among them framed his answer. With what face can ye (Romans) require us to prefer your friendship and amity before the Carthaginians? seeing that the Saguntines who did the same, have been more cruelly by you their allies betrayed, than by their enemies the Carthaginians destroyed? By my advice go and seek you confederates there, where the woeful calamity and misery of Saguntum is not known. The lamentable ruins of which city, as it is a doleful example, so it shall be a notable warning to all nations of Spain, that no man ever after repose trust in the protection and society of the Romans. Whereupon, they were commanded to depart the borders of the Volscians immediately, and in no Diet or Council of Spain, had they afterwards any better entertainment, and more courteous language. Thus having in vain gone through all Spain, they took their way into Gaul: where they saw a strange sight, and a fearful fashion: for all in armour (such was the guise and manner of the country) they cameto their public assemblies: & there, these ambassadors after they had set out in goodly words the greatness and glory of the people of Rome, and highly magnified their large empire and dominion, and thereupon made request, that they would not give the Carthaginians leave (who minded to make war upon Italy) for to pass through their cities and towns: hereat they set up such a laughter, with a certain grumbling and murmuring, that scarcely could the youth be stilled and quieted by the magistrates and elders; so sottish, so foolish, and shameless, seemed this demand, in their conceit: that they should once imagine that the Gauls were such asses, as they would be content (rather than to let the war pass into Italy) to avert and turn it upon themselves, and to suffer, yea and offer their own territories to be spoiled and harried, for the safety (forsooth) of other men's lands, who were but mere aliens and strangers unto them. The noise and garboil being at length hushed and appeased, this answer was returned to the Ambassadors: That neither the Romans had deserved so well, nor the Carthaginians so ill, at their hands, that they should take arms either for Romans, or against Carthaginians. But chose, they were advertised, that some of their nation, were by the people of Rome driven out of the marches and confines of Italy, put to pay tribute, yea, and endured other outrages and indignities. The like demands and answers passed too and fro in other Counsels and assemblies of Gaul: neither could they meet with any friendly entertainment, or have peaceable words given them, before they came to 
* ●Marfe●●es.  Massilia: where, after diligent inquiry, and faithful search made by their allies, they had true advertisements, that Hannibal aforehand had wrought the hearts of the Gauls to his own purpose, and was possessed of them: but they understood withal, that they were not like to continue long in good terms of kindness and favour even to him, (so fierce and savage, so untractable are they, and untamed by nature) unless their Princes and rulers be ever and anon well feed and plied with gold, whereof that nation of all other is most greedy & covetous. The Roman Ambassadors, having thus gone their circuit over all the States of Spain and Gaul, returned to Rome; not long after that the Coss. had taken their journey into their provinces: where they found the whole city possessed with the expectation of war: so rise and currant was the rumour and bruit abroad, that the Carthaginians were already passed over the river Iberus.  
Hannibal after the winning of Saguntum had retired himself to winter in new Carthage: and there having intelligence what had been done and decreed as well at Rome, as at Carthage [in Africa] and that he was reputed not only the Captain general and conductor, but also the very author and cause of all this war; so soon as he had divided and sold the rest of the booty and pillage that remained, thought good now to make no longer delays, 
The speech of Annibali to his Spanish soldiers.  but assembled the soldiers of the Spanish Nation, and to them he spoke in this manner. My trusty friends and loyal consederats, I am persuaded, that ye yourselves do see as well as I, now that all the States of Spain are in peace and quietness, that either ye are to make an end of soldiery, & all our forces to be cass and discharged from service; or else that ye must remove the war into other lands. For so shall these Nations prosper and flourish, and not only enjoy the blessings of peace, but also reap the fruits of war; if we will seek to gain riches, and to acquire glory and honour from others. Since therefore we are to war shortly far from home, and doubt it is, when you shall see again your houses, and whatsoever there, is dear unto you: if any of you be desirous to visit home, his wife and children, kinsfolk, and friends, I give him licence and free passport. But I command you withal, to show yourselves here again before me, in the beginning of the next spring; that with the help of God, we may in hand with that war, whereby we shall purchase both worship and wealth. There was not one in a manner but well accepted of this liberty so frankly offered by himself, and were desirous● have a sight of house & land, both for that overy one a ready longed for their friends and kindred, and foresaw in farther time to come, a greater miss, and cause of more longing after them. This rest all Winter time, between their travails past, and those they were soon after to endure, refreshed as well their bodies as their minds, and prepared them to abide and endure all new pains whatsoever. So in the very prime of the spring, according to the Edict aforesaid, they all assembled together again. Hannibal having taken a muster and survey of the aides that were sent unto him from all those Nations, went to 
* Cadiz, or Cales Males, or Cale●●  Gades; and there, to Hercules he paid his old vows, and bound himself to new, if the rest of his enterprises should speed well and have good success. After this, dividing and casting care indifferently, as well for offensive as defensive war, doubting lest whiles he went by land through Spain and France into Italy, Africa should lie open and naked to the Romans from Sicily side; purposed to fortify and make that part sure with strong garrisons. In am whereof, he sent for fresh supply out of Africa, specially of Archers and Ia●●lotiers, and those lightly armed: to the end, that the Africans might serve in Spain, and the Spaniards in Africa; like (both the one and the other) to prove the better soldiers, far from their own countries, and being bound as it were, with mutual and reciprocal pledges. So he sent into Africa 13850 footmen, armed with light targets, and 870 slingers of the islands 
* Two islands● Maiorica and Minorica. Of some, Columbá and Nur●.  Baleares, 1200 horsemen also out of sundry Nations. Which forces he disposed, partly for thedefense of Carthage, & partly to be divided through Africa, for the guard thereof. He sent withal, certain Commissioners into all their cities to take up soldiers, and enroled 4000 of their chosen youths, who should be brought to Carthage, there to lie in garrison, and to serve for hostages. And supposing that Spain was not to be neglected, and the rather, because he was not ignorant how the Roman Ambassadors had visited the same round, to see how they could solicit and work the Princes and rulers to their mind, he committed the charge of that Province to his brother Asdrubal, a valiant and hardy man; and furnished him with good forces, especially out of Africa, to wit, 11850 Africans footmen, 300 Ligurians, 500 Balearo Islanders. To this power of footmen, three hundred horse of the 
* Within the kingdom of Tune●.  Libyphoenicians, a Nation mixed of Carthaginians & Africans. Of 
* Inhabitants Bio led-il-gerid.  Numidians and Moors, that coast upon the Ocean, 1900. with a small cornet of 200 horsemen of Ilergetes out of Spain. And because he should want no manner of land help, fourteen Elephants besides. Moreover, there was a fleet allowed him for the defence of the sea coasts. For by what forces and service the Romans had before gotten victory, thereby it was likely, that they would still maintain and continue their wars. 50 galleys therefore of five banks of oats, he had at sea, two of four, and five of three. But of the five oared galleys aforesaid, he had no more but two and thirty, fitted and well appointed with rowers and mariners, and so were the five of three banks.  
From Gades, the army of Hannibal returned to winter in Carthage: and from thence he passed by the city 
* Hi●ona of M●quinensa.  Etovissa, and marched forward with his forces to Iberus & the sea coasts. Where it is reported, that in his sleep he dreamt, and saw a vision; namely, a young man of divine shape and semblance, 
The vision of Hannibal.  saying, That he was sent from Jupiter to guide him in his voyage into Italy, and willed him therefore to follow him, and in no wise to turn his eyes from him one way or other. Also, that at the first he being scared and affrighted, durst not look either about or behind, but followed him still: afterwards (as men by nature are curious) when he cast and discoursed in his mind, what it might be, that he was forbidden so to see behind him, he could not hold and rule his eyes, but must needs look back: and then he beheld behind him, a serpent of huge greatness coming amain, and all the way as it went, to bear down trees, groves, and thickets: and after all that, he perceived a great storm and tempest ensuing, with mighty thunderclaps. Now when he was desirous to know what this so great confusion and strange fight might signify, he heard a voice, saying, That it betokened the ruins and wasting of Italy: willing him therefore, to go still forward with his voyage, and search no further into the secrets of the gods, but leave them to the hidden destinies. Hannibal right joyous at this vision, passed over Iberus with his whole power, divided into three parts, having sent certain before him with gifts and rewards, into all parts whereas he should march with his army, to gain the hearts of the Gauls; and withal, to seek out & discover the passages of the Alpes. So he crossed the river Iberus with 90000 foot, & 12000 horse, strong. After this, he subdued the Ilergetes, the 
* The people of T●er. us.  Bargusians, 
* Mera●● in Catalenia.  Auselanes, and 
* Guienne  Aquitain, which lieth under the hills Pyrenei. The government of all these Nations, heeset over to Hanno, that he might have at his command the straits which joined France and Spain together. Unto whom he allowed 10000 footmen, and 1000 horse, for to defend and keep in obedience those countries. After that his army was on foot, and began to march through the forest Pyreneus, and that there ran amongst the barbarous people a more certain bruit, That they were to make war with the Romans; three thousand footmen of the Carpenates, returned back: and for certain it was known, that they departed not, for fear so much of the war, as the tedious journey and unpassable ways of the Alpes. Hannibal, considering that either to recall them, or to keep them by violence, was a dangerous matter; for fear lest thereby he should provoke the fierce stomachs of the rest; sent home again above 7000 of such, as he perceived to be weary, and to have no mind to the service; and made semblance withal, that the carpetans were by his leave discharged. And doubting least long stay & ease there, might tempt his soldiers, and give occasion of mutinies, with the rest of his forces he passed Pyreneus, and pitched his camp before the town 
* Granada, or A●nar●●.  Illiberis. The Gauls, albeit they were advertised, that it was Italy, at which Hannibal shot; yet because the bruit was blazed, That the Spaniards beyond Iberus, were by force subdued, and strong garrisons placed in their cities: certain Nations of them, for fear of servitude and bondage, rose up in arms, and assembled together at 
* Rousi●ion.  Ruscino. Which being related to Hannibal, he fearing more that they would stay him in his journey, than endanger him in sight; sent certain Orators or Ambassadors to their Princes and great Lords, to signify unto them, That himself in person would gladly parley with them, and that it should be in their choice whether they would come nearer to Illiberis, or himself go forward to Ruscino: where, being near together, they might more easily mere and confer. For as he was willing to receive them into his camp, and would be glad to see them there: so he would not think much of his pains, to repair unto them himself, as one that was thither come, as a friend and guest unto France, and not as an enemy; and would not by his good will draw a sword (if the Gauls would let him alone) before he were entered within Italy. And, thus much verily pasied by messengers and couriers between. But so soon as the Lords of France, who presently removed their camp to Illiberis, were come willingly enough to Hannibal, as being bribed and corrupted with money and presents, they gave his army good leave to pass through their confines along the town Ruscino.  
In Italy this while, the ambassadors of Marseilles had brought no other word to Rome, but that Hannibal was only gone over Iberus: but, by that time, the Boijs had stirred up the Insubrians to mutiny, and were revolted themselves, even as if he had passed the Alpes already: which they did not so much upon old rancour and malice to the People of Rome, as for that, they took it ill and were discontented, that there were Colonies brought lately into the Gauls country, to be planted about 
* The river To.  Padus, 
* The city Plaisance.  Placentia and Cremona. Whereupon they arose suddenly, took arms, and entered by force into those parts, and made so soul work and fearful havoc, that not only the country people and villagers, but also the three Roman Commissioners called Triumvirs, to wit, Caius Luctatius, Aul. Servilius, and Titus Annius, who were come to set out the lands and territory to the said Colonies, not trusting the walls of Placentia, fled to 
* Modena  Mutina. That Luctatius was one of them, it is not doubted: but some records have Q. Acilius and C. Herennius, instead of A. Servilius and T. Annius: and others again, nominate P. Cornelius Asina, and C. Papyrius Maso. It is uncertain also, whether they were the Ambassadors sent to the 
* Boutbnoise , Boij, to reason or expostulate the matter, that had abuse offered them, and were evil entreated; or that the Triumvirs above said, were set upon and assailed, as they were measuring out the lands. But whiles they were thus besieged at Mutina, and those Bojans lying at siege (a nation unskilful altogether in the seat of assaulting towns, and likewise of all other most cowardly, to attempt any martial exploits) whiles they lay idly about the walls, & never once advanced against them, they began to make show of a treaty for peace. Whereupon the Roman ambassadors or Commissioners, being by the chief of the Gauls called out to parley, were not only against law of nations, but with breach also of their faithful promise, & word which they had given that time, apprehended: and the Gauls said plainly, they would not let them go, unless their hostageswere delivered them again. These news touching the ambassadors being reported, & Mutina with the garrison in danger; L. Manli●s the Praetor, in great anger and indignation; brought his army in more haste than good order, before Mutina●. There were in those days great woods about the high way, and most part of the country wild's and wastes, not inhabited: where he having engaged himself without his espials, was entrapped within an ambush; lost many of his men, and hardly recovered the open champain country. There he ●icamped himself strongly: and for that the Gauls had no heart to assault, nor hope to win the camp, his soldior's courages were refreshed; albeit it was well known, that they had received a shroud foil, & knew their forces to be much impaired. Then began he to march on, in his journey afresh. And so long as he led his power through the open country, the enemies were not in sight: but when they were entered the forests again, they set upon the reward of them: where, besides the great fright and damage of all the rest, 800 Roman soldiers were left dead in the place; and the enemies went away with fix ensigns. But afterwards, the Gauls ceased to molest and trouble, and the Romans gave over to fear, so soon as they were passed, and escaped the rough, cumbrous, and unpassable forests. And the Romans being now able in the open and champion counttie to march with safety; made haste to get to 
* Tanedo  Tannerus a village near unto the Po. There within a fort which they made for the time, with the help and provision of victuals by the river, and the aid also of certain Gauls called 
* Of Bris●●id.  Brixians, they defended themselves against the enemies, whose number daily increased. After this sudden tumult was reported at Rome, and that the LL. of the Senate were advertised, that besides the war with the Carthaginians, the Gauls were up in arms: they gave order, that C. Attilius the praetor should go (with one Roman Legion, and four thousand allies, who were enroled by the Consuls in a new levy) to aid Manlius: who without any skirmish (by reason that the enemies were fled for fear) came to Tanetus. Also P. Cornelius having newly levied one Legion in am of that which was sent with the Praetor, departed from the city of Rome, and passing with 60 Gauls along the costs of Tuscan, Liguria, and so forward of the Salyes, shortly arrived at Massilia, and encamped near the next mouth of 
* Rhosne●  Rhodanus, (for the river is divided into many branches, and so dischargeth itself into the sea) being not fully of belief that Hannibal as yet had passed over the mountains Pyrenei. But when he understood, that he was ready even then to pass Rhodanus also; & doubting in what place to encounter and meet him, his people as yet not well recovered, after their being sea-sick: he sent before, 300 elect men of arms, guided by the Massilians, and certain Gauls that came to aid; for to discover all, and to take a full view of the enemies safely without danger.  
Hannibal having appeased the rest of the country, either for fear or by means of money, was now come into the country of the 
* Avignen.  Volcanes', a puissant people and a valiant. These inhabit along both the banks of Rhodanus: and mistrusting that they were not able to defend their lands against the Carthaginians, on that side of the river which lay to them: because they might have the whole river to serve them for a good defence & rampire, transported over the Rhos●e all in manner that ever they had, and kept the bank on the other side. The rest of the inhabitants near to the river, and even those also in whose territories Hannibal had set foot already, both he himself with gifts alured to get together from all parts shipping, and to frame new vessels: and they of themselves likewise, were as willing to have his army transported, and their own country eased and delivered (they cared not how soon) of so great a multitude of troublesome guests. Whereupon, there was gotten together an huge number of lighters, barges, and boats especially, which were made in haste without great workmanship; in which the people inhabiting thereby, use to transport wares & commodities from one to another. Other new whirries also, the Gauls began first to make of the hollowed trunks of trees: and after them, the soldiers for that they had both store of timber and saw the workmanship but sleight & easy, made in haste certain bottoms, such as they were, like troughs without form or fashion, regarding no hansomensse at all, so they would but float on the water, and receive burden, in which they might convey over themselves and that which they had.  
Now when they had prepared and made all ready for their passage, the enemies on the other side right against them, kept and covered all the bank, along with men and horse putting them to much trouble and fear. Hannibal therefore to withdraw them from that place, commanded Hanno the son of Bomilcar, at the first watch of the night, to go up the stream along the river side, one days journey, with part of the forces, and those most of them Spaniards: and wheresoever he first could espy a convenient place, to cross the river, & to land as secretly as he could: and then to fetch about with his men, that when need were he might charge upon the back of the enemy. Hereunto were appointed certain Gauls for guides: who from thence conducted them some 25 miles above, to a little island compassed about with the river, which here spread out in breadth, by reason that it divided itself, and thereby the channel was not so deep: where they showed him a place of passage. There, in all hast they cut down and 〈◊〉 timber, and made botes, to set over horse and man and other burden. The Spaniards made no more ado, but fastening their apparel to bouges of leather like bladders, full of wind, and laying their bucklers thereupon, sat aloft and passed over nimbly. The rest of the army also, with joining planks and troughs together, was set over. Where having encamped near the river, as being weary with their night journey, and toilsome work, they rested one day to refresh themselves, whiles there captain studied and was occupied, to execute his commission and his intended service in good and convenient time. The morrow after, they removed from thence, and gave knowledge by smoke that they were passed over and not far of. Which when Hannibal perceived, for that he would not lose the vantage of that time, he gave signal to his men also to get over the water. Now had the footmen already their botes prepared and fitted. And the course & ranks of barges (which to receive and break the force of the currant from above, transported the horsemen, besides the horses that swum after) made for the small botes that passed beneath, a gentle and calm water. For a number of horses swum after the ships, haled by the bridle rains which were tied to the poops, besides those, which being saddled and bridled, and fitted to serve the men of arms so soon as ever they were landed, were bestowed in barges & ferry botes. The Gauls stood upon the bank with dissant hooping, hollaing, yelling and singing after their manner, who shaking their targuets over their heads, brandishing and flourishing their swords in their right hands, showed themselves ready to receive them, albeit so great a number and world of barges and botes full in their eye over against them, together with arrhideous roaring of the water, might have scared them: besides sundry noises of mariners and soldiers, who laboured & strove to break the power and force of the water, and who being on the other side of the bank encouraged their fellows that were passing over. And thus frighted enough as they were, with the tumult and noise presented before their faces: behold there arose a more fearful and terrible outcry behind these backs, upon the forcing and winning of their camp by Hanno. And, him-himselfe in person came soon after: so that they were put in fear on both sides. For not only out of the ships there was a great multitude gotten to land, but also a power at their backs unlooked for, came forward and charged them. The Gauls, after they had made some resistance, and saw they were easily put back; broke through, where they espied the way to lie most open, and so in great fear they fled divers ways into their towns and villages. Hannibal then, having conveyed over the rest of his forces by leisure, cared no more now for any French stirs and tumults, and so encamped himself. But for the transporting of the Elephants, I suppose there were sundry devises: and certainly, however it was, the thing is diversely recorded. Some say, that when the Elephants were gathered together upon the bank, the most courageous and fiercest of them all, was chauff, angered, and raised of purpose by his master or keeper: and when he was pursued of the beast, and to save himself fled from him, and took the river, thereupon the Elephant followed after him as he swam, and so drew after him the whole drove of the rest: and as any one of them (fearing the depth) failed to wade, the very force of the river carried him to the other side. But it is more credibly and certainly reported, that they were conveyed over in certain barges: which as it was a safer way safer way and surer course before it was practised, so when it was done and passed, it was more easily credited. They caused therefore one vessel or barge, 200 foot long, and 50 foot broad, to reach from the strand side and the shore into the river; which because it should not be carried down with the course and stream of the water, they fastened to the bank above with many strong ropes, and like as it had been a bridge, they covered it over with earth, that the beasts might boldly gothereon as upon the firm ground. Now there was another barge full as broad, but of length only 100 foot; fitted & appointed to pass the river, and was tied & coupled thereto: and when as the Elephants (driven after the females going before) upon the steady barge, as it had been upon a causey, were gone over into the lesser which was fastened unto it; then presently was it loosed from the bonds where with it was slightly tied, and so haled and drawn by certain galley boats, directed with oaresthrough to the other bank. Thus when the first were landed, they went for more still, until they were all set over: and verily, so long as they were driven on still, as it were upon a long bridge, they nothing feared: the foremost only were afraid when the barge was losened, and they parted from their fellows, and so were carried away into the wide and deep river, where thronging and struggling together, and iostling one another, they made some trouble, whiles they that were outmost gave back from the water as much as they could, until such time as very fear (when they saw all about them nothing but water) caused them to be quiet. Some of them also like raging beasts as they were, and unruly, fell out into the river, but by reason of their heaviness, they stood sure, and casting their governors, they fought the sounds foot by foot, by little and little, and got safe to land.  
Whiles the Elephants were thus transporting over, Hannibal in the mean time had sent 500 Numidian light horsemen to the Romans camp, as espials to discover the ground, where they were to learn what forces they had, and listen after their designs and purposes. This wing and troop was encountered by three hundred Roman horsemen, sent as is aforesaid, from the mouth of Rhodanus: where there was a more cruel skirmish than for so small a number, for besides many hurt, there were slain on both sides in a manner alike: but in the end, the fear and flight of the Numidians gave the victory to the Romans; being now already much travailed and wearied: on whose part (being the winners) were slain 160, not all Romans, but some Gauls: and on the losers side who were overcome, there died above 200. This beginning and prognostication as it were of the war, as it portended and presaged an happy end and success of the whole, unto the Romans: so it showed plainly, that the victory would hang long in equal balance, not without much effusion of blood, and danger of their part. The conflict being thus determined, they returned each one to his own Captain. As for Scipio, he could not resolve to take any course himself; but according as he saw the plots and enterprises of the enemy, so to frame his own. And Annibal again being uncertain whether to go forward with his journey begun, into Italy, or to give battle unto the first army of the Romans that came in his way and met him: was drawn away from all present conflict, by occasion of the coming of the Ambassadors of the Boijs, and of a great Lord and Potentate, called Matalus; who promising to be his guides unto him in his voyage, and companions in his perils, thought it good, and gave advise to invade and set upon Italy first of all before any other war, whiles his forces were entire in harr, no where put to the hazard, and to give them as it were the first handsel. The common multitude of the Carthaginians (for that the former war was not clean forgotten and out of remembrance) feared verily their enemies, but more their infinite journey, & the Alps especially, the name whereof to men not experienced, was very fearful and terrible. Whereupon, Hannibal being now resolute to march onward in his journey, and to pass into Italy, assembled his people to an audience, and by sundry means, as well by way of rebuke, as also by encouragement, windeth and assayeth the minds of his soldiers. I mervell (quoth he) what sudden fright or new fear hath possessed your hearts; that ever before now have been undaunted; who have served so many years, and always won the victory; who departed not out of Spain, before that all those nations and lands, which lie enclosed between two divers seas, were brought in subjection to the Carthaginians; who taking indignation and great disdain; that the people of Rome should require all those to be yielded unto justice (as offenders and malefactors) that had besieged Saguntum, have thereupon passed the river Iberus, with this intent even to destroy and extirp the Roman name, & to set free the whole world out of their servitude & bondage: no man thought it long then of his travail from East to West, from the setting of the sun, to the rising of the same: now when as ye see the greater part (by far) of our journey done and passed, the forest and mountain of Pyreneus, amid most fierce and cruel nations, surmounted; that great river Rhodanus, passed over, maugre the hearts of so many thousand Gauls that would have impeached your passage, yea & the force of his main stream overcome; now I say, when you are within the fight of the Alps, to the other side whereof lieth Italy close; ye faint as it were, and stand still, tired at the very gates of the enemies. Why? what other thing take ye the Alps to be, but high hills? And imagine they be higher than the cliffs of Pyrenei, what? there is no land (I am sure) that reach up to heaven, and no place for men unsuperable. But for the Alps, they are inhabited, and they are tilled, they breed and feed living creatures and cat-tail: and are they accessible in deed, & passable for some few, & unpassable for whole armies? These very ambassadors whom you see here, flew not over the Alps with wings, neither were their ancestors time out of mind borne and bred there, but came from other parts as strangers, and inhabited Italy before; yea, and oftentimes have gone over the same Alps in huge multitudes, together with their wives and children, in manner of travellers & pilgrims that seek new countries to inhabit: what should there be unpassable then or impossible for the armed soldier, carrying about him nothing but instruments of war? For the winning of Saguntum, what perils were adventured, what travails were endured and swallowed, for eight months space? should any thing then seem so hard and difficult as to stay them in their enterprise once begun, who aim at no less than to conquer Rome, the head city of the world? And have the Gauls indeed forced and won that in times past, which the Carthaginians despair now to come unto? Therefore, either ye must confess yourselves inferior in stomach and valour to that nation, which so oft (these days passed) by you have been vanquished; or else make reckoning with assured hope, that the goodly fair fields that lie between Tyberis and the walls of Rome, are the end of your journey.  
When in these terms he had exhorted and encouraged his soldiers, he commanded them to take their repast and repose, to cherish and refresh their bodies, and to prepare themselves for the march. The morrow after he departed cross from the banks of Rhodanus, and entered the inland parts of France: not for that it was the more direct way to the Alps, but because he thought the further he went from the sea side, in so much less danger he should be of meeting the Romans, with whom he was not minded to fight, before he was arrived into Italy. After that he had travailed four days journey, he came to an Island, where the two rivers 
* The river Sa●●ne.  Arar and Rhodanus, issuing out of sundry parts of the Alps, and taking a direct course, after they have run through a good part of the country, fall at length together and meet in one, and the ground lying between is called by the name of the Island. near there, inhabit the 
* The people of Sa●●ie according to Schudus. But Diulphinor. after Martianius, Rhenam●, and others.  Allobroges, a nation even in those days nothing inferior, either in wealth and puissance, or in same and reputation to any people or state of the Gauls whatsoever. But at that very time there was some discord & variance among them, by occasion of two brethren who were at strife for the crown and kingdom: the elder (whose name was Brancus, and had before enjoyed the signory) was deposed and thrust out by his younger brother, and a lusty crew of the youth; who as they had less right on their side, so they were the mightier. The deciding of this variance, was referred and put over unto Hannibal, in as good and fit a time for his purpose, as he could have wished: and he forsooth was made the umpire and judge, to determine whether of them should be king who restored the elder to the kingdom; like as it would have been adjudged by the award of the Senators and Nobles of the country. For which benefit and good turn, he was served with victual, and store of all things abundantly, yea and with raiment and apparel; which he was driven to provide aforehand, for the name that went of the Alps, which for their coldness were in great discredit.  
Having thus appeased the debate of the Allobroges, and minding now to set forward to the Alps; he would not go the direct straight way, but turned on the left hand to the 
* Entrecacie: ●ix in Provance, saith Vigenereus.  Tricastnies, and from thence passing by the frontiers of the 
* Val de viso, or the country of Belfort.  Vocontians, he matched into the 
* Those of Craux.  Tricoriahs'; and never was he stayed or impeached in his journey, before that he came to the river 
* Durance.  Druentia, which descending also out of the Alps, is of all other rivers in France most hard to be passed over; for although it carry with it a mighty force of water, yet will it bear no vessel, because it is kept and restrained with no banks, but running at once by many divers channels, maketh ever new sourds, and casteth up new shelves and whirlepits, (for which cause also a footman hath much ado to wade therethrough, and knoweth not the fourds) besides, it rolleth down round stones and pebbles, whereby there is no sure nor safe footing for him that would wade through. And it chanced at that time, that it swollen and was risen high by fall of rain, and by land-flouds, and caused them to have very much to do, that passed over it: and over and besides all other difficulties, they were of themselves troubled and disquieted through their own fearfulness and sundry cries which they made. Publius' Cornelius the Consul, about three days after that Hannibal dislodged from the bank of Rhodanus, was arrived with his army (arraunged in a foursquare battle) as far as the place where the enemy was lately encamped, purposing without any stay to give him battle. But seeing the hold abandoned, and that he was not like to overtake him, being so far gone forwards; he returned to his ships at sea, supposing by that means, with less danger and difficulty, to encounter Hannibal as he descended from the Alpes. But leastthat Spain (which was the province allotted unto him) should be left disfurnished of Roman succours, he sent his brother Cn. Scipio with the greatest part of his forces against Asdrubal: not so much to defend their old allies, and procure new, as to drive Asdrubal out of Spain. Himself with a very small company returned to 
* Genes.  Genua, with intent to guard Italy, with that army which was about the Po.  
Hannibal being departed from Druentia, marched for the most part through the champion countries, and came in peace and quietly, to the foot of the Alpes, for any trouble from the peasants that there inhabited. And albeit he had some knowledge of the Alpes before by report, (which useth to make things that are uncertain, much more than indeed and truth they are) yet seeing now near at hand the height of those thils, and the snows, intermingled along with the sky; the rude and misshapen houses set upon rocks; the cattle, sheep, oxen, and horses, singed with cold; the people with long shagd hair, and without any trimming, both living and lifeless creatures, even parched stiff and stark with frost; and all things else mo●e strange and ill-favoured, than can be spoken: then began his soldiers to fear afresh. So soon as they advanced forward, and began to march up the first cliffs, there appeared over their heads the mountain people, who had seized the hills: who if they had kept the secret and hidden valleys, and suddenly all at once charged upon them, they would have made a foul slaughter of them, & put them to flight. Then Hannibal commandeth the ensigns to stand still, and sent certain Gauls afore, as espials; by whom he understood, that there was no passage that way: whereupon, he pitched his camp amongst those craggy and steep rough places, upon as large a plain and valley as he could find. Then by the same Gauls (who much differed not in tongue and manners from the other, and had intermingled themselves in talk with the mountainers) he understood, that they kept the passage, but in the day time, and slipped away in the night, every one to his own harbour. So at the break of day he mounted those steep hills, as if he would openly in the day time march through the straits. Thus having spent the day in making semblance and show of one thing, and intending another, he encamped himself strongly in the place where he had rested and stayed: and so soon as he perceived, that the mountain people were departed from the steep hills, and kept not so straight watch and ward; after that he had made show of fires, more than for the number of those that remained behind; and left with the cavalry all the bag and baggage, with the greatest part of the footmen: himself in person took unto him the nimblest, most active, and valiant soldiers lightly appointed, and with all speed passed through the straits aforesaid, and encamped on the very hills which the enemies before held and beset. Then in the morning betime his camp dislodged: and the army behind, began to march and set forward. By which time the mountainers, at the ordinary signal given, came forth out of their castles and forts, and met at the usual place of their accustomed guards: but then all at once they might see some of the enemies over their heads, to have gained their own fortress, & others also marching in the way. Both which objects at one time presented to their eye, made them blank and to stand still in a muse a good while. But afterwards, when they saw Hannibal his army, distressed in the straits, and in great trouble and disorder among themselves in the march, by reason especially the horses were so affrighted: supposing, that the least fear and terror (besides) that they could procure, would be enough for their enemy's overthrow and confusion, they crossed the rocks overthwart, and (as they were accustomed and used to them) ran to and fro, up and down through the blind and unhaunted byways. But then verily, the Carthaginians were much encumbered, as well by their enemies, as also by the disadvantage of the place, & more ado there was among them (whiles every one strove a-vie who should first escape the danger) than with the enemy. There was nothing that disordered and troubled the army in the match, so much as their own horses, which (by reason of the dissonant and divers cries, that the echoes between the woods and valleys redoubled) were affrighted: and also if any of them chanced to be stricken, gauled, or wounded; they kept such winsing, and flinging about them, that they overthrew and made great havoc of men, and of all sorts of carriage. Besides, the press was so great, and the straits of both sides so steep and craggy, that many a man was thrown down headlong a mighty height: yea, and some of them armed: and the sumpter horses and beasts for carriage, especially, tumbled down amain with their load, as if a house or castle had come down with a mischief. Which, although it were terrible to behold, yet Hannibal for a while stood still, and kept his own men together, for fear of increasing this disorder and affright. But after that he saw his army disbanded and marching in disarray, and that it was to no purpose to lead his army safe through the straits, if he lost the carriages: for fear hereof, he ran down from the higher ground, and albeit, with the violence of his charge, he discomfited the enemy, yet he increased the trouble and fear of his own people. But that was soon appeased in a very moment, after the ways and passages were once cleared, by reason of the mountainers that were fled: so that within a while the whole host passed through, not only at ease and leisure, but also in a manner without any noise at all. This done, he seized upon a castle, which was the chief strength of that country, with other villages lying about it: and for three days space he victualled and maintained his whole army, with the cattle of his prisoners. And for that he was now neither molested with the mountainers, who were at the first discomfited, nor greatly encumbered with the difficulties of the ways, in those three days he rid a good deal of ground, and journeied a great way into the country; until at the length he came to an●●her coast well peopled (for such mountain and hilly quarters;) where he had like to have been overtaken, not by open force, but even in his own professed cunning: first, by a subtle practice, and after by a secret ambush. Certain ancient men, the rulers and governors of the castles, repaired unto Hannibal as Orators, saying, That they having been taught and made wise, by the profitable example of other men's harms, made choice, rather to try the amity, than prove the force of the Carthaginians; and therefore were willing to do his commandment, and be at his devotion: requesting him to take at their hands victuals and guides for their journey, yea, and hostages also for better assurance of promises to be performed. Hannibal neither overhastily and rashly believing them, nor yet churlishly distrusting and refusing their offer, least being rejected and cast off, they might become open and professed enemies; gave them good language, and a courteous answer, received the hostages whom they gave, accepted victuals, which they had brought with them to maintain his army by the way, and followed their guides, but so, as his army was not disarraied in their march, as if he had been amongst his friends, and in a peaceable country. First went in the vanguard the Elephants, and the horsemen; himself marched after with the flower and strength of his footmen, looking all about him with an heedful eye. So soon as he was entered a narrow passage, which of the one side lay under a steep hill that commanded them aloft, the barbarous people rose out of their ambush from all parts at once, both before and behind, and charged upon him both a far off and near at hand; yea and rolled down mighty huge stones upon them as they marched. But the greatest number came behind upon their backs: against whom he turned and made head with the power of his footmen, and without all peradventure (if the tail both of his army, had not been strong and well fortified) they must needs have received in that lane and straits, an exceeding great overthrow. And even then, as it was, they came to an extremity of danger, and in manner fell into a present mischief. For whiles Annibal made long stay, & doubted whether he should engage the regiment of footmen within the straits, for that he had not left any succours in the rearguard to back the footmen, like as himself was a defence to the horsemen; the mountainers came overthwart, and flanked them; and breaking through the files of the battle, beset the way, and crossed upon him. So that Hannibal took up his lodging for one night, without his carriages & horsemen. The morrow after, when as the barbarous people ran between them more coldly than before, he joined his forces together, and passed the straight, not without great damage and loss; but with more hurt of the sumpter horses than of men. After this, the mountainers (fewer in number, and in robbing wise rather than in warlike sort) ran in heaps, one while upon the vaward, other while upon the rearward, as any one of them could either get the vantage of ground, or by going one while afore, and by staying another while behind, win and catch any occasion & opportunity. The elephants, as they were driven with great leisure, because through these narrow steights, they were ready ever & anon to run on their noses: so what way soever they went, they kept the army safe & sure from the enemies; who being not used unto them, durst not once come near. The ninth day he won the very tops of the Alpes, through by-lanes and blind cranks: after he had wandered many times out of the way, either through the deceitfulness of their guides; or for that when they durst not trust them, they adventured rashly themselves upon the valleys, and guessed the way at adventure, and went by aim. Two days abode he encamped upon the tops thereof, and the soldiers wearied with travail and fight rested that time: certain also of the sumpter horses (which had slipped aside from therockes) by following the tracks of the army as it marched, came to the camp. When they were thus overtoiled and wearied with these tedious travails, the snow that fell (for now the star Vergilie, was set and gone down out of that horizon) increased their fear exceedingly. Now when as at the break of day the ensigns were set forward, and the army marched slowly, through the thick and deep snow; and that there appeared in the countenance of them all, slothfulness and desperation: Hannibal advanced before the standards, and commanded his soldiers to stay upon a certain high hill, (from whence they had a goodly prospect and might see a great way all about them) and there showed unto them Italy, and the goodly champion fields about the Po, which lie hard under the foot of the Alpine mountains: saying, That even then they mounted the walls, not only of Italy, but also of the city of Rome; as for all besides (faith he) will be plain and easy to be traveled: and after one or two battles at the most, ye shall have at your command, the very castle and head city of all Italy. Then began the army to march forward: and as yet the enemies verily themselves adventured nothing at all, but some petty robberies by stealth, as opportunity & occasion served. Howbeit they had much more difficult travailing down the hill, than in the climbing & getting up; for that most of the advenues to the Alpes from Italy side, as they be shorter, so they are more upright: for all the way in a manner was steep, narrow, and slippery, so as neither they could hold themselves from sliding, nor if any tripped and stumbled never so little, could they possibly (they staggered so) recover themselves and keep sure footing, but one fell upon another, as well horse as man. After this they came to a much narrower rock, with crags & rags so steep downright, that hardly a nimble soldier without his armour and baggage (do what he could to take hold with hands upon the twigs and plants that there about grew forth) was able to creep down. This place being before naturally of itself steep & pendant with a downfall, now was choked & dammed up with a new fall of earth, which left a bank behind it of a wonderful & monstrous height. There the horsemen stood still as if they had been come to their ways end. & when Hannibal merveiled much what the matter might be that stayed them so, as they marched not on: word was brought him, that the Rock was unaccessible & unpassable. Whereupon, he went himself in person to view the place, & then he saw indeed without all doubt, that although he had fetched a compass about, yet he had gained nought thereby, but conducted his army, to pass through wild's, & such places as before had never been beaten & trodden. And verily that (of all other) was such, as it was impossible to pass through. For, where as there lay old snow untouched & not troddenon, and over it other snow newly fallen, of a small depth; in this soft & tender snow, & the same not very deep, their feet as they went, easily took hold: but that snow, being once with the gate of so many people & beasts upon it, fretted and thawed, they were feign to go upon the bare ice underneath, and in the slabberie snow-broth, as it relented and melted about their heels. There they had foul a do and much struggling, for that they could not tread sure upon the slippery ice: and again, going as they did (down hill) their feetsooner failed them: and when they had helped themselves once in getting up, either with hands or knees; if they chanced to fall again, when those their props and stays deceived them, there were no twigs nor roots about, whereon a man might take hold, and rest or stay himself, either by hand or foot. And therefore all that the poor garrons and beasts could do, was to tumble and wallow only, upon the slippery and glassy ye, and the molten slabbie snow. Otherwhiles also, they perished, as they went in the deep snow, whiles it was yet soft and tender: for when they were once slidden and fallen, with flinging out their heels, and beating with their hooves more forcibly for to take hold, they broke the ice through; so as most of them, as if they had been caught fast and fettered, stuck still in the deep, hard frozen, & congealed ice. At last, when as both man & beast were wearied and overtoiled, and all to no purpose, they encamped upon the top of an hill, having with very much ado cleansed the place aforehand for that purpose: such a deal of snow there was to be digged, faied, and thrown out. This done, the soldiers were brought to break that rock, through which was their only way: and against the time that it was to be hewed through, they felled & overthrew many huge trees that grew there about, and made a mighty heap and pile of wood: the wind served fuly for the time to kindle a fire, & then they set all a burning. Now when the rock was on fire and red hot, they powered thereon strong vinegar for to calcine & dissolve it. When as the rock was thus baked (as it were) with fire, they digged into it, and opened it with pickeaxes, and made the descent gentle and easy, by means of moderate windings and turnings: so as not only the horses and other beasts, but even the Elephants also might be able to go down. Four days he spent about the leveling of this rock: & the beasts were almost pined and lost for hunger. For the hill tops for the most part are bare of grass; and look what fog and forage there was, the snow overhilled it. The dales and lower grounds have some little banks lying to the sun, and rivers withal, near unto the woods, yea and places more meet and beseeming for men to inhabit. There were the labouring beasts put out to grass & pasture, and the soldiers that were wearied with making the ways, had three days allowed to rest in. From thence they went down into the plain country, where they found both the place more easy and pleasant, and the natures of the inhabitants more tractable.  
In this manner, and by this means principally, entered the Carthaginians into Italy, five months after they departed from new Carthage (as some write): & within fifteen days overcame and passed the Alpes. What power Hannibal had, when he was arrived in Italy, the historians do not agree. They that speak with the most, write that he was 100000 foot, and 20000 horse strong: they that make the least of it, say they were 20000 foot and 6000 horse. L. Cincius Alimentus, who hath delivered under his hand, that himself was taken prisoner by Hannibal (a writer of great authority) would induce me sufficiently to believe him, but that he setteth down the number so confusedly, by adding to the rest, the Gauls and Ligurians. Herecordeth, that counting them, the Infantry was 80000, & the Cavalry 10000, which was conducted into Italy (but likely it is that from all parts there came more thither than so, and so some authors do report) and that he heard from Hannibal his own mouth, that after he had passed Rhodanus, he had lost 36000 men, and a great number of horses and other beasts of burden, when he was come down into the Taurines country, which was the next nation in Italy, adjoining to the Gauls. Which being a thing agreed upon amongst all, I marvel so much the more, that there is any doubt, on which side he went over the Alpes: and that commonly it is believed, that he passed by a place called Penninum, and that thereupon the top of the Alpes took the name, and was so called. Celius saith, he took his way over by the top of Cremon: both which passages surely would have brought him not into the Taurines country, but through the mountain forests, unto the Gauls called Libuj. But neither is it probable, that in those days the same passages were open into France: considering, that the ways which lead to Penninum were environned with nations half Germans. And certainly, the Veragrians, who inhabit this very top (in case a man may build aught upon this conjecture) never knew that these mountains took the name of any passage of the Carthaginians, that way: but of some one place consecrated in the top of the hill, which the peasants and mountainers called Penninum.  
Very happily and fitly it sell out for the enterprise of his first designments, that the Taurines the next nation he came unto, made war upon the Insubrians. But Hannibal being busied in refreshing his army (that now had most feeling of their harms which they had caught before) could not arm the same to the aid and gratifying of either party: for ease after travail, plenty upon scarcity, good keeping and delicate, after loathsome nastiness, did by a sudden change greatly alter and distemper their lean and pined bodies, well-near savage and wild grown. Which was the cause that P. Cornelius the Consul, being arrived and landed at Pisae, after he had received of Manlius Attilius an army of new and raw soldiers, fearful for some shameful disgrace and defeature lately received, made haste and highed him to the Po, for to give battle unto the enemy, before he were well refreshed and in heart again. But by that time that the Consul was come to Placentia, Hannibal had dislodged and removed his camp, and won by assault the chief city or town of the Taurines, because it willingly yielded not to accept of his amity and protection: and surely not by fear only, but also of voluntary good will, he had gained unto him the Gauls that inhabited about the Po, but that the sudden coming of the Consul interrupted and surprised them, as they were casting about to spy some opportunity of rebellion. So Hannibal dislodged, and removed out of the Taurines country, with this opinion, that the Gauls especially, being doubtful as yet what part to take, would follow him being present in place. Now were the armies in manner one in sight of the other, and the Generals approached nigher together: and as they were not yet well known one unto the other, so they had already both of them a great opinion, and reciprocal admiration one of the other. For as Hannibal was much renowned, and his name right well known among the Romans, even since before Saguntum was lost: so Scipio was takenof him, and repured for some singular and excellent man, in that he especially above all other, was chosen General against him. Which mutual conceit and impression they had, they augmented themselves one to the other: for that Scipio, albeit he was left behind in France, yet he met Hannibal, and was ready to make head against him, so soon as he was passed the Alps: and Hannibal again, because having enterprised so great an adventure, as to pass the Alps, had now brought the same to good effect. But Scipio to prevent Hannibal in crossing the Po before him, removed his camp to the river Ticinus: and for to encourage his soldiers, before he brought them forth to battle, he made an Oration unto them, and began in this manner.  My valiant soldiers and trusty friends, if I were now to lead that army into the field, which I had with me in France, I would have forborn to make any speech at all unto you: for to what purpose needed I to exhort, either that cavalry, which so valiantly had vanquished the horsemen of the enemies at the river Rhodanus: or those legions, with whom I followed in chase as it were, even these very enemies, and whose falling off and refusing battle, I take to be a confession of victory? But now for as much as that army, being indeed levied for the province Spain, serveth with my brother Cn. Scipio, under my name and commission, where it pleaseth the Senate and people of Rome, they should be employed; to the end that ye might have a Consul to be your Captain against Hannibal and the Carthaginians, I have willingly offered myself to this war. If being then, your new Captain, and you my new soldiers, meet it is and convenient I should use a few words unto you. And to the end you should not be ignorant, either of the manner of this service, or quality of your enemy; with those men ye are to fight, whom in the former Punic war ye overcame both by land and sea; of whom for these twenty years ye have received tribute; from whom ye have won (as the due wages and reward of the war) Sicily, and Sadinia both, and them do hold and occupy. In this battle therefore, both you and they are to carry that mind, and so to be affected, as winners and losers are to be: for never think that it is valour & hardiness that provoketh them now to fight, but mere necessity and compulsion enforceth them to the field. Unless ye will believe, that they who when they had an entire army, and unfoiled, refused battle, should now have greater hope, and take more courage, after they have lost two parts of their horse and foot, in the very passage of the Alps; and of whom, there have more perished in a manner, than remain alive. But will some man say, True it is, few they are in number, but stout in heart, and tall of hand, whose strength and puissance, no force is hardly able to abide. Images they are, nay to say more truly, the very shadows of men, and no better; with hunger bitten, with cold starved, lost for want of keeping, spoiled with nastiness and filthy ordure, bruised and weakened amongst hard rocks and craggy cliffs: over and besides, joints and marrow dried up and burnt, their sinews shrunk, stork, and strife again with cold and chilling snow, their limbs singed with bitter frost, their armour crushed, bruised, & their weapons broken: their horses, no other than lame jades and poor hidebound hildings. See what horsemen; lo what footmen ye are to fight withal. Believe me, ye shall have the very relics and last remnants of enemies, and not enemies indeed. And I assure you, nothing fear I more than this, that before ye shall skirmish with this kind of enemy, it will be thought thatthe Alpes already have vanquished and defaited Hannibal. But peradventure it was so meet, and reason would, that the gods themselves without man's help, should against that captain and nation, which had broken league and covenants, begin the war first, set it in good forwardness, and bring it to the point of an end; and then we, who next to the gods have been offended & wronged, should finish the same thus begun to our hands, and brought to so good a pass, I fear not that any man here doth think, that I utter these brave and glorious words only for to hearten you, and that myself think otherwise in hart, than I speak with tongue. I might have gone myself well enough into Spain, my proper and peculiar province, (where I had been aforetime) and with an army of mine own: I should have had my brother there, both a counsellor unto me in my distresses, and a companion with me in my dangers. I found Asdrubal rather than Hannibal mine enemy, and no doubt, the affairs and charge of the war far less than here. But when I sailed by the coast of France, and upon the bruit and news of this enemy was set a land, I sent my cavalry before, and removed camp as far as to Rhodanus, and in a battle of horsemen (for with that part of my forces it was my hap to encounter & fight) I discomfited the enemy: and for that by land I could not overtake his infantry, (so hastily they marched away, like men that fled) I was feign to returneto the sea, & embark again into my ships: and with as great expedition & speed as I could make (considering so great compass about of sea and land) at the very foot of the Alpes, I was ready to encounter and affront him. Can it be thought then, that whiles I shunned and avoided fight, I fell by chance and at unwares upon this dread and redoubted enemy? or rather, that I followed him hard at heels? and challenged him, to draw him forth unto a battle, thereby to have it decided who should have the victory in the end? I would gladly make trial, whether all of a sudden the earth hath brought forth for these twenty years, Carthaginians, of another mould or new stamp: or whether they be the same that fought near the islands Aegates, & whom ye sent away, and let go from Eryx, valued after the rate of 18 
* xi. 〈◊〉. d.sterl.  deniers apiece, and no more: and feign would I see, whether this Hannibal be the concurrent of Hercules, to undertake his journeys and voyages, as he faith himself; or one left by his father, a tributary, a vassal, and slave of the people of Rome: who; but that he is tormented in conscience for the outrage and cruelty committed upon Saguntum, would have some respect and regard, if not of his native country (conquered and subdued) yet of his own house, of the peace & covenants written by his father Amilear, & his own hand: Amilear (I say) who at the commandment of our Consul, removed his garrison from Eryx; who fuming and storming, received with sorrowful heart the grievous and heavy conditions of peace imposed upon the conquered Carthaginians; who capitulated & covenanted to abandon Sicily, & to pay a tribute to the people of Rome: I would have you therefore (my hardy soldiers) to fight against him, not only with the same courage as ye do with other enemies, but in a certain heat of choler and indignation, as if ye should see your own servants and slaves on a sudden to rise up in arms against you. We might well if we had been so minded, when they were enclosed and shut fast up within Eryx, have put them to the utmost extremity of all worldly pain, and famished them. We might have passed over with our victorious Annado into Africa, and within, few days forced and razed Carthage, without any battle fought. We pardoned them at their humble request, and took them to mercy; we let them out where they were besieged and beleaguered; and notwithstanding that they were by us subdued, we made peace, & contracted amity with them: and afterward, when they were molested & distressed with the Africanes war, we counted them within our protection. In recompense of these good favours and demerits; they come against us, under the leading of an humorous brainsick and furious young man; to invade and assail our country. And I would it had pleased God that we had all this war for our honour only and reputation, and not for our safety and our lives. But we are to fight now, not for the holding & possession of Sicily & Sardinia, as in times past; but for our freehold, & the inheritance of Italy: and that which more is, there is no army behind our backs; to withstand and make head against the enemy, if we chance to fail of victory: neither are there any more Alpes, which while he is getting over, we might have leisure in the mean time to assemble and prepare new forces. Here in this very place (soldiers) must we stand to it, and make resistance, as if we were fight under Rome walls. Let every man think that he is not only to defend and ward his own body; but to protect his wife and little children: and let every one regard and take care, not for his private affairs and domestical charge, but eftsoons consider this; That even now the Senate and people of Rome beholdeth and seeth our hardy deeds; and look● how our force and valour now speedeth and showeth itself; such from henceforth will the state and fortune be of that city and Empire of Rome. 
These words had the Consul to the Romans. But Hannibal, supposing that his men were first to be encouraged by representation of some deeds, and then exhorted with words; having marshaled his army in around compass (as it were) to behold some spectacle in a Theatre: he set in the midst of them all, the prisoners mountainers, bound (as they were) hand and foot: and casting down at their feet, the armour and weapons of the Gauls, he demanded of them by a a truchman, or an interpreter, Which of them (upon condition to be eased of his bands, and to have armour, & an horse of service, given him for a prize of victory) would enter into combat, and fight at the utterance, for his life. And when they all answered with one voice, That they would wish no better; & not one of them but called for a sword, and required to fight and thereupon, the lots were shuffled to be cast, and not one there was but wished himself to be the man, whom fortune would choose for the combat. Then every man as his lot fell, in token of cheerfulness and contentment of spirit, leapt for joy among his fellows that rejoiced in his behalf, fell a dancing after their manner, and so (hastily) took arms and weapons: all the while that they were in fight, there appeared such affection and disposition of mind, as well in them that were in the same state and condition, as also in those who stood there as spectators only in the multitude to look on; that no less happy and fortunate were they accounted, whose chance it was to die in the place, than those who had the upper hand. Upon the fight of some couples that were thus matched in combat, he dismissed them: and whiles he saw them in this good mind, so well affected and resolute, than he assembled them all together to an audience, and thus by report he spoke unto them.  My valorous soldiers, if in the consideration of your own fortune, ye will anon but bear that mind, which even now ye showed in beholding the example of the state of others; the journey is ours, and we have the victory. For that was not a dumb show and bare pageant, but a very mirror and pattern of your own condition: and I wot not, whether fortune hath compassed about with harder bonds and greater necessities, your owneselves, or your prisoners. On both hands, as well the right as the left, enclosed ye are, and shut up within two seas; and have not so much as one ship to embark in, for to escape away, and save yourselves. Before you near at hand is the Po, a greater river, and more violent than Rhodanus: behind you are the Alpes to hem you in; the Alpes, I say, which ye hardly passed when you were in heart and lusty. Here must ye either get victory (sirs) or lose your lives, even where ye have first encountered your enemy: and the same fortune, which hath laid upon you necessity of fight, presenteth & proffereth unto you (if you go away with victory) such rewards, as men use not to wish for greater and more honourable at the hands of the immortal gods. If by our manhood and valour we should but recover and win again Sicily and Sardinia, which were gotten from our fathers; those were rewards and prizes sufficient: but now, over and besides, what riches or treasure the Romans in so many triumphs, have gathered, laid up, and held in possession, all that will be ours, yea, and the owners thereof themselves withal. Go to it then a gods name, and take arms, in assured hope of gaining so rich a booty and reward. Ye have all this while been long enough a coursing and chase the wild beasts in the wide and desert mountains of 
* Tortugall.  Lusitania and 
* Biscay, or as some think Arragon.  Celtiberia, and have seen no recompense and fruit of your travails and dangers: it is now high time for you to serve in the wars for good pay and rich rewards, and to receive great wages and prizes for your labour and painful service; you that have measured so long a voyage, passed over so many mountains and rivers, & marched through so many armed & warlike nations. Here is the place where fortune hath set down the utmost bound, & pitched the farthest point and limit of your labours; here will she give you a condign recompense and salary, after you have served and followed the wars the full time, by order and law required. Never think that the victory will be so hardly achieved, as the war in name is counted difficult. For oftentimes an enemy of small or no reckoning and regard, hath given a bloody battle; yea most noble States, most renowned and glorious kings, have in the very turning of an hand been overthrown. For, setting aside this goodly, gay, and glittering name only of the Romans, what is there wherein they are with you to be compared? To say nothing of that continual warfare of yours, for 20 years' space, with such valiancy & happy success: even from Hercules pillars, from the Ocean, from the utmost bounds of the earth through so many nations of Spain, and most fell and cruel Gauls, ye are come thus far with victory. And now shall ye fight with an army of new and untrained soldiers, who no longer ago than this very Summer, were beaten, put to the sword, vanquished, and besieged by the Gauls; an army (to say a truth) not known at all to their own captain, and as little acquainted with him. And to speak of mine own person, if not borne, yet at leastwise brought up in the very tent and royal pavilion of my father (a most noble warrior and renowned captain of his time) who have subdued Spain, conquered Gaul, overcome not only the people of the Alpes, but that which is much more, the very Alpes themselves. Should I make comparison between myself, and this halfe-yeere-Captaine, who hath abandoned and left his own camp and army? Unto whom, if a man should this day, present the Carthaginians and Romans together, without their ensigns and colours, he could not tell, I dare well say, of whether army he were the leader and Consul. For I make no small account, I tell you of this (my tall fellows) that there is not one of you all, who hath not many a time and often seen and beheld myself in person, performing some warlike and military exploit; and unto whom I (as beholder and eye-witness of his valour) cannot recount the time and place of his worthy deed and service. Then ye praised and commended me, than ye rewarded and honoured me with divers gifts and presents. And even I (who have been a soldier trained up and taught by you, before I was your general) will march in battle against them, that know not one another, and are unknown likewise unto their captain. Which way soever I turn and cast mine eyes, me thinks, I see all full of courageous stomach, and forcible puissance. The footmen, old beaten and practised soldiers; lances, and men of arms, with bar horses, and the light horsemen likewise, chosen forth of most hardy and valiant Nations: of one side, most faithful and resolute allies; on the other, doughty Carthaginians, ready to fight, as well in country's defence, as also for most just and due revenge. We come of ourselves to make war, and we descend into Italy with banners displayed, resolved to fight with so much more courage, as they commonly who are assailants, have greater stomach and more hope than the defendants. Over and besides, our hearts are kindled, and our minds pricked on and provoked with sense of injuries and indignities. First and foremost they required, that I your General should be delivered unto them, as a condemned prisoner at the bar: then they would have had all you that were at the assault of Saguntum, yielded up into their hands, to be put to most extreme tortures and execution. A people they are, full of all excessive cruelty, insolent and proud beyond all measure; they would have but all in their power, and at their disposition: they must prescribe, limit, and set down, with whom we should war; with whom we may make peace; restraining and enclosing us within the terms and bounds of hills and rivers; which, forsooth, we must not pass: and they themselves keep not the limits, which they appoint. Pass not (say they) Iberus in any wise; meddle not at all with the Saguntines; come not near them. Saguntum standeth upon the river Iberus, step not one foot forward, we advise you. It sufficeth not their turn, that they have taken from us our ancient Provinces, Sicily and Sardinia, unless they may have away Spain too. And if I should depart from thence, and quit that realm also, they would not stay there, but will pass over straight into Africa: nay, they have sent over this year already two Consuls, the one into Africa, the other into Spain: nothing have they left for us, but that which we can win and hold with the swords point. Well may they be cowards, and play the idle luskes, having a place of refuge to retire unto, who in their own country and ground may be received, when they take their heels and run through ways without danger, to save themselves. As for us, it stands us upon to play the men, and to make account of no mean designs between victory and death, but upon certain despair of all shifts besides, either to obtain victory; or if fortune shall fail and give us the soil, choose rather to die fight, than to be killed flying. If this be settled and deeply imprinted in your hearts, if this be your resolution, I will say once again, The day is yours. A more poignant and sharper goad, than this, to provoke men to victory, never gave the immortal gods to any whatsoever. 
When by these Orations, the soldiers hearts of both sides were inflamed to fight, the Romans made a bridge over Ticinus: and for defence of the bridge, erected a sconce and fort thereupon. But Hannibal while the enemies were busy at work, sent Maharball with a Comet of Numidians, to the number of 500 light horsemen, to overrun and waste the territories belonging to the allies of the people of Rome: commanding him withal, to make as great-spare of the Gauls as he could, and to solicit and persuade their Nobles and Lords unto rebellion. After the bridge was finished, the Roman army passed over into the Insubrians country, encamped themselves upon certain hills, five miles off from a village where Hannibal also lay in camp: who seeing there was a battle toward, sent speedily for Maharball back again, and the horsemen; and thinking belike, that he could never say enough to his soldiers, & admonish them sufficiently to do well & animate them to fight, he called them all again together to an audience; where he proposed, & promised unto them openly, certain assured rewards, the hope whereof might incite them to fight: namely, Imprimis, that he would endue them with fair lands, in Italy, Astrcke, or Spain, where they would themselves, to have, & to enjoie to him and to his heirs for ever, as free hold in frank tenure, without service: if anyone would choose to have money rather than land, him he would content with silver. Item, of the Allies, as many as hereafter were desirous to be enfranchised citizens of Carthage, they should have their free burgeosie: and those that had a mind rather to return home again, he would endeavour and bring about that he should live so well, as not one of them would wish for to exchange his stare with any of his neighbours and countrymen whatsoever. Last of all, look what bondservants attended and followed their masters, tothem he promised freedom; and that in am of them, he would deliver again unto their masters, two for one, of the slaves taken captives in war. And that they might be assured, that he would perform all these behests and promises; he held with his left hand a Lamb, and in the right a flint stone, and prayed solemnly, That if he failed herein, jupiter and the rest of the gods, would so kill him, as he slew that Lamb: and presently after his prayer done, he smote the Lamb on the head, and dashed out the brains. Whereat they all every one, conceived & embraced assured hope unto themselves, that the gods said Amen and were on their side: & supposing that the only stay of enjoying their hopes, & obtaining their rewards, was, because they had not fought already; with one heart and voice they called for battle.  
The Romans for their part, were nothing so cheerful and lusty: for besides other things, they were affrighted with new prodigies and fearful fights. For it happened that a Wolf entered their camp, and after he had worried and tome those that came in his way, escaped unhurt and untouched. Also a swarm of Bees settled upon a tree that grew over the General his pavilion. Which strange tokens being purged and cleared by an expiatory sacrifice, Scipio with his cavalry & darters lightly appointed, went toward the camp of the enemy, to view near hand their forces, & to observe how many & of what condition & quality they were: and there he encountered Annibal, who also was gone forth with his horsemen to descry & discover the country about. At the first they saw not one another, but afterwards, by reason of the thick dust that rose upon the march of so many men and horses, they knew that enemies approached near. On both sides the battaillons made a stand, and every man buckled himself to the skirmish. Scipio placed his archers and horsemen of the Gauls in the forfront: the Romans and strength of allies, he bestowed behind for succours in the rearguard. Hannibal set in this battle, his great barbed horses with his lances & men of arms, & strengthened the wings with Numidian horsinen. The very first charge & shout was scarce done, when the archers aforesaid retired among the rearward in the second battaillon: by occasion whereof, the horsemen alone fought a good while in equal battle: yea and afterwards, because the footmen that were intermingled among troubled and disordered the horses, many either fell, or else alighted from their horses, to go thither where they saw their fellows to be environed & overcharged. The medley became very doubtful in many places until such time as the Numidians (who were in the wings) wheeling about by little and little, showed themselves behind the backs of the Romans; this fearful fight troubled them greatly, and the fear was increased by reason of the Consul his hurt; the extreme danger whereof, was put by and avoided by the rescue of his son (than a very stripling as yet, and scarce had airy hair upon his face) this youth is he, who had the honour of happy ending this war, surnamed afterwards (upon the noble victory and memorable conquest over Hannibal & the Carthaginians) Assricanus. But the archers were they that fled fastest away, even those whom the Numidians set upon first. The rest that were horsemen, keeping thick and close together, recovered the Consul within their files into the mids of them: and protecting him not only with their weapons, but also with their bodies, brought him back safe, unto the camp; retiring all the way, neither disorderly, nor like fearful men overhastily. The honour of saving the Consul, Calius attributeth unto a bondslave of Liguria. But I verily would rather believe it of the son: which also the greater number of authors do affirm, but the common same goeth of the said bondslave. This was the first battle with Hannibal: wherein it easily appeared, that the Carthaginians were better in cavalry, and therefore the open plain field such as were between the Po and the Alpes, were not so good for the Romans to fight in. The night following therefore, Scipio commanded his soldiers secretly without any noise to truss up bag and baggage, and to dislodge: and removed from Ticinus, & made haste to Po: that whiles his boats were not yet unloosed one from the other, in which (as upon a bridge) he had brought over his army, he might without any trouble & pursuit of the enemy, conduct the same back again. And they came to Placentia before that Hannibal knew they were departed from Ticinus: howbeit, he took some of them that made stay on the hither side of the bank, as they were too slow about disjoining and loosening the foresaid bridge of boats: upon which he could not pass over, by reason that when both ends were let loose, the planks and all, went down the water with the stream. Caelius writeth, that Mago with his horses, and Spanish footmen, presently, swum over the river; and that Hannibal himself led over his army at the upper fourds of Po: for which purpose, he set the Elephants along on a-row to break and bear off the violence and stream of the current. A thing surely that they were hardlyable to do, who were skilful and by long experience knew the nature of the river very well. For it soundeth not like a truth, that horsemen with their armour and horses safe, could overcome so great a rage of the river, although we should grant that all the Spaniards got over upon blown bladders or leather bouges; and besides, they had needed many days to fetch a compass for to find the fourds of Po, over which, the army (laden with carriage) might be conveyed. But those authors carry more credit and authority with me, who write that scarcely in two days they found a place to make a bridge (of planks-joyned together) over the river, and that Mago and the Spanish light-horsemen were sent that way over before.  
Whiles Hannibal on this side the river, stayed in giving audience to the embassages of the Gauls, he conducted over the regiments of footmen more heavily armed: in the mean while, Mago and the horsemen, after they had passed the river, marched one 
* About 25 English mile●●ts appeareth before in this book.  days journey apace toward days journey apace toward the enemies at Placentia. And Hannibal (few days after) encamped himself strongly six miles from Placentia: and the morrow after in the sight of the enemies he put his men in array, and made them offer of battle. The night following, there was a petty massacre committed in the Romans camp by the Gauls that came to aid: but greater was the garboil and tumult, than the harm indeed. For about 2000 footmen and 200 horsemen, having slain the warders at the gates, fled away to Hannibal: whom he spoke courteously unto, and when he had drawn them on, in hope of great gifts and rewards, he dismissed every one into his own city and country, to solicit and persuade their countrymen to side with him. Scipio taking that massacre as a foretoken and ouverture to the Gauls revolt in general; and supposing, that now being once guilty and tainted with this offence, they would in a madness run all to take arms and rise. Although still he were sore of his late wound, yet the night following at the relief of the 4 watch, he marched stilly, and removed his camp near the river Trebia, into the higher countries, and hills, that were more troublesome for men of arms. But he wrought not so closely and without the knowledge of the enemy, as he did at Ticinus. For Hannibal having sent out, first, the Numidian light horse, and then all his cavalry; without question had disordered and endamaged the rearward, but that the Numidians for greediness of prey and booty, diverted aside, and turned into the tents, abandoned and forsaken of the Romans. Where, whiles they spend time in ransacking and rifling every corner of the camp (and when all was done, could find no pillage worth the stay) the enemy escaped their hands. And when as they had espied that the Romans were newly gotten over Trebia, and pitching out a plot for a camp, they intercepted a few of them that lingered about the river, and flew them. Scipio not able now to abide any longer the grief and pain of his wound, by reason of the shaking and shogging of his body as he travailed, and thinking it good to expect the coming of the other Consul his Colleague, (whom he heard already to be sent for out of Sicily) chose out a place near the river which seemed most safe for to encamp in, and it he fortified. Hannibal also lay nor far off in camp; who as he was proud upon the late battle of horsemen, so was he perplexed for want of victuals, which scarcity increased upon him every day more and more, as he travailed through the enemy's country, finding in no place provision aforehand. Whereupon, he went to Clastidium, a town wherein the Romans had bestowed and laid up great store of grain: where, as he prepared with violence to force the town, there appeared some hope of treason, by corrupting of P. Brundisinus, the captain of the garrison there, and that with no great sum of money: for in consideration only of 400 pieces of gold given unto him, Clastidium was betrayed unto Hannibal: the very storehouse and garner of corn that the Carthaginians had, all the while they were in leaguer near Trebia. Upon those prisoners that were taken when the garrison and sort was betrayed, he exercised no cruelty, because that in the beginning of his affairs, he would win himself a name and opinion of clemency.  
Whiles the war by land continued thus at Trebia, there had been some warlike exploits achieved both by sea and land about Sicily, and the islands that lie against Italy near unto it, both by Sempronius the Consul, and also before his coming. Twenty galleys with five ranks of oars, and a thousand armed men, were sent from the Carthaginians to invade and waste the coasts of Italy. Nine of them arrived at 
* Liparae, one of the islands Aeoliae.  Liparae: eight fell with the Island of 
* Vulcano, another of the same islands.  Vulcan, and three were driven by tempest into the straits of Sicily. Against them, being descried within kenning, there were twelve ships set out from 
* Messina.  Messana, by Hiero King of the Saracosians, who happened at that time to be in Messana, attending the Roman Consul his coming; and without any resistance made, he bourded those three ships, & brought them away into the haven of Messana. By those that were taken prisoners, it was known, that besides the 20. ships aforesaid, sent against Italy, (of which Fleetethey were) 35 galleys of 5 course of oars, made sail for Sicily, to solicit and persuade the old allies there to revolt. Item, that the especial point and design that they shot at, was to seize upon 
* Mansalla, a city in Sicily, and a cape there, called the Eye of Sicily.  Lilybaeum: but they thought verily that by the same ghust of tempest wherein they were scattered, that other fleet also was cast upon the Island Aegates. And according to this intelligence, the king from Messana writeth to Aemylius the Roman Praetor or governor of Sicily, advising him to keep a strong garrison in Lilybaeum: whereupon the Lieutenants & Colonels about the Praetor, were sent from him with all speed to all the cities about, to give order, that their people might be in readiness, to keep good ward, & above all, to hold Lilybaeum sure. And for preparation of war, there went forth a proclamation, that the sailors & mariners should bring into the ships ten days provision of victuals & meat ready dressed, to the end that upon the signal given at an hours warning, without all delay, they should a shipboard: Also that all those that dwelled along the coast, should from their Sentinels, watchtowers, and beacons, espy when the enemy's fleet approached. Now (albeit the Carthaginians of purpose stayed the course of their ships, that they might come just before day to Lilibaeum) they were discovered, both for that the Moon shone all night, and also because they came under sail which they had haulsed up. So soon therefore as the signal was given out of the Sentinels and watchtowers, & alarm cried in the town, the mariners were soon embarked, the soldiers also were bestowed, some to man & guard the walls, and guard the gates, others to serve in the ships. But the Carthaginians perceiving, they were to deal with them that were provided for them, (as being advertised of their coming) forbore to enter the haven until day, and employed the time in striking sails, in untackling their ships, and in preparing them for a battle. When it was broad day light, they retired into the deep, to have sea room enough to fight, and that the enemy's ships might have free egress out of the haven. The Romans for their part refused not battle, comforting themselves with the remembrance of the valiant exploits performed in that very place, and trusting also upon the number and valour of their soldiers. They were not so soon launched into the open sea, but the Romans were desirous to grapple, and to come close to handfight: but contrariwise, the Carthaginians held off allose, willing to proceed by cunning and policy, more than by strength and fine force; and to make trial rather of the nimbleness & agility of their ships, than either of the prowess of men, or goodness of armour: for as their fleet was sufficiently furnished and to the full, with a multitude of mariners, so was it ill provided of soldiers: and wheresoever they grappled together, and came to handfight, they had not an equal number of men armed to hold play with the enemies: which being once perceived, the Romans gathered heart, and redoubled their courage, by reason of their number; the other side again were discouraged and out of heart, for their default of soldiers. In so much as seven Carthaginian galleys were soon invested round and bourded, the rest fled. Of soldiers and mariners together, 1700 were in them taken; amongst whom, there were three great Gentlemen of Carthage. The Roman fleet still entire and whole, save one vessel only that was bouged and pierced (yet able to be brought back) returned into the heaven.  
Presently after this battle, and before that they of Messana had knowledge thereof, T. Sempronius the Consul arrived at Messana: and as he entered within the sound, king Hiero met him, with a fleet well furnished, and richly decked, and coming forth of his royal ship into the Admiral of the Consuls, he welcomed him, and rejoiced for the safe return of his men and ships, and prayed God, that his voyage into Sicily might prove happy and fortunate. Then showed he unto him the present estate, and the affairs of the Island; opened the designments of the Carthaginians; and promised withal, that with as good a mind and found hart, as in the former war against the Carthaginians, when he was a young man, he had aided the people of Rome; so now in his old age he would assist them: and for proof hereof, he would of his own free cost furnish both the Consuls legions, and also the mariners with corn and raiment. Among other matters, he informed him how Lilybaeum, & other cities of the sea coast were in great danger, by reason of some among them that desired a change & alteration. Whereupon, the Consul though good to make no delay, but to set sail with all speed to Lilybaeum, whom the king and his royal fleet accompanied: and as they were failing, tidings came of the foresaid battle before Lilybaeum, and how the enemies ships were either scattered & put to flight, or bourded and taken.  
The Consul having bid king Hiero adieu, with his fleet set sail from Lilybaeum, leaving behind him the Praetor to defend the coast of Sicily, and crossed the sea himself to the Island 
* Malta.  Melita, which was held by the Carthaginians. At whose coming, Amilcar the son of Gisga, Captain of the garrison there, rendered himself, and 2000 soldiers within a very few, together with the town & the Island. From whence, within few days he returned to Lilybaeum: where, the prisoners (excepting certain noble persons of high parentage) were by the Consul and the Praetor both, sold openly in portsale. When the Consul thought Sicily on that coast sure enough, he set sail from thence toward the islands of Vulcan, for that the bruit went that a fleet of Carthaginians there lay at road: but there were no enemies to be found about those islands: for it chanced they were already passed over to waste along the river and coast of Italy; and having forayed the territory of 
* 〈◊〉, or Vibona.  Vibo, they put the city also in great fear. As the Consul returned back again to Sicily, tidings came that the enemy had made roads into the country of Vibona: and he received letters also from the Senate, concerning the coming of Hannibal into Italy, and therefore that he should with all speed possible aid and succour his Colleague. The Consul being at once troubled with many cares, presently embarked his army, and by the Adriatic sea, sent them away to 
* 〈◊〉  Ariminum. To Sext. Pomponius his Lieutenant, he gave the charge of 25 Galleys for the defence of the territory of Vibo, and the sea coast of Italy. With M. Aemylius the Praetor, he left a fleet augmented to the number of fifty sail: which done, and all things set in order in Sicily, himself with ten ships coasted along Italy, and arrived at 
* Sictertio.  Ariminum, from whence he put himself in his journey, and marched with one army to the river 
* Sictertio.  Trebia, where he joined with his fellow Consul. Now were both Consuls, and the whole puissance and force of the Romans opposed against Hannibal, so as it appeared plainly, that either with that power the empire of Rome might be defended, or else all their hope was gone. Howbeit, one of the Consuls being weakened and discourage with the defeature of his horsemen in one battle, and dismayed besides with the hurt that he had received in his body, desired to have the fight deferred: but the other coming fresh and lusty, and thereby more hardy, would abide no delay.  
It fell out so at that time, that the Gauls inhabited all the country between the two rivers Trebia, and Po: who whiles these two most puissant nations were at strife and warred, held off as neuter, and favoured neither side, making full account of the good will and grace of that part which should have the better. The Romans because they would now make no stir, and have no more irons in the fire, took the matter well enough: but Hannibal was very much thereat offended, geving out eftsoons, that he was sent for by the Gauls for their deliverance and liberty. Upon this indignation and displeasure, and for that also he would feed his men with booties, he commanded 2000 footmen, and a thousand horsemen, most of them Numidians, and some Gauls among, to overrun & spoil all the country forward, even to the banks of Po. The Gauls standing in need of help, and having until that time kept themselves in doubtful terms, were forced to turn from those that offered them wrong, and to incline and cleave unto the Romans that should revenge their injuries and protect them. Whereupon they sent Ambassadors to the Consuls, requesting the Romans help for their land, which by reason of the exceeding fidelity, and too much loyalty of the inhabitants toward them, was now endangered. Cornelius liked neither the cause, nor yet the time to deal in such affairs: he had the nation besides in suspicion and jealousy, as well for many treacherous parts, as also (in case he would or could forget all other lewd pranks of theirs) for the late disloyalty and falsehood of the Boians. Sempronius chose thought it the surest bond to keep their allies, in faith and allegiance, to defend those that came first to band and side with him. But notwithstanding his Colleague cast doubts and held off, yet he sent his own Cavalletie, and a thousand well near of footmen darters amongst them, to guard the country of Gaul beyond Trebia: who coming suddenly upon the enemies, and charging them at unwares, as they came scattered asunder, and out of order, yea, and most of them laden with spoil, mightily affrighted them, and made a foul slaughter, and pursued them in flight, as far as to their standing camp, and corpse de guard. From whence (nevertheless) they were beaten back by the multitude that issued forth: but by new succours from their own companies, they renewed the medley again. The fight afterward was doubtful and variable: and although they made a saving bargain on both parts, yet the common voice gave the honour of victory (such as it was) to the Romans rather than the enemies. But no man made a greater matter of it, and reckoned it more to the full, than the Consul himself. He joyed, he made his boast, that lie had gotten the better, with the help of the same forces, which under the conduct of the other Consul, came by the worse. And now (faith he) the soldiers are comforted and refreshed well enough, and none there is but my brother Consul that would have the battle differred: who no doubt is more hen-hearted than bodily hurt; & for the remembrance and smart of a little green wound, quaketh to hear of the field, and of all things cannot away with edge-tools. But we must not thus sit still here, and wax aged for the pleasure of one crazy and sickly person. For what reason is it, that we should drive off longer, and spend more time in vain? What other Consul expect we to make up the third? or what army besides should we look for? The Carthaginians lie encamped in Italy, and wellnear within the view and sight of the city of Rome: and it is neither Sicily nor Sardinia taken from them by conquest, nor Spain on this side Iberus, which they shoot at, to win again: but that the Romans should be thrust out of their native soil and country wherein they were borne, that is their drift and dessignement. Oh how deeply (quoth he) would our father's sigh, how heartily would they groan, they who were wont to manage war about the walls of Carthage, if they should see us their offspring and children, two Consuls with Consular and royal armies in the midst of Italy, frighted thus and panting for fear within our camp? And that Hannibal hath subdued and brought under his subjection all the country between the Alpes and Apenninum? These and such like speeches uttered he to his Colleague, as he sat by his bed's side, where he lay sick: thus spoke he, as in an open audience, in the Coss. pavilion and all that quarter, to the soldiers. The time also of the Election of Magistrates at Rome, being so near at hand, set him forward; for fear, lest the war should be deferred unto the new Coss. and the opportunity withal, of winning all the honour to himselfe-whiles his Colleague continued sick, pricked him on. Whereupon, for all the contradiction of Cornelius, which he nothing weighed and regarded, commandment he gave to his soldiers to be ready, to give battle anon unto the enemy. Hannibal as one that knew and saw well enough what was best and safest for his enemy, could hardly imagine or conceive any hope to himself, that the Consuls would enterprise any thing rashly, or without advisement: but when he understood by hearsay, that which afterwards by good proof and experience he found true, namely, that the one of them by nature was hot, hasty, proud, and furious: and supposing, that he was the prouder and more furious for the late good hand he had of his foragers; made no doubt and distrust of the happy success and issue of a battle, whensoever it should come. Marry, careful he was, that no good time and opportunity presented unto him, should be overslipped: but to try the hazard and fortune of the field, whiles the enemy's soldiers were raw and untrained; and the better and wiser man of the two Generals, was unmeet for service, by reason of his wound as yet uncured; and the courages of the Gauls lusty and froward: for well he wist, that a mighty number of them would the more unwillingly follow, the further they were drawn from their own home. Hannibal, I say, hoping that by these and such like occasions, a battle would be soon offered; desirous also himself to bid battle, if the enemy stayed long; and being advertised besides by the Gauls, his espials (whom he employed to hearken out and learn what he desired to know, and thought them more sure, because they served in both camps) that the Romans were ready for the field; then began he (crafty Carthaginian as he was) to seek out a convenient place for an ambush. Now there was in the mid way between, a river running within the borders, having very high banks of either side, and therefore lying close hidden, and all about overspread with moorie weeds, with briars, brambles, & brushwood, as for the most part, such forlet places are overgrown withal. Which when Hannibal in person had ridden about, and well viewed, perceiving that it would afford lurking holes handsome enough even for horsemen there to be hidden, This shall be the place (quoth he, to his brother Mago) which you shall keep. Choose therefore out of all the horse and foot a hundred lusty tall fellows of each; and see you repair with them to me at the first watch, for now is it time to take repast, and to refresh your bodies. And with that he sent out to the camp the criers, to call the soldiers to supper. And long it was not, but Mago was come with his chosen men. I see (quoth Hannibal) ye are goodly men of person, and sufficient. And that ye may be as able in number, as hardy in courage, elect ye also out of the cornets of horse and squadrons of foot, nine a piece such as yourselves to sort withal. Mago shall show you the ground where ye must lie in ambush: you shall find the enemy as blind as beetles, altogether unacquainted with these feats and cunning devises.  
Thus Hannibal having committed unto Mago● thousand horsemen, and as many footmen, himself betimes in the morning, willed the Numidian cavalry, when they were passed over the river Trebia, to ride braving before the gates of the enemies, and by darting and shooting into their guards, to provoke and draw them forth to fight: with this direction moreover, when the skirmish was begun, to fall off, and seem to retire by little and little, and so to train them on this side the river. This charge had the Numidians. But the other captains, as well of foot as horse, were commanded to set their companies all to their breakfast: which done, to arm themselves, and with their horses ready saddled, to attend the signal of battle. Sempronius upon the alarm and hurly-burly of the Numidians, as being forward and desirous of fight, first brought forth all his horsemen, and bore himself bold and confident in that service; after that, six thousand footmen; and at last, all his whole forces; & led them to a place which before, he had designed and appointed in his mind. It fell out to be in Winter, about the midst of December, and a snowy day it was in those parts lying between the Alpes and Apenninum. Now by reason of the rivers and moors so near, both horse and men were exceeding cold: also for that they were hastily on a sudden, called forth fasting, and unprovided of all means against the cold, they had never a whit of hear left in them: and the nearer they came to the air and vapour of the river, the sharper cold pinched and pierced them through. But when as once they followed upon the Numidians that gave back, and were entered into the water (which by reason of the rain that fell by night was risen breast-high) they were not so soon gotten out again of the river, but all their bodies began to i'll, and be stiff again for cold, that scarcely they could hold their weapons: & withal, as the day went furtheron, for very hunger they fainted. But Hannibal his soldiers, who in the mean time had made fires before their tents, and had oil sent them to every company, for to supple and soften their joints and limbs, had taken their repast, and eaten at leisure; when they heard say, that the enemies were passed the river, with hearts courageous and bodies fresh and lusty, take them to their weapons, and came forth to fight in ordinance of battle. The Baleares, & light armed men, to the number almost of 8000, he ranged before the standards in the front: after them he placed the footmen, better appointed and armed to the proof, even the very strength & manhood of all his forces: about the wings he set 10000 horsemen, and behind those wings, he divided and appointed his Elephants both on the one side and the other.  
The Consul Sempronius seeing his horsemen following the chase on the spur, and out of order; and how at unwares they were charged again by the Numidians, who upon a sudden turned and made head upon them, sounded the retreat: and when they were rallied about him, he compassed his footmen with them. The Romans were in number 18000, of Allies and Latins 20000, besides the aides of the 
* Pays de Main.  Cenomanes: which Nation of the Gauls only, continued faithful and true to the Romans. With these forces came they into the field, & began the barrel: The first charge of the skirmish was given by the Islanders of Baleares, upon whom, when the legions made head with greater violence, their light armed men were quickly brought into the wings: which was a cause that the Roman horsemen presently were surcharged and distressed. For where as of themselves they were but 4000 horse, and hardly able to withstand the shock of ten thousand horsemen of the other, the Romans also were wearied, but most of the Carthaginians fresh and untainted: over and besides, they were overwhelmed with a cloud (as it were) of darts, flung and shot by the Believe Islanders: Mooreover the Elephants which appeared aloft from the hindmost ends of the wings frighted the horses especially, & not only with the strange sight, but also with as uncouth a scent and favour; made them fly every way. The battle of the Infantry was equal in courage of heart, rather than in strength of body which the Carthaginians, (as having a little afore taken repast) brought fresh with them into the field: but chose the Romans were fasting & weary, and for cold even stark and benumbed. Howheit their stomachs would have served to have held out & withstood to the end, if they might have fought with footmen only. But both the Baleares, having disordered the horsemen, flanked them with their shot, and also the elephants by this time were entered into the middle battaillon of footmen: and withal, Mago and the Numidian light horse (so soon as this battaillon was unawares gone past their ambushment and lurkingholes) start up and arose from behind, and put them in exceeding trouble and fright. Yet for all these inconveniences and disvantages (so many on every side) the main battle a good while stood unmovable and stirred not, but kept the array; and especially (beyond the expectation of all men) against the Elephants. For certain footmen placed for the purpose, by flinging of darts forced them to turn head: and when they were once turned from wards, they followed hard upon them, pricking & galling them under the tails, in which place by reason of the tender skin they are soon wounded. Whom when Annibal saw thus feared & ready to turn upon their own part, from the main battle to the flanks & outsides, he commanded them to be driven to the left wing upon the Gauls that came to aid, and presently enforced them to run away. The Romans seeing their auxiliary Gauls put to flight, were driven into a new fear. Whereupon fight now as it werein a ring and round on both sides, there were among them to the number almost of ten thousand, who seeing no way else to escape, broke through the middle battaillon of the Africanes, which was strengthened with the aid of the Gauls, and that, with a great slaughter of their enemies: and seeing they neither could return into their camp (the river being between) nor for the rain well discern how to succour their fellows, they took the way strait to Placentia. After this, the rest broke forth in all parts. They that took the river either perished in the streams and whirlpools: or such as made stay to enter, were by the enemy overtaken and slain. But as many as here and there fled skattering through the fields, following the footing and tracks of the battaillon that retired back, came to Placentia. Some for fear of the enemy, adventured boldly to take the river, and being once over, recovered the camp. The rain and snow together, and the intolerable cold killed many as well men as beasts: and in manner all the Elephants. The Carthaginians followed the enemies in chase as far as Trebia, and there gave over: and returned into the camp so clumsy and frozen, as scarcely they felt the joy of their victory. By reason whereof, the night following, when as the guard of the Roman camp, and the remnant of that great company of soldiers passed Trebia with float-boats and flat barges, the Carthaginians either perceived them not indeed for the noise the tempestuous rain made, or for weariness & sore wounds were not able to stir, and therefore made semblance, as though they knew not of it. And so whiles the Carthaginians were at rest, the army was by Scipio the Consul brought (in a still march) to Placentia: and from thence having crossed the Po, came to Cremona, because one Colony alone should not be charged with the wintering of two armies at one time.  
Upon this defeature and overthrow, there arrived such fearful tidings to Rome, that they believed verily and looked for no other but that the enemy would come with banner displayed straight to the very city: and that there was no hope or help left behind to defend their gates and walls from assault & violence. For seeing that the one Consul was vanquished at Ticinus, and the other also, who was called unto him from out of Sicily; since both Consuls, & two consular armies were thus defeated, what other captains, what Legions remained now to be sent for, to aid? As they were in this agony and fear, Sempronius, the Consul came home: who with very great danger had passed through the enemy's cavalry, which was spread here there all about, to fetch in booties; and more by venturous hardiness than good advice and hope, either to miss them unespied, or to resist if he had happened upon them, he got away. And after he had held the assembly for election of the Consuls (the only thing above all other for that present most desired) he returned into his standing camp to winter in. Now there were created Consuls, Cn. Servilius, and Cn. Flaminius the second time.  
Howbeit the Romans were not in quiet within their wintering camp: for the Numidian horsemen ranged about, and made excursions into every quarter, and (those who troubled and impeached them, more than they) the Celtiberians and Portugals. Whereby all convoy of victuals from every part was stopped, but only that which came by the Po, in Keels and such like vessels. near to Placentia there was a merchant's town, both fortified strong 〈◊〉 and also well furnished with a good garrison: upon hope to force that castle or town, Hannibal went with his horse and foot, lightly armed; and supposing that to carry the matter coyertly, would avail much to the effecting of his purposed enterprise, he came upon them in the night; howbeit he was not so close and secret, but he was descried by the watch: who suddenly set up such an alarm, that it was heard as far as Placentia. Whereby, the Consul somewhat before day was there with his cavalry, having commanded the Infantry to march on after, ranged in a square battaillon. In the mean while, the horsemen skirmished, wherein Hannibal was hurt, and departed out of the medley, by which means the enemies were frighted, and the castle and hold manfully defended. After few days that he had taken his ease, before he was well cured of his wound, he went forward to assault Vicunvie. That was a town also of merchandise (or mart town) and had been fortified by the Romans in the Gauls war. Whereupon, the people bordering thereabout on every side, used thither to make repair, & much frequented the same: and even then for fear of roads & excursions many of the peasants & rural people retired themselves thither for refuge. This multitude (such as they were) upon the report of the valiant holding and defence of the fort by Placentia, were encouraged, and took arms, and went forth to encounter Hannibal. And in the midway they chanced to affront him and skirmish, in no battle ray, but as they marched disorderly: whereas therefore they were on the one side, none but a rude and confused sort; and on the other side, both a captain that might trust his soldiers, and soldiers also that might reckon upon their captain, there were to the number of 35000, discomfited & put to flight, even by a few of their enemies. The morrow after, they yielded themselves, and received a garrison within the walls: and so soon as upon commandment to give up their armour, they had obeyed & so done; presently a signal was given to the conquerors to sade and spoil the town, as if it had been forced by assault: where there was not forgotten and omitted any calamity whatsoever, that might afford in such as case, memorable matter and sufficient argument for writers to record. So pitiful examples were practised upon the poor silly wretches, of all looseness and lust, cruelty, and inhuman pride and outrage. And these were the expeditions and emprises of Hannibal achieved for this winter-time.  
After this, the soldiers took repose, but no longer than the intolerable cold lasted: For imimmediatly upon the very first and doubtful tokens of spring, he departed from his wintering hold, and led his army into Tuscan, purposing to adjoin unto him (either by force or love) that nation also, as well as the Gauls and Ligurians. But as he passed over Apeninum, there arose so terrible a storm & tempest, & surprised him, that it surmounted well near the foul trouble and encumbrance endured in the Alpes. For the wind and rain together did beat & drive upon their very faces. At the first, for that either they were to lay away their armour, or else in striving and labouring to march on against the weather, & by the whirlepuffes of wind turned round about, and ready to beeborne down, they stood still: but when as now the violence and fury of the storm, stopped their breaths, and suffered them not to take their wind at will, they were feign to turn their backs, and sit them down on the ground for a time. Then see, the sky thundered amain, and made an horrible noise, & amid those terrible cracks redoubled, it lightened thick. Whereupon, they lost their hearing and seeing; and for fear, all of them became astonished. At length it poured down, and thereby the wind & storm increased more forceably upon them. Whereupon they were driven to this necessity, even to pitch their camp'in that very place where they were so suddenly caught and overtaken by tempest. But that was to them the beginning of a new toil and travail: for neither could they spread and display aught, nor pitch any thing surely: neither would that which was pight down, continue and abide the wind, which rent, tore, and broke every thing, and hurried it clean away. And within a while, the water that fell, and by reason of the wind was raised aloft, being congealed once upon the cold tops of the hills, turned into a kind of hail and snow together, & came upon them with such a force, that leaving all things else, the men were forced to lie along, grovelling upon their faces, rather stifled and smothered; than covered with their hillings. Hereupon ensued a frost, so violent and outrageous, that of that miserable and pitiful heap of men and beasts, that lay there along, there was not one for a good while could raise and lift up himself when he would; by reason, that for stark cold their sinews were benumbed; that they could hardly bend and bow their joints. Afterwards, at length, when with bestirring and chausing their limbs, they got some heat, and came again to themselves and that here and there in some places they began to make fires; every one that had no means so to do, ran and fled to the succour and help of others. Thus for two days they remained there pinned up as if they had been besieged. Many a man and beast, and seven Elephants also of them that remained after the battle at Trebia, were starved and perished.  
By occasion hereof, Hannibal departed from Apenninus, back again toward Placentia: and when he had marched ten miles on his way, he sat him down and encamped. The morrow after, he led against the enemy 12000 foot, and 5000 horse. Sempronius the Consul also, being now returned from Rome, refused not battle: and the same day, the enemies were distant but three miles asunder. The morrow after they fought on each side most fiercely and courageously, and with variable event and fortune. At the first onset, the Romans had the better hand, so far forth, as that not only in fight they overcame their enemies, but also after they had discomfited them, and put them back, they chased them into their camp, and anon assailed the same. Hannibal having ordained some few to defend the rampire and the gates, retired the rest thick and close together into the mids of the camp, and commanded them to give care, and be intentive to the signal, when he would have them issue forth. Now was it the 
* Three of the clock after noon.  ninth hour of the day, when the Roman Consul having toiled and wearied his soldiers to no purpose, and seeing no hope to win the camp, sounded the retreat. Which so soon as Hannibal heard, and saw the fight withal to slake and wax cold, and the enemy retired back from the camp, presently sallied forth himself with the whole strength of his Infantry, for he had sent out his horsemen both on the right hand and the left after the enemies. There had not been lightly a more fierce and cruel battle strucken, and more memorable, for the final mischief of both parts, if the day would have given them time to have fought longer. But the night parted the medley, which was hotly begun with exceeding stomach and courage. Whereupon, the confronting and charging one of another, was more eager, than the slaughter bloody between them; and as the fight in manner was equal, so they parted with loss alike. For of each side there died above six hundred footmen, and half as many horsemen. But the loss on the Romans side was greater than in proportion of the number, because certain of the degree and calling of knights, and five Colonels, and three Captains of the Allies, were slain.  
After this journey, Hannibal went into the country of the Ligurians, and Sempronius to Luca. To welcome Hannibal at his first coming into Liguria, there were delivered unto him two Roman Questors or Treasurers, Cn. Fulvius, and L. Lucretius, who were intercepted by the Ligurians, and taken in a train of ambush, with two Colonels, and five others besides, whose fathers by calling were as good as Senators fellows: and this was done, because he should assure himself the better, that the peace and amity contracted with them, would be faithfully kept and observed.  
Whiles these things thus passed in Italy, Cn. Scipio who was sent into Spain with a fleet & army for sea & land; having set sail from the mouth of Rhodanus, & compassed the mountains Pyrenei, arrived at a place called Emporia: where he disbarked and landed his forces, and reduced unto the Roman empire all the country, beginning at the Laceranes, and so from thence all the sea coast as far as to the river Iberus, partly by renewing the ancient leagues, and partly by devising means to contract new. Whereupon, there rose a great name of him for his clemency; whereby he prevailed not only with the States by the sea side, but also amongst the inlanders and mounteiners, even to the nations that were more fierce and savage: with whom he not only made peace, but also wrought them so, that they took arms in his quarrel; and there were levied from among them, certain strong cohorts and bands for to aid and succour him. Hanno, whom Hannibal had left for defence of that province, was not ignorant hereof: and therefore, before all was gone, and the country alienated, he thought good to meet with this mischief: and having pitched his camp in sight of the enemies, set his men in ordinance of battle. The Roman captain likewise resolved not to defer the fight; knowing that so, he might be forced to encounter both with Hanno and Asdrubal, and rather yet he desired to deal with them one after the other single, than at once with both. But this battle was not so much dangerous. Six thousand enemies were left behind slain, and two thousand taken prisoners, together with those that were left for the guard of the camp. For both the camp was forced & won, and also the General himself with certain guards was taken prisoner. Moreover Stissum, a town near unto the camp, was won by assault: howbeit, the spoil & pillage of the town were matters of small worth and value, namely, the household stuff, and such pelf and trumpery of barbarous people, and certain poor base slaves. It was the camp that enriched the soldiers: by reason that not only the army which was now vanquished, but that also which with Hannibal served in Italy, had left behind them about Pyreneus, all good things to speak of, that they set store by, because they would go lightly, and not be encumbered with carriages. Before any certain report of this overthrow came to Asdrubal, he had passed over Iberus with 8000 footmen, and 1000 horsemen, as purposing, to make head against the Romans at their first coming: but when he heard how the field was lost, and the camp withal, he turned his journey to the sea. And not far from 
* Tarragona.  Tarracon, he found the soldiers of the Armado, and the mariners besides, wandering and straggling over the fields (for usual it is, that happy success should breed careless negligence) whereupon he sent out his horsemen every way, and with great slaughter and flight he chased them to their ships: and not adventuring to make any longer stay thereabout, for fear to be surprised by Scipio, he retired back to the other side of Iberus. Scipio also upon the first report of these new enemies, having rallied his forces together in great haste, after he had slightly chastifed a few captains, and left behind him a small garrison at Tarracon, returned with his fleet to Emporiae. He had no sooner departed from thence, but Asdrubal was there in his place; and having induced and incited the State of the Ilergetes (who had given hostages to Scipio) for to revolt and rebel, even with their own youth wasted the territories of all those that continued faithful confederates to the Romans. Afterwards, when Scipio was roused once out of the place where he wintered, the enemy retired again, and quit all the country on that side Iberus. Then Scipio having in hostile manner invaded the countries, abandoned & left by him that was the author & cause of their rebellion, and by that means the nation likewise of the Ilergetes, after he had driven them all within Athanagia, which is their capital town, he laid siege unto it round about, and within few days brought the whole signory of the Ilergetes under his obedience: and besides a greater number of hostages than before (which they were constrained to deliver) he condemned them in a good round sum of money. From thence he went forward against the Auseranes, near to Iberus, being associates also to the Carthaginians: & having beleaguered their city, he forlaied & intercepted the Lacetanes as they came by night to succour their neighbours, not far from the town, even as they were at the point to enter in. There were slain of them 12000, and the rest being well-near all disarmed, fled every way scattering here and there over the fields home to their houses. All the help and defence that they had who were within, was only the foul and cold winter weather, evermore nought and hurtful to assailants that lie forth. The siege lasted thirty days, during which time, seldom fell the snow less than four foot deep, and so covered the pentises and mantilets of the Romans, that when the enemies flung fire sundry times thereupon, that alone saved the same, and nothing else. In the end, upon the departure of their Prince Amursitus, who was fled to Asdrubal, they yielded, upon condition to pay 
* 3750. pound sterling, according to the less Attic Talon.  twenty talents of silver, & so Scipio returned to Tarracon, there to winter.  
But that year, at Rome and about the city, were many strange and prodigious signs seen, or at leastwise (a thing usual when men's minds are once touched with religion, and given to make scruple) many were reported, and soon believed. Among which, this was one; that a babe of condition free borne, and but half year old, cried with a loud voice in the herb market lö Triumph. Also in the beasts market, an Ox of himself undriven, climbed up to the third lost or story of an house, and from thence being frighted with the stir and noise of the dwellers by, cast himself down. Moreover, there was seen in the welkin or element, the resemblance of a navy of ships: and the temple of Lady 
* The goddess Hope.  Spes, standing in the herb market, was smitten with lightning. Likewise at Lanuvium the spear of juno shook and brandished of itself: and a Raven flew into juno's church, and lighted upon the very Shrine or Altar of juno. In the territory of 
* Pescara.  Amiternum, in many places were seen men as it were in white garments, but only a far off; for as folk went nearer and nearer, they appeared not, and could not be met withal. In Picenum it reigned stones: and at Cere the lots were found diminished; and in Gaul, a Wolf drew forth a watchman his sword out of his scabbard, and carried it away. For other prodigious tokens, order was given to the Decemvirs to peruse the books of Sibylla. But for the raining of stones in Picenum, there was ordained a Novendial feast for nine days: and for the expiation of the other prodigies, the whole city in manner was occupied in their devotions. And now above all other things the city was solemnly purged, and greater beasts killed in sacrifice in the honour of those gods, for whom they were ordained, and a present of gold weighing 
* 1440 lib. Fierl.  40 pound, was carried unto juno at Lanuvium. And the dames and matrons of Rome erected a molten image of brass for juno in Aventinum: & at Caere where the lots were diminished, was appointed a Lectisterne, and a procession or supplication to Fortune in Algidum. At Rome also there was a Lectisterne solemnified to juventa [the goddess of youth] and a solemn procession at the church of Hercules. Moreover, express commandment was given to all the people, to make procession and supplication at every altar and Shrine of their gods. And to god Genius, they sacrificed five greater beasts. And C. Attilius Serranus the Praetor, was commanded to pronounce a solemn vow, in case the Commonweal continued in the same good estate, ten years, and decayed not. These portentous prodigies thus expiated, and vows made according to Sibyls books, eased men's hearts mightily of their religious fear. Then one of the elect Consuls, to wit, Flaminius, to whom were allotted those Legions which wintered at Placentia, sent an Edict with letters to the Consul, that the army should be in camp at Ariminum, upon the 
* 15 day of March.  Ides of March. His purpose was, to enter into his Consulship in the province, remembering the old contentions and debates which he had with the Nobles, first when he was a Tribune of the Com. and afterwards when he was Cos. as well about the Consulship (of which, they would have deprived him) as also, about the triumph, which they denied him. Hated he was besides of the Senate, for the new Act or Law, which Q. Claudius (a Tribune of the Commons) had made, so prejudicial to the Senate; and only C. Flaminius, of all the Nobles, supported it and set it forward: namely, That no Senator, or father of a Senator, should have a ship at sea, bearing above 
* Of eight Tun and better.  300 Amphores: for that was thought sufficient to transport their commodities and fruits to Rome, rising out of their lands and livings. And as for all other gain by traffic, it was not beseeming a Nobleman and Senator. This matter having been debated with great contention, caused the proposer of this law (Flaminius) to incur much evil will and displeasure with the Nobility, but it procured him the affection and love of the Commons, and in process of time a second Consulship. Supposing therefore, that with iterating the Auspexes, and putting him to take the presages anew by the flight of birds, and by finding other delays, upon occasion of the Latin holy days, and one business or other belonging to the Consul's charge, they would detain and keep him back still in the city; he set a countenance, as though he would take a journey like a private person, and so departed secretly into the Province. Which thing, when it was once blazed abroad, made the Nobles who were afore maliciously bend against him, to be angry anew; and they gave out, that it was not the Senate only, that C. Flaminius warred against, but the immoral gods also. For he, who before time had been made Cos. without regard of taking Auspexes, and having the approbation of the birds, when he was reclaimed and called both by God and man out of the field, obeyed not: and now, having a heavy conscience, surcharged with offences past, hath fled from the Capitol and the solemn nuncupation & making of vows, for that he would not upon the ordinary day of entering his Magistracy, visit the Temple of jup. Opt. Max. nor (because he was odious to the Senate, and they likewise hated of him alone) see them, and ask their advice and counsel; nor proclaim the Latin holidays, and celebrate to jup. Latialis, the solemn yearly sacrifice upon the Alban hill: ne yet, after he had entered into the Capitol by the lucky flight and token of birds, pronounce his vows there, and depart from thence in his rich coate-armor toward the province. They said moreover, that he was slipped and stolen secretly away like a drudge that followeth the camp, without the ensigns and ornaments of authority, without Sergeants and officers, as if he had been banished, and so left his country, minding belike to enter his government more for the honour and dignity of Ariminum than of Rome, and to put upon him his purple rob of estate, embroidered with scarlet rather in an hostelry, and common Inn, than in his own house. They all every one opined and judged, that he should be recalled and brought back again peremptorily, yea and be forced personally at home to perform all duties belonging to God and man, before that he went forth to the province and to the army. About this embassage (for they thought meet to send ambassadors) went Q. Terentius, and M. Antislius: but they prevailed no more than in his former Consulship the letters missive had done, which were sent from the Senate. A few days after he entered his office, and as he was sacrificing, the calf or young bullock being already sticked, got away from the hands of the sacrificers, & spotted many of the standers by with blood: But they that stood far off, not knowing what the matter was of that stir, fled away, and ran too and fro: which of most men was judged a foretoken and presage of some great affright and trouble. After this, when he had received the two legions of Sempronius the Consul of the year before, and other two, of C. Attilius the Praetor, he began to conduct his army into Tuskane by the way of Apenninum.   

THE XXII. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the two and twentieth Book.  
ANniball came into Hetruria, after he had lost one of his eyes by occasion of continual watching in the marshes, through which he marched four days and three nights, without taking his repose and sleep. C. Flaminius the Consul, a rash and inconsiderate man, went forth, contrary to the warrant and approbation of the Auspexes, and caused the field-ensignes to be digged out of the ground, when other wise they could not be plucked up: and being mounted on horseback, fell with his head forward from his horse. His fortune was to be surprised in 〈◊〉 ambush by Hannibal, which he had laid for him near the Lake called Thrasymenus: where be and his army were defaited, and fell upon the edge of the sword. Six thousand Romans, who broke through and made an escape, notwithstanding the faithful promise that Maharball had made unto them, were by the falsbood of Hannibal put in prison. When upon the news of this overthrow, there was great mourning and sorrow at Rome, there fortuned two mothers to die for very joy, that beyond their hope and expectation, they recovered their sons, and saw them alive, whom they supposed to have been slain in that field. In regard of the foresaid defeature, there was vowed a sacred spring, according to the books of Sibylla. After this, when Q. Fabius Maximus the Dictator, sent against Hannibal, would not come to a set battle with him, for fear he should hazard in fight the soldiers lately terrified and daunted with adverse overthrows, against an enemy lusty and proud of so many victories, and by making head, and opposing himself only against Hannibal, impeached his attempts and enterprises: M. Minutius the General of his horse, a man of a proud spirit and brainsick humour, with charging the Dictator, and accusing him unto the people for a fearful and cowardly person, prevailed so much, that by virtue of their power and authority, he was joined in equal commission and command with the Dicta tor. By means whereof, the army and the forces were parted indifferently between them, and Minutius gave the enemy battle in a place of great disadvantage, whereupon his Legions were distressed, and in great hazard: but Fabius Maximus came in time to his rescue with his part of the army, and saved him out of the present danger. By occasion of which good turn, he was overcome, and his stomach came down, in so much, as he was content to join in camp with him, and saluted him by the name of Father: commanding all his own soldiers, to do the same to their fellow soldiers under Fabius Maximus. Hannibal after he had wasted and overrun Campaine, chanced between the town Casilinum, and the mountain Calicula to be enclosed and compassed about by Fabius: but by a devise of tying little bavins of dry sticks unto ox's horns, and setting them on fire, put to flight and chased away the guards of the Romans, which kept the straits of Calicula, and by that means got through the passage of that forest. The same Hannibal, at what time as he made havoc and burned all the territory about, for bare to touch the land of Q. Fabius Maximus the Dictator, to the end, that he might bring him into suspicion of treason to the State. After this, when Aemylius Paulus, and Terentius Va●ro were Consuls and Generals of the army, there was a battle fought with Hannibal, to their exceeding loss and utter overthrow, near unto a village called Canna. At which field there were slain of Romans, 45000, together with Paulus the Consuls and fourscore Senators, besides thirty other brave personages that had been; Consuls or Pretours, or at least wise Aediles of State. After this defeature, when the Noble young gentlemen of the city (for very despair of the State) were in counsel to abandon Italy, P. Cornelius Scipio (a Colonel, who afterwards was surnamed Affricanus) held his naked sword over their heads, as they sat in consultation, and swore a great oath, that be would repute him for a mortal enemy, that would not swear after him: and hereby effected thus much at their hands, that by virtue of an oath, they obliged themselves not to depart out of Italy and forsake their native country. This book containeth besides, the fright and lamentation made within the city, and the affairs and exploits achieved in Spain, with more happy success. Opimia and Feronia, two professed vestal virgins, were convicted of Incest, and condemned. By reason of the small number of soldiers and serviceable men for the wars, there were 8000 slaves put in arms. The Captives taken prisoners in the wars, when they mought have been redeemed, were not ransomed for all that. A solemn meeting there was for Varro his welcome home, with great thanksgiving, because he had not despaired of the Commonweal.  
NOW approached the spring, when Hannibal removed out of his wintering holds, after he had affaied before to pass over the Apennine, but in vain, by reason of the intolerable cold; where also he stayed in great fear and danger of his own person. By which time, the Gauls, who having risen up in arms on his side, for hope of spoil & pillage, seeing now in stead of harrying and carrying away of booties out of other men's lands, that their own country was become the place of the war, troubled and molested as well with the one army as the other which abode there all winter, turned their hatred and malice from the Romans back again upon Hannibal: In such sort, as after he had been sundry times forelaid by the secret trains of their princes, and in danger to be murdered, he escaped only by the deceitfulness and falsehood practised among their own selves. For with what incononstancie & levity they had conspired together, with the same they bewrayed one another, and detected the conspiracy unto him. By means whereof, as also by changing one while his apparel, another while the bonnet and attire of his head, by error also and mistaking, he avoided the peril, and saved himself. But so it was, that even this fear in which he stood, caused him to remove the sooner out of his wintering harbour.  
About the same time Cn. Servilius entered into his Consulship at Rome, on the 
* 15 day of March.  Ides of March: where, after he had propounded to the Senate concerning the affairs of the Commonweal, the hatred and malice which the LL. had conceived against C. Flaminius, was renewed afresh. For they said, that they created two Consuls, and had but one. For that lawful government and authority which Flaminius should have had, that auspice of Magistracy which was meet and due, he ought to have carried with him from the city, from the public and private habitations, after he had celebrated the Latin holidays, and offered sacrifice upon the mountain Alban, and made his solemn vows accordingly, within the Capitol. But since for default herein, he departed from the city a private person, the Auspexes of government could not follow and accompany him: and being gone without them, he might not lawfully take the same anew in foreign soil. Now there were sundry strange prodigious tokens besides, reported from many places at once, which much increased their fear; namely, that in Sicily certain soldiers javelins were on fire: an 〈◊〉 Sardinia, a horseman's walking staff, as he went the round, and visited the watch upon the wall, burned in his hand: That upon the strand and sea shore, there were seen many light fires, so as all the costs shone again with all: That two shields swetblood: That 〈◊〉 ere some soldiers smitten dead with lightning: That the circle and body of the sun appeared in sight less in compass and eclipsed: Also, that there fell from the sky burning 〈◊〉 Preneste: And at Arpi there were seen in the Element, Palm or Date trees: and the sun 〈◊〉 with the moon: Moreover, at Capena two moons arose & showed in the day time: and that at Cere, the waters ran mingled with blood: That the very fountain of Hercules yielded and cast up water bespotted with blood: That as folk reaped in Antium fields, certain bloody ears of corn light into their baskets: At Falerij the heaven seemed to cleave in sunder and open, and to show as it were a great chink; and out of the place where it gaped, there shone a great light: That the lots of their own selves diminished, and one fell out of the pitcher, with these inscription. Mars brandisheth and shaketh his spear. And about the same time at Rome the Statue of Mars sweat in the high way Appia, near to the images of the wolves: and at Capua the welkin seemed to be on fire, and the form of a moon to fall down in a rain or shower. After this, men gave belief also to prodigies of far less importance: namely, that some men's goats, in steed of hair bare, wool: that a hen turned into a cock, and a cock proved to be a hen. These things as folk reported, were declared abroad, and the authors brought into the Senate: where the Consul propounded before the LL. and required their advice, as touching matters of religion. Whereupon, there passed a decree that these strange tokens, some should be purged and expiated with greater sacrifices, other with young sucklings: and that for three days there should be supplications at all the Shrines and altars of the gods. As for other matters, after that the Decemvirs had looked into their books, such provision was to be made, as the gods in their verses should foretell to stand with their pleasure and contentment. So, by the advertisements and directions of the Decemvirs it was decreed as followeth: First and foremost, that to jupiter there should be made of gold a thunderbolt or form of lightning weighing 
* 1000. li.ster.  50 pounds, and another of silver, presented unto juno and Minerva. Item to juno Regina there should be sacrifice offered in the mount Aventine, and to juno Hospita in Lanuvium, of greater beasts: Item that the dames of Rome, making a contribution (every one to their ability) of a sum of money, should offer an Oblation unto juno Regina & bring it into Aventine, & there solemnise a Lectisterne: Item, that the very Libertine or enfranchised women also, should according to their power, lay their money together and make a present for the goddess Feronia. These things accomplished, the Decemvirs sacrificed in the market place of Ardea, & for that purpose killed greater beasts. Last of all, by direction out of the books of Sibylla, now in the month December, they celebrated a sacrifice at Rome in the temple of Saturn: and commandment was given that a Lectisterne should be solemnised (which bed and table the Senators themselves spread and set out with all the furniture) & a public feast besides, in any hand: and throughout the city both by day & night were proclaimed the solemn Saturnalia: and order directed, that the people should hold and observe that day, as holy and festival, for ever.  
Whiles the Consul was busied at Rome in pacifying the gods, and levying soldiers, Hannibal (who was departed from his wintering for't, because the rumour ran that Flaminius the Consul was come as far as Arretium) albeit he saw another way more ready & commodious (though it were somewhat farther about) yet chose that which was the nearer, through the marshes, whereas the river Arnus at the same time had overflowed his banks more than usually. As for the Spaniards, Africans, and all his old beaten soldiers (the very flower and strength of his army) he commanded to march foremost together with all their baggage and carriages among them, to this end, that if they were forced any where to stay, they should not fail and want necessaries about them: the Gauls he appointed to follow next: and because he was desirous that those kind of people, should be in the middle ward, and the horsemen likewise to go after them hindmost in the rearguard, he charged Mago with the lighthorsmen of the Numidians, to guard the army & keep them close together in their march, but especially to have ancie to the Gauls, and keep them in, for fear lest they for tediousness of travail, and weariness of long way (as they are a nation tender enough and not able to abide any hardness) should either slink away, or else stand still. They of the vanguard; what way soever the guides led them and went afore, passed through thick and thin, waded through great rivers and deep quicksands; and albeit they were mired and in manner overwhelmed and 〈◊〉 up of bogs and muddy quavemires, yet they followed still their colours. But the Gauls, if their feet chanced to slip, could not hold themselves, and when they were down, they were not able to arise out of the dirty sloughs & holes neither could any of them comfort his corpse with courage, 〈◊〉 his heart with hope of better. Some of them hardly haled their heavy hams, and drew with much a do their lazy legs and lagging limbs after them: others, whose hearts were 〈◊〉 tedious toil and travail, when they were once down, lay dying amongst the jades and 〈◊〉 beasts, which also were couched along every where. But that which hurt and undid them most, was their want of sleep, for they had watched four days and three nights continually without a wink. Now when as the water had so covered and overspread every place, that they could find no dry ground, to lay their wearied bodies on, they were feign to pile their packs one upon another in the waters, and to cast themselves aloft upon them. All the way as they went, they might see the garons and horses lie every where on heaps overthrown and dead: which served them a while, in steed of couches for want of other means, who sought but only for some thing or other, that appeared above water to repose themselves upon, for to take a nap. As for Hannibal himself, (who had already an infirmity in his eyes, which came first by the distemperature of the spring season, now hot and then cold) he was mounted upon an Elephant, the only Elephant that lest alive: this beast bore him a good way above the water: but by reason that he had over-watched himself, and the moist nights besides together with the damp and mist of the foggy fens stuffed his head and filled him full of thewmes, and because neither time nor place served for any cure and to take physic, he lost one of his eyes quite.  
Thus after many a man lost, many a horse piteously perished, when he was gotten out at length of these foul fens & miry marshes, in the first dry ground that he came unto, he pitched his camp: and was certified by his espials & vauntcourriers whom he had sent out before, that the Roman army lay about the walls of A●rretium. Then with great diligence and careful enquiry he endeavoured, to found the intent and designs of the Consul, to know the costs and site of the country; to hearken what ways he travailed; to learn what forces he had; to be advertised how he was stored and provided of victuals; and to understand all other things expedient for his purpose in such a case, and necessary to be known. The country was most fertile and fruitful, as any one in all Italy, to wit, the goodly champion fields of Tuscan, lying between Fesulae, & Arretium, plentiful in corn, abundant in cat-tail, & richly stored with all good things. The Consul was stout and proud, by reason of the former Consulship that he had borne: little account he made of the majesty of laws, and authority of Senators, and as small regard and reverence he had of the gods themselves: which rashness, as it cost him nought, but was ingrassed in him by nature, so fortune had nourished and maintained the same with prosperous success in his affairs at home, and wars abroad; so as it appeared evidently, that since he respected neither God nor man, and deigned not to take their counsel and advise, he would go rashly to work, and do all in haste, hand over head, without discretion. And to the end he might be more forward to plunge himself headlong into these his infirmities and imperfections, Hannibal devised to anger him, and to move his patience. Leaving the enemy therefore on his left hand, he put himself into the way to Fesulae for to waste and spoil the country of Tuscan; and showed to the Consul a far off, what soul work and havoc he possible could make, with fire and sword. Then Flaminius who of himself would not have rested and fate still, in case Hannibal had been quiet; seeing once the goods of his allies and friends, harried and driven away even before his eyes, and thinking it tended greatly to his shame and dishonour, that a Carthaginian should march thus at his pleasure, through the mids of Italy, & without any empeaching & controlment, to pass on forward, even to besiege and assault the walls of Rome; when all others about him sitting in counsel, gave advise for profit and safety, rather than for show and bravery; namely to pause a while, and expect the coming of his Colleague, that they might with joint armies, with one heart, and with common accord of counsel, conduct and manage the war: and in the mean time, with the cavalry, with auxiliary or aid soldiers lightly armed, repress the enemy, and stay him from spoiling so licentiously at his pleasure; in a great chase and choler be rose up, anddeparted out of the counsel, and presently founded the march, and gave the signal of battle: and withal, Nay we were best (quoth he) to remain and sit here still before the walls of Arretium: for this, be like, is our native country, and here is our place of habitation: as for Hannibal, let him escape forth of our hands, and waste all Italy; let him spoil afore him, and overrun all with fire and sword, until he be as far as Rome walls: and let not us, in any case once stir from hence, before that the Senators send for C. Flaminius from Arretium, as sometimes they called Camillus from Veij. With these and such like reproachful and taunting words, he commanded in all hast the standards and ensigns to be plucked up, and called for his horse. He was not so soon mounted on his back, but the horse fell presently, cast the rider over and over with his head forward; and there lay Flaminius the Consul under foot. As they all, that attended about him, were affrighted and troubled in mind, at this unlucky prefage and foretoken, in the very beginning of his enterprise; word moreover was brought unto him, that one of the port-ensignes was not able to pull up his ensign, do what he could, and putting his whole strength unto it. The Consul turning to the messenger, What? hast thou any letters besides (quoth he) from the Senate, to prohibit me for geving battle? go thy ways, & bid them dig up the ensign, with help of spade & mattock, if their hands be so benumbed for fear, that they cannot pluck it up: and with that began the army to march. The principal leaders and captains, besides that they agreed not, but gain said this course, were much dismayed and terrified with this twofold prodigious sign: but the common soldiers rejoiced and took great pleasure, to see this forwardness and animosity of their General: having an eye rather to the end of their hope, than to the cause which they had to hope so. Now Hannibal wasted in all manner of hostility that he could devise, the territories between the town Cotona, and the lake Thrasymenus, and all to whet the edge of the Consul's stomach, to chase his hot blood, and to provoke him for to be revenged, for the harms and wrongs done to his good friends and allies. And come already they were to certain places, naturally made as it were for an ambush, whereas the lake Thrasymenus lieth hard at the foot of the hills of Corrona: for there is between, but a very strait and narrow passage, as if there had been left so much space of ground, only for that purpose, and nothing else. For if a man go but a little further, the plain lieth more open, and groweth larger, and from thence the hills begin to arise aloft. Hannibal in the open ground pitched his camp, for himself with his Africanes only and the Spaniards to lodge in, and make abode. The Balearians, and the other light armed soldiers, he led about behind the mountains: the horsemen he placed at the very gullet of the straight passage, where the little hills handsomely covered and hid them close; to the end that so soon as the Romans were entered in, when he had put forth his horsemen against the gullet of the straight, all might be enclosed within the lake and the mountains. Flaminius being come to the lake the day before at the sun setting; the morrow after, before it was full day light, without discovering and cleared the coasts by any scouts and espials sent out before, passed through the straits. After that his army began to be spread and displayed more at large, as the plain opened wider, he espied and perceived those enemies only which he had before his face: for the ambushes lay close hidden, both behind his back, and over his head. Hannibal having once gotten the enemy (as he would) enclosed thus within the lake and the mountains, and environed with his forces, gave the signal to them all for to charge: 
The battle at Thrasymenus.  who came down every man the nearest way he could: and so much the more were the Romans affrighted and troubled with this sudden occurrent, by reason that the mist which arose out of the lake, was settled thicker in the plain, than upon the hills: whereby the companies and squadrons of their enemies coming out of many valleys, were seen well enough one of another, and therefore more jointly gave the charge all at once together. The Romans hearing the cry and shout which arose from all parts, before they could well discern and see, perceived themselves compassed all about and surprised, and were assailed both affront, and on their flanks, ere they could put themselves in battle ray, as they ought, make their armour and weapons ready, and draw their swords. When all the rest were thus amazed, and at their wit's end, the Consul alone, for all this imminent danger, showed himself nothing daunted or afraid, but set in order the ranks and files which were shuffled and blended together, according as time and place would give him leave; and marshalleth his soldiers, (who turned every way as they heard the sundry and divers noises) and in the best manner he could devise, he comforted and encouraged them, willing them to stand to it, and fight like men, for that there was now no means else to escape. All the vows and invocations upon the gods for their help, would not serve, but only it was fine force and mere manhood must do the deed: and they were to make way by dint of sword, through the midst of their enemy's battaillons: and the less men feared, the less danger commonly betided them. Howbeit, by reason of the noise and hurly burly, neither counsel nor command could be heard: and so far off were the soldiers from knowing their own ensigns, their ranks and places, that scarcely their heart would serve them to take arms, and to buckle them, as they should, fitly for fight in such sort, as some of them were surprised and borne down, laden rather with their harness, then covered and defended therewith. And in so great a mist and darkness, more use they had of ears than eyes; for at the groans of their wounded fellows, at the blows and strokes upon the bodies and armour resounding again, at the confused shouts and shrieks of hardy and fearful men one with another, they turned their faces, & cast their eyes every way. Some as they would have fled, light into the press of those that were fight, & there were set fast: some again as they returned for to fight, were borne backward by companies that ran away. Afterwards, when they had assayed in vain every way to get forth, and saw well, that on both sides and flanks the mountains and the lake; that affront and behind, the enemies battalions hemmed them in; then they knew evidently there was no hope of life but in their right hand and force of arms. Then every man became a captain, and encouraged himself to fight manfully: so as the battle began afresh, not in order by the Principes, Hastati, and Triarij, nor according to the accustomed manner, whereby the avantgard should fight before the main battle and the standards, and behind them the arreregard, and that the soldier should keep his own legion, his own cohort, band, and company; but at a venture, even as it happened, so they went to it and buckled, pell mel: and as every man's heart served him, so he marshaled himself to fight, either before or behind. Their courage and animosity was so ardent, their spirits and minds so intentive to the medley, that being as there was, a terrible earthquake at that very instant, which overthrew and turned upside down, a great part of many cities in Italy, turned aside the courses of great rivers out of their channels, & drove their streams against the current, forced the sea into fresh rivers, yea, and overturned mountains with mighty falls, and laid them flat; yet there was not a man who fought in that battle, that once heard or perceived it. The conflict lasted almost three hours. Sharp it was in every place, but about the Consul most cruel: and look in what part soever he saw his men distressed and in hazard, there courageously he aided them. By reason that the flower and bravest gallants followed him, and was himself for his own person goodly beseen in his rich armour, he both assailed the enemy most furiously, and also defended his own citizens as valiantly; so long, until a certain Insubrian, a man of arms (Ducarius was his name) one that knew his visage well enough, This is (quoth he to his countrymen) the Consul that defeated our army, put to the sword our Legions, wasted our territories, and he that destroyed and sacked our city. Now will I offer him as a sacrifice out of hand to the ghosts and spirits of those our fellow citizens, who by his means have been piteously slain: and therewith setting spurs to his horse, he road through the thickest troop and press of his enemies: and when he had first slain his Esquire outright (who opposed his body between, and set himself against him, seeing him coming so furiously) he ran the Consul quite through the body with his lance. And when he would rather than his life have disarmed and rifted him, the Triarij stepped with their targuets over his corpses, and so kept him off. Hereupon from hence first many began to fly; but anon, neither deep lake nor high mountain, could impeach and stop their fearful flight: like blind men they ran and sought means to make escapes, were the lane never so narrow, were the hills never so steep and craggy, horse and man, man and armour, fell headlong one upon another. A number of them seeing no way else to escape, entered into the Lake by the first edges and shallow brims thereof, waded so far, and went up so high, that they left their heads and shoulders only above the water. Some there were, who unadvisedly (such was their fear) sought to save themselves by swimming. Which being an endless piece of work, and beyond all hope, their wind and breath failing them, they were either slifted and swallowed up of the gulfs, or after that with too much haste, they had over-laboured and toiled out themselves, they did what they could to swim back again, and with much ado to recover the land: and there, by the enemy's horsemen who had taken the water, were they killed every where, and cut in pieces. Six thousand or there about, of the vaward, who lustily broke through the mids, maugre the heads of their enemies, unwitting of all that was done behind, escaped safe out of the gullet: and having seized the top of a little hill, there they stood, and might hear only the outcries of men, the rattling & rustling sound of their armour, but how the battle went or sped, neither could they know, not yet discern for the thickness of the dark mist. But now, when they were come to some odds, and one side went down and had the worse, by which time the heat of the sun had broken and dispatched the mist, and the bright day appeared; then through the clear light, the hills and dales showed evidently the havoc and overthrow that was made, and how the Roman army was fouliediscomfited and defeated. For fear therefore, that the enemy (having descried and seen them a far off) should send out against them the cavalry, up they went with their ensigns in all haste, and got them away with all speed possibly they could. The morrow after, when over and besides all other calamities, they were in danger of extreme famine, and that Maharball (who with all his power of horse pursued them by night, and overtook them) had given his faithful word and promise, that if they delivered up their armour, he would suffer them to depart in their single garments, they yielded themselves. Which promise Hannibal saw performed as truly, as all Carthaginians use to do, and false Carthaginian as he was, he clapped them all into prison, and hung irons upon them. This is that noble and famous battle fought at the Lake Thrasymenus, and of those few overthrows that the Romans had, the most memorable of all others. 15000 Romans were there slain in fight: 10000 were scattered: and flying through sundry parts of Tuscan; got to Rome. 1500 of the enemies lost their lives in the field. But many more of both sides afterwards died of their wounds. Others there be that report much murder and carnage on both sides. For mine own part (besides that, I love not to write vain untruths, nor any thing without good warrant, and yet the humour of writers for the most part is too much given that way) I have followed for mine author Fabius especially, who lived about the time of this war. Hannibal having enlarged without ransom as many of his prisoners as were Latins, and put the Romans in straight ward, culled out from among the heaps of his enemies that lay one upon another, the dead bodies of his own men, & commanded they should be buried: & having with great care and diligence made search also, for the dead corpse of Flaminius to inter it, he could never find it.  
At the first news in Rome of this overthrow, the people ran together in exceeding fear and trouble, into the common place of Assemblies. The wives and Dames of the city, went up and down to and fro in the streets, and inquired of whomsoever they met, what sudden calamity this was, whereof the bruit went; and what was become of the army? And when as the multitude assembled thick (as it were) to a public audience, turning to the Comitium & the Senate house, and called upon the Magistrates: at length somewhat before the sunset, Marcus Pomponius the Praetor came forth and said, A great battle hath been fought, & we have lost the field. And albeit they heard of him no more than this of certainty, yet they filled one another's ears with rumours, and carried home with them these news, to wit, that the Consul was killed, and a great part of his army with him slain: that there were but a few left alive, and those either fled and scattered up and down in Tuscan, or else taken prisoners by the enemy. And look how many casualties and misfortunes follow the overthrow of an army, into so many cares and perplexities were the spirits & minds of all those plunged, who had any kinsfolk that served under Flaminius the Cos. all the whiles they were ignorant, what was the fortune of their friends. And no man knew for certain, what he was to hope for, or to fear. The morrow and certain days following, there stood at the gates a sort of people, and those were women more than men, waiting to see their friends themselves, or those that could tell tidings of them: and ever as they met-with any, they would flock about them, and be very inquisitive: neither could they be plucked away from them of their acquaintance and knowledge, before they had questioned every particular circumstance, from point to point in order. There might a man have seen an alphabet of faces, in those that departed from the messengers, according as the tidings was joyful or woeful: there might a man have seen a number coming about them to accompany them as they returned to their houses, either rejoicing for their good hap, or comforting them for their misfortune and calamity. The women especially, as well in joy, as also in sorrow, were in their extremities. One above the rest (as it is reported) standing at the gate, upon the sudden fight of her son alive and safe, fell down dead at his very feet. Another, who had received an untrue report of her sons death, as she sat mourning at home within her house in great sorrow of hart, so soon as ever she saw him coming into the house, for exceeding joy yielded her last breath, & died. And for certain days the Praetors kept the Senators together in counsel, from the sun rising to the setting, consulting under whose conduct, & with what forces they might be able to withstand the puissance of these victorious Carthaginians. But before they were thoroughly resolved of any determinat purpose & course to be taken, suddenly there arrived other news of a second loss, namely, that 4000 horsemen under the leading of C. Centronius the Propretor, sent from C. Servilius the Cos. unto his Colleague, were enclosed by Hannibal in Vmbria. For thither they had taken their way, upon the news they heard of the battle at Thrasymenus. The brute and rumour hereof hammered diversely in men's heads. Some, whose minds were possessed already with grief of a greater calamity, thought the loss of that cavalry but small, in comparison of the former defeature. Others esteemed that which happened, not according to the importance of the thing itself: but like as it falleth out in the natural body of man, that if it be crazy and weak, every occasion, be it never so small and light, is more offensive unto it and sooner felt, than a greater cause and object in a found and strong constitution: even so, when any cross or adversity happeneth unto the politic body of a city or C.W. diseased (as it were) and sickly, we are not to measure and weigh the same by the greatness of the accidents, but according to the seeble and decayed estate thereof, able to endure and abide no new matter, that may surcharge and grieve it, whatsoever. And therefore, the city of Rome took herself to the sovereign salve and approved remedy, which she had long desired, and yet not applied and used of late, namely, to the nomination of a Dictator. And because the Consul himself was absent, by whom alone it was thought he might be named; and by reason that Italle was so overspread and forlaied with the Puplicke forces, there might no courier be well dispatched, nor letters safely sent unto him: and for that the people had not authority of themselves to create a dictator, they therefore elected a Pro-dictatour (a thing that was never seen and practised before that day) namely, Q. Fabius Maximius, and for his General of the cavalry, M. Minuthus R●●●●. These had commission from the Senate, to fortify the walls and towers of the city, to plant and bestow guards thereon, where they though meet, and to cut up and break down the bridges upon the great rivers; showing hereby, that since they were not able to keep and defend Italy, they were now to fight for house and home, and to guard the very city.  
●●● Hannibal in this mean time was come directly by the way of Vmbria, as far as to Spoletum. And after he had grievously wasted and spoiled the territory, the assayed to give assault to that city but from thence he had the repulse with the loss of many of his men. And guessing by the strength of that one Colony (where heesped but badly in the attempt of it) how great and difficult the enterprise might be of assailing the city of Rome; he turned another way into the 
* Marca Ancona  Picenecountrie, not only abounding in plenty of all kind of corn and grain, but also affourding rich spoil and pillage: which the hungry and needy soldiers harried and carried away as greedily; beyond all measure. And therefore certain days he kept a standing camp, and refreshed his soldiers, toiled as well with winter journeys and boggy ways; as also in the late battle, which was more joious and fortunate in the loose and parting, than light and easy in the conflict and fight. After he had rested and refreshed his soldiers sufficiently, who took more pleasure in booties and reises, than in case and repose, he dislodged, and journeyed forward; wasting and spoiling first the 
* Abruzzo:  Pretutian and Adrian territories, and then the Marsians, Marrucines and 
* Valuenses.  Pelignians: and all about Arpi and Luceria, being a region next adjoining unto 
* Puglia.  Apulia.  
Cn. Servilius the other Consul, having had some light skirmishes with the Gauls, and won from them one mean town of small importance, after he was advertised once of the death of his Colleague, and the defeature of the army, fearing even then what danger might be●ide the walls of his native country, lest peradventure he should be absent in the hazard of the main chance, put himself in his journey toward the city of Rome. Q. Fabius Max. the Pro-dictatour aforesaid, the same day that he entered his office, assembled the Senate; and began first with matters of religion, and concerning the gods: and after he had laid open unto the LL. of the Senate, that the Consul Flaminius had faulted more in the neglect and contempt of divine ceremonies, and the Auspexes, than otherwise in rashness and for want of skill in fears of war; and that the gods themselves were to be consulted about the purging and expiation of sins and offences, and what might appease their wrath; gained and obtained this one point, That the Decemvirs were commanded to repair unto the books of Sibylla, (a thing not usually decreed, but when strange signs and prodigious wonders are reported) who having perused the books of destinies, made relation and informed the Senators, first, That the vow made unto Mars, for the good cheevance of that war, was not performed with due compliments, and therefore aught to be accomplished anew, and in more ample manner: also, that the great Games and Plays should be vowed unto jupiter, with temples likewise to Venus Erycina, and to 
* The goddess of Understanding.  men's. Moreover, that a solemn supplication and a Lectisterne should be celebrated, and a sacred Spring vowed, if the gods granted them an happy end of war, and the Commonweal to remain in the same estate, wherein it stood before the war began. The Senate gave order, that for as much as Fabius was to be employed in the wars, M. Aemylius the praetor, should have in charge to see all the premises performed with all good speed, according to the will and mind of the College of the Bishops or Prelates. These Ordinances of the Senate being enacted, Lucias Cornelius Le●tulus the Arch-prelate, with the advice of the whole College of the Prelates, thought good and gave advise, that first above all other things the opinion and pleasure of the people (as touching the sacred spring) should be known, for that without the voices and consent of the people it could not be vowed, And in this form of words was the bill propounded unto the people. PLEASETH IT YOU, THAT THIS GRACE MAY PASS AND THE THING DON▪ WITH YOUR ASSENT IN THIS WISH? IF THE STATE OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME AND THE QUIRITES, FOR FIVE YEARS NEXT ENSUING, CONTINUE SAFELY PRESERVED IN THESE WARS, AS I DESIRE IT SHOULD, THAN THAT THE PEOPLE OF ROME, AND QVIRITES, PERFORM AN OBLATION AND GIFT VOWED AND PROMISED; NAMELY, IN THE WAR BETWEEN THE PEOPLE: OF ROME AND THE CARTHAGINNIANS: AND IN THE WARS WITH THE GAULES ON THIS SIDE. THE AL●●● TO WIT, THAT THE INCREASE WHICH THE SPRING SHALL Y●ELD AND AFFORD, OUT OF SHEEP AND SWINE, 〈…〉 AND ●INE, AND ALL THINGS THAT shallBE PROFANE, BE SACRIFICED UNTO I 〈◊〉, ACCOUNTING FROM THAT DAY THAT THE SENATE AND PEOPLE 〈…〉 ORDAIN: 〈…〉 WHICH SHALL SACRIFICE, MAY DO IT WHEN HE WILL AND IN WHAT MANNER HE WILL: AND IN WHAT SOR● SO EVER HE SHALL SACRIFICE, THAT IT MAY STAND FOR GOOD AND RIGHT 〈…〉 IT DID THAT SHOULD BE SACRIFICED, LET IT BE COUNTED PROFANE, AND NOT AS WICKED: I 〈◊〉 MAN LANE OR MAIM, OR KILL THE SAME 〈…〉 UNTO HIM AS CRIMINAL: IF ANY PERSON CONCE●●● AWAY 〈◊〉 SAME OR HIDE IT OUT OF THE WAY, LET IT NOT BE IMPUTED FOR WICKEDNESS UNTO THE PEOPLE, NOR TO HIM, FROM WHOM IT shallBE SO STOLEN OR HIDDEN IF ONE CHANCE BY IGNORANCE TO SACRIFICE UPON AN UNLUCKY AND DISMA● DAY, LET IT be ACCOUNTED GOOD AND LAWFUL: WHETHER BY NIGHT OR DAY, WHETHER BOND OR FREE SHALL SACRIFICE, LET IT BE TAKEN AND HELD GOOD. IF BEFORE IT, THE SENATE AND PEOPLE SHALL ORDAIN THOSE SACRIFICES TO BE DONE, OR SHALL SACRIFICE, LET THE PEOPLE BE ASSOILED AND DISCHARGED FREELY THEREFORE. And for the same purpose, were the great games (before vowed) performed with the expertise of 
* 1041●●●. 14.sh 4 d s●●●.  333333 asses, & one third part of an Ass; besides the sacrifice of 300 oxento jupiter, and of white oxen and other sacrifices, unto many other saints. After these vows pronounced and made accordingly, the supplication was proclaimed and in procession there went with their wives and children, not only the multitude of the city, but also of the country, so many as had their private estate, any way depending upon the public. The Lectisterne likewise was prepared and trimmed, and continued for three days: and the Decemvirs deputed for holy ceremonies had the ordering thereof. The sacred beds were openly to be seen: one for jupiter and juno, another for Neptune and Minerva: a third for Mars and Venus: a fourth for Apollo and Diana: a fifth for Vulcan and Vesla: and a sixth for Mercury and Ceres. Then were the temples vowed: unto Venus Erycina, Q. Fabius Max. the Dictator, vowed one temple. For so it was delivered from out of the books of destinies, that he should vow it, who had the sovereign rule in the city, and unto 
* The goddess of Understanding.  men's, Atilius the Praetor vowed another. Thus when Church matters touching religion were finished, the dictator propounded concerning war and the State: namely, with what Legions & how many, the Senate thought good to withstand the victorious enemy. And a decree passed; that he should receive the army at the hands of Cn. Servilius the Cos. & enrol besides of the citizens and allies, as many horsemen and footmen as he thought convenient: and that he should do and order all other things at his own discretion, for the good of the Commonweal: Fabius said, That he would adjoin unto the army of Servilius, two Legions more: which being levied by the General of the horsemen, he proclaimed; that they should meet together upon a certain day at Tybur: and when he had published a proclamation, That whosoever inhabited within any towns or castles unsensed, should depart into places of safety: and that all should remove out of the villages of that country, through which Annibal was to go (but first to set on fire their houses, and spoil their corn that he might find nothing there when he came) he went himself forward by the high way or causey Flaminta, to meet with the Consul and the army. And when he discovered them marching about Orriculum by the river Tyberis, and saw the Consul with his horsemen coming forward to him, he sent a Sergeant, to give warning to the Consul, for to come without his Lictors to the dictator: who obeyed his commandment. And as their meeting together, represented an exceeding great show of the Dictatourship unto citizens and allies both, who by reason of discontinuance so long time, had well-near forgotten that government: behold, there came letters from the city importing news, that certaineships of burden, transporting victuals from Hostia into Spain for the army there, were by the navy of the Carthaginians bourded and taken about the sound or haven of Coffa. Whereupon immediately the Consul was commanded to go to Hostia, to take up all shipping at Rome or at Hostia, to furnish them with sailors, and man them with soldiers and so to pursue the Armado of the enemies, and to keep the coasts of Italy. A mighty number of men was levied at Rome. The Libertines also, who had children, and were of lawful age to serve, swore allegiance unto him, to be his true soldiers. Out of this army of citizens, as many as were under 35 years of age, were shipped; the rest were left behind to guard the city. The dictator having received the Consul's army at the hands of Fulvius Flaccus his Lieutenant, went through the Sabines country, and arrived at Tybur, whether he had commanded the new soldiers to repair at a day. From thence by cross ways he returned into the high way or causey Latina, even to Preneste: from whence (having searched diligently by his espials; all the ways) he led forward toward the enemy, purposing in no place to hazard the fortune of battle, but upon necessities The very first day that he encamped not far from Arpi, within the sight of his enemies, there was no ho with Hannibal, but without furtherdelay, he came forth into the field in battle array bade him battle, and offred●fight. But seeing his enemies quiet, and no stirring in the camp, he fell to taunting and reviling them: saying, That now at length yet, the martial h●●rts of the Romans were daunted and tamed; and seeing they refused fight, they confessed plainly, and granted themselves inferior unto him in valour, prowess, and glory: which said, he retired into his camp. Howbeit, chase and fretting secretly in his mind, for anger that he had to deald hereafter with a Captain, far unlike to Flaminius and Sempronius: and that the Romans now at last, being schooled and taught by their own harms, and to their great cost, had sought out and gotten a Captain to match Hannibal; straightways he began to sear the wisdom of the dictator, and not his force: but having had as yet no trial of his constant resolution, he fell to disquiet his mind, and to tempt him with often removing his own tents, and wasting thefields of his allies even under his nose: one while he seemed to march away apace out of all sight, another while he would of a sudden stay, and lie close in some by-place and crank, out of the way, to spy when he could take him in some plain and even ground. But Fabius led his army, and marched above on the higher grounds, a pretty distance off from the enemy, so as neither he would let him go clean and abandon him, nor yet encounter with him. He kept his soldiers for the most part within the camp, save only when necessity otherwise constrained. For purveyance of forage and fuel, they went neither few in number, nor straggling asunder. The wards of horsemen and those that were lightly armed, standing always in order of battle, and ready prepared and furnished for sudden impressions and tumults, yielded both security to his own soldiers, and also danger to his enemies, as they ranged all abroad and foraied the country. In this manner never was the main chance put to the venture all at once of fortune: and the small trials of light skussling and skirmishes (begun in safety and security, by reason of the recourse of rescue so near) enured and heartened the soldiers, frighted with former foils, and made them at length to distrust less either their own valour, or fortune. But Hannibal was not more discontented and displeased, nor more ready to cross and thwart these so wholesome policies and counsels of his, as his own General of horsemen: who wanted nothing else but sovereign command, to overturn headlong the Commonweal: a man in all his designments violent & hasty, and of tongue intemperate. And first secretly among some few, but afterwards openly in the hearing of all men, he termed Fabius, instead of a stayed & soberman, slow and dull: instead of wary and heedful; timorous and fearful: attributing unto virtues, the names of vices of near semblance: and having a singular dexterity to debate his betters and superiors, exalted himself thereby: a cunning cast, of all others the worst, and vet hath mightily prevailed and sped too well in many that have used it. Hannibal from Arpi passeth into Samnium, wasteth the country of Beneventum, winneth the city Telesia, and still provoketh (of set purpose) the Roman captain, if happily he could incense him by so many indignities and losses of his allies, and so draw him to fight on even hand.  
Amongst a great number of Italian confederates and allies, whom Hannibal had taken prisoners at Thrasymenus and dismissed, there were three Campane horsemen, whom Hannibal even then had tolled on, and alured with gifts and fair promises to win unto him the hearts of their countrymen: These brought word unto him, that in case he would lead and bring his army into Campania, he should soon be Lord of Capua. And albeit the thing in itself seemed greater than the quality of the persons that counseled him thereto: and therefore stood in mammering, one while in good hope and assurance, another while in fear and distrust: yet they persuaded him at last to remove out of Samnium into Campania. After he had admonished shed them eftsoons, to see that they made their word and promises good by deed, and commanded them withal to return unto him with some of their principal citizens and countrymen, he sent them away. Himself gave commandment to his guide, to conduct him into the territory of 
* S. Germano.  Casinum: being advised by those that were skilful and acquainted with the coasts of those parts, that if he could gain aforehand that pace and forest, he might exclude the Romans from coming to rescue and succour their confederates. But the ambiguity of the name, and the Carthaginian language far differing from the Latin, caused the guide to mistake Casilinum for Casinum: and so missing of his intended journey, he came down, through the Alifane, Calatine, and Calene countries, into the plain champion region of Stella. Where seeing all the coasts environed round about with mountains and rivers, he called the guide unto him, and demanded where he was: and when he answered, that he should that day lodge in Casilinum, then and not before, the error was found, and he knew that he was far out of his way, for that Casinum was distant in another country far off. And after he had beaten the guide with rods, and hanged him up by the head, for an example to terrify all others, he fortified himself within camp, and sent out Maharball with the horsemen into the Falerne country, to fetch in booties. So they wasted and spoiled as far as the waters of Sinnessa. Much harm did these Numidians, but the flight & fright of the people was far greater. And yet notwithstanding that great fear, when all was on a light fire as it were, and nothing but war, the Roman allies continued still firm in their faithful allegiance: & the reason was, because they were ruled under a just and moderate government, and neither refused, not thought much to be subject unto their betters, the only bond of loyal fidelity. But so soon as he had pitched his camp by the river 
* Volitant.  Vulturnus, and that the most goodly and pleasant country of all Italy was on fire, and the villages every where burned and smoked again; whiles Fabius led his power over the ridge of the mountain Massicus, the sedition was like to have broken out again, and certain captains of the mutiny began to be enkindled afresh. For there had been great quietness, & all was still for some few days; because seeing the army march faster than their usual manner was, they supposed verily, that they made more speed and hastened, to save Campania from being spoiled and wasted. But when they were come to the foremost edge and point of the mountain Massicus, and that the enemies were within sight, burning the dwelling houses of the Coloners and inhabitants of Sinuessa, and likewise of the Falerne country, and all this while not one word of battle; And are we come hither indeed, 
The mutinous 〈◊〉 of Minutius.  quoth Minutius, to behold only and to see, and seed our eyes with looking on our allies, consumed & wasted with fire and sword? and if we bash at nothing else, can we for shame abide to see the calamity of these citizens here, whom our fore fathers planted in Sinuessa as coloners there to inhabit, to the end that all this tract & coast should be safe from the invasion of the Samnites? But behold, it is not a neighbour enemy (the Samnir) that fireth it; but a foreign and alien, even the Carthaginian, who from the farthest & most remote parts of the world, (whiles we stand at a bay, trifle off still, and for laziness do nothing) is come forward even hither unto us. And ate we so far degenerate (with sorrow of heart I speak it) from our progenitors and fathers, that along which coast they thought it dishonourable unto their empire, for the Carthaginian Armadas and ships to float, fail, and ride; we should see the same now pestered full of enemies, the Numidians and Moors? We, who ere while taking foul scorn and great disdain to see Saguntum besieged, called not only upon men, but also upon the faith of alliances and the gods to witness; stand still gazing upon Hannibal marching against the walls of a Roman Colony, and ready to assault it. The smoke of the villages and the fields now on fire, is ready to put out our eyes, and to choke us up: our ears resound and ring again with the piteous cries of our allies that weep & lament, and call oftener unto us than unto the gods for help. And we here lead our army as if they were a stock of sheep, over the shadow forests, and hills out of the way, hidden among the clouds and thick woods to keep them from the heat of sun. If Furius Camillus had been of mind, by ranging and wandering over hills and forests in this manner, to win again the city out of the hands of the Gauls; as this our new Camillus forsooth (sought out of purpose to be our only Dictator in this our distress & hard estate) goeth about to recover Italy from Hannibal, Rome had been French at this day; which I fear me, if we go thus coldly to work, our ancestors have saved & reserved so often, for Annibal and the Carthaginians. But he, a brave man, and a Roman indeed, that very day when word was brought to Veij, that he was chosen dictator by the suffrages of the people, and approbation of the Senators, although janiculum was high enough, where he might have set him down and beheld the enemy at ease, descended into the plain & even ground, and the same day in the very mids and heart of the city, where now Gaulebury or Busta Gallica standeth, and the morrow after, between Rome and Gabes, slew the Legions of the Gauls. And what should I say of that, which happened many years after, when at the straits of Caudium we were put under the yoke by the Samnites our enemies? Whither I pray you, did L. Papyrius Cursor seek out the mountains of Samnium, or rather lie hard upon Luceria and besiege it, provoking and challenging the victorious enemy; and thereby shook off the yoke from the Romans neck, and laid it upon the proud Samnites? And what other thing else of late days but expedition, gave the victory to Consul Luctatius? Who the morrow after that he discovered the enemy, set upon his fleet heavily fraught with victuals: and overcharged as it was with her own munition, furniture and provision, funcke, and destroyed the same. It is mere folly to believe and think, by sitting still, by bare prayers and vows, to vanquish and subdue the enemy. Our forces must be put into arms, and brought down into the plain, that man to man may cope and buckle together. By adventuring boldly, by action and execution, hath the Roman Empire grown to this height; and not by these conceits and devises, which fearful cowards term the wary policies of war. As Minutius spoke these words in preaching wise, a number of Roman Colonels and horsemen came flocking about him. Yea, and these lusty and rash speeches of his, came even unto the ears of the footmen: So as, if it had lain in the voices and election of the soldiers, out of all question they seemed willing to prefer Minutius before their General Fabius. But Fabius again, regarding always with good eye his own men, no less than his enemies, carrying a resolute mind, invincible ever before of any other; albeit he was well ware, that not only within his own camp, but also now at Rome, he heard ill for his temporising & slow proceedings: yet drew he out the rest of the summer, and held on sliffely the same course and purpose, and never altered his former manner: until that Hannibal being clean disappointed of long desired battle, bethought himself anon, and looked about for some places of winter abode, considering, That the country where now he was, rather yielded plenty for the present, than store for long continuance: as standing upon Hortyards and Vineyards, and all things planted, rather for fruits of pleasure & delight, than for necessity & profit. Intelligence hereof being given to Fabius, by his espials, for that he knew well enough, that Hannibal was to return through the same straits, by which he had entered the Falerne country; he holdeth and keeth the hill Calicula, with sufficient garrizons, and likewise Casilinum, a city divided by the river Vulturnus, & parteth the Falerne and Campane countries a sunder. Himself bringeth back his power through the same hills, having sent out to escout and espy 400 horsemen of confederates, under the conduct of Lu. Hostilius Mancinus, who being one of the crew of those lusty youths, that oftentimes heard the General of the horsemen, giving out abroad brave words and stout speeches, at first went forward in manner of an espial, to discover and espy the enemy from a place of safety & security: and when as he saw the Numidians ranging all about the villages, and flew some of them also whom he took at a vantage, streightwaies his mind was wholly possessed and set upon fight; and so forgot the charge and direction of the dictator, who had commanded him to go forward as warily and as closely as he possible could, and to retire himself again before he came within fight of the enemies. The Numidians charging and recharging him affront one while, and flying from him another while, drew him almost unto their very camp, when as both horse and man were outwearied. From whence Cartalo, who then had the conduct and command of the cavalry, set out against him lustily upon the spur, and before they came within dart-short, put the enemies to flight, and followed them continually in chase almost five miles. Mancinus seeing neither the enemy to give over pursure, nor any hope to escape away, exhorted his men, and turned head upon them, overmatched as he was every way: where he himself and his choicest horsemen were beset round and slain: the other taking themselves again to fly for life, first came to Cales, and after through by-lanes and difficult ways, to the dictator. That day, as hap was, Minutius had joined himself to Fabius, having been afore sent to keep with a strong guard, the forest or pace, which above Tarracina, groweth into a narrow gullet, and reacheth to the sea; for fear least of the advenue of the way Appia, were without defence, Hannibal might enter and invade the country of Rome. When the dictator and the General of horsemen had joined their forces together, they encamped upon the very high way, that Hannibal was to pass with his army. Now were the enemies two miles off. The morrow after, the Carthaginians took up with their army all the way between the one camp and the other. When as the Romans were quartered even under their very trench and rampire, in a place no doubt of great advantage, yet for all that approached Hannibal with his light horsemen: and to provoke his enemies, fought by starts and fits, charging upon them, and retrying back again with great nimbleness. The Romans kept still their standing, embattled as they were. The fight was cold and linger, to the mind and liking of the dictator, rather than of Hannibal: and where there were of the Romans part 200 slain, there died 800 of the enemies. Then seemed Annibal after, to be enclosed and shut up as it were & besieged within 
* Cartilluzzo.  Casilinum, seeing that Capua, Samnium, and many rich and mighty nations confederate with the Romans, were on their backs to furnish them with store ofvictuals. And Hannibal chose was like to take up his wintering place, within the crags & rocks of Formij, amid the sands of Linternum, & the mosly standing pools. Well wist Hannibal now that he was laid unto hardly, by the same cunning sleights, that he had used himself. And therefore when as he could not escape away by Casilinum, and seeing that he must needs to the mountains, & pass over the top of Callicula: for fear lest that the Romans should set upon his army enclosed in the valleys between the mountains, he devised a stratagem, by way of a ridiculous illusion, to beguile the eyesight of his enemies, & to frustrate and deceive them of their expectation: by means whereof, he purposed in the beginning of the night, closely and by stealth to gain the mountains. The manner of his crafty devise was this. He caused to be gathered out of all the villages thereby many firebrands; then took he certain bavins or small faggots of brush-wood, dry sticks, and such like trash, and tied them fast to the horns of the oxen, whereof he had tame and wild, a great number that he drove before him amongst other prizes gotten out of the country: so as he might make well-near two thousand head. To Asdrubal he gave in charge, that so soon as it grew to be dark night, he should drive those oxen with their horns set a fire toward the mountains, and especially if he possible could, to the very straits and gullet which the enemy kept. It began no sooner to be dark, but Hannibal with great silence dislodged and removed his camp, and the oxen aforesaid were driven a good way before the ensigns and the army. When they were come to the foot of the mountains, and to the straight passages, immediately the signal or watchword was given to fire the ox's horns, and to chase them up against the hill. The beasts, what with fear to see a light fire blazing over their heads, and what with pain to feel the heat now come to the quick flesh and the roots of their horns, fell running up and down, as if they had been mad. By this their gadding thus all at once every way, all the coppises and springs thereabout were set on a light fire, and seemed as if the whole woods and hills had burnt withal: the shaking of their heads also too and fro without stay, made the blaze greater, and gave show and semblance of men running from one place to another. They who were appointed and set to keep the passages of the straits, so soon as they saw certain fires upon the tops of the hills, and over their heads, supposing themselves to be entrapped and enclosed with fire on every side, abandoned their hold, and kept their standing no longer: and whereas the flame shone most our, thinking that to be the safest way, they sped them thither, even to the top and ridge of the mountains. Then and there, they light upon certain of the oxen wandering astray from their company, and at first seeing them a far off, but not well discerning them, they imagined that they spit fire, and breathed these blazing flames out of their mouths; and wondering at the strange sight, stood still amazed and astonished. But when as afterwards they discovered the devise, and found it out to be a subtle and deceitful invention, proceeding from man's brain, they mistrusted with all some secret trains & ambush, and with an exceeding noise fled away as fast as ever they could, and stumbled upon the vantcurriers of their enemies, that were lightly armed. But they were afraid as well of the one side as the other, to begin any skirmish in the night season, and stayed until day light. In the mean while, Hannibal having conducted his whole army through the straits, and killed some of his enemies in the very pace, encamped himself in the territory of Alifas. Fabius' descried this tumult well enough, but doubting some privy ambush, and abhorring utterly all night battles, kept his men within the strength of their campiers. At the break of day there began a skirmish on the side of the hill, in which the Romans as being far more in number, had environed on every side the lightarmed soldiers of the enemies, and soon defeated them, but that a band of Spaniards, sent back of purpose from Hannibal, came to rescue them: who being better acquainted with the mountains, and more light and nimble in running among the craggs and cliffs, by reason as well of the agility of body, as the fashion of their light harness; easily in that kind of skirmish, avoided and shifted from their enemy, heavily armed at all pieces, and used to fight upon the plain, and to stand firmly and keep their ground. Whereupon in the end they parted asunder one from the other, but nothing near on even hand: for the Spaniards in a manner all, went clear away unhurt, the Romans lost some of their men: and so on both parts they returned to their camps. Fabius likewise removed, and having passed over the straits of the forest, encamped in an high ground, and strongly situate even over Alifas. Then Hannibal making as though he would march through Samnium toward Rome, returned back, wasting and spoiling the country as far as to the Peligni. And Fabius hovered still upon the hill tops between the army of his enemies and the city of Rome; leading his host so, as neither he departed far, nor yet encountered and affronted his enemy. Then Hannibal turned his way, and departed from the Peligni, and retired himself into Apulia, until he was come as far as Geryon, a city abandoned and forlorn of the inhabitants, by reason that a part of their wall was fallen down, decayed and ruined. The dictator fortified his camp in the territory of Larinum. Now was he sent for home from thence to Rome, by occasion of certain solemn sacrifices: whereupon, he conferred and dealt with the General of the cavalry, not only by way of absolute commandment, but also with advice and persuasions, yea and as one would say, by prayer and entreaty, That he would trust more upon considerate counsel, than doubtful fortune; and be directed and guided rather by him, than follow the steps of Sempronius and Flaminius; and not think there was nothing done and effected, and make no reckoning of this, That the enemy had been dallied withal, and trifted out, mocked and deluded, almost all the summer long. Why, even Physicians (quoth he) many times do more good to the sick body of the patient, by giving rest and repose, than by stirring and disquieting the humours therein. And no small matter is it, that we are vanquished and overcome no more, at an enemies hands so often used to victory. And after continual foils and overthrows, to have had rest, and a time of breathing. Having in this wise admonished the General of horse aforehand (but all in vain) he took his way to Rome.  
In the beginning of this summer, wherein these exploits were performed, war began also in Spain both by sea and land. Asdrubal to that number of ships which he had received ready rigged and well appointed of his brother, joined other ten. To Himilco he gave the charge of a fleet of forty fail: and so, losing from Carthage, whiles his ships kept near to land, he conducted his army along the river upon the strand, ready to give battle to the enemy, howsoever he should happen to encounter him either by land or sea. Cn. Scipio after he had intelligence that the enemy was removed out of his wintering harbour, at the first had likewise the same intention and purpose, but afterwards doubting to encounter by land, upon the exceeding great report that went of new aides, he embarked his best and most choice soldiers, and with a fleet of 35 sail, set forward to meet the enemy. And the second day after that he had loosed from Taracone, he came to the road distant ten milesfrom the mouth of the river Iberus. From whence, two Pinnaces of the Massiliens were sent out afore, and brought word, that the Carthaginian Armado road in the mouth of the river, and that the tents were pitched upon the bank. And therefore to the end that he might surprise them at unwares, and unlooking for them, with all the fearful terror at once, that he could possibly, he weighed anchor, and set fail toward the enemy. In Spain there are many towers standing upon high grounds, which serve the inhabitants of the country in good steed, both as watch towers to discover, and also as skonses to withstand thieves and rovers. From whence the enemies ships were descried first, and a signal given to Asdrubal: in such sort, as the tumult and trouble arose upon the land, and in the camp, before any was seen on the sea and amongst the ships: for as yet neither noise of oars, nor any ordinary stir else of mariners, was heard; ne yet the capes and promontories between suffered the fleet to be seen. But then, all on a sudden, certain horsemen sent from Asdrubal one after another, commanded the soldiers (who either wandered along the strand, or fate quiet within their pavilions, looking for nothing less than fight that day) presently in all haste to go aboard, and to arm, for that the Roman fleet was not far from the haven. This commandment the horsemen that were sent, gave every where. And within a while Asdrubal came in person with the whole army. All was on a hurry, and full of sundry al'armes; whiles both mariners and soldiers, made haste to be shipped, rather like men that fled from land, than went to fight. Scarce were they all embarked, when some of them loosed from the shore, and plucked up anchors, others cut the anchor cables, for that nothing should stay them: and all that they did, was with such haste; that whiles the soldiers were occupied in making themselves ready to fight, the mariners were hindered in their business: and whiles the mariners made speed, the soldiers were kept from taking their armour, and fitting themselves therewith. By which time Scipio was not only approached near, but also had marshaled and ordered his ships ready to fight. So as the Carthaginians were troubled as well with the hurlyburlie and tumult of their own people, as with the assault & bartell of their enemies. And having (to say a truth) made an assay and proffer of fight, rather than begun any indeed, they turned away their fleet, and fled. And seeing, when they were once put to flight (by reason they were parted asunder all abroad, and lay open to so many of their enemies, following them upon the poop all at once) that they were ready and easy to be bouged and piersed, they rowed on all hands to the shore. Some were fain to wade to land, others leapt on dry ground; one sort armed, another sort unarmed; and so escaped to their company, embattled along the strand. Howbeit, in the very first encounter and onser, two Carthaginian ships were taken, and four sunk. The Romans, albeit they saw the enemies, masters of the land, & might behold them stand in battle array all along the river side upon the banks, yet made they no stay, but chased the fearful fleet of their enemies: and so as many ships, as either had not cracked, split, and broken their stems, with dashing upon the shore, or were not run a ground, and stuck fast by their keels in the shelves, those they drew up, and warped into the deep, with ropes fastened to their poops; and so of thirty they took five & twenty. And yet, the taking off these vessels was not the best and goodliest cheat of their victory: but this passed all, that with one light skirmish they became LL. of all the sea along those coasts. And therefore arriving with their whole navy before 
* Villa 〈◊〉.  Honosca, they landed their men, won the city by forcible assault, sacked it, and from thence went forward toward Carthage. And after they had harried and wasted all the territory about, at the last, they fired the very houses that joined to the walls and gates of the city. From thence the Armada laden now & charged with rich pillage, failed as far as 
* Guadama●, or the cape of Helchi.  Longuntica. Where they found great store of Sparta [to make cables] provided and laid up there by Asdrubal to serve the navy: and when they had taken thereof as much as they needed, they made a light fire of all the rest. Neither coasted the Roman fleet along the continent and main only, and scoured those parts which lay out into the sea, but passed also unto the Isle 
* 〈…〉.  Ebusus: where they assaulted hotly for two days space, the head city of the Island, with much ado, and small effect. And when they perceived, that they spent time in vain, and were passed all hope to win it, they fell to rob and spoil the country: and after they had rifled and burned certain villages, and gotten a greater booty and pillage than they had out of the main, they retired themselves to their ships: and thither came Ambassadors from the Islands Baleares unto Scipio, craving peace. From thence he came back with the fleet, and returned into the hither part of the province; whether resorted unto him the Ambassadors of all the Nations that inhabit about Iberus, yea, and of many also, from the farthest parts of all Spain. But of States, that absolutely came under the obedience of the people of Rome, doing fealty and homage unto them, and giving hostages for assurance of their allegiance, there were above 120. Scipio therefore, taking himself strong enough in land forces, went on as far as to the chase of 
* Caslona la veis.  Castulo. And Asdrubal retired himself into 
* Portugal.  Lusitania, near the Ocean sea. Hereupon the rest of the summer was like to be quiet: and quiet had it been, for any thing that the Carthaginians did to the contrary. But, (over and besides the natural disposition of all Spaniards, unconstant, busy, and evermore desirous of novelties and alterations) Mardonius a Nobleman, who before time had been the Lord and Prince of the Ilergetes, seeing the Romans retired back from the forest, toward the sea-coast, stirred up the people of his country, and invaded the peaceable territories of the Roman associates, for to spoil and waste the same. Against whom there were sent from Scipio three thousand Romans, besides certain auxiliary soldiers also, lightly armed; who in a light skirmish discomfited his forces, (as being a power gathered in haste, and disordered) flew many, took some prisoners, and disarmed the greater part of them. Nevertheless, the rumour of this alarm caused Asdrubal, as he departed to the Ocean, to cross the river Iberus back again, for the rescue and defence of his friends and allies. The Carthaginians were encamped in the territory of the Ilercaonians, and the Romans near the new Armada, when sudden news diverted the war another way. The Princes of the Celtiberians, who had sent the Ambassadors of their country, and hostages unto the Romans, upon a messenger dispatched unto them from Scipio, arose up in arms, and entered the province of the Carthaginians with a strong and puissant army, won three towns by assault; and afterwards, in two battles which they fought with Asdrubal right valiantly, flew 15000 enemies, and took 4000 prisoners, and many military ensigns they bore away.  
Whiles Spain stood in these terms, P. Scipio came as L. deputy into that Province, continuing still his government after his Consulship expired, and was sent from the Senate with thirty ships of war, eight thousand soldiers, and great store of victuals. This great fleet, in regard of many hulks and ships of burden which accompanied it, was kenned and discovered a far off, to the great joy both of Romans, and also of their friends and associates, and arrived within the port and haven of Tarracon. Where the soldiers were disbarked, and Scipio joined with his brother: and from that time forward they agreed together, and with one accord managed the war. And whiles the Carthaginians were amused with the Celtiberian war, they made no stay, but passed over Iberus, & seeing no enemy, they marched on toward Saguntum; for that the bruit went, that the hostages of all Spain, delivered unto the custody of Hannibal, were kept there in hold within the castle, but with a smallguard about them. That was the only pledge which stayed all the cities of Spain, whose minds were well affected and inclined to entertain league and society with the Romans, but they feared lest if they should revolt, it would cost the lives of their children. This bond which held Spain in awe, one man eased them of, by means of a devise & practise more witty and subtle than honest and loyal. There was at Saguntum, turn, one Acedux a Nobleman of Spain, trusty & faithful aforetime unto the Carthaginians: but then (as the nature is for the most part of these Barbarians) as fortune altered her countenance, so changed he his allegiance. And supposing, that if he should fly unto the enemies, without performing some notable treason, & delivering into their hands one thing or other of great importance, he should be counted no better than a vile, base, and infamous creature, he cast about how he might wind himself into these new Allies, and win them by some singular goodservice, unto their best and greatest-behoofe. And considering all the means that Fortune might bring within his compass to effect, he employed himself especially at the length, to set free and deliver those hostages, thinking that the only way, to win and procure unto the Romans the amity of all the Princes and great men of Spain. But knowing assuredly, that without warrant from Bostar the Constable of the castle, the keepers of those hostages would do nothing, he setteth in hand and cunningly goeth to work with Bostar himself. Now lay Bostar in camp without the city by the water side, to impeach the Romans for entering the haven. Thither came Acedux to him, withdrew him apart into a secret place, and declared unto him as a man ignorant, in what state things stood. Namely, that it was fear and nothing else, that kept the Spaniards unto that day in obedience, because the Romans were so far off; but now the Romans were encamped on this side Iberus, as a sure fortress and place of refuge unto them, if they minded any innovation and change of State: and therefore seeing they could not long be kept by fear, they were to be obliged and bound unto Hannibal by some favour and good turn. When Bostar mervailed and demanded, what sudden demerit this might be, and of so great consequence. Marry (quoth he) send back the hostages into their own cities. An acceptable present that will be, both particularly to their parents, who are of greatest calling and reputation in their own countries, and also generally to all the cities and Nations. Every man (you know) is desirous to be trusted: and for the most part, credit given frankly unto one bindeth him surely to be most faithful. The ministery and charge of conducting the hostages home to their own houses, I will require to hand mine own self, that I may farther a plot and devise of my own, with mine own proper service and employment: and the thing which of itself in nature is acceptable, I will in what I can grace and commend the same, and make it more meritorious. Having thus persuaded the man, being not altogether so wily, as other Carthaginians naturally are, he went by night secretly as far as the Corpse de guard of the enemies, and after he had met and talked with some Spaniards that were auxiliary soldiers in the camp, and by them was brought before Scipio, he declared unto him his whole intent and designment, and the cause of his coming. And after they had given and received faithful promise mutually between them, and agreed of time and place for the delivery of the hostages unto Scipio, he returned again to Saguntum. The day following he spent with Bestar, in receiving commission from him, for the execution of this matter. And thus being dismissed & having his dispatch, he purposed to go in the night, to the end that he might (forsooth) avoid the watch and wards of the enemies, the Romans: and at the house appointed he raised those who had the guard and custody of the children, and put himself on his way; and (simple man he) as if he had been altogether ignorant of that which happened, brought them within the compass of an Ambushment, forelaied before hand by his own wily and crafty devise: and so were they brought into the Roman camp. All other points besides, concerning the rendering of the hostages, according to the agreement and appointment with Bostar, were performed in the same order, as they should have passed, in case all had been done in the name of the Carthaginians and to their behoof. But the Romans won much more thank and gained greater favour thereby, than the Carthaginians could have attained in the semblable courtesy. For the Carthaginians (whom in their prosperous success the Spaniards had found by experience to be rigorous unto them and proud) might have been supposed if they had done it now, to have been mollified and made more bonair and gracious through adverse fortunate and fear: but Scipio the Roman general, at his first coming, and unknown before time, began with a notable example and testimony of clemency and liberality. And Acedux besides, reputed a wise & prudent man, seemed not without great reason to have made exchange of his Allies and Friends. Whereupon they all desired with one accord to revolt, and presently they had taken arms in deed and rebelled, but for the approach of winter which forced as well Romans as Carthaginians to betake themselves to their winter harbours.  
These were the occurrents that fell out also in Spain, in the second summer of the Punic war: whiles in Italy the wise and wary delays, the industrious temporising of Fabius in the manner of his warfare, gave the Romans some respite & intermission of their foils & overthrows. Which as it wrought in Hannibal no small trouble of mind & perplexity, to see that the Romans at the last had chosen for their General, a man who managed war, by discourse & guidance of found reason, & not by adventure of sickle fortune; so it was despised of his own citizens, as well those that were armed abroad, as gowned at home: and namely, when during the absence of the Dictator, there happened to be a field fought through the rashness of the General of the Cavalry, with more joyful success (to speak truly) than happy and fortunate. Two other things there were besides, that caused the Dictator to be worse thought of, and in great disgrace and obloquy. The one through the deceitful and wily policy of Hannibal: who being informed by certain fugitive traitors (that fled from Rome unto him) which were the lands and possessions of the Dictator; gave express commandment when he had destroyed the country about, & made all even with the ground, to forbear all kind of hostility there only, and to touch nothing of his, either by fire or sword: to the end it might be thought, there had been some packing between him & Hannibal; and that this was the hire and consideration agreed upon between them two. The other arose from an action of his own: namely, about the exchange and coursing of certain prisoners or captives: which peradventure at the first appearance, might have seemed doubtful and suspicious, (because there in he stayed not for to have the commission & approbation of the Senate) but in the end & upshot it turned, no doubt, to his singular praise and commendation. In that interchaunge above said, it was capitulate between both Generals, of Romans & Carthaginians, (like as it had been afore in the first Punic war) That whether side received more Captives than they gave again, should yield for every one soldier 
* 7. lib. 16. sh. 3.d. star. accounting 100 drachmas or Roman denarij to 4 lib.  two pound and a half of silver. When it fell out therefore that the Roman Dictator Fabius, had received more prisoners by 247 than Hannibal, & the payment of the silver for them due; after much debate in the Senate house, (because he had not direction therein from the LL.) was delated, and no order taken therefore; he sent his son to Rome of purpose, to make sale of his lands, which had not been endamaged by Hannibal: and so to his own cost, and out of his private purse, discharged a public debt.  
Hannibal now lay in leaguer, before the walls of Geryon, a city which he had won and set on fire, and reserved a few houses standing, to serve him in stead of barns & gamers for his grain. From thence he sent out two third parts of his forces to purvey corn: & remained himself in guard with one third part, ready in arms, (but lightly appointed & without any bag & baggage) in a meet and convenient place; both for defence of the camp, and also for discovery of all the costs about, that no assault were made upon the purveyors. The Roman army lay then in the territory of Larinum, & the Captain general was Minutius, Commander of the horsemen, because the Dictator (as is above said) was gone to the city of Rome. But whereas these had usually encamped before, upon some high hill and strong place of scatritie; now they began to draw down into the vale and the plain ground, and to devise crafty means and slatagems beyond the natural reach of the Commander himself; namely, how they might assail either the purveyors as they straggled about in the country, or set upon the camp of their enemies, left with a small power and guard to defend it. Hannibal was no ignorant, that together with the General, the whole manner and conduct of their warfare was changed: and that the enemy would fight rather more rashly and hastily, than wisely and warily. And himself (who would have thought it, considering the enemy was approached nearer) sent out a third part only of his soldiers to provide come andsorage, and kept the other twain with him in the camp: he removed also his tents nearer to the Romans, almost two miles off from Geryon, to a little hill within the fight of the enemies, to the end they might know, he was minded and ready to rescue and defend the purveiors, is haply they should be charged upon. Then espied Hannibal another hill nearer, and standing even over the yerie camp of the romans. For the gaming whereof, (seeing that if he should have gone by day time openly, he had been no doubt prevented by the enemies, who would have seized it first, by reason it was nearer unto them) he sent certain Numidians by night, who surprised it and kept it. But the Romans making little or no account of their small number, 
〈…〉  draw them the morrow after from thence, and thither removed their own tents: so as then, there was but a little distance between one camp and the other, and the same, in a manner, wholly taken up and replenished with Romans: and withal, at the same time, the horsemen of the Romans with certain footmen lightly armed, we sent out at a postern gate of the camp, (which opened not upon the Carthaginians) against the foragers, whom they discomfited, put to flight and flew a great number of them. Neither dared Hannibal issue forth to skirmish, for, having so few about him, he was hardly able to defend his camp, in case it had been assaulted. So: he was driven now to use the policy and shifts of Fabius, (for part of his forces were away) & managed his war, sitting still as it were and keeping the enemy at a bay & at staves end: and so retired with his soldiers to the former camp, under the walls of Geryon. Some write, that there was a field pitched, and a set battle fought with banners displayed, wherein Hannibal at the first encounter was discomfited and chased to his camp: but from thence, they issued forth who were within, & so the fear turned upon the Romans, who on a sudden were put to the worse: but by the coming of Numerius Decimus (a Samnite) with succour, the fight was reenforced and renewed. This man, not only nobly descended, but also of great power and wealth, as well in Bovianum his native country, where he was born, as throughout all Samnium (by order & commandment from the Dictator) came with a power of 8000 foot & 200 horse, toward the camp: and being espied by Hannibal on the backside, gave both parties good hope of fresh and new aid. But when the voice went, that Fabius at the same time was coming also from Rome, Hannibal for fear of being entrapped within some Ambush, retired back with his own men, & the Romans made pursuit after him; and with the help of Numerius the Samnite, wan in one day by force, two fortresses. So there were 6000 enemies slain, and 5000 Romans. And yet as equal in a manner as the loss was of both parts, the rumour ran to Rome of a brave victory, with letters also in post from the General of horsemen, full of folly and vanity. Much arguing there was and debate about these matters, both in Senate, and before the people sundry times. And when all the city besides was joious, and the Dictator (alone) gave no credit either to the bruit that was blazed, 
The speech of Metellus against Fabius.  or to the letters; saying withal, That if all were true, yet he feared more the sawning than frowning of fortune: then M. Metellus a Tribune of the Commons, stepped forth & said, That this above all was not to besuffred: that the Dictator not only whiles he lay in camp, opposed himself against all goodness, and stained all valorous service; but also being absent from thence, crossed and disgraced that which was well done and worthily achieved: and that he, of purpose drew the war in length and prolonged the time, to the end he might continue the longer in government, and be the man alone to command all, both in the city and abroad in the army: for one of the Consuls was slain in battle, the other under a pretence & colour of pursuing the Carthaginians fleet, was sent out of the way, far enough off from Italy: as for the two Praetours, they were employed both, in Sicily and Sardinia: and yet neither of those two provinces had any need of a L. deputy there. And M. Minutius General of the horsemen, was kept prisoner as it were, & might neither see enemy, nor do any martial exploit. And hereupon it is (qd. he) that not only Samnium (whereof the possession was surrender unto the Carthaginians, as if it were a territory lying beyond Iberus) but the Campane, Caleno, and 〈◊〉 territories were utterly overrun & wasted, whiles the Dictator abode still at Casilinum, & with the legions of the people of Rome defended his own lands & possessions only. And when the Army & General of the Cavalry were desirous of battle, they were kept back enclosed in a manner within the compass of the camp, & their weapons taken from them, as if they had been captive enemies: And at length when the Dictator was once departed from them, they issued forth of the camp, like men, delivered from siege & so discomfited & put to flight their enemies. In consideration of all these things, (he said) if the Commons of Rome were of that courage, as sometime they had been, be would have boldly put up a bill for to deprive C. Fabius of his government. But now for this time, he would propound a morein different & reasonable law, by virtue whereof the Commader of horsemen may be made equal with the Dictator in authority & power. Yet so as that Q. Fabius might not be sent unto the Army, before that he had substituted & ordained another Col. in the rowne of C. Flaminius. The dictator forbore altogether to come into any of these assemblies of the people, as a man in action and pleading nothing popular, and who framed not himself to the humour of the common people. Neither was he in the Senate house heard with patience, at what time as he either magnified and extolled the valour of the enemy; or rehearsed and reckoned up the losses and foils received for two years space, 
Fabius' his words in the Senate.  through the rashness and unskilfulness of the Commanders: and said withal, that the General of the horsemen was to answer and give account for fight against hisredict and express commandment. Moreover (qd. her) it I were in place of sovereign rule and government, and to do all according as I thought good I would effect and bring to pass, within few days, that men should know, that a good warrior was to make small reckoning of fortune: but wisdom, wit, & counsel were to guide and direct all. And for mine own part, I deem it a greater honour & glory, to have preserved an army in a time of trouble and danger, from shame & ignominy, than to have slain many thousands of enemies. After he had made these and such like speeches and reasons in vain, and created for Col. M. Astilius Regulus: for that he would not be present, to debate the question concerning the right & authority of his own government, he departed by night season toward the army; even the very day before that the foresaid law should be propounded. The morning came, and the commons were assembled to an audience: wherein men seemed rather secretly in their hearts to malice the dictator, and to affect and favour the General of the horsemen, than durst come fonh and be seen to persuade and set forward that which pleased them all in common. And notwithstanding the bill was exceedingly well liked of, yet there wanted one to give some credit and authority there unto. At length, one stepped forth to set it on foot, namely, C. Terrentius Varro, who the year before had been Proetour, a man not only of obscure degree by calling, but also of vile and base parentage descended. His father was (they say) a Butcher, who kept shop and sold meat himself, and trained up his son as his apprentice in the same mecanicall and servile occupation. This Varro being a young man, and well left by his father (who was grown rich, and gained greatly by his trade) gave his mind and conceived some hope to live more gentlemanlike: and took a great liking to the common place, and pleading at the bar: exercising himself in entertaining causes of base persons, against the estate & name of honest citizens and of good reputation: by means whereof he grew to be known among the people, and afterwards was advanced to place of worship and honour. And having been Treasurer of the city, and horn both Aedileships, as well that of the chair, as the other of the Commons: and at length gone through one Pretourship, he aspired now higher, in hope to be a Consul: & full craftily waited his time, and fought to wind himself within the favour of the people, by means of the ill opinion and hard conceis they had of the dictator: and thus he alone went away withal the affectionate love of the Commons. All men that were either at Rome or in the army, both good and bad, in general (excepting the dictator himself) received and admitted that bill, as made to his disgrace and shameful reproach. But he, with the very same gravity and constancy of heart, endured this injurious; course and dealing of the people raging against him, wherewith he had born his adversaries slandering & charging him before the multitude: and having received in the way as he journeyed, letters importing the decree of the Senate, for dividing his authority equally with the General of the horsemen, and being assured that notwithstanding his commission were parted & communicated with another, yet his skill and sufficiency of conduct and command, remained still with himself; with a mind invincible as well against citizens as enemies, he returned to the army. But Minutius who before that time was hardly to be endured, both for his fortunate success, & also for the favour of the common sort; now verily beyond all measure & bounds of modesty, vaunted & gloried, in that he had conquered & got the mastery over Fabius as webas lover Annibal: That Fabius (I say) who in time of distress and calamity, was the only warrior & captain that could be found out to match Annibal: that the superior magistrate, was by the consent & approbation of the people, (a thing never to be found in any record of Chronicles) made but even & equal with the inferior; to wit, the Dictator with the General of horsemen: and in that city, wherein the Commanders of the cavalry were wont to quake and tremble at the rods & Axes of the dictator. So conspicuous & evident in the eyes of the world, was his felicity and prows above all others. And therefore minded was he to follow his own fortune, and to take his time: in case the dictator still continued lingting in sloth and idleness, condemned in the judgement both of God & man. Whereupon, the very first day that he & Fabius were met together, he said that they were above all things to determine & set down in what sort they might order this their equal authority of government. He for his part thought it best, that each other day (or if longer time between were supposed better) they should one after the other alternatively have the full and whole command of all for the time to their several turns that if any occasion of fight a battle were presented, they might be able to countervail the enemy, not only in counsel but also in power and strength. Q. Fabius liked not of this, supposing that whatsoever lay in the hands and disposition of his rash colleague, must needs be subject unto the arbitrement of Fortune: Saying moreover unto him, that he was indeed to impart unto him government and rule, but not wholly to depart the rafro, and shut himself out. And therefore he would never willingly fail, but (to his power) manage by counsel and discretion one part or other: neither would he divide with him either times or days, but the forces and armies that Minutius might have one moiety; & himself another: & since he might not preserved all by his own counsel & policy, yet he would endeavour (so far as he could) to save somewhat. And so much he prevailed, that they parted the legions between them, as the matter of the Consuls was. The first and fourth fell to Minutius, the second and third to Fabius. In like manner they divided the horsemen number for number, and the auxiliar soldiers of Allies and Latins. The General of the horsemen would needs likewise, that they should be encamped a funder.  
Hannibal conceived hereupon a two fold joy, (for he was not ignorant of all that was done among the enemies, partly by intelligence given him from thence by fugitives, and partly by means of his own escouts and spies) for he made this reckoning, both that he should deal welenough with the layish rashness of Minutius, and handle him in his kind; and also that the prudent policy of Fabius was abridged and diminished by the one half. Now there was a little hill between the camp of Minutius and of the Carthaginians: and no doubt there was, but that he who could gain it aforehand should have the vantage of the enemy, in regard of the ground. That hill Hannibal was not so desirous to get without skirmish, (and yet it had been a matter of good importance) as willing thereby to give some occasion of fight and skuffling with Minutius, whom he wish very well to be always forward enough to encounter him and make resistance. The plain all between, seemed at first fight nothing commodious nor good for men that would lay an ambushment, because it was neither over grown with any woods, nor yet, in any part roughly overspread and covered, so much as with briars & brambles. But in very deed the ground was naturally made for to cover and hide an Ambuscador and the rather; because in so naked and bare a valley, none would have imagined and suspected any deceitful trains, and forelaying of wait. And yet there were in diversnonks and corners thereof, certain hollow rocks and caves, and some of them of sufficient capacity to receive ●ob armed mour: In these lurking holes there were bestowed 5000 of horsemen and footmen one with another, some in one place, some in another, according as they might commodiously lie there closely hidden. And yet, lest that the sitting of any one that might chance to go forth unadyisedly or the glittering of armour, should bewray the trains in so open a valley, Hannibal; by feeding out at the break of day some 〈◊〉 for to 〈◊〉 the aforesaid hill, withdrew the eyes of his enemies another way. These at the first view were despised of the Romans for their small number, and 〈◊〉 every man was desirous to be doing with them, and their fingers itched for to set the enemies back, and drive them from thence. The General himself Minutius, as foolhardy and forward as he that was most, sounded the alarm, and commanded to go to the winning of the place, braving and threatening the enemies full vainly. First, he sent forth his light armed men to skirmish, but afterwards, the Cornets of horsemen, set close and jointly together in array: and at the last, seeing the enemies seconded with new succours and supplies, he advanced forward himself with his legions in order of battle. And Hannibal, wheresoever he perceived his men to be distressed, made out continually fresh aids one after another, both of horse and foot, ever as the fight increased and grew hotter: so as now he had his full army in field, and they maintained battle on both sides with all their power & main forces. First, the light armed Romans, notwithstanding the disadvantage of the ground, desirous to get up against the hill, (possessed aforehand by the enemy) were put back, and beaten down again: in somuch, as in their retire, they put the horsemen in fear that followed hard upon them, and fled for refuge to the ensigns of the Infantry. The main battle of the legionary footmen, among all the rest that were affrighted, only remained without fear, undaunted; and seemed in a plain, set, and downright field without ambush, likely enough to have held their own, and in no respect to have been overmarched; so courageous they were, and had taken such hart, upon their late victory, some few days before. But the enemies starting suddenly out of their Emboscadoes, so troubled, disordered, and terrified them, flanking them on both sides, and charging withal behind, that neither their heart served any of them to fight, nor their hope remained to fly and escape away. Then Fabius hearing their first cry, and knowing thereby, that they were in great fear, and seeing besides a far off their battle disordered and in disarray, I thought even as much (quoth he) and no sooner than I feared, it is fallen out: Fortune I see well, hath overraught foolhardiness, & taken it tardy. The man, forsooth, that must needs be made equal with Fabius in government, seeth by this time, that Hannibal is his good master, & his better by odds, in prowess & fortune: but we shall find out some other time to chide and to be angry. Come on now, forth with your standards & ensigns, let us wrest from our enemy's hands the victory, and wring from our citizens mouths, confession of their error and trespass. Now when some of them were slain, and other looked about which way to make escape and fly: Fabius with his forces showed himself, as sent down from heaven to rescue them. And before he came to lance one javelin, or began to join battle and fight one stroke, he not only stayed his fellows from running away, but also his enemies from further heat of fight. As many of the Romans as were disbanded & scattered asunder all abroad; repaired again speedily from all parts, and rallied themselves to the entire battle: the rest who by whole troops had turned their backs, made head again upon the enemy: and one while geving ground and retiring by little and little, another while standing in a ring and round together steadfast, kept this order by turns: so as now, both they that were discomfited, and those that were unfoiled, became reduced into one body of a battle, and advanced their ensigns against the enemy. By which time Hannibal founded the retreat, and openly confessed and said, that as he had vanquished Minutius, so was he foiled and overcome of Fabius. Thus when the more part of the day was spent with variable fortune, 
The words of Minutius to high s soldiers.  and all retired again to their camps, Minutius called together his soldiers, and spoke unto them after this manner. I have oftentimes heard it spoken (my good soldiers) that he is the best man & most sufficient, who knoweth himself what is best to do: next to him is he esteemed, that will be ruled & directed by sage reed and counsel: but he that neither hath the skill to advise another, nor the grace to be advised by another, is simply of the worst nature, & good for nothing. Since that we therefore are not so happy as to attain unto the highest degree of wit, & perfection of nature, let us content ourselves with the second place, & keep a mean between: and whiles we learn to rule, let us settle ourselves and resolve to obey him that is wiser than ourselves. Let us join in camp with Fabius, and when we have presented ourselves and our ensigns before his pavilion and tribunal, see that when I salute him by the name of Father, (as is beseeming his excellent majesty, and the benefit by us of him received) that ye also call those soldiers your patrons, whose valiant hands and trusty arms erewhile protected you: that this day may give us yet, if nothing else, the honour & name of thankful persons. Having thus said, he gave commandment to pack up bag and baggage, and to dislodge: and as they marched in good array toward the camp of the dictator, they stuck both him and also all about him into a wonder and admiration. And having pitched their ensigns before the Tribunal: then Minutius the General of the horse, went forth before the rests and after he had greeted Fabius himself as his Father, and the whole army likewise saluted those about Fabius, by the name of patrons: To my parents (quoth he) o Dictator, unto whom I have made you equal in name only (as much as my tongue will give me leave) I am bound and beholden for my own life only and no more: 
His speech to the Dictator.  but to you, I am indebted for saving both my life and all these here. The Act therefore and ordinance of the commons which hath been a clog and burden to me rather than an honour, here of myself I renounce, revoke and abolish: and (that which I pray God may prove to the good, both of you and me, of my army and yours, as well that which is preserved, as that which is the preserver) lo I submit & surrender again myself under your command and government, together with these ensigns and legions thereto belonging; beseeching you to pardon me, and to entertain me in the room of the General of the cavalry, & those here with me, every man in his former place. Then interchangeably they gave their hands one to another: and the soldiers (after the assembly dismissed) were courteously invited, and friendly entertained as well by them that were unknowen unto them, as of their acquaintance, and so the day, dolorous, heavy, and almost dismal and accursed, turned to be joyful and festival.  
So soon as tidings came to Rome of these occurrents, and the same confirmed as well by the letters of the Generals themselves, as also by the common voice of soldiers from both armies, every man the best he could, praised and extolled Maximus up to the sky; whose honour and reputation was as great in the opinion of Hannibal and the Carthaginians, for then and never before, they found, that they had to deal and war in Italy, & with Romans. As for the two years space before, they set so light both by Roman captains and soldiers, that they could be hardly persuaded, that they warred with that Nation, whereof there went so great a fame, & of whom their forefathers had reported such wonders and terrible things. They say also, that Hannibal as he returned out of the field, gave out these words, That the cloud which settled on the hill tops, hoveredso long in the wind, that it proved a tempestuous storm in the end.  
Whiles these things were doing in Italy, Cn. Servilius Geminus the Consul, having sailed about the coasts of Sardinia and Corsica with his fleet, and received hostages both of the one Isle and the other, passed over into Africa: and before that he landed in the continent & firm land, he wasted the Island 
* G●bi, or Zerbi.  Meninx, and having received 
* 1875 lib. 〈◊〉 according to the lesser Attic talon.  ten talents of silver of the inhabitants thereabout, for fear lest their territory also should be consumed with fire, and spoiled as well as the rest; he came to Africa, and there set his forces ashore. From thence he led his soldiers and mariners likewise, one with another, disbanded and out of order, as if they were to rob and spoil some desert Islands, unpeopled and void of inhabitants. Whereupon they fell unadvisedly into an ambush; and being unskilful of the country, and therewith but few and scattered, they were soon enclosed among many, and with much slaughter and shameful flight, were driven and beaten back to their ships. 
〈◊〉  The fleet thus having lost a thousand men, and one treasurer of the army among them, called Sempronius Blaesus, loosed in great haste from the shore (which now was overspread by enemies) and held their course for Sicily, and at 
* Marsalls.  Lilybaeum was set over and delivered to T. Ottacilius the praetor, for to be brought back again to Rome, by P. Sura his Lieutenant. Cn. Servilius himself journeied through Sicily by land, and crossed the narrow seas into Italy: for both he and his Colleague M. Attilius were sent for by the letters of Fabius, to receive the army at his hands, now that his six-moneths-soveraine government was well-near expired. All the Annals in a manner do record, that Fabius was the man, who during his Dictatorship, fought and waged war with Hannibal. Coelius writeth also, that he was created Dictator by the people. But both Coelius and the rest, either knew not or else forgot, that the Consul Servilius, who then was far from Rome, and in the province of France, had the lawful right and authority only, to nominate a dictator: and because the city so affrighted, by reason of that notable overthrow could not stay so long, they were driven to this shift, That there should be created by the people a Pro-dictator or dictator his Deputy. But the noble acts and glorious renown of that General, together with the title of his image, which might recommend his house more honourable to posterity, gained easily this point, and caused the Pro-dictator to be reputed dictator, and so-called.  
The Consuls, M. Attilius Regulus, and Cn. Servilius Geminus, having received the army (as is beforesaid) fortified in good time the places for wintering harbours (for it was then the Autumn season) conducted and managed the wars together in great concord, and followed the same politic course that Fabius had done before them. For as Annibal made roads at any time to purvey corn, they would meet him just at every turn, in sundry places, and either cut off the tail of his men, or intercept and catch them as they went scattering, but never hazard all in one set field; the only thing that the enemy shot at, by all the means he could devise. And so near driven was Hannibal, and to those tearines of want & scarcity, that but for very shame (lest by his dislodging and departure he might be thought to fly) he would have retired back into Gallia, as being out of all hope to maintain and sustain his army with victuals in those parts, in case the new Consuls who next succeeded, should hold on still the same policy and manner of warfare. Winter now approached, and all the war that was, continued and rested about 
* Cirign●la, The Ambassadors of Naples in the Senate of Rome.  Geryon: at what time there arrived at Rome, Ambassadors from Naples, who brought with them, and presented into the counsel house, forty massy bols of beaten gold: and with all delivered this speech and said, That they knew full well, how the treasure of the people of Rome was wasted and consumed by long wars. And for as much as the said wars were maintained, as well for the defence of the cities and lands of allies, as for Rome, the very head, mother city, and principal citadel (as it were) of all Italy, and for the sovereign dominion & Empire thereof; the Neapolitans thought it meet and reason, that what store of gold their ancestors had left unto them, were it for to adorn and deck themselves, or to relieve them in time of need and necessity, with it they were to aid and help the people of Rome in their adversity. And if they could have bethought themselves of any other means besides, wherein they might steed and befriend them, they would as willingly and frankly have made presentment thereof: saying, moreover, that the Senators of Rome should do them an high pleasure, if they would make account of all that the men of Naples had, as their own; and judge them worthy, at whose hands they would vouchsafe to accept a present, much greater, and more precious in regard of the mind and affection of the givers, than the substance and valeur of the thing. The Ambassadors were highly thanked, as well for their liberality and munificence, as for the care they had of them: and that bowl was only received, which weighed least.  
About the same time, a Carthaginian spy, who for two years space had walked unknown and unsuspected, was detected now and apprehended at Rome: and after his hands were cut off, was suffered to depart. Five and twenty slaves were crucified for a conspiracy contrived in Campus Martius. The informer was made free, and had 
* 60. pound 7. sh. 6. d 〈◊〉.  20000 pound of brass bullion given him for a reward. There were also sent Ambassadors to Philip King of the Macedonians, to demand again Demetrius Pharius, who having been vanquished in plain field, was fled unto him. Others likewise were dispatched to the Ligurians, as well to expostulate with them and complain, that they had succoured Hannibal with men, money, and other munition: as also to hearken and learn (seeing they were so near) what the Boians and Insubrians did or went about. Besides, a third embassage was addressed as far as to 
* Selavonis.  Illyricum, unto King Pineus, to require and call for the Tribute, whereof the term was expired and passed: and if he were minded to take a longer day, then to receive hostages & pledges of him for security. See how careful the Romans were, and what a provident eye they had, notwithstanding the great war which lay heavily upon their necks and shoulders, to their other affairs: in so much as no one thing in the world, how distant and remote soever, was by them neglected. But as concerning religion, and church matters, they made some scruple of conscience, that the temple of Concord (which L. Manlius, L. Deputy in Gallia, had vowed two years before in time of a sedition and mutiny of soldiers) was not as yet set out to workmen for to be built or edified accordingly. And therefore two Duumvirs were for that purpose created, by Aemylius the Praetor or L. Governor of the city, namely, Cn. Pupius, and Caso Quintius Flaminius: who gave order, that the Temple should be built upon the Capitol hill. The same Praetor, by virtue of a decree of the Senate, sent his letters also unto the Consuls, importing thus much; That if they thought good, one of them should repair to Rome for the creation of new Consuls; and that himself would summon the Parliament against that day which it should please them to appoint. The Consuls wrote back again according to the premises; That they might not depart far from the enemy without damage of the State: advising them to hold an assembly for the Election aforesaid, by authority of an interregent, rather than that one of the Consuls should be called away from the wars. But the LL. of the Senate thought it better, to have a dictator chosen by one of the Consuls for the holding of that high court of parliament. So L. Veturi● Philo, was nominated dictator, and he chose for General of the horsemen M. Pomponius Matho. But these men being not duly and lawfully created, were commanded at the fortnight end to give over their places, and then the matter grew to an Interreigne. The Consuls had their commission, for government and conduct of the army, continued and confirmed for one year lo●●er. The Senators named for Interregents, first, Cn. Claudius Cento, the son of Appius; & after him, P. Cornelius Asina. During whose interreigne, the Parliament was holden, with much contention & debate between the Nobles and the Commons. The vulgar people endeavoured to advance unto the Consulship C. Terentius Varro, a man of their own coat and condition, one crept into good liking and favour with the common sort, by opposing himself and contesting against great personages, and by other popular practices and courses that he used to win grace among the people; as namely, by abasing the greatness of Fabius, and the majesty of the Dictatorship: for nothing was there else in him, to commend him to the world, but a malicious mind to bring others into disgrace. The Nobles withstood the Commons all they could, to prevent this mischief; That men should not take a custom to be their equals, by means of inveighing and making head against them. 
The Oration of Bibius Herennius a Tribune.  Bibius Herennius a Tribune of the Comm. and kinsman to C: I erentins, blamed & accused much not only the Senate, but also the Augurs, in that they forbade the Dictator to finish & go through with the election and so by drawing them into hatred, fought to purchase favour and credit unto Terentius his Candidate, who stood to be Consul. First, quoth he, where as the Noblemen for many years together; sought occasions of war; and trained Hannibal into Italy, the same persons craftily have made a long war of it, when it might have been brought to a final end before now. Also, when it was well seen that they might have fought a battle with the complete power of four legions all together; seeing that M. Minutius in the absence of Fabius had a lucky day: two legions only and no more, were offered and exposed as it were to the enemy to be hewn in pieces: and then afterwards, they were rescued and saved from massacre, and the very edge of the sword: to the end that Fabius might be called Father and Patron: even he, who to say a truth, first impeached the Romans for vanquishing the enemies, before that he saved them from being vanquished. Moreover, the Consuls that succeeded, following the same course, and artificial fetches that Fabius practised before them, drew out the war still on length, when they had good means of victory, and might have fully finished it. A complot (no doubt) contrived and concluded among all the Nobles. And never will they see to make an end of war, before there be a Consul chosen, a mere commoner in deed, to wit, a man never seen asore, and of the first head. For those who of commoners are now noblified, are all alike and of the same profession; they draw all in one line, and have learned one lesson; and ever since that they have left to be contemned of the Nobility, are fallen to despise and disdain the Commonalty. For who seeth not? that in seeking to have an Interreigne, their only purpose and reach was, that the Election might be full and wholly in the power and ordering of the Nobles. That was the thing which the Consuls aimed at, in staying behind in camp with the army: and afterwards when there was a dictator created against their wills for to hold the great assembly for the Election, their drift was, and they wrought so, and brought it about in the end, that the Augurs should give it out and pronounce, that there was an error committed in creation of the dictator. And therefore, saith he, the commons cannot of all things away with these Interreignes: and verily, one of the Consulships (at least) appertaineth of right to the Commons of Rome: and no doubt, the people in their free election would more willingly make choice of one to be Consul, and confer the dignity upon him, that loved rather to win the victory at once, than to continue commander in the army a long time. When the Commons were once enkindled and set on fire with these speeches and remonstrances, albeit three of the Patritij were competitors, namely, Pub. Cornelius Merenda, L. Manlius Volso, and M. Aemylius Lepidus, and two 
* [Such as by descent & birth were pure Commoners, but by place, become of the Nobility.]  new noblemen, who were already familiar and acquainted with the Commons, to wit, C. Attilius Serranus, and Q. Aelius Paetus, of whom the one had been High Priest, and the other Augur: yet at length was C. Terentius only created Consul, to the end that the election should be in his power, that he might choose unto him a Colleague at his pleasure. Then the patricians having a sufficient trial, that their Candidates and competitors were of small force and not able to prevail, urged and put forward L. Aemylius Paulus, who sometimes had been Consul with M. Laelius, in the condemnation as well of himself as of his companion, escaped the peril of being burnt, and was well senged and scorched as it were in the fire: a man of all others most mischievously bend against the commons: him they urged I say, to stand for a Consulship, notwithstanding he refused a long while, and alleged many reasons against it. And so the next comitial or Parliament day, by occasion that all the concurrents & competitors aforesaid that stood with Varro, gave place & left off their suit, he was chosen to match with the Consul elect, for to thwart and cross him, rather than to be assistant unto him in the government. This done, they proceeded to the election of Pretours, wherein M Pomponius Mathe, and P Furius Philus were created. Unto Pomponius, fell by lot the jurisdiction within the city of Rome: and unto P. Furius Philus, between the citizens of Rome and foreigners. Two other Praetors besides were chosen, M. Claudius Marcellus, to be sent L. Deputy into Sicily, and L. Posthumius Albinus into Gallia. All were created in their absence, and excepting Terentius the Consul only, there was no Magistracy conferred upon any, who had not aforetime borne and exercised the same: for divers valorous and hardy men were passed over & left out, because in such a time of trouble, it was not thought good to prefer any man to a government, wherein he was raw and unexperienced. The armies also were augmented; but to what proportion they arose, either in cavalry, or Infantry, I dare not set down anything for certainty: so greatly do authors vary both in the number and quality of the forces. Some say, there was a new supply of 10000 soldiers enroled. Others affirm, that to the five legions, there were adjoined four new besides, to the end they might employ nine legions in the wars. Also, that the legions were increased in number both of foot and horse: to wit, with the addition of one thousand footmen, and three hundred horsemen in every Legion: 
All within these marks [] ●eade 〈◊〉 a marginal note.  [For sometime before, a Legion contained 4000 foot, and 200 horse, called quade at a legio: whereas at first, Romulus ordained it to be 3000 of the one, and 300 of the other,] so as a legion consisted now of five thousand foot, and three hundred horse: and that the associates should double the number of horsemen, and find even proportion of footmen with the Romans.  
Some Historians have written, that at what time as the battle of Cannae was fought, the Romans were in camp 87200 strong. But in this they all agree, that the Romans warred with greater preparation, and more force and fury than in years past, because the dictator had put them in good hope, that the enemy might be vanquished and subdued at once. But before that these new Legions advanced under their ensigns and banners out of the city, the Decemvirs were commanded to go and peruse the books of Sibylla; by reason that men were commonly put in fear, and terrified with news of strange sights and prodigious tokens. For the rumour went, that both at Rome in the Aventine, and also at Aricia, it reigned stones, much about one time; and that in the Sabines country (which no doubt portended a great massacre and slaughter) there issued out of a certain fountain, waters hot, with much blood: and men were more terrified therewith, because it did so many times together. Besides, in the street called Fornicata, toward Campus Martius, divers persons were blasted & smitten to death with lightning from heaven. These prodigious signs were expiate and purged with due remedies out of the aforesaid books. Ambassadors also from the city of Pestum, brought unto Rome a present of massy bols of beaten gold. Thanked they were, like as the Neapolitans before them, but the gold was not received.  

The Ambassadors of K. Hiero, in the Senate of Rome.  At the same time, there arrived at Ostiafrom K. Hiero a fleet of ships, ready rigged, & furnished with store of victuals; The Syracusian Ambassadors were brought into the Senate house, where they declared, That K. Hiero, so soon as he heard of the death of C. Flaminius the Consul, & the defeiture of the army, took it so heavily, that no proper calamity of his own, or loss incident unto his kingdom, could have troubled him more and touched him nearer: and therefore albeit he knew full well, that the grandeur & courage of the people of Rome, was ordinarily more admirable in their adversity, than in prosperity and welfare, yet he had sent all those things, wherewith good friends and faithful Allies are wont to furnish the associates in time of war: praying the LL. of the Senate, in any case not to refuse the same, but to take all in good worth. And first and foremost, for good luck sake & fortunate presage, they have brought with them the image of Victory in gold, weighing 320 
* 11520 pound sterling.  pound: requesting, that it would please them to accept the same, to have and to hold it, as their own for ever. Moreover they had transported with them 
* 9375 quarters, reckoning six modij to Medimnus, which is supposed to be much about a bushel and a half of London measure.  300000 Modios of wheat, and 200000 of barley, to the end they should be at no fault for victuals, and were ready moreover to bring in more, according as they should need, & to what place they would appoint. As for footmen heavily armed, & horsemen, he knew well the people of Rome would use none but natural Romans, or at least wise Latins. But forasmuch as he had seen & observed in the Roman camp, foreign aids consisting of light armed soldiers, therefore he had sent 1000 Archers and Slingers, a meet and competent power to match with the Baleares & Mores, and other nations that use shot, and to reach their enemy a far off. Over and besides these gifts and real presents, they counseled and advised them, that the Lord Deputy of Sicily, should pass with his fleet into Africa, both to find the enemy work, and give him his hands full of war at home: and also to afford him less respite and worse opportunity, to send aid and succour to Hannibal. The Senate returned this answer again unto the King. That King Hiero had done the part of a right good man, & a singular friend and ally: who ever since that he was entered into amity with the people of Rome, hath held on the same course still, in keeping his faithful allegiance, and never failed, but at all times, and in all places succoured and advanced the state & empire of Rome, with all bounty and princely munificence: which the people of Rome took most thankfully, as in right they ought. As for gold, some other cities likewise had brought and offered unto them, but accepting only in good worth their kindness, received it not. But the image of Victory, & the happy presage and foretoken thereof they gladly accepted: and for that blessed Saint, they appointed & dedicated even the Capitol, & temple of ●up. Opt. Max. to be the seat & shrine thereof: that being consecrated in that castle & highest fortress of the city of Rome, it might be propice and gracious, and remain firm and fast to the people of Rome. As for the slingers and archers, together with the corn, they were delivered to the Coss. Five & twenty galleys, with five ranks of oars to a side, were joined to the Navy which was under the conduct of T. Octacilius the Propretor in Sicily: who had commission, if he thought it good & expedient for the commonweal, to pass over into Africa. The Consuls having finished the musters & levied soldiers, stayed a few days, until their allies were come with aid from the Latins. Then were the Soldiers particularly (a thing never done before) by their Colonels, put to their corporal oath, and sworn to make their repair at the Consul's commandment, and without their leave not to depart: for until that day, there passed nothing but a sacrament parole & simple promise in general. For whensoever the horsemen resorted to their Decuries, and footmen to their Centuries; both they of the cavalry in their Decuries, & also of the Infantry in their Centuries, swore (after a sort) voluntarily among themselves, That they would not abandon their ensigns by way of flight, or upon any fear, nor go out of their ranks, unless it were to fetch either some offensive armour, or to smite an enemy, or to save the life of a citizen. Which having been aforetime a voluntary covenant & accord between themselves, was now by the martial Tribunes or Colonels, reduced to a formal and solemn oath, and bound the soldiers to observe the same, of necessity. Yet before the ensigns set forward and marched out of Rome, the Consul Varro dealt many hot words and brave orations in the assembly of the people, intimating & purporting thus much in effect: That the Nobles had called for war in Italy, where it was like to remain long enough, and to stick close by the ribs of the commonweal, if she were served with many such Generals as Fabius was. As for myself (qd. he) I shall (I trow) vanquish the enemy, the first day that I set eye upon him, yea and finish the war at once for ever. But his colleague Paulus made but on only speech, even the day before they were to take their leave of the city: which was not so well taken of the people for the present, as it proved true in the end. Wherein he gave Varro no hard words, nor girded at him otherwise than thus; That he mervailed much, how any captain, before he had experience either of his own army or of his enemies, and knew the situation of the place and ground, and the nature of the country, sitting as yet within the city in his gown, could perfitly tell what he was to do in the field, and in arms: and be able also to foretell and set down the very day, wherein he was to encounter and join in ranged battle with the enemy. For his own part, he would not cast thus aforehand, nor plot his designs & counsels before due time & season, which present occurrences are wont much more to minister unto men, than men to fit them to the occurrents that shall happen. This would he wish with all his hart, That the enterprises taken in hand warily & with discretion, might prove as lucky & fortunate. As for inconsiderate rashness, besides that it implieth folly, hath ever to that day sped but ill. Thus it was well seen, that this man of himself inclined to prefer safe proceeding & advised counsel, before doubtful ways & fool hasty courses: & to the end that he might persevere in that resolution more constantly, Q Fabius Maximus at his departure (by report) bade him farewell, in this or such like manner.  

The Oration of Q. Fabius Max. to L. Aemylius the Consul.  If either you, o L. Aemylius, had a Colleague like unto yourself, (which I could rather wish) or that yourself were suitable to your Colleague, these my words to you were altogether needless and superfluous. For you twain, being two good Consuls, would even without my speech do all things faithfully to the good of the Commonweal and chose, if both of you were bad, ye neither would vouchsafe to give care to my sayings, nor ponder in mind my counsels. But now, when I consider your companion what he is, and yourself, to be a man of that quality and worth, you are he to whom alone I am addressed to direct my whole speech; to you, I say, whom me thinks I foresee already, like to be in vain and without effect, an honest man and a good citizen. For if the Commonweal be halt and lame but of one side, as great sway and authority will bad projects & lewd courses carry, as the good, sage, and wholesome counsels. For you are far out of the way and much deceived, o L. Aemylius, if you think to be less troubled with Hannibal than with C. Terentius. And I wot not well, but I greatly fear, that you shall have a more cumbrous adversary of the one, than a dangerous enemy of the other. For, with Hannibal you are to fight in the field, and in time of battle only: but with Terentius you shall have to do in every place, and at all hours. Against Annibal and his Legions you shall make head, and have the help of your own cavalry & Infantry: but General Varro will assail you even with your own soldiers. far be from you in any ill sense the late remembrance of C. Flaminius, for I love no such unlucky boding. Howbeit, he began his mad fits when he was once Consul, and never before: when he was in his province with command, and in the camp with his army, and never else. But his Varro, even before he stood for the Consulship, and all the whiles he was a suitor therefore, and now likewise, that he is Consul, before that he seeth camp or enemy in field, is hornemad, and talketh like a man besides himself. What foul work then (think you) will he make, when he shall see himself with armed youths about him in the camp, who now amongst peaceable citizens in their gowns and long robes within the city, stirreth so great storms and tempests, cracking & vaunting at every second word, of nothing but fight, skirmish, and battle? What a coil I say, will he keep there, where no sooner a word spoken, but a blow given; and when upon direction, presently ensueth execution? But in case this man (as he saith flatly he will) fall immediately to strike a battle, either I know not what belongeth to Art military, and have neither skill how to conduct this kind of warfare, nor any experience of the quality and nature of this enemy, or else there will be another place more noble and memorable by our defeature and overthrow, than was the Lake Thrasymenus. But it is no time now to stand upon these terms, and to glorify myself in comparison of this one person: who have loved (as it is well known) to exceed & go beyond all measure in despising glory and honour, rather than in desiring and coveting the same. But the truth is this, and so it will be found in the end, that the only way to war against Hannibal, is that, which I took and always used. Neither is it the issue & event alone (for that is master and teacher of fools) which showeth and proveth this unto us, but even reason itself which hath, and will be still the same & immutable, as long as things in the world hold on as they do. We war (you see) in Italy, at home, in our own ground and place of residence: all quarters round about us, full of our own citizens or friendly Allies: who daily help us, and will be ready still to furnish us with armour, men, horse, and victuals. Sufficient proof and testimony of their faithfulness have they given us already in our hard distress and adversity. Space and process of time maketh us better, stronger, wiser every day than other, and more constant and resolute. chose, Hannibal is in a strange and foreign land, in his enemy's country, in the mids of all things that are cross and adverse unto him, far from his house and home, far from his native soil, having peace no where, neither by land nor sea. No cities receive him and give him entertainment, no walls he hath, within which he can retire himself in safety. Nothing seeth he, wheresoever he goeth, that he can say is his own. From day to day, from hand to mouth, he liveth of rapine and spoil. Scarce a third part hath he of those forces, which he transported over the river Iberus. Hunger and famine hath wasted more of them, than the edge of the sword: and for this small remainder that is left, he is hard and scant provided of food and sustenance. Make you any doubt then, but we shall vanquish him, whiles we 〈◊〉 still and take our ease, who day by day decayeth sensibly, and 〈◊〉 old and feeble, who neither hath store of victuals to maintain an army, nor supply of men to make up his broken bands, nor mass of money to entertain them. How long was he sane to fight for Geryon, a poor little castle in Apulia, as if it had been for the walls of Carthage itself? Neither will I boast and magnify myself at all, before you, o Aemylius. Do you but only consider, how Cn. Servilius and Aemylius, the last Consuls, played mock holiday with him, and deluded him. This is the only way of safety, o L. Paulus, which I fear me, our own citizens will make difficult and dangerous unto themselves, more than the enemies can. For you shall have your own soldiers & your enemies both, of one and the same mind. Varro the Roman Consul, and Hannibal the Carthaginian General, will aim and reach at one and the selfsame thing. And you, being but one man, must make account to resist two captains: and resist them you shall well enough, if you will stand firm and hold your own against all bruits and speeches of the people, if neither the vainglory of your fellow that shall be blazed, nor the infamous rumours that shall be falsely blown abroad to your disgrace, shall once stir you from your constant resolution & maintenance of the truth. Old said saws these be, and common proverbes, That right and true-dealing may well be sick, but it shall not die: it may lie a bleeding, but shall not miscarry. And he that will despise vainglory, shall attain in the end to true glory. Let them call you and spare not, fearful for careful, cold and slow for wise and considerate, an ill soldier and ignorant for a skilful warrior and experienced. But be not you dismayed: I had leifer hear a wise and sober enemy to fear you, than see foolish and brainsick citizens to praise you. Adventure all things boldly, Hannibal will contemn you: enterprise nothing rashly, he shall dread you. And yet my purpose is not, neither speak I this, that you should enter into no action at all: but my meaning and advice is, that in all your doings you be guided and directed by sage reason, not haled and carried away with blind fortune. Order the matter so, that all things lie within your compass, and at your disposition. Stand ever armed, and upon your guard. Have your eye about you still, and keep good watch, that neither you lose any opportunity that shall present itself unto you, nor yield unto the enemy any occasion for his advantage. Take time and leisure, you shall find all things clear, plain, easy, and certain. chose, haste maketh waste: it is ever to seek, is forseeth nought, but is stark blind.  
The Consul answered to these speeches, with no lightsome cheer and gladsome countenance, as confessing. 
The answer of Aemylius to Faebius.  That all he spoke was rather true in substance, than easy in execution. For (faith he) if the General of horsemen were so violent, and not to be endured of you, who were his dictator & sovereign Commander; what course shall I take, what shift may I make, what power and authority sufficient, am I like to have, to sway against my seditious, quarrelsome, and heady Colleague? For mine own part, in my former Consulship, I hardly escaped a scouring, and much ado I had to pass through the light fire of the flaming people's doom and heavy censure, wherein I was well scorched and half burnt. I wish all may be well in the end. Howbeit, if any thing shall fall out otherwise than well, I had rather hazard the pikes and darts of the enemies and leave my life behind me among them, than put myself to be tried again by the voices & suffrages of angry & testy citizens. Paulus had no sooner delivered this speech, but (as the report goeth) he went forth on his journey, & the cheese LL. of the Senate accompanied him. The other Commoner Consul was likewise attended of his favourites the Commons, more looked on and gazed at for their multitude and number, than regarded for the worth and quality of their persons.  
So soon as they were arrived at the camp, and that the new army was intermingled with the old, they divided the whole into two camps, and ordered the matter so, that the new which was the lesser should be nearer to Hannibal: and in the old, the greater number and the whole strength and flower of the main forces should be quartered. Then they sent away to Rome M. Atilius the Consul of the former year, who excused himself by reason of his old age; and desired to be gone. But they gave unto Cn. Servilius the charge and conduct of one Roman Legion, and besides of two thousand horsemen and footmen of their allies in the lesser camp. Hannibal, notwithstanding he well perceived that the power of his enemies was reenforced by one half more than before: yet wondrous joyful he was at the coming of these new Consuls. For not only he had nothing left him of victuals, which from day to day he brevited for, to serve his present need and no more; but also there was no more to be had, and nothing remained for to fill his hands with; by reason that after the territory was not safe to travail in the come from all parts was conveyed unto the strong walled towns and there laid up: so that (as afterwards it was known for certain) he had scarce corn enough for to serve ten days: and the Spaniards, by occasion of the dearth and want, were at the point to revolt unto the Romans, if they might but espy a good and commodious time therefore. Over and besides, to the inbred rashness and overhastie nature of the Consul, fortune also ministered matter to confirm him therein. For in a certain tumultuary skirmish (to stop and impeach the foragers and boothalers of Hannibal, and which began rather by chance, as the soldiers happened to encounter one another, than upon any considerate counsel aforehand, or by direction and commandment from the Generals) the Carthaginians had the soil, & went by the worse; for of them there were 1700 slain: but of Romans and Confederates, not passing 100 And when in the train of victory they hotly followed the chase in disarray, the Consul Paulus, who that day had the absolute command (for they governed by turns, each one his day) restrained and stayed them. Varro thereat chauf and frounsed, crying out aloud, That he had let the enemy escape out of his hands: and if he had not thus given over the pursuit, the war might have been ended at once. Hannibal took this loss and damage nothing near the heart, but rather made full reckoning, that he had caught (as it were) with a bait, and fleshed the audaciousness of the foolehastie Consul, and of the new soldiers especially. For he knew as well, all that was done amongst the enemies, as in his own camp; namely, that the Generals were not suitable nor sorting one unto the other: and that of three parts of the army, two in a manner were but raw, fresh, and untrained soldiers. And therefore supposing he had now gotten place and time favourable unto him, to contrive and compass some stratagem, the night following he led forth his soldiers, carrying nothing about them but their armour; and abandoned the campefull of all things, as well private goods and furniture, as public provision: and beyond the next hills, he bestowed secretly in ambush his footmen well appointed & in ordinance of battle, on the left hand; & the horsemen on the right: and conveyed all his carriages into the mids between the two flanks: to the end that whiles the enemy was busied in rifling and ransacking the tents, forlorn (as it were) and forsaken by the flight of the owners and masters, he might surprise him laden & encumbered with bag and baggage. He left behind him in the camp many fires burning, to the end that the enemies should verily think and believe, that under a pretended show of an army in camp, his purpose was to hold and keep the Consuls, amused still where they were, whiles himself in the mean time might gain more ground and escape further away: like as he had played by Fabius the year before. When day light was come, and the Coss. saw, first that the standing guards were gone, and perceived (as they approached nearer) an unwonted silence, they marveled much. But after they discovered certainly that the camp was abandoned, and no person remaining behind: there was running of all hands who could run fastest to the pavilions of the Coss. with news that the enemies were fled, in such fear, as they left their tents standing entire, and had quit the camp wholly: and to the end their flight should be more secret and not descried, they had left light fires burning in every place. Then began they all to cry & call upon the Coss. for to command the standards and ensigns to be brought abroad, and to lead forth in pursuit of the enemies & without any stay to make spoil and havoc of their camp. And in truth, one of the Coss. was no wiser than the common soldiers. But Paulus replied & told them ever & anon, that they were to be circumspect and wary, & to look about them what they did, for fear of an ambush. Yet seeing in the end no remedy, and that otherwise he could neither stay the mutiny, nor rule the captain thereof: he sent out M. Statilius (the Provost marshal) with a troop of Lucan horsemen, in espial, to discover the coasts & see all were clear: who having ridden hard to the gates, and given order to all the rest for to stay without the fortifications, himself with two horsemen besides, entered within the rampire, and having looked and searched every corner advisedly, 〈◊〉 tired and made relation, That past all peradventure there were knaves abroad, & a piece of 〈◊〉 cherry was in hand: for why, there are fires made (qd. he) on that side only of the camp that ●●●ked toward the enemy: the pavilions stand open, and all things of price & value which they 〈◊〉 most store by, are left at random even to fit our hands: & we have seen besides in divers places, silver plate and coin scattered along the way here and there, as it were a bair laid to train us to a booty. These circumstances reported, of purpose to withdraw their minds from covetous and greedy desire of pillage; set them on & kindled them the more. And the soldiers had no sooner cried aloud, that unless the signal were given, they would set forwards without Commanders● but they had a captain strait at hand to lead them the way for immediately Varro founded the march. Paulus who of himself made slow haste, and perceived besides that the birds in taking the Auspice, approved not this enterprise, nor gave good tokens of happy speed, gave order straightways that his Colleague should be advertised of the unlucky Auspice, who was ready now to set out of the gate with his standard, and that in any wise he should stay. Wherewith albeit Varro was not well content, yet the late misfortune of Flaminius, & the memorable overthrow at sea of Claudius [
* Read the Breularie of the nineteenth book.  Pulcher] Consul, in the Punic war, wrought some scruple of conscience and fear in his heart. But it was even the fair grace of the gods (if a man may so say) and nothing else, which put by and deferred, rather than impeached and inhibited the danger and destruction that hung over the Romans heads. For, as good hap was, it chanced at the very instant, when the Consul commanded the ensigns to be brought into the camp, & the soldiers would not obey him, that two slaves (who served sometime two horsemen, the one a Formian, and the other a Sidicine, and who in the year when Servilius and Atilius were Consuls, among other foragers were taken prisoners by the Numidians) made an escape and fled that day to their old masters again. Who being brought before the Coss. advertised them constantly, that the whole army of Hannibal, lay close in embuscado on the farther side of the mountains. The coming of these bondslaves so right and jump as they did, caused the soldiers to obey their Coss. Whereas the one of them, by his ambitious courting and seeking unto them at the first for a Consulship; and afterwards, by his unseemly indulgence and pleasing of them, had lost all his majesty and reputation among them.  
Hannibal when he saw that the Romans rather began to stir without advice, than still to run rashly on head to the full, and that his crafty devise was disclosed and took no effect, returned again into his camp. Where, he could not for want of come make abode many days: and besides, not only soldiers (who were not all one man's children, but a mingle mangle and medley of all Nations) began daily to plot and enter into new dessignements, but also their captain himself was of many minds. For whereas they began with muttering and grumbling, and afterwards with open mouth, to demand and call for their due wages, complaining first of the death of victuals, and in the end, of mere hunger and famine: and withal a rumour ran, that the mercenary soldiers; and the Spaniards especially, were minded and intended to give him the slip, and to turn to the enemy; Hannibal likewise be thought himself otherwhiles as it was said, how he might fly into Gallia, but so, as he would leave his Infantry behind him at six and seven, and so be gone with his cavalry alone. As men, I say, were thus plotting and devising in the camp, he resolved at length to dislodge from thence, and to remove into the hotter countries of Apulia, where the harvest was more timely: considering with all, that the farther he went from the enemies, his soldiers who were by nature lightheaded and unconstant, would not so easily revolt and fly from him. So he took his way by night, and made fires likewise, & left a few tents standing in sight, that the Romans fearing the like trains and ambush as before, might keep in, and not stir abroad. But when as the same Statilius the Lucan, having scoured all the coasts, both beyond the camp, and the other side of the hills, and brought word, that he had discovered the enemies a far off dismarching, then began they the morrow after to think and consult of making after him with hot pursuit. But albeit both Consuls continued, as ever before, the same men still, that is to say, diversely minded, and persisting in their several resolutions: but so, as all in a manner accorded with Varro, and none agreed unto Paulus, but only Servilius the Consul of the former year: yet according to the opinion and counsul of the Mayor pars, they went both together (for what might bold that which fatal necessity driveth) to make Cannae much renowned and famous for the notable overthrow and defeature of the Romans. near this village Hannibal had encamped under the wind Vul●arnus, and had it on his back: which wind, when the fields are skorched and burnt with drought, is wont to bring with it clouds (as it were) of dust. Which as it was good and commodious for the very camp itself, so it was like to serve in special steed, when they should range their battle in order, and fight, with the wind blowing on their back, against the enemy, whose eyes the dust was ready to put out, flying with the wind full in their faces so abundantly.  
The Consuls having diligently searched the ways, and tried the passages ever before them, followed Hannibal hard, and so soon as they were come to Cannae, had him in sight: where they fortified two camps, of like distance almost asunder, as at Geryon; and divided their forces like as before. The river Aufidus ran close by both these camps, and yielded wa●●ing places according as either of them had occasion and need, but not without some skuffling and skirmish. But from the lesser camp, which lay on the farther side of Aufidus the Romans had more liberty to water, because upon the farther bank there was planted no sconce nor guard of the enemy. Hannibal having possessed himself of a good plot of ground to his mind, commodious and meet for the service of horsemen (in which kind of forces he was invincible) ordered his battalions in array, and by putting out certain Numidian light horse, made a bravado, and bad the Consul's battle. And even then it fell out, that both the Roman camps were disquieted and troubled anew, what with the mutiny of the soldiers, and what with the disagreement and jarring of the Consuls; whiles Paulus laid hard unto Varro, and set before his eyes the rashness of Sempronius and Flaminius: and Varro again hit him home, and twit him with the example of Fabius, which made so goodly a show in the eyes of fearful, idle, & cowardly captains: both of them fell to protesting & calling God and man to witness, the one giving out, that the fault was not in him that Hannibal was now Lord well-near of all Italy already, and why? because himself was kept short and tied fast enough by his colleague, and the soldiers whose hot blood was up, and who were eager of fight, had their weapons even plucked out of their hands: Aemylius on the other side complaining, that if aught should happen amiss unto the Legions thus betrayed, and offered wilfully and unconsideratly to the danger of doubtful battle, notwithstanding he were not blameworthy, but innocent altogether, yet should he be the first that smarted, and be partaker of the mischief and misfortune: and yet he would gladly see, whither they who were so ready and hasty of their tongue to speak, would be as nimble and active of their hands to fight, when the time came. Thus whiles they spend time in chopping logic, and quarreling one with another, rather than in good and sober consultations, Hannibal who had stood arranged a good part of the day ready to fight, minding to retire his other forces into his camp, sent forth certain Numidians out of the battle to charge upon the Romans on the other side of the river, who from the lesser camp went for water. These being a disordered and confused multitude, were not fully landed on the bank, but with the shout only and tumult of the Numidians, they were discomfited and put to flight: whereupon the enemy road further, even to the standing Corpse de guard, quartered before the rampire, and hard at the very gares of the Roman camp. This was such an indignity offered to the Romans, to see themselves now thus braved and bearded even in the very camp by the auxiliary soldiers, and the rascal sort of the enemies, that there was no other thing stayed the Romans from passing the river presently, and embattailing themselves, but only this, that it was Paulus his turn that day to have the sovereign command of all. And therefore the morrow after, when it came to Varro his course for to rule, without any advice of his companion, he put forth the 
* That is, a scarlet 〈◊〉 out of the General his pavilion.  signal of battle, & with all his forces put in order of battle, went over the river. Paulus also followed after him, as one who might well enough mislike and disallow the purpose of his colleague, but otherwise could neither will not choose, but second him, & take part in the execution. Being once over the river, they join also the forces which they had in the smaller camp; 
The memorable battle of Can.  unto the other: and in this manner they ordered the battle. In the right point which was nearer to the river, was aranged the Roman cavalry, and after them the footmen. The left pointal without forth, was flanked with the horsemen of the associates: within forth stood their Infantry: but in the middle part were bestowed the archers and loose shot, close to the main battle of the Roman Legions; and of all the rest of light armed auxiliary soldiers, consisted the vanguard. The Consuls led both the points, Terentius the left, Aemylius the right, Cn. Servilius had the conduct of the main battle. Now Hannibal by the break of day, having sent before the Baleare slingers, and his other light armour, passed over the river, and marshaled them in battle array, ever as they came to land. The horse as well Gauls as Spaniards, he opposed in the left point, near to the bank, even against the horsemen of the Romans: the right consisted of the Numidian light horse: and the main battle was strengthened & fortified with his Infantry but in such manner as the Africanes flanked both in manner of wings: and between them were bestowed the Gauls and the Spaniards in the midst. A man that had seen the Africanes, would have taken most of them for Romans, so armed were they with Roman armour, gotten much of it at 〈◊〉, but most all at Thrasymenus. The Frenchmen and Spaniards, had targuets near of one fashion, but their swords were unlike and far differing. Those of the Gauls were very long and not pointed. But the Spaniard, whose manner is rather to fight with the thrust and to foin, than to slash and strike edgelong, had handsome short curtilasses, and sharp at the point. And after this sort stood these two nations armed before the rest (terrible to behold, both for the bigness of their persons, and also for their habit and attire.) The Gauls all from the navel upward naked: the Spaniards with linen waistcoats or jackets, glittering wondrous bright, bordered and embroidered with purple and scarlet. The complete number of all, as well horse as footmen, that stood embattled, amounted (as they report) unto forty thousand foot, and ten thousand men of arms. These Captains had the leading of the two points, to wit, Asdrubal commanded the left, Maharball the right. Hannibal himself in person with his brother Mago, conducted the middle battle. The sun shone sidewise upon the flanks both of the one and also of the other army, very indifferent and commodious to both parts, were it that they were so placed and marshaled of set purpose, or chanced at adventure so to stand: the Romans with their faces full South, the Carthaginians into the North. But the wind which the inhabitants of that country call Vuliurnus, arose and blew full upon the faces of the Romans, and raised such store of dust, and drove it so upon their dies, that it took away their sight and prospect. The cry and shout began on both sides, and the auxiliary soldiers put themselves forth first to skirmish, and charged one another with their light shot. Then the left point of the Gauls and Spanish men of arms, encountered and ran full upon the right hand of the Romans cavalry, nothing at all after the order of horse-service, for they were of necessity to affront one another straight forward, as having no room left about them to fling out and ride at large, being flanked on the one hand with the river, and enclosed on the other with the battallon of footmen. Whereupon I say, they were forced to charge full butt from both parts, directly before them, so long as their horses stood close and thrust together: but at length when they began to stir & wince, the riders, man to man, fell to take hold and clasp one another, & every man to pluck his enemy besides his horse, so as now they were driven much what to fight on foot. This conflict was rather sharp than long: and to be short, the Roman cavalry was discomfited and put to flight. And anon, as the horse made an end of their fight, began the medley of the foot also. At the first the Gauls and Spaniards equal to their enemies both in force and courage, maintained the conflict right hardily, and kept their order and arrays. At length, the Romans cast about and devised on what side, and with what form of a close battailon, to force back that pointed squadron of the enemies, ranged very thin, and by so much the weaker, and bearing out withal, from the rest of the battle. Now when they had once driven them to recoil, and to give ground, the Romans pressed on still at one instant, and with the same violence pierced through them as they fled for fear headlong, until they were entered as far as to the very midst of the vanguard & main battle: and finding none able to stand in their way and make resistance, they gained in the end the very rearward of the Africans: who having drawn in from both sides their skirts and wings, stood together strong, and firmly kept their ground. The Gauls and Spaniards continued still in the midst, somewhat advanced without the rest of the battle. Now when this pointed squadron was driven in by the Romans, and made even & equal first with the front of the battle, and afterwards upon further enforcement, gave way for them to pass in a lane through the midst thereof; by that time the Africans charged upon their flanks: and whiles the Romans unwarily were engaged overfarre within them, they came about them on the skirts, & within a while having stretched out & spread their wings, enclosed the enemies round on their backs also. Hereupon the Romans who had performed one battle and conflict in vain, were forced to give over the Gauls & Spaniards, whom they had disarrayed and put to flight, and were to begin a fresh fight with the Africanes: and that to their own great disadvantage; not only because they being enclosed and penned up in a straight room, were to deal with them that had compassed them all about and were at liberty, but also because they being wearied, were to maintain a new skirmish with those that were fresh in hart, and lusty. And now by this time, in the left point of the Romans battle, where the horsemen of their associates were marshaled to affront the Numidians, they were fallen to close fight: which at the first these Numidians began but coldly and faintly, after the deceitful manner of Carthaginians, unto whom they were sib and near neighbours. For 500 of them or thereabout, having besides their usual javelins & darts which they commonly carry, short daggers or skeins hidden under their cuirasse & harness, made semblance of riding away from their own companies, & siding to the Romans, with their bucklers at their backs, all of a sudden dismounted from their horses, and throwing their bucklers, targets, & spears at their enemy's feet, were received within the main battle, and from thence conducted to the hindmost in the rearward, were commanded there to abide behind at their back. And until such time as the medley joined on all sides, they continued quiet. But when they saw every man's eye and mind busied and occupied in the conflict, than they caught up those bucklers that lay strewed and scattered among the dead bodies all abroad, and played upon the battle of the Romans from behind: and what with wounding their backs, and cutting their hamstrings; they made foul work & carnage among them, and more than that, raised a greater fear and tumult by far. Now when the Romans in one place were frighted and ran away, and in another fought for life, armed only with despair of all means to escape; Asdrubal who had the charge of that side, caused the Numidian horsemen; who fought but coldly with those that stood affront them, to be withdrawn from the mids of the battle, and sent them to pursue the enemies in the chase. And to the Africans overwearie now with execution and killing, rather than with any other fight, he joined the Gauls and Spanish footmen to assist them. On the other side of the battle, Paulus, albeit at the very first shock and encounter, he was sore wounded with a bullet from out of a sling, yet often times he made head against Hannibal, and kept his battaillons close and thick together, yea, and in divers places renewed the medley, and evermore the Roman horsemen guarded and protected him. But at the last they left their horses, because the Consul his strength failed him to rule his own and to 〈◊〉 him. Whereupon there was one brought word unto Hannibal, that the Consul had commanded his men of arms to light afoot. Then (qd. Hannibal, as the report goeth) Yea marry: But how much gladder would I be, if he delivered them into my hands bound hand & foot. And surely the horsemen fought so after they were alighted, as if there had been no doubt, but that the enemies had the victory. Howbeit, although they had the worse, yet they chose rather to die in the place, than to fly: and the victors angered at the heart with them for thus staying the accomplishment of the victory, went down with them, and killed outright all those whom they could not make to give ground and yield. And yet a few, such as were wearied with much toil & overcharged with many wounds they enforced to recoil. Anon they were all disbanded and scattered asunder: and as many as could, recovered their horses, and fled away. Cn. Lentulus a Colonel seeing (as he road by) the Consul sitting all agore blood upon a stone. Ah L. Aemylius (quoth he) whom the gods ought of right to regard and save, as being the only guiltless man, and innocent of this days work and unhappy overthrow, take here this horse of mine, while some vigour and strength remaineth in you. Able I am to mount you upon him, to accompany & protect you also. Come I say, and make not this battle more cursed and sorrowful by the death of a Consul. Without it iwis we have cause enough already, and too much, of dolorous tears and woeful lamentation. Whereunto the Consul made this answer: Icon thee thank, o L. Cornelius Gramercy for thy kindness, and God bless thee in this thy virtue and prowess. But take thou heed to thyself, least by thy foolish pity of me, thou lose that little time which thou hast to escape out of the hands of the enemies. Save thyself, and go thy ways to the L L. of the Senate, and will them all from me in general, to fortify the city of Rome, and man it well with strong guards, before the enemy follow the train of victory, and come against it. But more particularly, let Q. Fabius understand, that L. Aemylius yet, was mindful of his wholesome precepts, all the whiles he lived, and now also forgot them not at the hour of his death. And suffer thou me to yield unto nature, and let go my last breath, even here among the heaps of mine own slain soldiers, that I may end my days and die neither an accused and guilty person, nor in my Consulship stand up to accuse my Colleague, and to defend mine own innocency, and justify myself, by the blaming of another. As the Consul uttered these words, first the multitude of his own citizens in the rout, and then the enemies in pursuit, ran over him, and not knowing who he was, overwhelmed him with javelins and darts good store. As for Lentulus, his horse caned him away to a little hill. Then they fled all amain as fast as they could. 7000 recovered the lesser camp, and ten thousand the greater: and upon two thousand put themselves into the village itself of Cannae. But because it was an unwalled and fenceless town, they were immediately environned by Cartalo and the horsemen, and so perished every one. The other Consul made no semblance, that he was offended or displeased with the companies 〈◊〉 thus fled, were it of purpose, or as it chanced; and accompanied with fifty men of arms or thereabout escaped to Venusia. In this battle were slain of Romans (by report) 40000 footmen, and 2700 horsemen; and in a manner, as many besides of Allies, as of natural citizens. Amongst whom there was one Consul, two Treasurers, L. Attilius and Furius Ribaculus, one and twenty Colonels: some also who had been Consuls, Praetors, and Aediles. Of which number was Cn. Servilius, and G. Minutius Numatius, who the year before had been Commander of the cavalry for some certain days. Besides eighty Senators, or such as were Senators fellows, & had borne those dignities, in regard whereof, they were to be chosen Senators. These served as voluntaries and were enroled among the Legions. There were taken prisoners at this field, as the general speech went, three thousand footmen, and three hundred men of Arms.  
This is that noble battle, so famous for the overthrow at Cannae, and comparable to that defeiture at the river Allia. For like as this was of less importance than the other, in respect of that which ensued after the conflict, because the enemy stayed his hand, and pursued not his victory: so if we consider the loss of men and defeiture of the army, it was the greater, & for the shameful flight more dishonourable. For the running away that was at Allia, as it betrayed the city, so it saved the army: but at Cannae, when the one Consul fled, there were scarce fifty of his army that accompanied him; and as for the other Consul, whiles he lay a bleeding and dying, all his forces, to speak of, took their heels.  
Now, there being a number in both camps, half disarmed, and wholly without their chief Commanders the captains of the greater camp sent a messenger unto the other, willing them to come over thither, that they might march in one entire company together, and depart to Cannusium in the night season, while their enemies were fast asleep; as partly wearied with long fight, and partly charged with wine and good cheer after their joyful victory. This advice, some there were that misliked altogether and rejected. For why (say they) might not they come hither themselves to us, as well as send for us, since we may as soon so join together? Because iwis, all the ways between are full of enemies, and they chose rather to hazard the bodies of others, than adventure their own persons in so great danger. Others were not so much displeased for any dislike of the motion, as their hearts failed them to take in hand the enterprise thereof. Then spoke P. Sempronius Tuditanus a Colonel. 
The speech of P. Sempronius Tuditanus, to his fellow soldiers.  And will ye rather chose (quoth he) to be taken captive by a most covetous and cruel enemy? And to have your heads valued at a price? And that Chapmen coming to buy you in ouvert market, should ask every one of you this question, Whether art thou a Roman citizen, or a Latin Confederate? And so by thy disgrace, reproach, and misery, another man shall get honour, and thyself none. Ye are not (I see well) like to Lucius Aemylius, who made choice to die valiantly, than to live in shame and obloquy; nor to many other so brave and hardy men, who lie about him dead on the ground by heaps. But before day light surprise us, and greater troops of enemies beset the passages, let us break through these, that in disorder and out of array, make so soul noise at our gates. The point of sword and edge of courage, is able to pass through enemies, stand they never so thick and close together. We will make a pointed battaillon in wedge-form, and pierce through their loose and thin squadrons, as easily as if nothing stood in our way. Go with me therefore as many of you, as are willing to save yourselves & the Commonweal. The word was no sooner out of his mouth, but his sword was out of scabbard, and with a pointed battaillon took his way through the mids of the enemies: and when the Numidians flanked them, and shot hard at their right side that lay open to them, they shifted their targuets to their right arm, and so escaped, to the number of 600 unto the bigger camp, and forthwith from thence, joining to the other greater company, they retired themselves safe to Cannusium. These exploits were performed by men vanquished, more upon a present sit of courage, as each man's natural instinct guided, or chance led him, than either any sage advice of their own, or command of other.  
Now when all the rest came about Hannibal, immediately upon this noble victory, to congratulate and rejoice with him, yea and to advise him, that after so great a battle performed, he should the rest of that day and the whole night following, both refresh himself, and also give rest and repose to his wearied soldiers: Maharball, General of the cavalry, was of mind that it was no giving over thus: Nay (quoth he) that you may know of what consequence this battle is, you shall break your fast and eat your dinner five days hence in the Capitol. Follow hardly with your horsemen, that they may see you are come, before they hear that you are coming. No, saith Hannibal again, let curriers on God's name go afore, and spare not to carry news thereof: Your words are good, and it is a gay matter and plausible you speak of: but the way thereto is longer, and more than I can presently conceive and comprehend: Icon you thank Maharball, and I commend your good mind and forwardness; but we had need to deliberat and pause further upon this point. Ah (quoth Maharball) true it is, I see well, that God hath not endued one man with all gifts. Thou hast the way o Hannibal, to win a victory, but not the grace to use a victory. And certes, in this one days delay, as it was certainly believed, stood the safety and preservation of the city and Empire of Rome, The morrow after, so soon as ever the day began to appear, they minded only and intended the gathering ofspoiles, and to view that great butchery & carnage: a pitiful & lamentable sight even to the very enemies to behold. So many thousand Romans lay there along in every place, horsemen and footmen pell mel, one with another, according as their hap was to mere together, and either to join in fight, or die in flight. Some were seen to arise up all bloody from out of the mids of the slaughtered bodies, such, as the bitter morning cold had nipped their wounds, and made them to start up by reason of their smart, and were by the enemy knocked down again and killed. Other some they found lying along still alive, cut shorter by the thighs & hams, who offered their bare necks and throats to be cut, and called unto them to let forth the rest of their blood. Divers were found with their heads covered within the earth, who as it appeared, had made themselves holes & gutters in the ground, for this purpose, to inter themselves, wherinto they thrust their mouths and faces, and being buried with mould cast over them, were so stifled and choked. But above all the rest, there was one that drew every man's eye upon him, and made them all to wonder, a Numidian with his nose and ears piteously mangled and eropt, but yet alive, lying under a Roman dead. For when his hands so wounded as they were, would not serve him to handle a weapon, for very anger he fell raging mad, & lay (so long as he had any breath left within him) biting his enemy with his teeth.  
After they had spent a good part of the day in gathering spoils, Hannibal marched forward to assault the lesser camp: and first and foremost he turned aside the arm of the river that flanked them, and so excluded them from the water. But they all within being over wearied with toil, with watching and bleeding of their wounds, yielded sooner than he looked for: and covenanted, Imprimis, to deliver up their armour and horses: Item, to pay 300 quadrigate pieces of silver, for every Roman: 200 for every one of the Allies and every bondman 100 a piece. Item, that after this ransom paid, they should depart in their single apparel. Thus they received their enemies into the camp, and were themselves put all in ward: but, Allies and citizens by themselves, apart one from the other. While they trifled time there, there were about 4000 footmen, and two hundredth horsemen, even as many as either their strength or hearts would serve, who out of the greater camp fled to Cannusium, some marching in order, others scattering abroad over the fields, which was not the worse way of the twain, and less safe. And then the camp was surrendered to the enemy, by those that were hurt and heartless, upon the same conditions that the other was. A rich booty was there gotten: and setting aside horses, and men, and silver, which they used much in trappings and comparisons of their horses, (for soldiers, be ye sure, occupied very little silver, either in their own apparel, or at their board) all the pillage was given to be rifted and ransacked amongst them. Then he gave commandment, that the dead bodies of his own men should be gathered together for to be buried. And as men say, they were to the number of eight thousand, all right va●ant and hardy men. Some Author's report, that the Roman Consu also was sought up and interred. As for those, which escaped to Cannusium, were by the Cannusines entertained only within the walls, and lodged in their houses: but a noble Lady & a wealthy, named Busa, relieved them with some victual, apparel, yea and money also in their purses for their wayfare. In regard of which bountiful liberality of hers, after the war was finished, she was highly honoured by the Senate of Rome.  
Now, there were amongst them four Colonels, namely Fabius Max. of the first Legion, whose father had been Dictator the year before: & L. Publicius Bibulus, of the second Legion, together with P. Cornel. Scipio, and Appius Claudius Pulcher of the third Legion, who had been Aedile but lately afore: and by general consent of them all, P. Scipio, a very young man, and Ap. Claudius, were chosen to bear the sovereign rule, & to have the absolute command & conduct of the army. But as they sat with some few others, in counsel together about the managing of their main affairs, behold P. Furius Philus, whose father had been a Consul, gave them to understand, that all their consultations were in vain, and that they did but softer and cherish a foolish hope of an overthrown state: for the Commonweal was in a desperate case, past all cure, and remediless. Also that certain noble young Gentlemen, of whom L. Cecilius Metellus was the principal, minded nothing else but to take sea, & were ready to embark, to abandon Italy, and to fly for succour to some king or other. This evil tidings as it was most grievous & heavy in it seifer so falling out as it did, presently upon other misfortunes so suddenly and unlooked for, put them into their dumps, and wonderfully amazed and astonished them all. And when they that were present in place laid their heads together, & thought good to call others to counsel upon this point, Scipio a young man, even then predestinied to be the fatal Captain of this war, answered: What do we here? (quoth he) it is no time now to sit consulting in so great extremity, but leaving all discourses, presently to proceed to action, and to do some exploit. As many therefore as are willing to save the Commonweal, take arms and go with me forthwith: for no where are our enemies (to say a truth) encamped against us more, than where such designments are plotting and contriving. Forth he went with a few following after him, unto the lodging of Metellus: and finding there the young Gentlemen aforesaid, close together in counsel thereabout: he drew his sword, and brandished it naked over their heads, as they sat in consultation. I swear before you all (quoth he) & I swear from my very hart, & no man urgeth me thereto, that I for my part, will neither forsake the Commonweal, nor suffer any Citizen else of Rome to abandon her. And if I fail witting and willing, then confound me o lup. oped. Max. and bring a most shameful end upon my house, my family, and all that I have. Swear thou o L. Cecilius after me, as I have done, I advise thee: & ye all that are here present take the same oath: for whosoever shall refuse, know he assuredly, that upon him I have drawn this sword. Here at they being no less terrified, than if they had seen the Conqueror himself Hannibal in person, took the oath every one, and yielded themselves unto Scipio, for to be kept in ward to serve against Hannibal.  
At the same time, whiles these things were working at Cannusium, there arrived at Venusia, upon four thousand foot and horsemen together, such as in their flight had been disparkled asunder all over the fields, and repaired unto the Consul there. The Venusines took order for them all, that they should be gently entertained, and carefully tended, and divided into several houses: & they bestowed upon the horsemen, a side cassock, a coat, & 
* 15 sb. 7 ob. star. Aquadrigate, which it a piece of silver coin among the Romans, the same that Denavius: called so of Quadriga. i. a charios drawn with four horses, represented on the one side of the piece.  25. Quadrigates a piece and gave ten Quadrigates to every footman: and armour besides, to as many as wanted. And in all other courtesies of hospitality, both public and private, they strove and endeavoured, that the people of Venusia should not in any kind of friendly offices, come behind one woman of Cannusium. Howbeit in regard of the great multitude, the burden and charge lay more heavy upon Dame Busa: for now their number was risen to be ten thousand. Then Appius and Scipio having intelligence, that the other Consul was alive and well, dispatched a messenger presently, to advertise him how many footmen and horsemen there were in all with them: and to know his pleasure withal, when then lie would command the army to be brought unto Venusia, or abide still at Cannusium. But Varro (the Consul) of his own accord brought his forces to Cannusium. So as by this time, they made a pretty good show of a Consular army, & seemed sufficient to defend themselves, if not by force of arms in the field yet at least wise, with the strength of walls within the town. But the news came to Rome, that there was not so much as this small remnant left of Citizens and Confederates together: but that the two Consuls and both the armies were put all to the sword, and hewn in pieces to the last man. Never was there known so great terror and turmoil within the walls of Rome (and the city still remaining in safety) I will therefore even at first, sink under my load & say nothing at all: & never will I go about to recount those things by discourse of words, which in reporting, I should make less than they were indeed: For there went not now, a flying rumour first of one soil, and then of another, to day of this loss, and to morrow of that; as the year before, when the Consul & his army were defaited at Thrasymenus: but manifold overthrows together were multiplied & all hudle at ones to wit, how both the Consuls were slain, and two Consular armies lost, no camp not a pavilion of the Romans left standing: neither Leader nor Soldier remaining alive and how Hannibal was now become Lord of Apulia, of Samnium, and well near of all Italy full & whole. And verily; there is not (I suppose) a nation under the cope of heaven besides, but would have been overwhelmed and crushed utterly under the huge heap and heavy weight of so great a run and overthrow. Should I compare therewith the desaiture and foil that the Carthaginians ●eceived at the islands Aegates, in a conflict at sea? wherewith they were so quelled, and their backs so broken, that at one clap they lost Sicilia and Sardinia both, and that which more is, yielded themselves tributaries and subjects to the people of Rome. Or should I make comparison of their unfortunate and unhappy battle in Africa afterwards? wherein this very same Hannibal gave over play, yielded the bucklers, and confessed himself vanquished. Nay, they are not any way comparable with this, but only that they were borne and supported with less courage, and valour of mind.  
Well, to proceed, P. Furius Philus, and M. Pomponius the Pretours, assembled the Senate in the Court Hostilia, for to consult about the defence and guard of the city: for they made no doubt, but now that the armies were both defaited, the enemy would speedily come to assault Rome, the only piece of work, and warlike service that remained behind undone. But being to seek what counsel to take, and what remedy to devise for redress of these calamities, so exceeding great and grievous, and yet not known to the full, and interrupted and shrewdly troubled besides with the clamorous noises and plaints of women: whiles that in every house almost, they ceased not to mourn, weep, and wail confusedly, as well for the quick as the dead (because as yet it was not openly & for certain known who were alive, and who were slain.) Then Fabius Max. gave his opinion, that certain light horsemen should be made out and sent forth by the highways Appia & Latina, & to ride along, & inquire of them whom they happened to meet with, (such I mean as fled, and were scattered here and there asunder) if happily some of them could report upon his knowledge, what was become of the Consuls, and the Armies: and in case the immortal gods had of their mercy and compassion spared some poor remnant still of this miserable and woeful empire, for the Roman name; where that residue of small forces was; what way Hannibal took; and whither he was gone after the battle was fought; what preparation he maketh, what presently he is doing, or intendeth for to do. His advice was, I say, that to espy, hearken and learn certainly, these premises, certain lusty young men, active and industrious, should be employed. But for the LL. of the Senate thus much, that considering there were few Magistrates at home, and those notable to rid the city of this tumultuous and fearful hurly burly, therefore they should take upon themselves, to debar the dames and women for coming abroad, and force them every one to keep home, and tarry within doors; to restrain the plaints and outcries of households and families; to cause silence throughout the city; to take order that all Posts, and messengers of news, should be brought before the Praetors; and that every man should attend at home the tidings, good or bad, that concerned himself, or his own state. Over and besides, that they should set warders at the gates, to see that no person went out of the city: and compel every man to hope for no other earthly safety for themselves, but in the preservation of the city, and walls thereof. And when the tumult and hurry is once hushed, then (quoth he) may the Senators well be called again into the Counsel house, and consult for the defence and safeguard of the city. When all the assembly liked well, and approved of this opinion, and went every man on Fabius his side without contradiction, so as the market place, by authority of the Magistrates, was cleared and voided of the multitude, and the Senators were divided and gone sundry ways to appease the uproness then at last, came letters from Terentius the Consul, importing that L. Aemylius the Consul was slain together with the army: that himself was at Cannusium, busy in rallying the relics of so great an overthrow, as it were after a shipwreck upon the sea that there were ten thousand soldiers of them, or very near, and those, much out of frame and good order. As for Hannibal, he sat still now at Cannae, busily occupied about the ransoming of prisoners; and intentive to the rest of the spoil and pillage: not measuring the victory with the mind and courage of a conqueror, nor yet after the guise and manner of a noble warrior and great commander. Then were the private and particular losses also divulged and spredabroad through every man his house and family, and the whole city was so filled with sorrow and lamentation, that the anniversary solemnity of sacrifices to Ceres was 〈◊〉 because it was not lawful for those that mourned to celebrate the same: and there was 〈…〉 throughout the city, but was in heaviness and sorrow for the time. Lest therefore other sacrifices likewise, as well public as private, upon the same occasion, should be neglected and discontinued, 〈◊〉 passed 〈◊〉 of the Senate, by virtue whereof a term was prefixed, to make amend of mourning within 〈◊〉 days. Now was the trouble of the city no 〈◊〉 allayed, and the Senators called again into the Counsel house: but to mend the matter, there were other letters brought out of Sicily from T. Octacilius the Vicepretor, notifying thus much, That the realm of Hiero was much wasted by the Carthaginian navy: and when he would have succoured him at his earnest suit & petition, there was another Armado ready rigged, decked & furnished, riding by the islands Aegates, waiting the opportunity of the time, that when the Carthaginians perceived once that he had turned and bend his forces to the defence of the coast and river of Saracose, they might immediately set upon Lilybaeum, and the rest of the Roman province. And therefore, in case they were minded to aid and maintain a confederate king, and defend the realm of Sicily, they must of necessity rig and man another fleet out of hand. When the letters both of the Consul and also of the Vicepretor were read, agreed it was, and thought meet, that M. Claudius, Admiral of the fleet which rid in theharbour of Ostia, should be sent unto the army at Cannusium, and letters be dispatched withal unto the Consul, willing him upon the delivery of the army to the praetor, to repair unto Rome with all speed possible, and not fail, so far forth as he might, without any detriment & hindrance of the Commonweal. Besides these so great losses and adversities, men were put in fear with sundry prodigious tokens: and among others, in that one year, two Vestal virgins, Opimia, and Floronia, were detected and attainted of manifest whoredom: the one of them was buried quick, as the manner was, under the ground at the gate Collina, the other killed herself. L. Cantilius (a Secretary or Scribe unto the Bishops, whom now they call 
* The Petty or Minour Prelates.  Minores Pontisices) the party who had committed fornication with Floronia, was by the chief or high Priest so beaten with rods in the Comitium, that he died under his hand. This heinous fact, and enormous offence falling out among so many misfortunes and calamities, was reckoned, I say (as usually it is) for a portentous sign; and therefore the Decemvirs were commanded to search and peruse the Books of Sibylla. And Q. Fabius Pictor was sent to Delphos, to consult with the Oracle there of Apollo, and to learn, by what prayers and supplications they might pacify the gods, and what would be the end of so great and fearful miseries. In the mean while, out of the learning contained in those books of destinies, there were performed certain extraordinary Sacrifices: among which, a Frenchman together with a French woman; likewise a Grecian man and woman, were let down alive in the Beast market into a vault under the ground, stoned all about: a place aforetime imbrued and polluted with the blood of mankind sacrificed, but not according to the ceremonies and religion of the Romans. When they had sufficiently (as they thought) pacified the gods, M. Claudius Marcellus sent from the haven of Ostia for the defence and guard of the city, 1500 soldiers; whom he had levied and enroled for the service at sea. Himself having sent afore the legion belonging to the Armada (which was the third) with Theanus Sidicinus a Colonel, and delivered the fleet unto P. Furius companion with him in commission: within few days after made haste, and with great journeys arrived at Cannusium. At Rome, by virtue of the authority of the Senators, M. junius was created dictator, and T. Sempronius General of the horse, who proclaimed a muster, and enroled all the younger sort above 17 years old, yea and some also under that age, that yet were in their 
* It was the upper garment that the Romans children used until they were fully 16 years of age, embroidered with purple.  Pretexia, and were not come to 
* Otherwise called Pura, and 〈◊〉, because it was all white, and without any purple, which they put on at 17.  Toga virilis. Of these were made up four legions full, and a thousand horsemen. Likewise they sent unto their Allies, and namely, to the Latin nation, to receive soldiers from thence according to the form of the league: geving commandment, that harness, weapons, and all other habiliments of war, should be in readiness. Also to furnish out the army, they plucked from the temples, and public gallery stand walking places, the ancient spoils and armour of their enemies. And for very need and want of free men, they were compelled to devise a new kind of mustering never used before for they bought up in market ouvert, with the city money, 8000 lusty strong young men, meet bondslaves: but they demanded first of every one by himself, whether they were willing to serve in the wars, and so they put them in armour. And they thought it better to take up and levy soldiers thus, than to redeem and buy again their own who were captives, albeit they might have been ransomed for smaller sums of money. For Annibal; after this so fortunate field fought at Cannae, setting his mind wholly upon the affairs belonging to an absolute conquest, rather than any more wars; caused his captives to be brought forth, and severed the Roman confederates apart from the rest; and unto them (as he had done aforetime at Trebia, and the Lake Thrasymenus) he spoke graciously, and sent them home unraunsomed. The Romans also he called unto him, and gave them kind and loving words, more than ever he had done before. What? we and the Romans (quoth he) war not mortally and deadly one with the other to the utterance: nay, our quarrel is rather for honour and sovereignty. And as my father and progenitors afore me, were subdued of the Romans, & yielded at length to their valour and prowess: so the only thing that I seek for, & indevor unto is this, That they likewise in their alternative turn, may give place unto my felicity and virtue together. And therefore I grant the Romans this favour and liberty, to redeem their prisoners: and this shall be the ransom, for every man of arms I demand 
* 15 lib. 12 sh. 6 d. 〈◊〉  500 Quadrigates, 300 for a footman, and 100 for a bondman. And albeit the horsemen's ransom was somewhat enhaulsed, above that sum which they capitulated for, when they yielded, yet glad they were to accept of any condition & covenant whatsoever. So it was agreed, that ten out of them should be chosen by voices, togoe to Rome unto the Senate: and he took no other pledge for assurance of them but their oath, that they would return again. With them was sent Carthalon, a Nobleman of Carthage, with commission (if he could perceive haply the Romans incline to peace) to offer unto them conditions, and to capitulate with them. They were not so soon gone out of the camp, but one of them (a man of no Roman nature and disposition) made semblance, as if he had forgotten somewhat behind him, and so, to discharge himself (forsooth) of his oath, returned into the camp, and before night overtook his company again. When word was brought, that they were coming to Rome, there was a Lictor sent out to meet Carthalon upon the way, and to warn him in the name of the dictator, before night to depart out of the confines of the territory of Rome. But the Committees of the Captives had audience granted them in the Senate house by the dictator. And the principal man among them, Marcus junius, spoke in this manner.  
Right honourable, 
The Oration of M. junius to the Senat.  and my very good LL. of the Senate, There is not one of you all ignorant; that never any city whatsoever, hath been at less charge for redeeming of prisoners taken in wars, and made so small regard of them, than ours. But if we be not blinded in our own conceit, & think better of our cause, than there is reason; never were there any soldiers that fell into the hands of our enemies, more to be accounted of by you than we are. And why? We yielded not our weapons in battle for cowardice and fear, but after that we had stood well-near until night, fight over the dead bodies of our fellows slain, and so maintained the medley to the very last, than we retired ourselves into the camp. The rest of the day, and the night following notwithstanding we were weary with travel, and faint of our hurts, yet we manfully defended our rampire. The morrow after, when we were beset and invested round about by the conquerors army, yea, and excluded from water; and saw no other hope at all to break through our enemies, ranged so strong and close together, and thinking it not a matter of reproof, & against the law of arms, that when 50000 of our citizens were slain in field, some Roman soldiers should remain alive after the battle of Cannae; then and not afore, we agreed upon a sum of money, that being ransomed, we might be set at large, and so we yielded unto the enemies our weapons, wherein now we saw no help at all. We have heard likewise, that our ancestors redeemed themselves from the Gauls with a sum of gold: and our fathers also, notwithstanding they were most straight laced, and hardly brought to capitulat and compound for peace, yet sent Ambassadors to Tarentum, for to redeem their captives: and both those battles, first in Italy with the Gauls, and then before Heraclea with Pyrrhus, were not so ignominious and shameful for the loss itself, as for the fright and beastly running away. But the plains of Cannae are covered all over with heaps of Roman bodies; and we that be here, had not remained alive after them, but that the enemy's strength held out no longer, nor their sword would serve to kill any more. And yet there be some of our men also, who fled not back in battle: but being left behind to guard the camp, were taken prisoners by the enemies as well as we, at what time as it was surrendered into their hands. Certes, I envy not the fortune, nor repine at the welfare and good estate of any citizen or fellow soldier, neither would I be thought the man, who by debasing another, would seem to advance myself. But even they verily (unless peradventure good footmanship and swift running deserve reward) who for the most part fled out of the field unarmed and never stinted before they got Venusia or Cannusium over their heads, cannot justly preferred themselves before us, nor boast and glory, that they stand the Commonweal in better steed than we. Find them you shall (I doubt not) good men & valorous soldiers: so shall you us too, yea, and more ready to do true service to our country, in that by your bounty and good means we have been ransomed and restored again into our country. Ye have levied soldiers of all ages and degrees, and I hear say, there be 8000 bondmen in arms. We are no fewer in number ourselves, and redeemed we may be with as small moneys as they are bought. I say no more but so, for if I should make farther comparisons between us and them, I must do wrong to the Roman name and nation. This is a special thing moreover (my LL) which in mine advise ye are duly to consider in this deliberation, in case ye be so hardhearted, as to have no regard of us, or of our desert, namely, in what enemies hand ye leave us. It is with Pyrrbus per adventure, who used us being his prisoners, like friends and guests. Nay, is he not a Barbarian and Carthaginian? who whether he be more covetous or cruel, can hardly be imagined. O that ye saw the irons and chains, the nasty filthiness and foul usage of your citizens. I am assured, you would be no less moved and affected to compassion at the sight thereof, than if ye beheld on the other side your Legions lying slain all over the plains and fields of Cannae. Ye may observe and behold the sorrowful cheer, and salt tears of our kinsfolk standing here in the porch and entry of this Court, and waiting for your answer. And if they so fare, & are so pensive for us, and for them that are absent, what heavy hearts have they themselves (think ye) whose liberty and whose life lieth now a bleeding? And in good faith, if so be Hannibal himself would, contrary to his nature, be respective and merciful to us, yet should we think our lives did us small good, so long as we are reputed of you unworthy to be ransomed & redeemed. There returned in times passed to Rome certain captives, sent home by Pyrrhus without any ransom paid, but they returned accompanied with Ambassadors, right honourable personages of this city, who had been sent for their redemption. And shall I return unto my country again, not esteemed a citizen worth 300 Deniers. Every man hath a mind by himself, and a fancy of his own my LL. And I wot well, that my body and life is in jeopardy. But I fear more the hazard of honour & good name, lest we should be thought condemned and rejected by you. For the world will never believe, that you did it to spare your purse, and to save money.  
When he had made an end of his speech, immediately the multitude who were gathered together in the common place, set up a lamentable and piteous cry, & held out their hands unto the counsel house, beseeching the LL. of the Senate to let them have and enjoy their children, their brethren, and kinsfolk again. The very women also, for fear and necessity, thrust themselves among this press of men in the market place. But when all others besides the Senators were voided, they began to debate and consult about the matter in hand. Great variance there was in opinion. Some thought it reason, that their ransom were disbursed out of the common chest: others were of mind, that the city should be at no charge at all for their redemption: marry they would not be against it, but that they might be enlarged and delivered at their own cost and expenses. And in case there were any that had not ready coin enough for present payment, the chamber of the city should lend them money, so as the people might have good security, as well by sureties bound, as by their goods and lands, mortgaged for the satisfaction of that debt. And when T. Manlius Torquatus, a man of the old world for precise severity, and as most folk thought too too hard and austere in this point, was demanded his opinion, he spoke, by report, to the cause in this wife.  
If the Committees (quoth he) had treated and made suit, 
The Oration of T. Manlius Torquatus, in the Senat.  for the redemption of them only that are captive in the hands of the enemies, & there stayed; if they had not touched the person of any other besides, I would in few words have knit up my verdict and judgement of them. For what need I to have done else, but put you in mind, and exhort you, to observe the custom delivered unto you from your ancestors, and to maintain the example, so good and necessary for the service of war. But now, seeing they have not only justified, but also (as it were) glorified themselves, in that they yielded unto the enemies, and thought it good reason to be preferred, not only before them that were taken prisoners by the enemies in the field, but also those that saved themselves, and escaped to Venusia and Cannusium; yea, and before C. Terentius himself the Consul; I will not hide any thing from you my LL. but acquaint you with every thing that was done there. And would to God, that the words which I will utter here in your presence, I might deliver at Cannusium, even before the body of the army, the best witness of every man's cowardice or valour: or at leastwise, that P. Sempronius were present here alone, whom, if these fellows would have followed as their leader, they had been soldiers at this day in the Roman camp, and not captives at the devotion of the enemies. For whiles the enemies were wearied with fight, joyous and jocund of their fresh victory, and most of them retired into their own camp; they might have had the whole night to save themselves at their pleasure; & if that were not, yet being seven thousand strong, they had been able to have made a lane through them, were they never so thick, & to have broken away in despite of their hearts. But neither attempted they so much of themselves, nor yet would follow the leading of another. P. Sempronius Tuditanus ceased not all night long almost, to exhort, to admonish, and encourage them, for to follow his conduct, to take the time when but a few of the enemies were about their camp, whiles they were at repose and rest, and whiles the night lasted favourable unto them, for to hide and cover their enterprise: persuading with them, that before day light they mought easily reach unto places of security, and arrive safely at the cities of their Allies. Like as in the days of our Grandfathers, P. Decius a Tribune Colonel in Samnium; like as of late time when I was a young man myself, in the first punic war, Calphurnius Flamma said unto three hundred his voluntary soldiers, at what time as he minded to lead them to the gaining of a little hill, standing in the mids of his enemies: Let us die hardly my soldiers, and by our death save and deliver our Legions, beset and besieged round about. If P. Sempronius had said so much to you, he would never have esteemed you men of valour, nor yet Romans, if no man among you would have borne him company, or seconded him in that singular virtue. But he showed you a plain and easy way, leading as well to life and safety, as to honour and glory. He offered himself to be your guide, to bring you to your native country, to your parents, your wives and children: yet would not your hearts serve you to escape and save yourselves. Where had your hearts been then, if he would have had you to die for your country? 50000 of our Citizens and confederates, lay that very day slain at your feet. If so many examples of manhood and virtue could not move you, nothing in the world will ever move you: if so great a foil and overthrow was not able to make you despise and set little by this life; none will ever do it. Desire home a God's name, and long after your native country, whiles ye are free and in safety nay, desire to be in your country, whiles it is your country, and whiles ye are Citizens thereof. Now your desire and longing cometh too late, being disfranchised, having lost your former estate and right of Citizens, and made yourselves bondslaves to the Carthaginians. Think ye for a piece of money to recover your liberty again, and to return to your former degree, from which through faintheartedness and cowardice ye are fallen? You would not hearken nor give ear to P. Sempronius your Citizen, willing you take weapon in hand, and to follow after him: but anon after, ye could listen after Hannibal, commanding you to betray and render the camp, and deliver up your armour. But why blame I their lithernesse and dastardly fear▪ when I may reprove and accuse them for wilful and lewd wickedness? For they not only refused to be ruled by his good counsel and exhortations, but also attempted to hinder and stay him in his intended enterprise, had not right hardy and valiant men with their swords drawn, set these dastardly beasts farther off. P. Sempronius, I tell you, had somewhat a do▪ to pass the ranks and squadrons of his own countrymen, before he could breakthrough the battailon of his enemies. Longeth our country to have these for her citizens? who if the rest had been like them, should by this day, have had never a one of them that fought at Cannae, for her citizens. Of seven thousand armed soldiers, there were found 600 that had the heart to break away, malgre the enemies, to escape and return with liberty, and with their armour, home into their country, notwithstanding there were forty thousand enemies to resist them: how easily then and safely, deem you, might a power almost of two Legions, have passed through them and gone their ways? Ye had had this day my Lords twenty thousand at Cannusium, of right brave, hardy, and loyal soldiers. But now, which way can these luskes possible be reputed true and faithful citizens, (for valiant soldiers, I am sure, they will not think themselves, nor take upon them to be, unless a man could be persuaded and believe they were such) who would have impeached and withstood the rest for getting away, even when they were at the point to open a passage? or that they rather do not envy now, both the safety & also the honour of others which they have won by prowess; knowing in their own conscience, that their timorousness and cowardliness was the cause of most ignominious and shameful servitude. They loved better to close within their pavilions, and to look for the daylight and the enemy together▪ when as in the still dead time of the night, they had the opportunity to escape. But how then? Although their hearts failed them to break away out of the camp, yet to defend the same manfully, they had courage and valour enough. Besieged they were, and straightly beleaguered: invested they were day and night for a good time: and in their armour forced to stand upon their guard, and manfully they quit themselves within their rampiar: and at length (God wot) when they had assayed & endured all extremities, when all succours failed them for sustentation of this life so pinched with hunger and so enfeebled, that they were not able to bear their own armour and lift up their weapons; overcome at the last, rather with the necessity of man's frail nature, than by the violence of the enemies, they▪ good men, gave over and yielded themselves. Nay forsooth, it is neither so nor so. The mo●row morning when the 〈◊〉, the enemies advanced & approached toward the rampi●●▪ and within two hours 〈◊〉, without any trial and hazard of skirmish, they delivered up their weapons and themselves. 〈◊〉 ye see what their good service was▪ for two days together. When they should have stood to it in the field▪ & fought, than they ●ed back to their tents: when they were to guard & defend their tren● and rampiar, they surrendered them to the enemy▪ good no where, neither in battle nor in bastill. I agree to ransom you, you (I say) when you ought to have 〈◊〉 forth of the camp, linger behind and stay still: & when need was, to abide by it and to defend it like valiant men, surrender campe● give up your weapons, and yield your own bodies to the enemy? Nay, but to speak what I think, my sentence is (my LL.) that these follows deserve no more to be ransomed, than those to be delivered unto Hannibal, who issued out of the camp, pierced through the mids of the enemies, and most valiantly saved themselves, for to do service another day in their country. When Manlius had said, albeit the prisoners were allied near in kindred to most of the Senators▪ yet over and besides the precedent of the city itself, which never from the first beginning favoured the redemption of such soldiers, as suffered themselves to be taken prisoners: the ransom itself, which amounted to a good ●ound sum, made them to pause: because they were unwilling both to empty the public treasury; (having already disbursed great sums, in buying up bondslaves and arming them for the wars) and also that Hannibal (who as the voice went; was at a very great under for money) should be enriched thereby. When this their answer was returned, to wit, No redemption of captives: there was a new fit of weeping and wailing afresh▪ added to the former sorrow of the people, namely for the loss of so many Citizens: and so with many a tear that they shed, with sundry plaints & moans which they made, they accompanied the Committees abovesaid, as far as the gate. One of the ten went home to his house the same time, who upon a fraudulent and cautelous return made into the enemy's camp, as is aforesaid, supposed he had acquit himself and disburdened his conscience of his oath. Which being known and recounted to the Senate, they were all of mind that he should be apprehended, and attended with a good and sufficient guard at the charge of the city, and so carried back to Hannibal. There goeth another report of these captives, that first there came ten of them as Committees: and when it was debated in the Senate, and doubt-made, whither they should be admitted into the city or no; they were at length received, but so, as that they had no audience in the Senate: and upon longer stay made than they looked for, three others followed after them, to wit, L. Scribonius, C. Calpurnius, and L. Manlius. Then by mediation of one Tribune of the Com. a kinsman of Scribonius, the matter was propounded in the Senate concerning the ransom of the captives; but granted it would not be: whereupon the three latter Committees returned to Hannibal, and the other ten that first came, remained still behind: who upon a colourable occasion, had made an errand back to Hannibal, when they were well onward on their way, to take a note forsooth of the names of the prisoners, and thereby seemed to have discharged their conscience of the oath. Also, that in the Senate there was hard hold, much question and variance, about the delivering of them again into the hands of Hannibal: and how at last, they who were of opinion to have them rendered and sent back, failed of their purpose, by reason they came short by some voices and opinions, and that the other side carried it clean away. But by the next Censors that came in place, they were so marked & branded, with all notes of disgrace and shame, that some of them immediately made themselves away with their own hands: and the rest for bare, not only the common place and market all their life time after, but also came not abroad, in manner, to b●seene in the very street, and never looked out of their doors. Thus a man may rather marvel, that authors should so differ among themselves, than from any of them pick out and discern the truth. But how much greater this overthrow and loss at Cannae was, than any other b●fore time, appeareth by this evident argument, in that those Allies, which ever to that day stood fast and sure unto them, now fell to shrink and fail: and surely for no earthly thing else, but because they began to despair of the main chance of the whole State and Empire. For hereupon there revolted unto the Carthaginians, the Attellanes, the Calatines, the Hirpines', a part of the Apulians, all the Samnites, except the Petellines, all the Brutij in general, and the Lucanes. And more than these, the Surrentines, and the whole tract well-near, of the greeks along the sea coast. The Tarentines, Metapontines, the Crotonians, the Locrians; and all the Gauls within the Alpes. And yet for all these defeatures, and rebellions of their Allies and subjects, were not the Romans one whit inclined to make any mention of peace, neither before the coming of the Consul, nor yet after that he was returned, and renewed again the dolorous remembrance of that woeful overthrow received. And even at that very instant▪ so highminded was the city, and so far from drooping and being cast down, that as the Consul returned homeward from so great a defeature, whereof himself only was a principal cause, he was not only met upon the way by all the States and companies of the city in great numbers, but also highly thanked, in that he despaired not of the State of the Commonweal: who, if he had been the General and Leader of the Carthaginians, should have been sure to have smoked for it, and endured all extremity of torment and punishment.   

THE XXIII. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the three and twentieth Book.  
THE Campanes revolted unto Hannibal. Mago was sent to Carthage, with news of the victory at Cannae: and in the entry of the Counsel house, he poured out (on the floor) the golden rings which had been plucked from the fingers of the Romans there slain, which by report exceeded the measure of a Modius. Upon these tidings, Han●●, the noblest parsonage among all the Carthaginians, persuaded with the Senate of Carthage, to sue unto the people of Rome for peace, but he prevailed not, by reason of the Barchine side and faction, that gainsaid him. Cl. Marcellus the Praetour, fought fortunately before Nola, in a sally which he made out of the town against Hannibal. The Army of Hannibal fell to riot at Capua, and gave themselves to such sensuality, while they wintered there, that both in bodily strength, and also in courage of ●●nd they became much enfeebled. Casilinum was besieged by the Carthaginians, and the inhabitants within were dri●●● by extreme famine, to ●at thongs and leatberings, plucked from off their shields and targuets, yea, and to feed upon 〈◊〉 and rats. They lived with nuts which the Romans sent unto them down the river Vulturnus. The body of the Senate was replenished by receiving unto them a new supply from out of the order of knights or gentlemen, to the number of 197. L. Posthumius the praetor, was together with his army defeated by the Gauls, and put to the sword. Cnevi and Publius Scipiones, vanquished Asdrubal in Spain, and had the conquest thereof. The remnant of the Army defeated at Cannae was sent away and confined into Sicily, and commanded not to depart from thence, before the war was fully finished. A league and society was concluded between Philip the king of the Macedoniaus and Hannibal▪ Sempronius Gracchus the Consul, discomfited a●d slew the Campanes. Moreover, this book containeth the fortunate exploits achieved by T. Manlius the lord Deputy in Sardima, against the Carthaginians and the Sardi: who took the General himself Asdrubal, together with Mago and Hanno, prisoners. Claudius Marcellus the Praetour, vanquished and defeated in a set battle before Nola, the Army of Hannibal: and was the first that put the Romans 〈◊〉 some good hope of better success, after they had been toiled out with so many foils and losses.  
ANniball after the battle fought at Cannae, & the winning and ransacking of both the Roman camps, dislodged anon, and was removed out of Apulia into Samnium, being sent unto, for to come unto the Hirpines' country, by Statius, who promised to betray and deliver the city of Consa into his hands. Now there was a citizen of Consa, named Tribius, a noble parsonage, and of great name in his country. But the bend and faction of the Cossanes (a family of great power, by favour of the Romans) kept him down and overweighed him: but after the same of the battle of Cannae and the coming of Hannibal, divulged and blown abroad by the speeches of Trebius, those Cossanes abandoned the city: and so was it without any conflict rendered unto the Carthaginians, and received a garrison. Hannibal leaving behind him there, all the pillage and baggage that he had, divided his army into two parts: giving Mago in charge, to possess himself of the towns of that country, which would revolt of themselves from the Romans: or else to force them thereunto, in case they denied and refused so to do. Himself took his journey through the land of Campaine, toward the nether sea, intending to assault Naples, that he might be lord of a port town also, and have it at his devotion. When he was entered the confines of the Neapolitans, he placed some of the Numidians in ambush, as cunningly as he could, (and there for the most part, the ways are hollow, and full of close and secret noukes and holes) others he commanded to make a show of driving a booty out of the fields, and to ride out braving before the gates of the city. Against whom (seeming to be not many, and those disordered) a troop of horsemen issued forth, but the enemies of purpose giving back and retiring from them, tilled and trained them on, to the place of ambush: and so they were environned on every side, and there had not one of them escaped alive, but that the sea was near, where they espied many fisher boats along the shore on the bank side, and as many of them as were skilful in swimming, got unto them, and saved themselves: but in that skirmish nevertheless certain young gentlemen were slain. Among whom, Hegeas also, the Captain of that Cornet of horsemen died in the place, who followed too hotly upon them that recoiled and seemed to fly. But Hannibal after he had viewed the walls, and saw they were not easy to be won, was discouraged and scared from giving assault to that city. From thence he turned his journey, and took his way to Capua, a city flowing in wealth and superfluity of all pleasures, by reason of long felicity, and the favourable aspect of gracious fortune. But among all corruptions that there reigned, it was infected most with the licentious looseness of the Commons, who exceeded beyond all measure, and abused their liberty. Pacuvius Calavius, a man of noble race there, and popular with all, but one that by lewd & indirect courses became rich & mighty, by means thereof, had both Senate and Com. under his girdle, & might do what he would. This man chanced to be head Magistrate the same year that the Romans were defaited & overthrown at the Lake Thrasymenus: & supposing that the Commonalty (who had been a long time maliciously affected to the Senate and Nobility) would by occasion of alteration in the State, enterprise some notable act, to wit (in case Hannibal should come with his victorious army into those parts) the murdering of the Senate, and delivering of Capua into the Carthaginians hands. This man I say, lewd and bad enough otherwise, but yet not stark nought and wicked in the highest degree: and desirous to lord it, and domineer with the safety of the Commonwealth, rather than with the utter destruction of the same; as knowing full well, that no state could remain safe, spoiled and bearest once of a public counsel▪ cast about and plotted, how he might both save the Senate, and also oblige the same to be at his and the Commons devotion. He assembled therefore the Senate one day together, and after he had protested with a solemn preamble, That in no case he would like and allow of the designment and intent of revolting from the Romans, unless it were upon necessity and constraint: for as much as himself had married the daughter of Appius Claudius, and had fair issue by her: and besides, affianced a daughter of his own in marriage unto Livius in Rome: but yet (quoth he) there is a matter of greater consequence toward, and a danger like to burst out more to be feared than that. For the Commons intent not by way of revolt and rebellion to rid the city of the Senators authority, but are purposed to massacre all the Senators, and so to deliver unto Hannibal and the Carthaginians, the Commonwealth, clearly void of a Senate. Of which imminent peril (quoth he) I know how to free you, in case you will wholly trust and rely upon me, and forget all former jars, and old debates, which have fallen out in governance and managing of the Stat●. Now when all of them in place, for fear were forced to put themselves into his hands: I will quoth he shut you up within this counsel-chamber, and pretend unto them, as though I were one of their complices, both privy and party to this intended practice of theirs: and so by soothing them up, under a colourable approbation and allowance of their designments, which I should in vain cross and gainsay, I shall find out a ready way to save all your lives. And for assurance hereof, ask and have of me what bond and security ye will yourselves. Thus having made his faithful promise to be fast and true unto them, he went forth, and commanded the Counsel-house doors to be shut sure, and left warders to keep the gate and entry thereof, that no man without his licence and commandment, should either enter in, or come forth. Then after he had called all the people together to an audience, 
The Oration of 〈◊〉 Cala●n●s, to the 〈◊〉 of Cap●a.  in a solemn and frequent assembly, thus he spoke unto them. That which ye have often wished for (o ye Campanes, my good neighbours and friends) namely, to have the power and mean to revenge yourselves thoroughly of this wicked and cursed Senate, now lieth in your hands to perform with safety at your pleasure. And ye need not by way of an uproar to assault their houses one after another, to the great danger and hazard of your persons, considering how they are defended with strong guards of their vassals, favourites, and bondslaves: ye have them all fast and close mewed up within the counsel chamber: themselves alone, without company, without armour & weapon; there you may take them. But see that ye do nothing hastily upon head without pause, nor rashly without advisement. I will so compass and bring about, that ye shall give your doom of life and death upon every one of them, to the end that each one may have his desert, and suffer due punishment accordingly. But above all things ye must have an eye and look to this, that ye proceed not too much in heat and choler: but that ye have more regard of your own safety and profit, than of ire and revenge. For (I take it) they be these Senators only whose persons ye hate and detest; and your meaning is not wholly to put down & overthrow the Senate quite: for either ye must accept of a King, (ôh government abominable) or else admit a Senate, the only counsel in deed of a free city and State: and therefore with one bush (as they say) ye are to stop two gaps, and to do both at once, namely, to abolish and depose the old Senate, and to elect a new. I will command, that the Senators shall be cited by name one after another: and concerning their life and death, I will demand your opinion and resolute sentence: and look what judgement ye give, shall surely stand and be put in execution. But before the condemned guilty person be done to death, ye shall substitute in his room a new Senator, some good man of valour and courage, and worthy to succeed him in his place. With that, he fate him down. And after all their names were thrown into a lottery pitcher and shuffled together, he caused him to be cited and called aloud by name, and the man himself to be brought forth of the counsel house whose name chanced to be drawn out first. He was no sooner named, but every man cried out, that he was a lewd and wicked person, and worthy to be hanged. Then Pacavius said, I see (quoth he) what destiny ye read this man. Rejected he is, and cast out for nought and unjust: choose now a good Senator, and a righteous in his room. At the first, all was silent, and as still as midnight, for default of finding a better to place in his stead. Afterwards, when some odd groom past all shame and reverence, seemed to nominate one: by and by they grew to much louder words and greater clamours: while some said flatly they knew not the man, others laid to his charge sundry lewd and naughty vices, and objected against him either abject baseness, poverty and beggary▪ or else some dishonest kind of trade and occupation, whereby he lived. Thus fared they, and much worse a good deal, when a second or third Senator was named: so as it was well seen, that the men bethought themselves and repent of that they had done already, considering how they failed still and were to seek, when they should substitute another in his place: for as much as it booted not, but was absurd to nominate the same again, since that their nomination gained them nothing; but either to hear their vices deciphred, or to bear reproachful terms: and as for all the rest, they were far more vile and obscure persons, than those that came first into their remembrance, and were soon thought upon. So the people fell at length, and gently came down to this point, and confessed, that, Much better was bad they knew, than bade they knew not; and, Seldom came the better: willing the old Senators to be let out of ward and enlarged. By this policy Pa●uvius having bound the Senate to himself, more than to the Commons, and even as much as their life was worth; without force of arms ruled the roast, and all was at his devotion and command. Hereupon, the Senators laid aside the remembrance of their own dignity, port, and liberty, became affable to the Commons, & would salute them kindly: inviting them courteously, and entertaining them liberally at their bourds, with exquisite and delicate fare: undertaking and maintaining all their suits and causes: ready at all times to assist them and stand by them: and in one word, empanalling juries (to go upon all causes & matters in law) of those whom they knew to be gracious and popular, and fitter to win and procure the favour and affection of the common sort. Thus at the Counsel-table all matters were decided, as if the Commons had there sat, and not otherwise.  
This Capua was a city ever given to dissolute life & excess in pleasure, as well by reason of the natural corruption and inset disposition of the Inhabitants, as also for the plenteous & flowing abundance of all delights, and the alluring enticements of all dainties, that either sea or land might afford. But at that time (such was the obsequious fawning, and flattery of the Nobles, such was the licentious living of the Commons) they were so lavish, that they exceeded in lust and superfluity beyond measure, and laid it on in expense without stay. Besides their contempt of Laws, Magistrates, and Senate, they grew to this pass after the overthrow at Cannae, that whereas before, they had some awful and reverend regard of the Romans, now they despised and set nought by the government and Empire of Rome. And nothing else stood in the way, but that presently they would have rejected their rule, and shaken off the yoke of obedience and allegiance, saving only this, That by reason of ancient intercourse of cross and mutual marriages, many noble houses and mighty families were linked and allied to the Romans: and again, which was the greatest bond of all, whereas there had served in the Roman wars, certain of them: there were three hundredth men of arms, and those of noblest birth of all the Campanes, chosen out of them and sent by the Romans to be resiant in sundry garrisons of the cities of Sicily: whose fathers and kinsfolk (with much a do) obtained, that Ambassadors should be sent unto the Consul of Rome. They found the Consul at Venusia with a few soldiers, and those armed by the halves (for as yet he was not gone to Cannusium) being in that poor taking and hard plight, as he could not be in worse; either to move pity in the hearts of true and well affected allies, or to breed contempt in proud and hollowhearted friends, such as these Campanes were. Contemptible was their case, but the Cos. made himself & his condition more despised, by bewraying too much his present distresses, and laying open to the world the nakedness of his calamity. For when the Ambassadors delivered unto him, That the Senate and people of Capua took it to the heart, and greatly grieved at the adverse overthrow of the Romans; 
The Oration of Varro, to the Ambassadors of Capua.  and promised therewith, to furnish him with all things fit and meet for war: Ye have (quoth he) o Campanes, observed an order & custom, and for form and fashion visited us your confederates, in willing us to require at your hands all supplements of war; rather than said any thing directly besitting the present estate of our fortune. For what have we left us at all, after this discomfiture of Cannae, that we should be willing to have that supplied by our allies, which is wanting? as who would say, we had somewhat already. Should we demand of you footmen, as though we were furnished with horse? Should we say that we lacked money, as if money only were wanting, and nothing else? No, no, Fortune hath dealt so hardly with us, that she hath left us just nothing, nor so much as that, which might be made up and supplied by others. Our Legions of footmen, our Cornets of horse, our armour and munition, our Standards and Ensigns, horse and man, money and victuals: all is gone; lost and perished; either in the battle, or the morrow after in the ruin of our camp, when we were turned out of our tents and pavilions. And therefore ye are not, o Campanes, to aid and help us in this war; but in our behalf, and for us, ye ought to take the whole charge of the war upon your own selves, against the Carthaginians Call to remembrance howen in times past, when your ancestors and forefathers were fearfully driven to keep within your walls, standing in dread and bodily fear, not of the Samnites only your enemies, but also of the Sidicines: we took them into our protection, and defended them before Satricula: and how for your sakes we began war with the Samnites, and maintained the same for the space almost of an hundred year, and in great variety of fortune, giving and taking sundry foils all the while. Over and besides, call to mind, how we concluded an indifferent and equal league with you, to the disadvantage of neither parts: how we granted unto you the liberty of living under our own laws: and how at the last (a matter iwis of right great importance and consequence, before this our late overthrow at Cannae) we granted unto a great part of you, the freedom & privilege of Bourgeoisie, and parted with you the franchises of our own city. And therefore ye ought of right (my masters of Capua) to repute this loss and misfortune now received, to be as well yours as ours: and to make reckoning to defend the common state & country of both. It is neither Samnite nor Tuskane that we have to deal with, to whom, if we lost & parted with our Empire, yet it remained still within the compass of Italy: but the enemy that pursueth us, is a Carthaginian, drawing after him a train of soldiers, who are not so much as borne in A●fricke, but coming from the farthest and most remote parts and bounds of the world, from as far as the 
* Gebraltar.  straits of the Ocean sea, even from Hercules his pillars: void of the knowledge of all law, right, and difference of condition, without reason and discretion, and (in manner) without commerce of man's language. These soldiers so fierce and fell by nature, so cruel & merciless by use and custom, their captain hath withal made more wild and savage, by making bridges, causies, and highways, over heaps of dead men's bodies: and (which I abhor to speak) by teaching them to eat men's flesh. To see and endure these men to be their LL. whom feeding as they do upon such execrable meats and viands, which even to touch and handle without great horror we may not: to resort for justice as far as into Africa and Carthage, and to suffer Italy to be reduced into a Province under the Numidians and Moors, what is he that would not detest and abhor, were he but borne only within Italy? A worthy honour and immortal glory it will be for you, o ye Campanes, if the Roman Empire and dominion, thus growing to ruin and falling down prostrate under the weight of this late overthrow, might by your fidelity and forcible power be stayed and upheld, and set upright again. I suppose ye have levied and enroled already, thirty thousand foot, and four thousand horse, out of Campaine: for coin, for corn, ye have store and plenty: Now if your faith and truth be answerable to your wealth and fortune, neither shall Hannibal find that he hath won the victory, nor the Romans feel that they have lost a journey. With this Oration thus ended, the Consul gave the Ambassadors their discharge, and dismissed them. As they returned homeward, one of them, Sabius Virius by name, said thus unto his fellows. Now is the day come (qd. he) wherein the Campanes may be able; not only to recover again the lands which in times past the Romans have wrongfully taken from them, but also obtain & enjoy the sovereign rule & Empire of all Italy. As for Annib. we may conclude, covenant, & capitulat with him what articles & conditions we list ourselves, to our best behoof & benefit: And it is all to nothing, that Annib. having now dispatched & finished the war, will of his own accord depart like a Conqueror into Africa, & withdraw his forces out of these parts: so as the dominion of Italy shall be left wholly to the people of Capua. Virius had no sooner delivered these speeches, but they all applauded him and accorded thereto. And in such terms they related their Embassage, as all men thought no less but the Roman Empire and name was utterly perished and extinct for ever. Incontinently the Commons and the greatest part of the Nobility of Capua inclined to revolt and rebel: Yet by the countenance and authority of the Ancients and Elders, the matter was stayed & deferred for some few days. At length, the greater part prevailed, whose opinion was, That the same Ambassadors which were sent to the Roman Consul, should be addressed in embassy unto Hannibal. But I find in some Annual records, that before they went, & before their resolute determination to revolt, there was an Embassage sent from the Capuans to the city of Rome, demanding thus much, That if they meant to have any help and aid from them, one of their Consuls might be a Capuan. Whereat the Senate of Rome took such snuff & indignation, that the said Ambassadors were commanded to void the Counsel-house, & a Sergeant sent after them at their heels, to set them out of the city: charging them at their peril, to take up their lodging that night without the territories of Rome. But because this demand jumpeth too near to the like that the Latins made long before: & both Caelius & other Historians have (not without good reason) passed it over, & said nothing thereof, I dare not avow it for a truth. Well, Ambassadors there came unto Hannibal, & concluded peace with him under these conditions, and covenants: Imprimis, That no general, captain, or magistrate of the Carthaginians, should have any jurisdiction or power over a citizen of Capua: Item, That no citizen of Capua should be compelled against his will to serve in any wars, or execute the charge and office of a soldier. Item, That the Campanes still enjoy their old laws and magistrates of their own: Item, That Hannibal deliver unto the Campanes three hundred Roman captives, such as they themselves shall choose; whom they might coarse and exchange for those three hundred horsemen of the Campanes that were in garrison, and served for pay in Sicily. These were the articles of the accord. But the Campanes stuck not to do more than so, and to go farther than their capitulations: committing divers and sundry outrages. For the commons suddenly at once, apprehended all the Roman captains over the confederate soldiers, yea and attached other citizens of Rome, that were either employed in any military charge, or otherwise occupied in their private affairs: and caused them to be clap●●p within the stouves and hot houses, as in ward and safe custody, where their breath being stuffed and stopped up with exceeding heat, and steaming vapours, they were stifled, and died miserably. But there was one Decius Magius, a man who wanted no means of sovereign authority, but only the sobtietie, discretion, and wisdom of the citizens with whom he lived; who withstood all that ever he could, such enormous & audacious courses, and endeavoured to hinder the embassage sent to Hannibal. And so soon as he heard that Hannibal was sending a garrison, he recounted unto his fellow citizens, the proud and lordly rule of Pyrrbus, the miserable and wretched thraldom of the Tarentines, as precedents, sufficient to give them warning. He ceased not to cry aloud in open place and audience, first, that they should not receive the garrison into the city: then, that being admitted, they should either be thrust out again; or rather, if they would expiate and make amends by some valiant and memorable act, for that shameful lewd part of theirs, in revolting so from their most ancient Allies, yea and kinsmen by blood, they should fall upon the Carthaginian garrison, and kill them every one, and so reconcile themselves again to the Romans. Hannibal having intelligence of these plots (for they were not a forging and contriving in a corner) first sent certain messengers to summon Magius to repair unto his presence within his camp. After that, seeing he stoutly denied to go (for he pleaded that Hannibal had no authority nor right to command a citizen of Capua) he waxed wroth, and commanded the man to be apprehended, and to be haled perforce bound, unto him. But fearing, upon better advice, least by offering such violence some tumult might arise, and in the heat of blood, break forth into an inconsiderate fray, he dispatched beforehand a messenger of purpose unto Marius Blosius, the praetor or L. Governor of Capua: signifying, that the morrow next following, he would be personally in Capua: and so with a small guard about him, he set forth of his camp, and put himself on his journey. Marius' assembled the people together, making proclamation, and warning them to be ready in all frequent solemnity, with their wives and children, to meet Hannibal upon the way. They of the adverse side unto Magius and the Romans, performed this not only obediently, but also most effectually and with great diligence and endeavour. Yea, the common sort likewise were very forward in this action, as desirous especially to see this great General and brave warrior, so noble and renowned for his many victories. Decius Mag●us neither went forth to meet him, nor yet kept his house, because he would not seem to fear and carry a guilty conscience: but walked up and down idly for his pleasure in the Market place with one of his sons, and a few of his vassals and followers, whiles the whole city besides was busily occupied, and much troubled in the entertaining and beholding of this great Captain and commander of the Carthaginians. Hannibal being entered the city, incontinently required to have audience in their Counsel house. Whereupon, the Nobles & principal citizens of Capua requested him that he would not that day intent any weighty matters of importance, but himself in person solemnize it, with joy and mirth, as an high and festival holiday for his welcome thither. And albeit he was by nature hasty, and ready to fall into fits of anger, yet because he would not seem at his first coming to deny them any thing, he employed a good part of that day in seeing and viewing the city. Entertained and lodged he was and his whole train, with the Manij, Celeres, Stenius, and Pacuvius, the most noble and honourable personages, and the wealthiest of all others. Thither unto him, Pacuvius Calavius (concerning whom I spoke before, the principal man of that bend and faction, which reduced the city to the obedience and devotion of Hannibal) brought his own son a young Gentleman, and said withal, that the youth kept continually with Decius, and that he was feign to pluck him away from his company and train, whose part he took, and stuck most stiffly to him, in maintaining the old society and amity of the Romans, against the new league with the Carthaginians; and neither the bending and inclination of the whole city to the contrary side, nor yet the reverend majesty of a father, had yet driven him from his obstinate resolution. And for that time, the father laboured with Hannibal rather by way of prayer and entreaty, than by excusing and cleared his son, that he would not be discontented nor displeased with the young man. So he was overcome with the importunate request and plentiful tears of the father, and gave commandment, that he together with his father should be bidden to supper, at which ●east, he purposed to have the company of no other guests of all Capua, but only of his hosts that gave him entertainment, and one jubellius Taurea, a famous and brave warrior. To supper they went long before day light went down, and fared at the table, not after the guise of Carthaginians, nor according to the discipline of soldiers, but after the order of a city and house, which had been used a long time to have the board furnished with sundry sorts of dainty dishes, and with all delicate junkets to please the palate and taste. Perolla only the son of Calavius, could not be brought to change his mind, and show himself cheerful and merry at meat, notwithstanding the masters of the feast, and Hannibal himself otherwhiles, invited him to bear them company, and sit with them; but he ever made his excuse to his father, that he was ill at ease and sickly whensoever he seemed to examine him, and to know the cause of such wonderful trouble of mind, and vexation of spirit. So, a little afore sun setting, when his father arose, and was gone out from supper, he followed hard after him: and when they were come into a secret place apart, (a garden it was on the back side of the house) I will tell you a thing father, I have in my head a policy, and a ready mean, how we shall not only obtain pardon at the Romans hands, for our trespass committed, in falling away from them, and turning unto Hannibal: but also how we Campanes may be in far greater estimation and favour among them than ever we were. The father marvelling hereat, was desirous to know what devise that might be: and with that, the youth cast his gown from off his shoulder, and showed him a good blade girded to his side. I will quoth he out of hand, establish and seal sure, the Roman league with the blood of Hannibal. I was desirous (father) to let you know of it aforehand, if peradventure you would be willing to be out of the way when the deed is a doing. The old man seeing and hearing this, in a great fearful agony, as if he had been present to see the execution of that which he heard him to speak of, Now I beseech thee, my son (quoth he) and pray thee of all loves and bonds that bind children and parents together, that thou wilt not before thy father's face either commit or suffer this so horrible a part, full of all abominable wickedness whatsoever, and not to be named. There are not many hours since, that we swore by all the gods and holy hallows in heaven, and by joining hand in hand, made faithful promise, and obliged ourselves, to communicate together with him, and to eat at the holy table of sacred viands. And are we no sooner departed asunder from our familiar conference and parley, but we arm ourselves against him? Arisest thou in deed from thy friend's guest-bourd, to which thou wert thyself the third man bidden of all the Campanes, and even by Hannibal, and wilt thou stain and pollute that board with the blood of the principal guest▪ I, thy father, erewhile was able to reconcile A●niball to my son; and can I not pacify my son likewise, & appease his fierce stomach against Hannibal? But if there be nothing sacred and inviolable, nothing to be trusted in the world, neither faithful promise, nor religious oath, nor any piety at all and good nature, things so honest and just: then adventure hardly, and spare not to put in execution all actions detestable and not to be spoken, so that besides the note and infamous mark of wickedness, they bring not upon our own heads present mischief, and utter confusion. Darest thou alone assail the person of Annibal? What will that multitude about him do the while, so many freemen and bondmen both? All their guard and regard, all their eyes upon him alone, what serve they for? What will become of so many hands of theirs? Thinkest thou that they will be benumbed and dead, at the time of that frantic enterprise of thine? The grim visage of Hannibal himself, whom whole armies of soldiers tremble to behold: whom the people of Rome dread, and for fear of whom they quake again, wilt thou alone abide to see? And if all other means of help should fail him, wilt thou endure to strike and wound me thy father, putting my body between, for the safeguard and defence of Hannibal? And stab me thou must through the very hart, before thou canst hurt him or run him through. Suffer therefore thyself here to be frighted from this thy intended mischief, before thou have the foil there, and miss of thy purpose. Let my prayers take place with thee, as once this day they prevailed for thee. With that, he marked his son to weep and shed tears, and embracing him about the middle, and kissing him ever and anon, he left him not, nor gave over to pray and entreat him instantly, until he got at his hands to lay off his sword, and promise him faithfully, that he would not attempt any such enterprise. Then the youth, seeing how the case stood, I will (quoth he) pay unto my natural father that kindness and love, in which I am bound as a debtor to my native country. But alas for you, good father, I am right sorry for your hard hap; who are to answer before God and the world, for the betraying of your country, no fewer times than thrice already. Once, when you gave counsel and persuaded to forsake the Romans, and to revolt from them: again, when you were the principal agent, and advised to make peace with Hannibal: and now this day the third time, when you are the only obstacle and hindrance, that Capua is not restored again into the hands of the Romans. O sweet country and native soil of mine, take here at my hand this sword, wherewith erewhile I was girt and armed for dear love of thee, and was fully minded to defend this thy chief castle and fortress, and not to spare, but imbrue it in the blood of thy mortal enemy: take it I say, since mine own father is ready to wrest it from me. This said, he flung his sword over the garden wall into the high way and open street: and therewith, because he would not grow into any suspicion, he showed himself again to the guests within the house, and took part of the banquet. The morrow after, the Senate in favour of Hannibal, solemnly met together in great number: in which frequent assembly, the beginning of his speech was very pleasant and gracious: wherein he gave the Capuans thanks, for preferring his amity before the alliance of the people of Rome: and among other fair and magnifical behests to them made, he promised that within a while, Capua should be the head city and chief State of all Italy, whereunto the people of Rome, together with other nations, should resort for law and justice. Mary quoth he, there is one that hath no part or fellowship in the society and league made between the Carthaginians and you, namely, Magius Decius, who neither was a Campane, nor ought of right so to be called and reputed: him I demand to be delivered into my hands, and that in my presence, the Senate should be asked their opinion concerning his trespass, and an Act presently entered thereof. All of them there assembled allowed of the motion, and gave their assent in the end: albeit a great sort of them thought both the man unworthy of that hard fortune & calamity, and that this was but an ill beginning and a very ouverture to the infringing of the right of their freedom. The chief Magistrate then, went forth of the Counsel chamber, & sat in the judicial hall or temple, and commanded Decius to be attached, and to stand before him at his feet, and there to answer for himself and make his defence. Who persisted still in the same stournesse and boldness of spirit, alleging that by virtue of the covenants in the league comprised, he might not lawfully be pressed and forced thus far. Whereupon he had irons clapped upon him, and commandment was given, that he should have a Lictor attend upon him, and so be conveyed into the camp of Hannibal. All the way as he was led, so long as he was bareheaded and open faced, he went preaching to the multitude that flocked about him, and with a loud voice spoke and said. Now Capuans, ye have the liberty that ye sought and longed for. In the open market place, at noon day, and in your sight, lo how I, a man inferior to none in all Capua, am led away bound in chains to die. What greater violence could be offered, if Capua were won by assault of the enemy? Go forth, go & meet Hannibal, adorn & hang the city with rich cloth of tapistry. Register in your Calendar, among other holidays, this day of his Entry, that in the end ye may behold this goodly triumph over one of your own citizens. Upon the utterance of these words, the multitude seemed discontented at the indignity of this sight. Whereupon he was hood-winked, and his head covered, and the Sergeant was charged to have him away quickly, and make hast out of the gates. So he was brought into the camp, and immediately shipped and sent to Carthage, for fear lest some commotion might arise in Capua, upon so unworthy and shameful a deed▪ and lest the Senate also should repent themselves, that they had delivered and yielded out of their hands a principal parsonage among them: also to prevent, that no Embassage might be sent unto him for his redelivery, whereby he should either offend his new allies, in case he denied them their first request, or suffer Capua to have always a busy and seditious citizen, ready ever to stir up new troubles, if he granted their suit. The ship wherein he was embarked, was by tempest cast upon Cyrenae, a port town in the dominion at that time of the KK. There, Magius fled for refuge as to a Sanctuary, unto the Image of king Ptolomaus, and was brought by his guard and keepers unto Alexandria to the king's presence, and informed the king, how contrary to the tenor and privilege of the covenant, he was in bonds by Hannibal. Whereupon he was loosed from his chains, and put to the choice, whether to Capua, or go to Rome. Magius answered, that he could not in Capua remain in safety, and if he went to Rome at that time especially, when there was war between the Romans and Capuans, he should be sooner lodged there in prison like a fugitive runagate, than entertained in house for a friend and loving guest: and concluded in the end, that he would make abode and live the rest of his days more willingly in no place of the world, than in his highness realm, whom he found already to be the saviour of his life, and the redeemer of his liberty and enlargement. Whiles these occurrents fell out abroad, Q. Fabius Pictor, sent (as is abovesaid) Ambassador to Delphos, returned to Rome, & out of a writing he read openly, the answer of the Oracle in these words (now ye must understand, that in this Script were certain gods and saints named, unto whom they should make solemn supplication, and the manner also with all ceremonies and compliments thereto belonging:) 
The answer of the Oracle.  Then (o Romans) if ye shall so do, your state shall prosper and be more happy: your Commonweal shall go forward better to your mind, yea, and victory in the wars shall happen unto the people of Rome. But remember, that when all things shall go well on your side, and your State shall be saved and preserved, ye send unto Pythius Apollo a present, according to the merit of a due recompense; and of the sylver raised of the pillage, prizes, and spoils taken from the enemies, do him honour accordingly. After he had rehearsed these words truly, translated out of the Greek Original, than he said moreover, That so soon as he was departed from the Oracle, he presently sacrificed unto all those gods with franke-incense and wine. Also, that he was commanded by the Priest of Apollo, that like as he both came to the Oracle, and also celebrated sacrifices, crowned with a garland and chaplet of Laurel, so he should in the same manner adorned, take ship and be embarked, and not lay off the said garland before he was arrived to Rome. Finally, that after all ceremonies performed most precisely and diligently, which he was commanded to observe, he had laid and bestowed the said chaplet upon the altar, before the Shrine of Apollo at Rome. Then the Senate made a decree, That those sacrifices and supplications should with all speed and careful regard be celebrated.  
Whiles these things passed at Rome and in Italy, Mago the son of Amilcar, arrived at Carthage, and brought the first tidings of the victory at Cannae. This Mago was not immediately and directly sent from his brother, out of the field where the battle was fought, but stayed certain days about receiving the homage and subjection of certain cities of the Brutij, which revolted from the Romans. Who having audience given him in the Senate of Carthage, related what acts and exploits his brother Annibal had achieved in Italy: namely; That he had given battle to six Generals, whereof four were Consuls, and two were the Dictator & Commander of horsemen: That he had fought against six entire Consular armies, in which battles he had slain above 200000 enemies, taken prisoners more than 50000. That of those 4 Coss. he had killed twain outright: as for the other two, one of them was deadly hurt, the other having lost his whole army, was fled, accompanied scarcely with 50 men: That the General of the cavalry created with full Consular authority, was discomfited & put to flight: & the Dictator (for sooth) because he never would hazard the fortune of a field, was counted the only warrior and worthy Captain: That the Brutij and Apulians, part of the Samnites, and Lucanes, were revolted to the Carthaginians: That Capua, the head city not of Campane only, but (after the Romans defeiture and overthrow in the battle at Cannae) of all Italy also, was surrendered to Hannibal. For these so many and so worthy victories, he required (meet and requisite as it was) that there should be a solemn festival day holden, and sacrifices solemnised to the honour of the immortal gods. And for better assurance of these lucky and fortunate atchievances, and to verify his words, he caused the gold rings of the Romans, slain at Cannae, to be poured forth in the porch and entry of the council house. The heap of them was so great, that as some authors affirm, when they measured the same, they filled three Mody and an half. But the constant report went, and sounding nearer to a truth, that they were not above one Modius. He added moreover and said (and all to prove their overthrow the greater) that none but knights & men of arms, & those of the better sort, who served on horses found at the cities charges, used to wear that omament. The drift and conclusion of his speech was this, that the sooner that Hannibal hoped to make an end of the wars, the more he ought to be aided and helped with all provision and furniture accordingly. And why? The service was far from home, in the mids of the enemy's land, a huge deal of corn was consumed, a great mass of money was spent: and as so many battles had utterly swooped up the enemy's armies, so reckoning was to be made, that they had in some measure lessened and impaired the forces of the conqueror. Therefore, a new supply of men was to be sent over, and money for soldiers pay, yea and come also was to be transported to so brave soldiers, that had done so singular good service, and deserved so well of the Carthaginian nation. Upon these reports of Mago, when all men else were wondrous glad, and took great contentment, Himilco, a man of the Barchine bend, supposing he had now good occasion and opportunity offered to carp and check Hanno. How now Hanno quoth he, what say you to this gear? repent you still and mislike the war undertaken against the Romans? Let us see now, give your voice and opinion that Hannibal be yielded: forbid now thanksgeving to be performed to the immortal gods, for this prosperous speed and fortunate success. Let us hear a Roman Senator now to speak in the counsel house of the Carthaginians. Then Hanno; I would have held my peace this day, my LL. quoth he, for fear to speak aught that in this common and general joy might not be altogether pleasant unto you. But now, seeing a Senator bluntly spurreth me the question, whether I mislike still of the enterprise of war against the Romans? if I should keep silence and say nothing, I might seem either proud and insolent, or else faulty and culpable. Whereof the one is the part of a man that hath forgotten the liberty of other men; the other a property of him, that thinketh not of his own. Well may I therefore answer to Himilco, that I cease not yet to mislike this war, nor never will give over to blame and challenge this invincible Captain and warrior of ours, before I see the war ended and determined, upon some indifferent hand, & tolerable condition: and nothing else shall stint the miss I have, and quench the longing desire of the old peace, but the making of a new. And therefore these particulars, which Mago erewhile so magnified and vaunted of, are for the present, joyful news to Himilco and other of that crew, and the supposts of Hannibal; and to me likewise in some measure, they may be acceptable tidings, in this regard, that good success and lucky speed in war, if we will make the right use and benefit of our fortune, will be a mean to procure us a more easy and honourable peace. For if we let slip this advantage and opportunity of the time, when as we may seem, rather to give than take conditions of peace, I fear me, that even this present so goodly a show of ranckenesse as it maketh now, will run up all to straw, and bear no head to yield corn in the end. And yet, let us consider now, what a special matter this is. Slain I have whole armies of enemies; Therefore send me fresh and new soldiers. What could you (Sir) demand more, if you had been overthrown? Woon I have by force two strong holds where the enemies were encamped, full and freight (we must needs think) of prizes and victuals; Allow me more corn and money. What would you have required and craved more, I say, in case you had been rifled, and turned perforce out of your own camp & pavilions? But that I may not marvel alone at these strange Enthymemes and conclusions (for it is as free and lawful for me to ask some questions, seeing I have already answered to Himilco) I would feign have Himilco or Mago, I care not whether, to make answer likewise to me. Say, that in the battle before Cannae, the Roman Empire was wholly defeated and foiled. Say also, that certain it is, how all Italy is at point ready to revolt, tell me first and foremost, whether any one Nation of the Latin people is fallen from them to us? Secondly, whether any one person of the five and thirty wards in Rome, is run away, and fled to Hannibal? When Mago said nay, and denied both. Why then (quoth he) there be great numbers of our enemy still behind. But I would gladly know what courage, what heart, what hopes, that multitude hath. When Mago answered, he could not tell. And nothing (quoth Hanno) is more eife and easy to be known. Say man, sent the Romans any Ambassadors to Hannibal to treat for peace? Nay, had ye any intelligence brought unto you, that there was so much as one word lisped, or mention made at Rome of peace? When Mago said flatly, nay, to that too. Why then (quoth Hanno) by this account, this war will find us work, and keep us occupied as much as it did, the very first day that Hannibal set foot in Italy. How variable for tune was in the former Punic war, how victory went and came reciprocally, we are most of us yet alive that well remember. We never sped better, nor had a luckier hand, both by land and sea, than before Caius Luctatius, and Aulus Posthumius were Consuls. And whiles Luctatius and Posthumius were Consuls, were we vanquished and utterly overthrown before the islands AEgates. And in case now (which God forfend) fortune should chance to change and turn her wheel, hope ye to have peace then, being overcome, which now when we are conquerors, no man offereth nor seeketh after. For mine own part, if any man should ask mine opinion of peace, either to present and tender it to the enemies, or to accept it at their hands, I wot well what to say: but if ye would know what I think concerning those demands of Mago, my advice is, that there is no sense nor reason to send aid and supplies to conquerors: now if they bear us in hand, delude, and abuse us with a vain and false persuasion of conquest and victory, much less a great deal. These remonstrances of Hanno took small effect with many of them: for, both the secret grudge and rancour which he bore to the Batchin house, much impeached his credit and authority, and also by reason that their minds were so fully possessed of the present joy, they could admit and abide to hear of nothing, that might sound otherwise to daunt their glad hearts; thinking verily that the war would soon be at an end, if they now would strain a little and help it forward. And therefore with great consent, there passed an Act of the Senate, That there should be a supply sent unto Hannibal of forty thousand Numidians, forty Elephants, and many talents of silver. Also the dictator was sent before with Mago into Spain, to levy and hire twenty thousand footmen, and four thousand horsemen, for to make up those broken armies which were in Italy and in Spain. But these matters (as usually it happeneth in time of prosperity) were performed but slackly and at leisure. The Romans chose, made more speed; as being by nature more industrious: and besides, such was their adverse fortune and extremity, that they might not sleep their affairs and go slowly about their business. For neither the Consul was wanting in any affairs that were by him to be managed: and the dictator M. jun. Brutus, so soon as he had performed all the compliments concerning sacrifices and religious ceremonies, proposed unto the people, That (as the usual manner was) he might mount on horseback. Which done, over and besides the two legions of citizens, which in the beginning of the year had been levied and enroled by the Consuls, and the bondslaves that were before mustered, and certain squadrons gathered together out of the Picene & Gauls country; he proceeded to the last remedy and succour of a distressed and well near desperate state, when as honest and direct courses must give place unto commodious and profitable policies, and alight from his horse, and made proclamation, That whosoever were guilty & condemned of any capital crime, or whosoever were imprisoned for debt, & would willingly serve under him, he would take order that they should be exempt from all punishment, & discharged from their creditors. And of such he armed six thousand, with the spoils of the Gauls, which in the triumph of Flaminius were carried in show. Thus he departed from Rome five and twenty thousand strong.  
Hannibal having possessed himself of Capua, and solicited the Neapolitans once again, and sounded their minds, proposing before their eyes fear and hope, and all in vain, led his forces into the country of Nola: with this mind, not at first to go roughly with them to work, and by way of open hostility, because he was not out of all hope, that they would willingly come off and yield themselves: but in case they hasted, and answered not his hope and expectation in some good time, he would surely proceed against them in all extremity, and put them to whatsoever they could endure or fear. The Senate, and especially the principal of them, continued fast and sure in their alliance with the people of Rome. But the commons (as their manner is, desirous of alteration, and to see a new world) inclined wholly to the side of Hannibal, casting many doubts, and fears, that their lands and possessions should be wasted and spoiled, with sundry calamities and indignities that follow upon siege: neither wanted there heads and ringleaders of a rebellion. Whereupon the Senate (for fear lest if they should seem to thwart and cross them, they had not been able to withstand the violence of the multitude once up and drawn to an head) closely dissimuled their intent & purpose, and so by temporising, prevented a present mischief. For they made semblance that they liked well, and were resolved of revolting unto Hannibal: but upon what conditions and capitulations, they should enter into new league and amity, they knew not certainly. So having taken a farther time, they dispatched in haste certain Ambassadors unto the Rom. Praetor Marcellus Claudius, who remained with the army at Cannusium, advertising him in how great jeopardy the state of Nola stood, to wit, That Hannibal was already lord of their lands, and the Carthaginians would soon be masters of the city, unless they were succoured & relieved: that their Senate were driven to this shift, for to yield unto the commons, and grant to revolt whensoever they would have them; and by that means stayed them that they rebelled not over hastily. Marcellus after he had commended the Nolanes, willed them with the same dissimulation to protract time and hold off until his coming: & in the mean while, to conceal & keep secret to themselves, the dealings and treaties with him, and in no case to be known of any hope they had of aid from the Romans. Himself went from Cannusium to Calatia, and from thence passed over the river Vulturnus, and by the way of Satricula and Trebia, journeyed over Suessula through the mountains, and arrived at Nola. A little before the coming of the Roman praetor, Hannibal was departed & gone out of the territory of Nola, and drew downwards to the sea side near unto Neapolis: his teeth watered at the port-town, and that out of Africa his ships might arrive thither, as to a safe and sure harbour. But after that he heard that Napleswas held by a Roman provost, M. junius Syllanus (sent for thither by the Neapolitans themselves) and had received a garrison: seeing he could not be admitted into Neapolis, no more than into Nola, he went to Nuceria. Having beleaguered it round a long time, and often assaulted it forcibly, and assayed to solicit as well the Commons as the Nobilie, but without effect; at the length by famine he forced them to yield, and so became master of the town, upon composition, That they should depart every man disarmed, in their single garments. Then, as one that would seem ever from the beginning, to use clemency to all Italians, but only the Romans; he made fair promises of great rewards & advancement to honour, unto all those that would tarry behind & serve under him. But no man upon those hopes would remain with him. For they all gave him the slip, and went sundry ways, some to their friends and acquaintance, others at a venture as their mind stood, to divers cities of Campane, but most to Nola and Naples. Amongst the rest, there were almost thirty Senators, and those (as it fell out) of the best sort, that came to Capua: but being kept out there, because they had shut their gates against Hannibal, they went to Cumes. The pillage of Nuceria was bestowed upon the soldiers, the city sacked and burnt. Now kept Marcellus Nola, not presuming more upon the strength of his own garrison, than upon the confidence he had in the great men and chief of the city. But he had the commons in jealoasie, and above all, one L. Bantius, who for that he had complotted to rebel, and therefore stood i● fear of the Roman deputy; one while was pricked and incited to attempt treason, and to betray his country; another while, in case he should fail of that opportunity, and miss his purpose, to make an escape and run away to the enemy. A courageous & lusty young man he was, & the bravest Cavalier in those days of all the Roman confederates. His hap was to be found lying half dead among the heaps of slain bodies before Cannae: Annib. took order for the cutting of his hurts, & when he was thoroughly healed, right courtessy sent him home well & bountifully rewarded. In remembrance of which favour and good turn; and in token of thankfulness, he was willing to deliver & yield Nola into the hands of Hannibal, to be at his devotion. But the praetor had an eye unto him, & observed how his head wrought, and was busily occupied to bring an alteration. And seeing there were but two ways to deal with him, either by punishment to keep him short, and cut him off; or by some benefit to win his heart: he thinking it a better course; to gain unto himself so hardy and valiant a friend, than only to bereave his enemy of him; he sent for him, & in this manner spoke friendly unto him. You have (quoth he) amongst your countrymen and fellow citizens, I see well, many that envy you, as it appears well by this, that there is never a neighbour you have at Nola, that hath told me of you, and how many noble exploits and good services in war you have performed. But yet your valour cannot be unknown and hidden, ever since you served in the Roman army. For many there be that were soldiers then with you, which have made report unto me of your prowess, and what perils you have entered into, and how often you have put your life in hazard, for the safety and honour of the people of Rome and namely; how in the battle before Cannae, you gave not over fight, until at length having bled well near to death, you were borne to the ground and lay under foot, overwhelmed with men, horse and armour, falling upon you, and so kept down that you could not rise up again. But be of good cheer man, and go on still in this thy ver●ue and well doing: you shall have at my hands all honour and reward that may be possible: and the oftener you come to me and keep me company, you shall find it will be more for your reputation and commodity both. The young man was glad at heart for these gracious words & large promises: and so Marcellus gave unto him freely, a goodly brave courser, and commanded the 
〈…〉  Treasurer to tell him out in money Bigates of silver, charging his officers & Lictors to let him have access unto him at his pleasure, whensoever he came. By this courteous usage and humanity of Marcellus, the young man's stout heart was so doulced, mollified, and easy to be wrought, that of all Confederates and Allies there was not one, who bore himself more valiantly, nor maintained more faithfully the State of Rome. When Hannibal was approached to the gates of Nola (for he was returned from Nuceria, and come thither again) and the Commons within the town practised afresh to rebel, Marcellus had a little before the coming of the enemies retired and put himself within the walls: not for fear that he should not be able to keep the field and his hold; but lest he should give advantage and opportunity to betray the city, seeing too many of them within, disposed and forward thereunto. After this, they began on both sides to arraunge their battles in array, the Romans under the walls of Nola, the Carthaginians before their own fort. Small skirmishes there were, between the city & the camp of Hannibal (with variable event of fortune) because the Generals were not willing, either to deny and debar some few that were so eager and forward to call for fight, or yet to give forth the signal of a general battle ● Whiles these two armies temporised thus, and held their corpse de guard, continually, and in manner of a solemn set Assembly, the chief Nobles of the Nolanes advertised Marcellus, that there used to be night-meetings and conferences between their own Commons and the Carthaginians: and that it was plotted and set down, That when the Roman host was issued in battle ray out of their gates, the Commons in the mean while should fall to rifling of their carriages, packs, and trusses within, and then shut the gates upon them, and keep the walls: and so having the city, an d all their goods and baggage under their hands should from thence forth receive Hannibal into the city in steed of Marcellus. Upon these advertisements, Marcellus after he had thanked and commended the Senators of Nola, determined before any commotion and mutiny arose within the walls, to try the fortune of a battle. A● those three gates that stood toward the enemy, he ranged his forces, divided into three battaillons, & gave order, that all the carriages should follow after: and that the lackeys, launders, & other camp-followers, together with the feeble and sickly persons, should carry stakes and pales for the rampire. At the middle gate he placed the flower & strength of the legions, together with the Roman cavalry: at the two gates of either hand, he bestowed the new soldiers, the light armour, and the auxiliary horsemen of allies. The Nolanes were by straight commandment forbidden to approach the gates or the walls. As for the baggage & carriages, the ordinary guard was appointed to attend thereupon, for fear, lest while the Legions were busy in fight there should be some assault made upon them. In this order and array marshaled they were, within the gates. Hannibal, who likewise ready arraunged, stood with banner displayed (as he had done for certain days together) until it was well toward noon, first wondered at it, that neither the Roman army issued out of the gates, nor any soldiers appeared upon the walls: & supposing afterwards, that their usual complors and conventicles were discovered and revealed, and that for very fear they kept within and sat still, sent back part of his soldiers into the camp, with commandment, in all speed to bring abroad into the open field before the vaunt guard, all the ordinance and artillery for to batter the city walls, with assured confidence, that if he came hotly upon them, and gave an assault, whiles they thus lingered and issued not forth the Commons would make some tumult and stir within the city. But anon, as every man was busily occupied, running to and fro in haste about his own charge, before the vaunt guard and forefront of his battle, even at the point when he advanced forward to the walls; all upon sudden a gate was set open, and Marcellus caused the trumpets to sound the alarm, and the soldiers to set up a shout, commanding the footmen first, and then the horse to sally out and with all the might and force they could, to charge upon the enemy. Soon had they terrified their main battle sufficiently, & made disorder there, when at the two gates of each side, P. Valerius Flaccus, and Caius Aurelius, two Lieutenants general, issued forth upon their flanks and wings. The horseboys, skullions, and the other multitude abovesaid, which was set to guard the carriages, arose up and made a new outcry & shouted, so as to the Carthaginians (who contemned them before for their small number especially) they represented all at once a show of a mighty army. I dare not avouch that which some Authors stick not to write, that of enemies were slain in this medley 2300: and that the Romans lost but one only man. But what victory soever it was, either so great, or smaller, surely a doughty piece of service was that day atcheeved and I wot not whether I may truly say, of the greatest consequence that any ever was, during the time of that war. For as the time was then, it was a greater matter for the Romans (albeit they were the conquerors) not to be vanquished of Hannibal, than it was afterwards to vanquish him. Hannibal disappointed of his hope to win Nola, retired to Acerre. And Marcellus immediately having shut the gates, and placed the guards and warders to keep the same, that no man might go forth, sat judicially in the market place to examine those that had used secret conference and parling with the enemies: & finding above seventy, guilty of this action, pronounced sentence of death upon them, as in case of treason. Those he cut shorter by the head, & commanded their goods to be confiscate. And thus leaving the government of the city to the Senate thereof, he departed with all his forces, and above Suessula encamped himself, and there abode.  
Hannibal being come before Acerre, first summoned the city, to surrender voluntarily and without constraint: but seeing them obstinate, and not willing to relent, he made preparation to lay siege unto the town, and to assault it. But the Acerranes had better heart and courage, than might and strength to resist him. Therefore, when they saw themselves like to be entrenched all about, and were past hope to defend and keep the town: before the enemies had brought all ends of their trenches and sconces together, they got between the trenches & rampires (where they were not finished, and stood not close together) in the dead time of the night, and escaped through the sentinels and watches that were slenderly looked unto, and as well as they could, making shift through by ways and blind lanes, over hedge & ditch (as either their wits guided them, or their fear carried them) recovered those cities of Campania, which they knew for certain were not revolted, but persisted true and fast unto the Romans. Hannibal after he had put Acerra to the sack, and set it on fire, having intelligence, that the Roman dictator and the Legions were received at Casilinum: and fearing, lest while the enemy lay so near encamped, some should have recourse also into Capua, led his army to Casilinum.  
At the same time Preneste was held by 500 Prenestines, with a few Romans and Latins, who upon the news of the overthrow at Cannae, were retired thither. These Prenestines, by occasion that they were not levied and mustered at Preneste, by the day appointed, set out from thence somewhat too late; and were come as far as Casilinum, before the rumour was bruited of the defeature before Cannae: where they joined themselves with other Romans and Confederates, set forward from Casilinum, and marched together with a good great company: but meeting by the way with the tidings of that unfortunat field, turned back again to Casilinum. And after they had spent certain days there, as well fearing the Campanes, as suspected of them again, (for they devised on both sides how to entrap one another, and how to avoid each others trains), & having received also certain intelligence, That in Capua there was treating about a revolt, and that Hannibal was there received; they in one night set upon the townsmen of Casilinum, & killed them, and got that part of the city which is on this side Vulturnus, (a river that runneth through it, and devideth it into two parts) and kept it still. Their number was well increased by the coming of a cohort of four hundred and sixty Perusines, who likewise were driven to Casilinum, by the same report and news, which a few days before had turned the Prenestines thither. And surely there was sufficient almost of armed soldiers, to man & defend the walls of that part, being of so small a circuit as they were, considering the town was flanked on the one side with the river. And again, for the proportion of corn (whereof they had small store) they were men but too many. Hannibal being now not far from thence, sent before him the Getulians', under the conduct of a captain named Isalca; with direction, that first, if he could come to a parley, he should persuade with the inhabitants within, and by fair words induce them to open their gates, and receive a garrison: but in case they continued still in their obstinacy, then to assail them by force, and give the attempt to enter into the city one way or other. When they were come under the walls, the barbarous captain Isalca, supposing (because he heard no noise, & saw no stirring) that they had quit and abandoned the town and were fled, began to assail the gates, break open the locks, and burst the bars. But all at once on a sudden, the gates were set open, and two cohorts well appointed and provided for that purpose within, sallied forth, with an exceeding noise and tumult, overthrew a number of the enemies, and beat them down. Thus when the first had the repulse and were set back, Maharball was sent with a greater power to second them, but was not able to make his party good with these squadrons that sallied forth & charged upon him. At the last Hannibal himself encamped even before the wall, andwith all his power and forces put together, 
〈…〉  made preparation to give assault to this little town, and small garrison. And whiles he pressed hard upon them with fresh and hot assaults, investing it round about, the enemies from off their walls, curtains and turrets, let fly their shot so lustily upon the assailants, that he lost some of his best and most forward men there. Once they issued forth of themselves upon a bravery, and minded to bid them battle, but by a course of Elephants set between them and home, they had like to have been shut forth and kept out, and so they made haste in great fear to recover the gates and put themselves within the towneagaine; having lost, considering so small a number, a great sort: and more had died for it, but that the night parted the fray, and made an end of the skirmish. The morrow after, the assailants were all of them sharp set to give a fresh and hot charge, but not before there was a mural coronet of gold showed, and promised unto him that first could scale the walls. And the General himself cast in their teeth and reproved them for being so long about the assaulting of a small and weak sconce, to speak of, seated also upon a plain: whereas before they had won the strong town of Saguntum. He put them in mind both all and some, of Cannae, Thrasymenus, and Trebia. Then began they to set mantilets and pavoises to, and to undermine. Many and sundry enterprises were attempted, and nothing left undone, that either by fine force could be performed, or by art and cunning devised. The Roman associates against these their engines and fabrics, raised mounts, and platforms: yea and with countermines and cross trenches, met with the mines of the enemies; so as both above ground, and underneath, they impeached all their attempts; so long, until Annibal for very shame was feign to give over his imprease for the present. And when he had fortified his standing camp, and placed there a mean guard for the defence of it, because he would not seem to have relinquished altogether the enterprise, he withdrew himself into Capua, there to winter. There he lodged his soldiers within house for the better part of winter: those soldiers I say, who many a time and often had endured long, and held out against all travails and hardness that can possibly happen to the body of man; and never had been used to any good keeping, nor acquainted with delights and pleasures of the world. But even these men, whom no calamity, no misery could tame and overcome, were spoiled and undone with too much wealth and excessive dainties: and so much the rather, as they more greedily fell thereto; and having not tasted thereof before, gave themselves wholly that way, and were deeply plunged and drowned therein. For sleeping on soft beds, wine and delicate fare, wenching and bathing, stews and hotehouses, idleness and taking ease, which by use and custom grew pleasant and delightsome unto them every day more than other; had in such sort weakened their bodies, and made their hearts so effeminate, that from that time forward, the reputation and name only of their victories past, defended them more, than any present strength & vigour they had: in so much, as expert and skilful warriors judged their Captain Hannibal in more fault, and farther overseen in this action, than in not leading his army straight forward to Rome, after the battle before Cannae. For, that stay might have been thought to have differed only the entire and final victory for a time, but this error and oversight, seemed to dishable him for achieving the victory for ever. So little retained he of his former old discipline, that I assure you, he went out of Capua again, as if he had led some other army, and none of his own. For, not only they returned from thence most of them entangled and snared in the love of harlots, but also so soon as they came again to lie abroad on the bare earth under tents and pavilions covered with beasts hides, to march long journeys, and to taste of other military toil and labour; their bodies so tired, their hearts so fainted, as if they had been raw soldiers, new come into the field: in such wise, as all the time of their summer abode in camp, many of them without licence and passport, would slip out of the way, and depart from their colours: and these start-backs had no other place of haunt to lurk in, but Capua. Now when the winter season began to be more mild, and draw toward the Spring, Hannibal brought forth his soldiers out of his wintering harbours, and returned to Casilinum: where, albeit the assault ceased, yet the siege had continued so straight, that the townsmen and the garrison within the fort, were driven to extreme necessity & want of victuals. Now the Captain over the Roman camp was T. Sempronius [Gracchus] by reason that the dictator was gone to Rome to take new Auspexes. And as for Marcellus, who was desirous for his part to relieve and succour the besieged, was impeached for coming to them, partly by the rising and swelling of the river Vulturnus, and partly by the entreaty of the citizens of Nola and Acerrae, who greatly feared the Campanes, in case the garrison were once departed from them. And Gracchus, lying and keeping near unto Casilinum, stirred not one foot, by reason of the express commandment of the dictator, That he should attempt nothing in his absence: albeit there came daily from Casilinum into the camp such news, as would have moved and provoked the most patient man that was. For it was constantly reported, and for certain known, that some of them within the town, no longer able to endure the famine, threw themselves down headlong, and broke their necks: others stood unarmed upon the walls, offering their bare and naked bodies as a butt and mark to the shot of arrows, and other darts. Gracchus grieved much to hear these piteous tidings, yet durst he not for his life, skirmish and fight without the warrant of the dictator: and he saw full well, that if he would convey come and victuals unto them openly, fight he must, there was no remedy. Having therefore no hope at all to send any, but it should be spied, he devised to fill many tons and pipes with come, that he had gotten together out of the country all about: and withal, to dispatch a messenger to the chief magistrate of Casilinum, advising him, that he should in the night season take up all those vessels which came down the river. The night next following, every man watched at the river side, according to the hope they conceived by the foresaid Roman messenger, and so received those tons, hulling down the midst of the stream: and the corn was equally divided among them all. Thus did they the morrow after, and the third day also. For, ever by night these vessels were let down into the water, and the same night they might easily come unto them: by reason whereof, the sentinels and guards of the enemies, were nothing ware of that which was done. But afterwards, the current growing more swift and rough, by occasion of continual rains that fell, the said tons were some of them driven cross the channel to the bank side, even where the enemies warded: and were espied waving and sticking among the willows and oisiers that grew along, close unto the banks: whereof Hannibal was advertised. And so from thence forward, they tended the watch more straightly, that nothing sent down the river Vulturnus, could escape them, and pass to the city. Afterwards, there was powered into the water great store of nuts, from the camp of the Romans; which floated down the channel unto Casilinum, and with grated skimmers of wicker were taken up. But at the last, they within the town were driven to this poor shift and extremity, for to take their thongs and bridle rains, to pluck off the leather from their shields & bucklers, and make them sort in scalding water, and prove how they could eat them. Nay, they spared not so much as mice, and rats, nor any other like vermin. Nor there was not a weed nor a root that they could come by, upon the banks and terraces under the walls, but they gathered & diged up. And when the enemies had turned up with a plough all the green sord of the counter-skarpe without the walls, they within, cast turnip seed upon the mould. Whereupon Hannibal made a hout at it, and cried aloud: What? shall we sit here about Casilinum so long, until these rapes be come up and grown. And whereas before that time, he would never vouchsafe to hear of any composition and agreement, now at last, he was contented to take reason, and be conferred withal, about the ransom of as many, as were freemen within the town. And it was covenanted between him and them, that they should pay for their redemption 
* 21. lib. star.  seven ounces of gold a piece. So upon faithful promise made, & security given, they yielded themselves: andwere kept bound in prison until they had made full payment of the gold aforesaid. After which, they were sent back under safe conduct to Cumes. For this is more like to be true, than the report which goeth, That there were sent out after them certain horsemen, who fell upon them & slew them in the way. Most of them were Prenestines. And whereas, there were of them in all, five hundred and seventy in garrison, the one half well near, were either by sword or hunger consumed: All the rest, together which their Praetour Manitius (one who a foretime had been a Scribe or Notary) returned safe unto Preneste. In memorial & testimony of this, his Statue was erected in the market place of Preneste, armed in his cuirasse, clad in a long rob, with his head covered: and three other images, with a title or inscription engraven in a place of Brass, with this tenor: That Manitius had made a vow for the soldiers who lay in garrison with him at Casilinum. And the same title also was graven under three other images, set up in the temple of Fortuna. The town of Casilinum was restored again to the Campanes, with a strong garrison of 700 soldiers, deducted out of the army of Hannibal: for fear least when he was departed once from thence, the Romans should assail them.  
The Senate of Rome by virtue of a decree, granted unto those soldiers of Preneste double wages, with five years vacation and rest from warfare. And when, to gratify them farther for their valiant service, they made offer unto them of the Burgeosie and freedom of Rome, they chose rather to remain still at home, and would not change their own country. But what befell unto the Perusines, is not recorded so plainly: for neither appeareth evidence by any public monument and memorial of their own, nor yet decree extant of the Romans. At the same time the Petellines (who alone of all the Brutij remained in friendship and amity with the Romans) were assaulted not only by the Carthaginians, (that were possessed of a great part of the country about them) but also by the other Brutij, with whom they would not join in the complot of their rebellion. The Petellines not able of themselves to hold out and endure these dangers, sent their Ambassadors to Rome, for to crave their aid and assistance: whose humble prayers and piteous tears (for after an answer received, That they should provide and shift for themselves; they fell into lamentable moans and complaints, & lay prostrate upon the earth, before the porch of the Counsel-house) wrought exceeding compassion and pity in the hearts both of the Senators, and also of the people: whereupon the LL. were moved again the second time, by M. Acmylius the praetor, to deliver their opinion. And when they had cast all about, and well weighed and considered their present state, and what they were able to do: being forced to confess, that it lay not in their power to help their Allies, so far distant & remote from them: they willed them to repair home again; and since they had performed their fidelity to the full, according to covenant, they gave them leave in this calamity of theirs, to take that course, that they thought best for themselves. When they were returned with this answer unto the Petellines, their Senate all on a sudden was strucken into such sorrows, dumps, and fearful maze; that some of them were of mind, and gave advise, to abandon the city, and fly every man wheresoever he could: others were of opinion and persuaded, that seeing they were forsaken of their old friends, they should join with the other Brutij, and by their means, turn to Hannibal, and come under his protection. Howbeit, a third side prevailed, who would in no wise that any thing should be done over hastily and rashly: but that they might meet again, and sit in counsel about the matter. And so it was put off, and respite given until the next day. Then, after more mature deliberation, and their former fear somewhat assuaged, the principal personages there assembled, grew to this resolution, namely, To convey all things out of the territory about them into the city, and to fortify both it and the walls.  
near about one and the same time, there came Posts with packets of letters to Rome, from out of Sicily and Sardinia. Those out of Sicily from Octacilius the advise. Praetor, were read first in the Senate-house, importing these news: That L. Furius the praetor, was come out of Africa, and with his fleet arrived at Lilybaeum: himself sore hurt, & lying at point of death: that neither soldiers, nor sailors, and mariners, had their money or come, duly paid at the day; neither indeed was there any to be had, for to keep touch and make payment: moving and advising them earnestly, to send supply thereof, with all convenient speed: and if they thought so good, one also of the new chosen Pretours to succeed after him. To the same effect in manner, wrote Cornel. Mammula the Propretor, out of Sardinia, as touching that point of money and corn. Answer was returned to the one and the other, That they had it not, & therefore they were to look themselves both to their Armadas and armies, and to provide for them. Octacilius, who addressed Ambassadors unto K. Hiero (the only refuge & stay of succour, that the people of Rome had) received for soldiers pay, as much silver as was needful, and come to serve six months. The confederate cities likewise in Sardinia, contributed liberally unto Cornelius, and served his turn. At Rome also for want of silver, there were (by a law published by Minutius, Tribune of the Commons) created three Bankers, called Triumvirs Mensarij, to wit, L. Acmylius, who had been Consul and Censor: M. Attilius Regulus, twice Consul afore time: and L. Scribonius Libo, a Tribune of the Commons for the time being. Two Duumvirs also were chosen, M. & C. Attilij, who dedicated the temple of Concord, which L. Manlius praetor, had vowed before. Three high Priests also were consecrated, Q. Cecilius Metellus, Q. Fabius Max. and Q. Fulvius Flaccus, all to supply the rooms of P. Scantinius late deceased: of L. Acmylius Paulus the Consul, and Q. Aclius Paulus, slain both in the journey of Cannae.  
Now when as the LL. of the Senate had fulfilled other wants, and made up all decay and breaches, which fortune by continual calamities and losses had wrought and brought upon them, so far forth, as by any wisdom and policy of man, they could provide for at length they had respect and regard unto themselves also, even to the desolate estate of the Counsel-house, and the unfrequent number of Senators, assembling to the public Counsel of the city. For since that L. Acmilius and C. Flaminius were Censors, there had been chosen no new Senators, notwithstanding that in five years space, what with unfortunate battles, and what with other particular chances, so many of them had miscarried. And when M. Acmylius the praetor, in the absence of the dictator (who after the loss of Casilinum was now gone again to the host) had at the request of them all, propounded this matter: then Sp. Carvilius, after he had in a long oration complained, not only of the penury, but also of the small choice of those citizens, who were capable of Senators dignity, spoke unto the point, and said, That he held it a matter of good importance both for the full repairing and restoring of the decayed body of the Senate, as also for to bind the Latin nation in a more fast bond of amity, that two Senators out of every State of the Latins (if the LL. of the Senate of Rome would agree unto it) should be enfranchised citizens of Rome, and taken into the Senate in place of those that were deceased. This opinion of his, the LL. of the Senate could abide to hear, with no better ear, than in times past they accepted the motion & demand of the Latins themselves inthat behalf. And there being throughout the whole house a great muttering, for very indignation & disdain of those his words, Manlius above the rest broke out into this speech & said, That they were not all dead, but one man yet was left alive of that house & line, out of which a Consul (when time was) threatened in the Capitol, that he would kill with his own hand, that Latin whomesoever he saw sitting in the counsel house of Rome. With that Q. Fabius: Never was there a thing, quoth he propounded and mentioned in the Senate house, in a worse and more unseasonable time, than at this present, when ●s the hearts and affections of our Allies being so wavering, their faith and allegiance so doubtful, the very breaking and broaching of such a matter as this, were enough to set them farther out. And therefore this inconsiderate speech of one foolish vain person, is to be suppressed and buried presently with the silence of all men, and never once to be spoken of again. And if ever there were uttered at a counsel table, any secret and mystery, which were to be concealed, this of all other aught most to be kept close, hidden and smothered in oblivion, and reputed as never spoken at all. So this matter was dashed, and died there in the very birth. Then they proceeded and agreed, to create Dictator for the choosing of Senators, one that had been Censor aforetime, and of all those who had been Censors, and were then living, the most ancient: and thereto they gave order, that C. Terentius Varno the Consul should be sent for, to the nomination of that dictator. Who being returned out of Apulia, leaving the camp there with a good guard, and taking long journeys, until he was come to Rome: the night next following (as the manner was) created by authority of an act of Sebat, M. Fabius Bu●co, Dict. for 6 months, without a General of horse. When he was mounted up with his sergeant to the Rostra, [which is the place of public audience] for to make a speech unto the people, he said, That he neither allowed of two dictators at one time, (a precedent never seen and known afore) not yet could take himself for a dictator, so long as he was without his General of cavalry. I mislike also (quoth he) that the entire authority and power of Censors, should be put into the hands of one and the selfsame man, twice: & that a Dictator should have the rule & government for six months, unless he were created for the managing of wars. And therefore (said he) I will myself limit and gauge those things, which fortune, occasion of the times, and necessity have made excessive and beyond all measure powerful. Neither am I minded to depose or displace any of those from his Senators dignity whom C. Fl●minius, and ● Acmylius late Censors, have admitted into the Senate: but only, that a transcript and rehearsal be made of their names, for that I would not have it lie in the power of one man alone, to censure and give judgement of the same and behaviour of a Senator: but this course will I take in substituting new Senators in the room of the dead, that it may appear, and be said, That this Order and degree is preferred before that, and not one person before another. So after that the names of the old Senators were copied out and read, than he chose first into the place of them that were deceased those who after the time of L. Acmylius and C. Flaminius Censors, had borne any Magistracy of State, and of the chair, and yet were not elected Senators. And according as they had exercised their office one before another in order of time, so were they chosen first Senators in their course. This done, he made a second election, of those who had been AEdiles, Tribunes, Praetors, or Questors: and last of all, such as could show the spoils taken from the enemies of Rome hanging in their houses: or had been honoured and rewarded with a Civic garland. Thus after he had with right great approbation and contentment of all men, taken into the Senate 177, forthwith he resigned up his office, descended from the pulpit a private man again, discharged and put from him the sergeant, and came and stood beneath among the other multitude that attended their own private business: trifling out the time for the no●●● and of purpose, because he would not have the people to leave the common place for to wait upon him. Howbeit, for all that linger and stay which he made, the people's affection cooled never the more, and so with a goodly train of men he was accompanied, and conducted home to his house.  
The next night following, the Consul returned toward the army, without making the Senate privy and acquainted with his departure, for fear he should have been detained still in the city for the solemn election of new Magistrates. The morrow after the Senate decreed; upon a motion propounded by M. Pomponius the Praetor, to write unto the dictator, that if he thought it were for the good of the common weal, he would together with his General of the cavalry, and M. Marcellius the praetor, repair to Rome to subrogate and choose new Consuls, to the end that when they were all together in place, the LL. of the Senate might by them take knowledge in what state the Common wealth stood, and consult how to provide for everything. They all came that were sent for accordingly, leaving behind them their Lieutenants for the government and conduct of the Legions. The Dictator spoke of himself but little, and with much modesty, ascribing the greatest part of the honour unto T. Sempronius Grac●hus, and then summoned the general assembly for the Election: in which were chosen Coss. D. Posth●mius the third time (who then was absent, and as L. deputy ruled the province of Gallia) and T. Sempronius Gracchus, who at that time commanded the Cavalry, and repaired to Rome with speed. Then were elected Praetors M. Valerius Levinus, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, Q. Falvius Flacc●s, & Q. Mulins S●aevol●. The dictator after the choosing of these Magistrates● returned to Theanum, where the army wintered: leaving the General of the horse behind at Rome, to the end that he being to enter into his government, within few days after, might consult with the LL. of the Senate as touching the levy and enrolling new armies against the year ensuing.  
Whiles they wer● in their busiest and deepest conferences about these matters, news came of a fresh overthrow: such was the fortune of that year to heap one calamity in the neck of another: to wit, that L. Posthumius the Consul elect, was himself slain, and the army together with him in Gallia● utterly defeated and destroyed. The manner of which misfortune was this. There was in those parts a wide and huge forest (which the Gauls call Litana) through which Postliumius was to lead his army. 
The defeiture of L. Post●●●ius and 〈◊〉 army.  The trees there growing on either hand of the pace, the Gauls had so cut, that they might stand upright of themselves so long as they were not stirred, so, being forced never so little, they must needs fall down. Now had Posthumius the conduct of two Roman legions; and of associates besides, from the high costs of the upper sea, he had enroled so many soldiers, as that he came into the enemy's country 25000 strong. The Gauls who had bestowed themselves in ambush round about the skirts of the wood, so soon as the army was all engaged within the straits of the pace, shoved from them the trees (so gelded) which stood next unto them, and they fell one upon another (standing as they did● so ticklish of themselves, and ready to totter and come down on both sides of the way) and in the fall overthrew withal and covered over and over both horse and man, with their armour and 〈◊〉, so as scarce ten of them escaped alive. For as most of them were felled and strucken stark 〈◊〉 ● either with the bodies of the trees, or the broken arms and boughs; so the rest of the multitude, affrighted with this unexpected and unhappy accidents were killed by the Gauls that beset all the straits and passages of the wood: and of that great number, they took few prisoners, who making towards a bridge standing over the river, were intercepted by the way, and stopped by the enemies that kept the advenue of the bridge in which place 〈◊〉 was slain, for he strove all that ever he could, not to be taken alive. The spoils of this General captain, together with the head cut off from the rest of his body, the 'S with great joy and solemnity brought into the temple that amongst them was reputed most holy & sacred. And after they had cleansed the head, as their manner is, they encha●●ed and garnished the 〈◊〉 with gold, and that served as well for an holy vessel to sacrifice and give say withal, upon high and festival days, as also for an ordinary drinking mazzard for the high Priest's, and other 〈◊〉 of that temple. The booty also which the Gauls gained of their enemies, was of no less importance than the victory: for although a great part of the beasts and living creatures was crushed and squeezed to death with the fall of the wood, yet all other things, by reason that nothing was scattered and lost by flight, were found wholly on the ground, as the soldiers lay along in that order as they marched.  
These woeful tidings being reported, the city was for many days in such fear and perplexity, that all shop windows were shut up, and no stirring at all in the streets throughout, from one end to the other, as if it had been night continually. Then the Senate gave the Aediles in charge to walk all about, and command the shops to be set open, and to make no more show in the city of public sorrow and heaviness. Then T. Sempronius assembled a Senate, spoke comfortably to the LL. of the Counsel, and exhorted them, that as they were not dismayed with the overthrow and discomfiture at Cannae, so they would not be cast down & daunted with lighter and smaller losses and calamities. For if it might please the gods to bless them; & give them good speed (as they hoped no less) against the Carthaginian enemies and Hannibal, the war with the Gauls might without danger and inconvenience either be laid aside clean, or put off and deferred. As for the revenge of this deceitful practice, it should rest still in the power either of the immortal gods, or of the people of Rome, to be performed one time or other. But for the present, they were to consult and resolve concerning Annibal their grand enemy, & to grow to some point and conclusion of such forces as were meet for that war. And first himself discoursed and laid down what companies of foot and horse, what number of citizens, & how many confederates were in the army of the Dictator. After him, Marcellus showed and recounted the proportion of his own power & their strength. Also, what forces, and of what quality, were with C. Terentius the Consul in Apulia, they were required to declare, who might speak upon their knowledge. Then they proceeded to cast & examine, whether two Consular armies well appointed and furnished, were sufficient to go through so great a war. Thus for that year they let France alone, albeit they had good cause to be angry, and were provoked that way to follow revenge. The dictator his army, was appointed unto the Consul. As for the forces under the leading of Marcellus, consisting of them that fled out of the field at Cannae, those they ordained to be sent over into Sicily, there to remain in service so long as the war continued in Italy: and that thither also should be posted over out of the dictator his Legions, all those soldiers who were able to do least service, there to abide in soldiery, without any other limitation of time than that, which the 
* i. The 〈◊〉 of ten years.  laws in that case provide for. For the other Consul, who should be substituted in steed of L. Posthumius, there were assigned two Legions of Roman citizens: and order was given, so soon as the Auspexes would permit, he should be elected with speed. Likewise it was agreed upon and ordained, to send for two legions besides out of Sicily: out of which, the Cos. unto whom those Legions aforesaid of the city were allotted● should take what soldiers he thought needful. Finally, C. Terentius the Consul, had his commission of command continued for another year, without impairing one jot of the army, which he had in his conduct for the guard and defence of Apulia.  
Amids these affairs and preparations in Italy, the war went forward nevertheless in Spain, and ever to that day prospered on the Romans side. P. and Cn. Scipions divided their forces so, as Cn. should serve by land, and Publius' at sea with the navy. Asdrubal the chief Colonel and commander there of the Carthaginians, distrusting his own strength both by sea & land, kept himself aloof, and far from the enemy, in sure places of safety. Unto whom, after long suit and instant prayers, were sent 4000 foot, and 500 horse out of Africa for supply. Having thus at length, with new helps gathered fresh hope, he encamped nearer to his enemy, and gave order and direction withal, that the Armada should be rigged and decked for the defence of the Islands, and the sea coasts. And whiles he was thus beginning hotly to make war again, he was suddenly distempered and disquieted with the revolt of the Admirals and great captains of the navy: who for their fearful abandoning of the fleet upon Iberus, having been sharply checked and rebuked, were never after trusty and sure, either to the Colonel himself, or to the State of Carthage. These fugitive renegates had first practised to raise troubles & insurrections in the land of the Carpesij, and by their soliciting & instigation, certain cities were procured to rebel, and one of them they had forced by assault. Whereupon, Asdrubal turned his forces from the Romans, and bend them wholly against that Nation: and with a cruel army entering the frontiers of the enemies, determined to give the charge upon Galbus, a Nobleman, and renowned cheefetaine of the Carpesians, even before the city, that some few days before was lost, where the said Galbus with a puissant power kept himself strongly encamped. Having therefore sent out before, certain vauntcourriers lightly armed, to train forth and draw the enemies to skirmish, he made out withal certain companies of his Infantry sundry ways to overrun and spoil the country, and likewise to catch up and meet with all stragglers, dispersed in the fields. Whereupon, at one time there was a skirmish before the camp: and likewise in the fields, they were either slain, or put to flight. But afterwards, having by divers ways from all parts recovered again the camp, suddenly they shaked off all fear, plucked up their hearts, & thought themselves good enough, not only to defend their fort and hold, but also to bid the enemy battle. They sallied out thereforeof thecampe in good array, shouting, dancing, and hopping after their manner, so as this unexpected boldness and courage of theirs, terrified the enemies, who a little before had challenged them to fight. Whereupon Asdrubal himself withdrew and retired his power for more security to an hill of good height, and situate for his advantage, with a river likewise between him and his enemies. The light armed vaunt-courriors also, and the forlorn hope, together with the horsemen that road scattering abroad, he caused thither to repair for their better safety. And because he trusted neither hill nor river, he fortified himself with a trench and rampire besides. In this alternate and interchangeable fear on both sides, there passed some bickerments; and blows were dealt between. In which, neither the Numidian horsemen were able to match the Spaniards in that kind, nor the Moors archers could make their part good with the light Carpesians' targatiers, who innimblenesse & swiftness were as good as they; and for courage and bodily strength, far better. These Carpesians seeing they neither could provoke Asdrubal to a battle, with all their braving hard under his camp, nor yet easily by assault win it, they took by force the city Asena, into which Asdrubal when he first invaded the frontiers of his enemies, had conveyed store of corn and other victuals: yea, and became LL. of all the country thereabout. And they grew so lusty & audacious, that neither in their march and array, nor within their camp they would be ruled and ordered by any man's command. This secure and careless negligence of theirs, when Asdrubal perceived to arise (as usually it doth) upon good success and prosperity; after an exhortation made to his soldiers, to charge upon the enemies, roving abroad without their colours, he descended from the hill, and marched in battle array against their camp. So soon as the Spaniards were advertised by those who came in great haste, and fled from the Sentinels and corpse de guard, that he was coming, & near at hand, with a great outcry they gave the alarm. And as every man could get weapon in hand they ran upon the head to battle, without direction and commandment of captain, without signal, ensign, and order, confusedly. When the foremost in the vaward were joined in conflict and come to hand fight, some of their fellows were seen running on heaps and by troops, and others were not well come forth of the camp. At the first the enemy was terrified with their bold adventure. Afterwards, as they encountered, thin and loosely rayed, with the enemies thick and closely ranged together, seeing themselves too weak, & not sufficient, so few in number to defend themselves, they looked back one upon another for succour: and being on every side put back, and forced to recoil and lose ground, they cast themselves into a ring, and thus thrust (as they were) close together, body to body, and armour to armour, they were so penned and pestered in so narrow a ground, that they had scarce room enough to wield their weapons: so they were compassed and environned round with the enemy, and for a good part of the day hewn, in pieces, and massacred. Some few of them that broke through by dint of sword, escaped to the woods and mountains. With like fear the camp was abandoned: and the day following, the whole nation yielded, and came under the subjection of the Carthaginians.  
Long they continued not quiet. For within a while news came from Carthage, that Asar●ball should make what speed he could with his army into Italy. Which rumour being blown abroad through Spain, turned in manner all their hearts away unto the Romans. Whereupon Asdrubal addressed his letters immediately to Carthage, showing what hurt the fame of his departure had done already: and in case he should set forward on his journey, and go out of those parts, all Spain would turn to the Romans, before he were passed the river Iberus. For over and besides, that he had not strength enough to leave behind for a garrison, nor a sufficient commander in steed of himself, the Generals of the Roman armies, who had set foot in Spain, were such, as he might hardly make head against them with equal puissance. And therefore, if they had any regard of Spain, he advised them to send one to succeed him with a strong power: For he should have his hands full, and enough to do in the province, fall out things as fortunately as they could. These letters, albeit at the first fight they greatly troubled the Senate, yet because the Italian affairs seemed of more moment and greater importance, they wrought no alteration in their intended course, either for Asdrubal himself, or his forces. Howbeit Himilco was sent with a complete and competent army, and a greater Armada, both for the holding of Spain in their allegiance, and also for their defence by sea and land. Who having passed over with all his power, as well for land-service as the sea, fortified his camp, drawn his ships ashore, laid them up in dry land, and impaled them strongly all about; himself in person with his elect and most choice menof arms, made what haste possibly he could, through nations partly enemies, partly doubtful and untrusty, and stayed not either in one place or other (but evermore standing upon his guard) until he was come to Asdrubal. After he had declared unto him the order decreed by the Senate, and what he had in commission, and taken himself direction likewise from him, in what manner the war in Spain was to be managed, he returned back again to his own camp. In which voyage to and fro, he travailed safely by no one thing more, than by speedy expedition. For he was ever gone from a place, before the people could agree together, and make head against him. Now Asdrubal, before that he dislodged and set his army on foot out of those parts, levied sums of money of all the cities and stars under his jurisdiction: for well he knew, that Hannibal had paid sweetly before him, for his passage through certain countries: and as well he wist besides, that the Gauls he was feign to wage: for amongst them no money; no men. And if he undertook and entered upon that great expedition, poor and bare of silver, he had never reached so far as the Alpes. Thus having in great haste raised and collected his moneys, he came down to the river Iberus.  
When the Romans heard of the proceedings and designments of the Carthaginians, and likewise of the journey of Asdrubal: both the Generals (laying all other matters apart) prepared, to join their whole forces together, to oppose themselves, and to withstand such intended attempts: supposing and considering, that if Hannibal (who by himself alone was an enemy to Italy hardly supportable) were once seconded by Colonel Asdrubal and the Spanish army, the Empire of Rome would soon be at an end. Upon these careful cogitations being grieved and perplexed, they assembled all their power near to Iberus: and after they had passed over the river, and long counseled whither they should encamp themselves and abide the coming of the enemies to bid them battle; or by invading and assailing the associates & subjects of the Carthaginians, to stay the enemy & hinder his intended journey: they resolved at length & made preparation to assault Ibera, (so named of the river neereby) the richest and most wealthy city at that time, of all other in those parts. Whereof when Asdrubal was advertised, he for to help his friends, advanced himself likewise to set upon another city lately yielded to the Romans, and reduced under their subjection. And so the Romans after they had begun to lay siege to Ibera, gave over that enterprise, and made head against Asdrubal himself. And for some few days, they lay encamped five miles asunder one from the other, not without some light skirmishes: but never came to pitch a fair field. At length upon one and the same day (as if they had been so agreed afore) they happened on both sides to set out the signal of battle, and to come forth with all their power into the plain ground. The Romans stood arranged in three battalions: one part of the Infantry was placed before the standards in the vaward, another regiment bestowed behind in the rearguard: the men of arms flanked the 〈◊〉 like wings. On the other part, Asdrubal strengthened his main battle with Spaniards in the right point he marshaled the Carthaginians, in the left, the Africans. As for the auxiliar & mercenary horsemen, whom he waged and hired; such as were Numidians, he ordained affront the Carthaginians footmen, to guard them: the rest that were Affricanes, he distributed and disposed about the 〈◊〉 and edges of the battalions. Neither were all the Numidians placed in the right flank, but such as after the guise and manner of Vaulters, led two horses apiece: and used often times in the mids of the hottest conflict, to leap armed as they were from their wearied horse, to another fresh one. So nimble are they themselves, and so tractable and well taught to their hands are their horses. Thus stood they arranged on both sides in order of battle. The Captains of either part for hopes in manner nothing unequal: for neither in number or quality of soldiers, was there any great odds between them: Marry, for courage and heart, there was great difference and inequality in the soldiers themselves. For the Romans (notwithstanding they fought far from home) were so persuaded by their leaders, that they fought for Italy and the city of Rome: and therefore, as if the whole hope of their safe return into their country, were to be tried and decided in this one battle, they resolved either to win the day or do die for it. On the other side, the soldiers were not so resolute, for most of them being Spaniards, would have chosen rather to be conquered and overcome in Spain, than with conquest and victory to be drawn into Italy. And therefore at the first shock, when scarcely the darts and javelins were lanced & let fly, their main battle recoiled: and so soon as the Romans with great violence redoubled the charge, they turned their backs and fled. Howbeit in both flanks the fight was hot enough. The Carthaginians of the one side, the Africans on the other, charged the Romans very hard, and fought sore against them, as if they had them environed round about within their battalions. But when as the whole power of the Romans were once rallied and gathered together in the mids, they were strong enough to remove and set back the wings of the enemies. So they maintained fight in two divers places at once. But both in the one & the other, the Romames (after they had discomfited the main battle in the mids) were no doubt, much better, as well in number, and also in strength and vigour of men. Many a tall fellow was there slain. And had not the Spaniards at the first when the battle was scarce begun, fled amain by heaps, very few of the whole battle had escaped and remained alive. The horsemen fought little or not at all. For the Moors and Numidians, so soon as they espied the battle to shrink and lose ground, presently all on a sudden fled as fast as they could, & left the sides & flanks of the said battle naked, driving afore them the Elephants withal. And even Asdrubal himself, who maintained the medley to the very last, escaped with some few out of the thickest massacre and execution. The Romans took their camp and rifled it. This battle was of such import and consequence, that it caused all the Spaniards, who were before but wavering, to turn wholly to the Romans: and left Asdrubal no hope at all, to pass with his forces into Italy, not so much as to make abode with safety in Spain. The news hereof being bruited abroad and sent to Rome, by the letters of the two Scipions, great joy there was, not so much for the victory, as because Asdrubal was tied by the foot, and stayed for coming into Italy.  
Amids these exploits in Spain, 
* Be●ieasir●.  Petelia (a city of the Brutij, having endured the siege and many assaults for certain months) was finally won by Himilco, one of Hannibal his captains. But that victory cost the Carthaginans much blood, and manya sore wound. No force nor violence overcame the besieged Petelians more, than very famine. For having consumed and eaten up all food of corn, all flesh of four footed beasts whatsoever: they were driven at length to feed and live upon shoemakers leather, weeds, and roots, tender barks of trees, & the crops of briars and brambles: and they gave not over so long as they were able to stand on their legs upon the walls, and bear their armour.  
Hannibal after the winning of Petelia, conducted his army against 
* Cos●nza.  Consentia, which being not so valiantly defended, was within few days surrendered up into his hands. near about the same time, a power of the Brutians also, laid siege unto Croton, a city built and inhabited by the greeks, and in times past, mighty in men and munition: but now at this time so distressed with manifold and grievous calamities, that of all ages one with another, they were not able to make twenty thousand men. And therefore no marvel, if the enemies were soon masters of the city, being so destitute as it was of citizens to defend it. Only the castle they kept still, into which there were some that escaped in that tumult when the city was taken, out of the mids of the massacre. The Locrians likewise revolted unto the Brutij and the Carthaginians, by reason that the common multitude were fraudulently betrayed by the chief and principal citizens. The Rhegines only of all that country, continued both true unto the Romans, and also at their own liberty to the very last. The same disposition to revolt, was to be seen even in Sicily, in so much as the very house of Hiero was not clear and free in all parts from rebellion. For Gelo his eldest son, having in contempt both the old age of his father, and also (after the overthrow at Cannae) the society and friendship of the Romans, turned unto the Carthaginians. And he had, no doubt, made a general alteration in Sicily, but that his death came between and cut him off; which happened so jumpe● even when he was arming the multitude, and soliciting his friends to rebellion, that his v●●y father himself was drawn into deep suspicion that he took his life away. These were the occurrents that fell out that year with variable event, in Ita●ilic, Africa, Sicily, and Spain.  
In the end of the same year, Q. Fab. Maximus moved the Senate, and made request, that the temple of Venus E●ycina, which he had vowed being dictator, might now be dedicated. And the Senate made a decree, That Titus S●mpro●lus, Consul elect; should so soon as he was entered into his office, propose unto the people, that they would create two D●●mvirs for the dedication of temples. And in honour of 〈◊〉 Lepidus, who had been Consul twise● and Augur, his three sons, Lucius, Marcus, and Quintus, exhibited certain funeral games for three days space; and a show in the Common place likewise for three days together, of two and twenty pair of sword-fensers, to fight at sharp to the utterance. The ●uru●e Aediles, ●. Lectorius, and ●. Sempronius Graccus, now Consul elect, who in his Aedileship had been General of the horsemen, set out the Roman games, which were renewed and continued still for three days. Likewise, the Plays of the Commons, were thrice exhibited by M. Aurelius Cott●, and M. Cl●●diu● Marcellus. Now after three years expired of the Punic war, T. Sempranias' 〈◊〉 Consul, began his government upon the 
* 15 of March.  Ides of March. As for the Praetors, Q. Fulvius Flaccus, who had afore time been Consul and Censor, obtained by lot the jurisdiction of the citti●ens: and M. Valerius Co●vinas, of the strangers and aliens. To Appius Claudius Pulcher was allotted the government of Sicily: and to Q. Mutius Sc●●vola of Sardinia. M. Marcellus was by the people allowed to have the authority of a Viz Consul, in regard that the above all the Roman captains, after the defeature of Cannae, managed his affairs & warred prosperously in Italy.  
Now the very first day that the Senate was assembled in the Capitol, they decreed upon the first motion, that within the compass of that year, there should be levied a double tax or tribute: and that one single tribute should be forthwith gathered, for present pay to all the soldiers, saving those that served at Cannae. Then concerning the armies this order was set down: Imprimis, that T. Sempronius the Consul, should appoint the two legions of citizens a certain day to meet at Cales. Item, that six legions should be conducted to the camp of Claudius above Sucssula. Item, that the legions which there were (and those consisted for the most part of the residue of the Cannian 〈◊〉) Ap. Claudius Pulcher the praetor, should put over sea into Sicily: and as for those that were in Sicily, they should be transported to Rome. Item, unto that army which was appointed to meet by a day, at Cales, M. Claudius Marcellus was sent: and he was commanded to conduct the legions of the citizens to the camp of Claudius. Last of all, to receive the charge of the old army, and to lead it into Sicily; T. Metilius ●roto Lieutenant, was sent by Ap. Claudius. Men looked at first, and yet they said nothing, that the Consul should call an assembly for the creating of a Colleague unto him. But after that they saw that M. Marcellus was sent out of the way (as it were of purpose) whom above all others they were desirous to be the Consul for that year, in regard of his notable good service whiles he was praetor, there arose much muttering in the Senate house. Which the Consul perceiving: my LL. quoth he, it was for the good of the Common wealth, that both M. Claudius should go into Campaine to exchange the armies: and also that the Election of Consuls, should not be proclaimed, until that he were returned again from thence, with dispatch of that business which he had in charge: that ye might have a Consul, such a one as the present condition of the State required, and yourselves most desired. So there was no more speech of the election, until Marcellus was come back again. In this mean time were two Duumvirs created, Q. Fabius Maximus for the dedication of one chapel to Venus Erycina, and T. Octacilius Crassus, of another to the Goddess men's. Both stand upon the Capitol hill, divided asunder no more than with one● only conduct of water passing between. And as concerning the three hundred Campaine horsemen, who had served out their full time of warfare faithfully, and were come to Rome, a motion was propounded to the people, that they should be enfranchised citizens of Rome: and in like manner, that they should be reputed as free Denizens of Cumes, from the day afore that the Capuans revolted from the people of Rome and rebelled. The chiefest cause of proposing this act, was this, because themselves denied flatly that they knew, to whom they did appertain, seeing they had abandoned their old native country: and as yet were not enroled and incorporate into that state, unto which they had retired. After that Marcellus was come again from the army, the solemn day of election of a Consul in place of L. Posthumius, was published. And with exceeding great consent of all men, Marcellus was chosen: and forth with he was to begin his Magistracy. At whose first entrance, it happened to thunder: and the Augurs being called to give their opinion of it, pronounced, that they thought he was not rightfully created. And the Senators gave it out commonly & bruited abroad, that the gods were not well pleased therewith, because (forsooth) two Coss. were elected of the commonalty (a thing never seen before.) Whereupon Marcellus resigned up his place, and in his room was substituted Fabius Max the third time.  
That year the sea burned. At Sinue●●a a cow brought forth a horse fool. And at Lanuvium in the temple of juno Hospita, certain statues or images dropped with blood: & about that temple it reigned stones. For which shower, there was solemnised, according to the customable manner, a Novendiall sacrifice. The other prodigious signs likewise were expiate with great care and heedful regard. The Consuls then, parted their armies between them. Fabius took charge of those forces which had been commanded by M. junius the dictator. Sempr●nius had the conduct of all the voluntary soldiers; and besides of 25000 of Auxiliaries sent from the confederates. M. Valerius the praetor had the legions appointed for him, that were returned out of Sicily. M. Claudius the Vizconsull, was sent unto that army, which lay in garrison at Nola, above Suessula. And the Pretours took their journey into Sicily and Sardinia. The Consuls, whensoever they would assemble the Senate, proclaimed that the Senators, and all others that had lawful authority to speak their mind and deliver their opinion in the Counsel house, should meet at the gate Capena. The Pretours, those that were judges in the court, and to whom the civil jurisdiction appertained, erected their Tribunal seats and places of Assizes at the public Fishpoole, and thither they commanded all writs to be returned, and appearance there to be made. And for that year all pleas and judgements of causes passed there.  
In this mean time news came to Carthage (from whence Mago the brother of Hannibal was minded to transport and set over into Italy 12000 footmen, and 1500 horsemen, 20 Elephants, and 1000 talents of silver, together with a guard and supply of 60 galleys) That in Spain things went untowardly: and that all the cities of Spain (in a manner) were revolted unto the Romans. Some there were of opinion, to withdraw Mago with that fleet and power of his, from the enterprise of Italy into Spain. Considering there was good hope showed of a sudden, to recover again Sardinia, for that there was but a small power of Romans there; and Cornelius the old Lord deputy, well acquainted with the state of the province, was now upon his departure from thence, and a new expected in his turn. Over and besides, that the Sardinians were weary already of the Romans government, which they had so long endured, as who the year that past was, had tyrannized over them cruelly, and exercised their authority with oppression, covetously imposing upon them hard exactions and tributes, and levying of them a most unjust taxation and contribution of come: and finally they wanted nothing but an head, upon whom they might rely themselves. To this effect there was an Embassage sent secretly from the Lords and Princes of the Island. And the principal actor and procurer hereof, was Hersicora, a man in those days of greatest authority and power among them. Upon these tidings aforesaid, happening so just at one time, they were both disquieted and also refreshed. So they sent Mago with his fleet, and other forces into Spain: and they chose for the expedition into Sardinia, Asdrubal surnamed Calvus, for the L. General, furnished and appointed with as great a power almost, as Mago had.  
At Rome likewise, the Consuls having dispatched the affairs of the city, addressed themselves to the war. T. Sempronius appointed Sinuessa to be the rendezvous, where the soldiers should meet at a certain day. And Q. Fabius, by an order and direction from the Senate, made an Edict, That all men should before the first day of julie next ensuing, gather all their come out of the countries, and convey the same into the principal walled strong towns: proclaiming that whosoever did not accordingly, their fields he would lay waist; sell their servants in port sale at the spear, and set their farms and villages a fire. Not so much as the praetors themselves (created for civil jurisdiction and to decide law matters) were freed and exempted from the conduct of war. As for Valerius the Praetor, he was appointed to go into Apulia, for to receive the army of Terentius: and when the legions were returned out of Sicily, to employ them especially for the guard and defence of that country; and that the army of Terentius should be sent with some one of the Lieutenants. And M. Valerius had 25 sail allowed him, to keep and defend all the sea coasts between 
* Briudi●i.  Brundisium & 
* Tarant●.  Tarentum. The like number of ships was assigned to Q. Fulvius the city Praetor, for to guard the river side, near adjoining to the city of Rome. C. Terentius the Proconsul had in charge to take up by commission soldiers in the Picene country, and to guard those quarters. And T. Octacilius Crassus, after that he had dedicated the temple of men's in the Capitol, was sent into Sicily, as Lord Admiral of the Armado there.  
Upon this war between two of the mightiest cities, and most puissant states of the world, there was not a king and prince, no nor a Nation under heaven, but was amused. Among whom Philip king of the Macedonians, had an eye thereto, and was more intentive, in that he was nearer unto Italy, and only divided from thence by the Ionian sea. He at the first, when the bruit came to his ears, That Hannibal was passed beyond the Alpes: as he joied much, that there was war kindled between the Romans and the Carthaginians, so, as long as it was uncertain, whether nation was the stronger, he wavered in mind and was in suspense, whether of the twain he should wish to have the victory. But after that he heard once, that in three several battles one after another, Hannibal and the Carthaginians had gotten the better hand, he inclined to the fortunate side, and sent Ambassadors unto Hannibal: who falling off, and desirous to avoid the havens of Brundisium and Tarentum, which were guarded and kept by the Roman fleet, arrived and landed at the temple of juno Lacinia: and so through Apulia, travailing toward Capua, chanced to light upon the mids of the Romans corpse de guard, and were brought before M. Valerius Levinus the Lord deputy, being then encamped before Nuceria. Where Xenophanes, the principal of the Ambassadors, bashed not to say, That he was sent from king Philip, to treat and conclude a league and amity with the people of Rome, and had commission & direction to the Consuls, to the Senate likewise and people of Rome, to that effect. Valerius taking great contentment to hear of this new society and friendship with so noble a king, especially upon the rebellion of so many old allies, courteously entreated and friendly entertained this false hearted enemy, in steed of a trusty friend: & appointed divers to accompany him forward, to guide him carefully in the ways, and to show him what places, what passages and straits were held and kept, either by the Romans, or the enemies. Xenophanes with these instructions passed through the midst of the Roman guards into Campania, and so the next way arrived at the camp of Hannibal, and made a league and amity with him, under these conditions and capitulations. Imprimis, That king Philip should with a right puissant Armada (for that he was supposed able to set out 200 sail) pass over into Italy, waist and spoil all the sea coasts; and to his power maintain war by sea and land. Item, That when the war was finished, all Italy, together with the very city of Rome should be possessed by the Carthaginians and Hannibal, and unto him all the pillage and booty likewise should belong. Item, When Italy was thus subdued, that they should sail into Greece, and wage war with what Princes there they pleased, and that all the cities of the main, and the islands which lay to Macedon, should fall unto Philip, and be annexed to his kingdom. In these terms, and upon these articles, in manner, was the league concluded and confirmed between the General Hannibal, and the Ambassadors of the Macedonians: and with them were sent back unto the king for the better ratifying of the said covenants, certain Legates, to wit, Gisgo, Bostar, and Mago, who arrived together at the same temple aforesaid, of juno Licinia, where there rid closely a ship at anchor, expecting their return. From whence being departed, they were not so soon launched out into the deep, and had taken the open sea, but they were descried by the Roman fleet that guarded the coasts of Calabria. Q. Fulvius Flaccus made out certain Corcyreans, to pursue & fetch in that ship. Whereupon, the Macedonians began to fly, but seeing themselves overmatched in swiftness of sail, and not able to make way with them, they yielded themselves sunto the Romans, & were presented unto the Admiral. Who demanded what they were, from whence they came, and whither they were bound. Xenophanes who had already sped ●o well by making of a lie, began to cog again, and say, That he was sent from Philip unto the Romans: that he came unto M. Falerius; because to him only he was able to pass in safety, but could not possibly get beyond Campania, being so strongly kept with garrisons of the enemies. But afterwards, upon the sight of the Carthaginian habit and apparel, they began to suspect the ambassadors of Hannibal: and they being questioned withal, their speech and language bewrayed them. Then was their retinue taken apart, and threatened to confess. Letters also were found upon them, sent from Hannibal unto Philip, concerning the peace between the king of the Macedonians and Hannibal. Upon these matters thus detected and certainly known, it was thought good to convey the Ambassadors and their company with all speed prisoners to Rome, unto the Senate there, or unto the Consuls wheresoever they were. To this purpose were chosen five pinnasses that were most swift, under the conduct of L. Valerius Antias, who had his direction and charge to part these ambassadors in several ships, and keep them sure asunder: and to take good heed, that they neither talked nor conferred together.  
About the same time it happened at Rome, that Au. Cornelius Mammula, upon his departure out of the province Sardinia, made report in what state the Island stood, namely, that they all inclined to rebellion and war: that Mutius who succeeded after him, presently upon his first coming, by reason of the ill air and unwholesome water, was fallen into a sickness, not so quick and dangerous, as chronic and tedious, and would not be able long to endure the service of war: that the army there, as it was sufficient to guard and keep in good order a quiet and peaceable province, so it could not hold out with the war that was like to ensue. Whereupon the LL. of the Senate gave order, that Q. Fulvius Flaccus, should levy and enrol 3000 foot, and 400 horse, and provide that this legion should pass over with all speed into Sardinia: and send therewith whom it pleased him to conduct and manage the war until Mutius were recovered of his disease. For this intent was T. Manlius Torquatus sent governor; one, who had been twice Consul and Censor, and in his Consulship had subdued the Sardinians.  
near about the same time, there was an Armado set out from Carthage unto Sardinia, under the leading of Asdrubal surnamed Calvus, and being sore tossed and beaten with tempests, was cast upon the Baleare islands: where (so far out of order was not only the ship tackling, but also the very keels and bodies of the ships so shaken) they drew up the ships to shore, and whiles they stayed there about calking and trimming them again, they spent much time.  
In Italy whiles the wars began to slake and wax cold, by reason that after the battle of Cannae, the strength of the one part was much abated, and their force decayed, and the courage of the other, well allayed and made effeminate: the Campaines upon their own heads began to contrive, how to reduce the State of Cumes under their obedience, first soliciting them to revolt from the Romans: and seeing that course would not speed and take effect, they devised by a fraudulent practice to compass and entrap them. The Campanes use yearly to solemnise a set feast and sacrifice in a certain place called Hamae● and they gave notice unto the Cumaines, that the whole Senate of Capua would resort thither: requesting the Senate of Cumes likewise to meet them there, for to confer and consult together in common, how both cities, the one and the other, might have the same friends and the same enemies, and no other: geving them withal to understand, that they minded there to have a good guard aboutthem of armed men, for fear of some sudden and dangerous attempt from the Romans. The Cumanes, albeit they suspected some treachery, denied nothing, supposing thereby to colour and cover their own crafty intended designment. Now all this while, ●. Sempronius the Roman Consul, having surveied and purged his army at Sinuessa, at which place he had made proclamation, that his forces should meet together: passed over the river Vulturnus, and encamped near unto Liuternum: where because the soldiers in the standing camp had nothing else to do, he exercised them to run often the race and skirmish in array, to the end that the raw soldiers (for such were the voluntaries for the most part) might by use and practice learn how to follow their colour● in good order, and in the time of battle know their own ranks and ensigns. In these kinds of training, the special care that the General had, and the only thing that he aimed at, was their concord and good agreement. And for this purpose, he charged the Lieutenants, and the Colonels and Captains, that they should not cast in any man's teeth one or other, their fortune and condition aforetime, thereby to breed any discord & hartburning among the companies: and that the old experienced soldiers should suffer themselves to be but equal in estate to the new learners: and those that were borne free unto the voluntaries, who had been slaves: reputing them all of birth good enough, and of gentle blood descended, unto whom the people of Rome had vouchsafed to commit their armour and ensigns: saying, that the same fortune which had driven them so to do, forced them likewise to maintain the same, and make the best of it, now it was done. The captains were not more careful in giving these good lessons and instructions, but the soldiers were as diligent to observe the same: and within a while their hearts and affections grew to be so linked and united together, that they forgot generally, in what degree and of what condition each soldier entered into service. Whiles Gracchus was busied hereabout, the Ambassadors of Cumes certified him, what kind of Embassage came unto them from the Campanes, a few days before, and what answer they had returned: advertising him that their festival day was to be holden three days after: that not only the whole Senate would be present, but also the camp and army of the Campanes. Gracchus having commanded the Cumanes to convey all that they had out of the fields & territories about, into their city, and themselves to keep within their walls: himself the day before the solemnity aforesaid of the Campanes, removed his power to Cumes, and there encamped. Now Hamae is three miles off from thence. The Campanes by this time were assembled there in great number, according to appointment: and not far from the place, Marius Alfius the chief head magistrate of Capua, was encamped closely with fourteen thousand soldiers. He, what with preparation of the sacrifice, and contriving withal, the deceitful train of treachery, was more busy & careful thereabout, than either in fortifying his camp, or in any other military action. Thus for three days continued this festival sacrifice at Hamae. And ever in the night season it was performed so, as before midnight all was done and finished. Gracchus supposing that a good time for his ambush to be employed, having set certain warders before the gates, that no man might go forth to give intelligence, caused the soldiers betwixt the sixth and tenth hour of the day, [from no one until four of the clock] to refresh themselves and take their sleep: that in the beginning of the dark night, they might assemble together at the watchword or signal given them. And about the first watch he commanded to display their Ensigns and advance forward: and thus with a still march, he arrived at Hamae by midnight; surprised the hold of the Campanes, and entered all the gates at once, being negligently guarded, by reason of their overwatching. Some he killed lying along fast asleep: others, as they returned unarmed from the sacrifice. In this night-tumult there were slain more than two thousand, with Marius Al●ius himself their leader: and 43 ensigns taken and carried away. Gracchus with the loss of fewer than one hundred of his soldiers, having won the camp, retired speedily to Cumes, for fear of Hannibal, who lay in fort encamped upon Tifata over Capua. And (as he was a provident man and of great forecast) nothing was he deceived in his opinion. For so soon as this defeature was reported at Capua, Annib. supposing that he should at Hamae find the army of the Romans (consisting for the most part of raw soldiers, and those, bondslaves) jocund and lusty above measure, & insolent upon their fresh victory, busy in rifling their dead enemies thus conquered, driving away booties, and charged with pillage; removed his forces in haste, & marched a pace beneath Capua: and encountered with some of the Campanes that were fled, whom he caused between two guards to be conducted safe to Capua, and such as were hurt & wounded, to be set in wagons and carried thither. Himself found at Hame the camp empty and void of enemies, and nothing there but the tokens of a fresh massacre, and the dead bodies of his friends and allies lying here and there scattered. Some there were that advised him presently to advance forward to Cumes, and to assault the town. And albeit Hannibal was willing enough thereto, and passing desirous (seeing he could not come by Naples) to have Cumes at least, a maritime port-town, as well as the other; yet because his soldiers had brought nothing with them but their weapons, as being led forth to march in such haste, he retired back again to his fort and camp upon Tifata. From whence, at the importunate prayers of the Campanes, the day following he furnished himself with all the ordinance and engines meet for the assault of a city, and returned toward Cumes: and having wasted the territory thereof, he emcamped himself a mile from the town. Then Gracchus, more for shame, that he might not seem to leave his associates in such necessity, (who craved protection and recommended themselves to him, and to the people of Rome) than for any confidence and trust that he reposed in the strength of his army, stayed in Cumes. Neither Fabius the other Consul, who was encamped at Cales, durst set his army over the river Vultumus: as having be●ne busied first at Rome in renewing the Auspexes and bird sights: and after that, troubled also about the fearful prodigious signs which were reported one after another's. And when he ●ough● expiation thereof by sacrifices, the Soothsayers made answer and said, That they could not perceive that the gods were appeased and pacified for all that he did. Thus whiles Fabi●s upon these occasions was kept back, Sempronius was besieged, yea and by this time assaulted, with fabrics and engines of battery. One mighty great tower of wood there was erected against the town. Against which, the Roman Consul raised another from the very wall somewhat higher than it: for that he used the wall (which of itself was of good height) in stead of a groundwork, and planted thereon strong posts and piles of timber to bear up the foresaid frame. From thence, at first the soldiers within, defended the town & walls with stones, with long poles and perches and other instruments to lance against the assailants. But at length seeing the other turret coming forward even close to the town wall, they ●lung thereon at once much fireworke, and burning matter: at which fires the multitude of armed men for fear leapt headlong down the turret: and withal, they of the town issued out at two gates at once, discomfited the guards of the enemies, and drove them into their camp: so as that day Auniball was more like one besieged himself, than laying siege unto others. There were of Carthaginians slain about fourteen hundred, forty wanting one were taken prisoners alive, such as about the walls & their Corpse de guard stood reckless & negligent, fearing nothing less than a sally out of the town, and were suddenly at unwares taken and surprised. Gracchus sounded the retreat, and caused his men to retire within the walls, before the enemies after their sudden fright could be rallied together. The morrow after, Annibal (supposing that the Consul in his ruff for this happy hand, would come into the field to fight a set battle) arranged himself in array between his Camp and Cumes. But after that, he saw no stirring at all from the usual guard and defence of the city, and nothing put to the rash hazard of doubtful hope, he retired to Tifata, without any good at all done.  
At the very same time that the siege was raised before Cumes, Titus Sempronius surnamed Longus, fought fortunately in Lucania before Grumentum, with Hanno the Carthaginian: slew more than two thousand of his enemies, lost himself two hundred and eighty men, and went away with 41 ensigns. Hanno thus driven out of the confines of Lucania, retired himself back into the country of the Brutij. And M. Valerius the praetor, recovered by force from the Hirpines', three towns that had revolted from the Romans. Vercellius and Sicilius the motifes and chieftains of that rebellion were cut shorter by the head. More than one thousand captives were sold at the spear in port sale; to who that would bid most. All the pillage besides was given to the soldiers, and the army brought back to Cumes.  
Whiles these things happened in the countries of the Lucanes & Hirpines', those 5 ships abovesaid (wherein were embarked the Ambassadors of the Macedonians & Carthaginians as prisoners) having set a compass from the upper Adriatic sea unto the nether sea of Tuscan, round about (in a manner) all the sea coast of Italy, happened to sail along near the city of Cumes and being not certainly known whither they were friends or enemies, Gracchus put forth out of his fleet two pinnaces to encounter them. When as by demanding and questioning one with another, it was once certified unto them, that the Consul was within Cumes, and the ships there arrived in the haven, the prisoners were brought to the presence of the Consul, and all the letters delivered. The Consul after he had read over the letters, both of Philip and Hannibal, sealed them up again sure, and sent them by land unto the Senate of Rome, but commanded the Ambassadors themselves to be conducted thither by sea. When as both letters, and also the Ambassadors were arrived at Rome, in a manner, all in one day, and that (after due examination) words and writings agreed together in one: at the first the LL of the Senate were pensive and plunged deeply into cares, considering in how great danger they stood of a new Macedonian war, who were hardly able to endure the Carthaginian. But in conclusition, so far were they off from being utterly dismayed hereat; and sinking under the water, that forthwith they began to treat and debate, how they might begin themselves to war with these enemies first, and so stop them from their entrance into Italy. The captive Ambassadors they laid up fast in irons: their train and retinue were sold in ouvertmarket: and besides the five and twenty ships, whereof Q. Fulvius Flacc●s was Admiral; they took order for twenty more to be rigged and decked: which being provided, furnished and shot into the pool afloat, together with chose five barks wherein the prisoners were conducted: there were 50 sail in all, that loosed from Ostia and arrived at Tatentum. Quintus Fulvius had commission to embark the soldiers of Varr●, who had been under the leading of L. Ap●sti●t the Lieutenant at Tarentum, with this fleet of fifty sail, not only to defend the sea coast of Italy, but also to hearken and have an eye after the Macedonian war: and in case he could learn, that the designment and intent of Philip was suitable to those letters and informations of the Ambassadors, than he should by his letters certify M. Valerius the Praetor so much; and that leaving with L. Apustius his Lieutenant the charge of the army, he should go to the Armada at Tarentum, and with all speed possible set over into Macedon, and there endeavour to keep Philip play at home within his own realm. As for that money which was sent unto Appius Claudius into Sicily for to be repaid unto king Hicro, it was appointed unto him, for the maintenance of his Armada, and managing of the Macedonian war. This money was by L. Apustius the Lieutenant brought to Tarentum, and with it, there were sent from Hicro 
* Much about 5000 quarter of London measure.  200000 Modi● of wheat, and 100000 of barley.  
Whiles these preparations and doings passed at Rome, one ship of those prisoners which were sent to Rome, chanced to single itself from the other, and to escape away to Philip: whereby he was advertised, that the ambassadors or commissioners were taken, and the letters intercepted. But he not knowing what covenants had passed between Hannibal and his legates, and what answer they should have brought unto him, sent forth another embassage with the same commission. The Ambassadors sent unto Hannibal, were Heraclitus surnamed Scotinus, Crito of Berrea, and Sositheus of Magnesia. These went too and fro between in safety, these carled and recaried their errands fortunately. But the summer was come and gone, before the king could enter into action, or execute any enterprise. Of so great moment and importance was the boarding of that one ship at the first with the ambassadors, for the differing of that imminent war intended against the Romans.  
When Fabius had passed over the river Vulturnus, after the expiation at length of the prodigious tokens aforesaid, both Consuls together made war about Capua. Fabius by assault won these cities, Combulteria, Trebula, and Austicula, which had revolted unto the Carthaginians: and within them he surprised the garrison soldiers of Hannibal. Many of the Campanes likewise were taken prisoners. At Nola (like as in the year before) the Senate held with the Romans, but the Commonalty took part with Hannibal, and plotted secretly, how to murder the Nobility, and to betray the city. But to stop the proceedings of these mischievous designments, Fabius led his army between Capua, and the camp of Hannibal upon the hill 
* Monte di Capus.  Tifata, and fortified himself upon the mountain 
* Monte di Somma.  Vesuvius, in that fort where Cla●dius had encamped before. From thence he sent M. Marcellus the Vizconsull with those forces which he had, into Nola, there to lie in garrison.  
Likewise in Sardinia, T. Manlius the L. Deputy, began to administer those affairs, which had been forelet, by occasion that Q. Mutius the praetor was fallen sick, and lay of a long and linger disease. Manlius after he had drawn the galleys ashore at Caraleis, and put the mariners and rowers in arms for land service, and received of the praetor his army, was able to make 22000 foot, and 1200 horse. With this power of men of arms & footmen together, he entered into the enemy's country, and not far from the camp of Hersicora, pitched his tents. Hersicora himself was by chance gone then, into the country of the Pellidians (a people of Sardinia) to arm the youth there, for the mending of his strength; and left his son named Hioslus, ruler over the camp in the mean time. He a lusty hot youth, rashly joined battle, and quickly was discomfited and put to flight: thirty thousand Sardinians in that field were slain, and upon 1030 taken prisoners alive. The rest of the army first fled straggling as under over the fields, and through the woods; but afterwards, hearing by the voice that went, how their captain was fled to 
* Co●ne●●.  Cornus the head city of that region, they retired thither also. And surely they had in that one battle, made an end of all war in Sardinia, but that the Armada of Carthage, under the leading of As●r●ball (which by tempest had been cast upon the Baleare Islands) came in time to entertain the Islanders, in hope to ●ebell. Manlius, after it was noised abroad, that the Carthaginian fleet was arrived, retired himself to Caraleis: which gave Hersicora good opportunity & ouverture to join with Asdrubal. Who having landed his soldiers, and sent the ships back again unto Carthage, went forward by the guidance of Hersicora, robbing and spoiling the lands of the Roman confederates: and had come as far as Caraleis, but that Manlius with an army encountered him upon the way, and restrained him from so javish overrunning and robbing the country. At the first they encamped one against the other, not far asunderi afterwards, they began to put out certain bands and companies, and to maintain light skirmishes with variable event, until at last they pitched a set field, and in full battle fought for the space of 4 hours. The Carthaginians held out conflict a good while, and the victory still remained doubtful (for the Sardinians were ever used to have the foil) but at last, seeing every quarter full of the Sardinians either lying along dead, or running away, they also were discomfited: and as they turned their backs and were about to fly, the Romans wheeled about with that wing, where with they had defeated the Sardinians, and enclosed them round, and so they fell rather to killing than fight any longer 12000 enemies were there slain of Sardinians and Carthaginians together, about 3700 were taken prisoners, and 27 military ensigns won. This was a noble and famous battle, memorable especially above all, for taking of these prisoners, namely, Asdrubal the L. General, Hanno and Mago, two noble men of Carthage. Mago was of the Barchine house, near oskin and in blood to Hannibal. Hanno was the solicitor of the Sardinians to rebellion, and no doubt, the principal author of that war. Neither was this field less famous for the overthrow of the chief commanders of the Sardinians: for both Hiostus the son of Harsicora was slain in fight: and also H●rsicora himself, as he fled with a few horsemen, hearing besides other calamities and losses of the death of his son, in the night season, because he would have no man come between to stay his purposed intent, killed himself. All the rest escaped to the city 
* Corneto.  Cornus as they had done afore, and there as in a place of refuge sought to save themselves. But Manlius following the train of his victory, came against it, and within few days was master of it. After this, other cities also which had revolted, and turned to Harsicora and the Carthaginians, gave hostages, and yielded by composition. And when Manlius had levied of them certain money for the soldiers pay and corn likewise, according to the havoir and ability or trespass of each of them, he led his army back to Caraleis: and there having put the galleys on the water, and embarked the soldiers that he had brought with him, he sailed to Rome, and recounted unto the LL. of the Senate the utter subduing of Sardinia. The money he delivered to the Treasurers, the corn to the Aediles, and the prisoners unto Fulvius the praetor.  
Much about that time, T. Octacilius the praetor, having sailed from Lilybaeum into Africa, and wasted the territory of the Carthaginians, as he was bound from thence and set sail for Sardinia, whether Asdrubal as the news went had lately crossed over from the Baleare Hands, he met with the Armada returning back into Africa: and after a skirmish made upon the sea by his soldiers lightly armed, he took therewith seven galleys with their oars and mariners: the rest for fear were scattered, as it had been with a tempest, all over the sea: And it happened about the same time, that Bomilcar with certain companies of soldiers sent from Carthage for a supply, and forty Elephants, and good store of victuals, came to Locri. For the surprising and setting upon him on a sudden, Ap. Claudius leading his army in haste, and marching to Messana, under a colour of visiting the Province, put over to Locres with the tide. Now was Bomilcar passed already from thence into the Brutians country to Hanno, and the men of Locres shut the gates against the Romans. So Appius, after much ado and preparation, having effected nothing, returned back to Messana. In the same summer, Marcallus made many roads from Nola (which he held with a garrison) into the Hirpines' country, and the Samnites, about Caudium, and made such waist there, with fire and sword, that they in Samnium called into their fresh remembrance the old losses and overthrows which they had received: whereupon there were sent immediately from both nations ambassadors together, unto Hannibal, who in this wise delivered their speech unto him. 
The Oration of the Ambassadors of the Hispines' and Samnites, unto Hannibal.  We have been enemies, o??? Hannibal to the people of Rome, first of our selves, and in our own quarrel, so long as our armour and forces were able to defend us: but after that our hope therein began to fail us, we drew to aside, and took part with king Pyrrhus. And when he forsook us once, we accepted of peace for very necessity: wherein we continued for fifty years almost, even until the time that you entered into Italy. Neither was it your prowess, virtue and fortune, rather than your singular courtesy and benignity extended toward our countrymen and fellow citizens (whom being taken prisoners, you released and sent unto us back again) which hath caused us to entertain your amity: in so much, that so long as you remain our friend, alive and safe, we would not stand in dread of the people of Rome, no nor of the very gods themselves (if it be lawful so to say) were they never so angry against us. Howbeit assuredly, for this summer season, we have been divers and sundry times so spoiled and wasted, not only whiles you are alive and safe, but also (which is more) present in place, where you might both hear, in manner, the wailing and weeping of our wives and children, and also see our houses on a light fire: So it seemeth it was Murcus Marcellus and not Hannibal that had the victory at Cannae. And the Romans boast and say, That you are good at the first push only, and when you have once let fly and lanced the javelin (as it were) out of your hands, you are clean done, and can abide no longer. We warred almost an hundred years with the people of Rome, without help either of foreign captain, or army of strangers: save that for two years only, Pyrrhus with the aid of our soldiers, rather increased his own strength, than by any power of his defended us. But we list not to make vaunt and boast of fortunate success and brave victories, namely, how we subdued and put under the yoke two Consuls, and two consular armies: nor of other noble exploits which happened to our joy and honour. And as for the crosses and adversities that befell us during that time, we may report them with less grief and indignation, than those that this day light upon us. Then in those days, mighty great Dictator's with their Generals of horsemen, two Consuls at once, with their two royal hosts, entered our territories, having sent out beforehand their espials andskouts, and led forth their soldiers to make spoil; under their colours and ensigns, aranged in good order of battle, and seconded strongly behind. Now are we exposed as it were to be a prey of one only garrison, and that but a small one, left for the guard and defence of Nola. For, now they overrun all our confines & borders, not by bands and companies in warlike wise, but like thieves and robbers, more carelessly and negligently, than if they ranged about for their pleasure in the Roman territory. The only cause is this, because yourself make no reckoning to protect us: and all our own youth (which if they were at home were able to defend us) serveth under your banner and standard. But I know neither you, nor your army at all: if I should not be persuaded and believe that he whom I wot well to have discomfited and put to flight so many Roman armies, were soon able to defeat and suppress these robbers that vague about our country, straggling without leaders, and without their colours disorderedly whither they list, according to the vain hope of pillage that haileth them here and there, and, as every one gapeth for prizes, which they shall never get. No doubt but if you put forth a few of your Numidians, they will soon fall into their hands: Send but unto us a garrison to succour us, you shall quickly displace that other at Nola; in case you judge not us (whom you have thought worthy to be your confederates) now, unworthy to be defended, after you have received us into your protection. 
The answer of Hannibal to the Ambassadors.  Hereto Hannibal made this answer again, and said, That the Hirpines' and Samnites huddled up all at once together: they declared their calamities and losses, they craved aid and succour, and they made complaint that they were neither guarded by him, nor regarded of him. Whereas they should have first made declaration of their harms: after, sued for help: and last of all, if they might not obtain, then and not afore they should have complained, that they had besought his helping hand in vain. Howbeit he promised, that he would not bring his army into the territory, either of the Hirpines' or the Samnites, lest himself also should be chargeable and troublesome unto them, but into the next quarters belonging to the allies of the Romans: by spoiling and wasting whereof, both he would fill his soldiers hands, and also with the terror thereof, set their enemies far enough off from them. And as for the managing of the Roman war, like as the battle of Thrasymenus, was more noble than that of Trebia; and the field of Cannae more memorable, than that of Thrasymenus: even so would he make the memorial of Cannae dim and obscure, in regard of one greater victory yet, and more renowned than the other. With this answer, and with honourable rewards besides, he dismissed the Ambassadors, and gave them their dispatch. And leaving a small guard to keep the hill Tifata, he marched in person with the rest of his army against Nola. Thither also was Hanno come, out of the country of the Brutij, with the supply that he brought from Carthage, and the Elephants. Where, after Hannibal had pitched his tents not far from the town, and made diligent enquiry, he found, that the case was far otherwise, than it was reported by the Ambassadors of his associates. For Marcellus bore not himself in any of his actions, so as it might be truly said, that he blindly committed aught to the hazard of fortune, or rashly adventured upon the enemy. For he never went a boothaling, without his skoutes and espials, without setting strong guards in due places, whereunto he might retire himself in safety: but had a good eye aforehim, and a wary regard and heedful forecast, as if he were to encounter with Hannibal in person. And even then at that time, when he perceived, that the enemy approached and was coming, he kept his forces within the city: commanding the Senators of Nola, to walk up and down upon the walls, and to survey all over, & espy what the enemies did, or were about Amongst whom, it happened, that Hanna being come under the very wall, espied Herennius Bassus, & Herius Petrius, whom he called out to a parley. And when they were gone forth unto him by the permission and leave of Marcellus, thus he spoke unto them by his interpreter. 
The 〈◊〉 of Hanno to Herennius and Her●ts Nolanes.  First he highly extolled the virtue and fortune of Hannibal, debasing & treading under foot the dignity and majesty of the people of Rome, growing now old in time, and decaying in force and strength. Which if they were (quoth he) on both sides equal, as sometimes they were, yet seeing they had good experience, how heavy and grievous the government of the Romans was to all their Allies, & again, how indulgent and gracious Hannibal is, even to all the captives of the Italian nation & name, they should wish rather to be in league & amity with the Carthaginians, than with the Romans. If both Coss. were with their armies at Nola, they were no more able to match with Hannibal, than they were at Cannae: much less might one praetor, with a few raw and new soldiers hold out and keep Nola against him. And as for the Nolanes themselves, it concerned them much more than it did Hannibal, to consider, whether he should win Nola by force, or enter upon it by surrender & composition. For to be Lord thereof he made no doubt, like as he was master already of Capua and Nuceria: but what odds and difference there is between the state of Capua andof Nuceria, the Nolanes know best themselves, who are seated (as it were) in the midway between both. Loath he was to bode so much unto Nola, what calamities might befall the city, if it were conquered by assault: rather yet would he give his word and promise, That if they would deliver Marcellus with his garrison, and yield up Nola into Hannibal his hand, they should themselves, and none but they, set down and capitulate under what conditions they would entertain alliance and friendship with Hannibal. To this motion Herennius Bassus framed his answer in this sort. 
The answer of Herennius to Hanno.  For many years already there hath been continual amity between the people of Rome and Nola, and neither of both to this day, hath repent thereof. As for the Nolanes themselves, if they had been disposed to turn with the wind, and to change their faith and allegiance, together with their fortune, they would have done it long before this: for now it was too late to start and alter. If they had minded to yield themselves unto Hannibal, they would never have sent for a garrison of Romans: but since they were now come to protect and defend them, they had imparted & communicated all their state with them already, and would take such part, as they, so long as they had an hour to live. This emparle put Hannibal clean besides all hope of gaining Nola by treason. Therefore he beleaguered the town on every side, and invested it round about like a garland, to the end, that in one instant he might give the assault on every part of the walls. When Marcellus saw him under the walls, he set his people first in battle array within the gate, and then with a great noise and tumult he suddenly sallied out. At their first shock and onset, divers of the enemies were beaten down and slain: but after that, they ran from all parts to battle, and were come together with equal forces, the fight began to be hot and sharp, and a memorable conflict it had been, and few like it, but that it reigned and poured down so fast, and with so many storms and tempests, that it parted both the battles, & stayed the fight. So for that day, having with that small skirmish kindled their courages, and set their blood in heat, they retired back, the Romans within the city, and the Carthaginians to their camp. Howbeit, of the Carthaginians there were slain, upon the first sally and charge given, not above thirty, and of the Romans not one man. This tempestuous shower of rain lasted all night long, and continued still, & never gave over until nine of the clock before noon the next day. And therefore, albeit they were sharp set, and their fingers itched on both sides to be a fight, yet for that day they kept within their hold and strength. So the third day Hannibal sent out certain companies into the territory about Nola, for to forray and fetch in booties: which, so soon as Marcellus understood, he presently set his men in array, and entered the field, neither was Hannibal for his part behind. Now there was a mile distance, or very near, between the city and the enemy's camp. In this space between (for all about Nola is plain and champion) they encountered and joined battle. The shout that they set up on both sides, reclaimed and caused to return unto the fight already begun, the nearest of those cohorts and bands, which were gone aforaging into the country. The men of Nola likewise came unto the Romans, and mended their battle: whom Marcellus commendedfor their forwardness, & gave them in charge to abide in the rearward, to help as occasion served, and to carry forth of the skirmish those that were hurt and wounded, and to forbear fight in any case, unless they had a signal and token given them by him. The fight was doubtful, for both the Generals gave encouragement effectually, and also the soldiers did their best and fought right manfully? Marcellus was earnest with his men to press hard and charge still upon their enemies, whom they had defeated not three days ago, 
The speech of Marcellus to his soldiers.  who not many days past were put to flight, and driven from Cumes, and who the year before were beaten from Nola, under his conduct, by other soldiers, saying, That they were not all there in the field, but many of them gone ranging abroad into the country, for to hale booties, and get prizes. As for them that fought, they were such as were decayed with ●oioting and following their delights in Capua, such as with wine-bibbing in every tavern, whore hunting in every Stews and Brothel●house, all the whole winter, were become enfeebled in body, spent, and wasted utterly. As for that lively strength and vigour of theirs, it was clean gone: those able and lusty bodies were decayed, those courageous hearts abated, wherewith they passed over the Pyrenean mountains, and the high cliffs of the Alpes. There remained now nothing but the relics & shadow of those men to fight, who are scarce able to bear their very armour, to lift up their arms, and carry their own bodies. Adding withal, that Capua was another Cannae unto Hannibal: there died his warlike prows, there, lost he his militare discipline; there was the glorious fame of former days buried; there the hope of future time for ever, suppressed and stifled. As Marcellus by reproviug these and such like things in his enemies, 
The words of Hannibal to his soldiers.  animated his own soldiers: so Hannibal rebuked his men with more sharp words and bitter checks. I know these to be (quoth he) the same armesand weapons, the very same ensigns and standards, which I saw and had at Trebia, at Thrasymenus, and last of all at Cannae. But surely, me thinks, when I went to Capua, there to winter, I carried with me thither, other manner of soldiers than I have brought again from thence. Have ye in deed so much a do to maintain fight, with a Roman Lieutenant, leader of one only legion & corner; whom heretofore two full Consular armies were never able to abide in the field? Shall Marcellus with young and raw soldiers of his own, seconded only with the aid of the Nolanes, challenge and bid us battle the second time? Where is that soldier of mine, that unhorsed C. Flaminius the Consul, and stracke off his head? What is become of him that at Cannae slew L. Paulus? what? is the edge of your sword dull, and the point blunt? or are your right hands asleep and benumbed? or what strange and wonderful accident is befallen you? Ye that were w●nt being few in number to vanquish many, are ye now being many in number, hardly able to withstand and abide the violence of a few? Ye spoke big, and gave out great brags and proud words, that if any man would lead you, you would win Rome, that you would. Behold now, a smaller piece of service. Here I would have you prove your strength, and make trial of your valour. Let us see now, win me Nola, a city situate in the champain, on a plain, defended neither with sea nor river. O, out of this so wealthy a city, will I be ready either to lead you, laden with rich pillage & spoil, whither soever ye will, or follow you, wheresoever ye would have me. But nothing availed either: his cheerful words, or his checking rebukes, to encourage and confirm their hearts. For the Carthaginians being forced on every side to recoil, (whiles the Romans grew more and more animated, not only through the comfortable speeches of their own captains but also by the Nolanes themselves, who with their loud shouting in token of their love and affection, enkindled their courages to hot fight) turned their backs, and were driven into their hold. And when the Romans were desirous to assail the same, Marcellus reconducted them to Nola, with great joy & congratulation even of the Commons there, who before; were more inclined and affected to the Carthaginians. There were of the enemies slain that day, above one thousand, sixteen hundred were taken prisoners, nineteen military ensigns won, two elephants gotten alive, and four slain in the conflict. Of Romans there were not killed all out one thousand. The morrow after, they spent (upon a truce concluded) in burying the dead that were slain on both sides. Of the spoils of the enemies, Marcellus made a great fire, upon a vow pronounced unto Vulcan. On the third day, 1272 horsemen of Numidians and Spaniards, one with another (upon some spleen and anger I believe, or else for hope of more liberal entertainment and commodious gain) fled from Hannibal and turned to Marcellus: whose valiant and faithful service, stood the Romans in very good stead, often times during that war. And after the war was ended, the Spaniards in Spain, and the Numidians in Africa, in reward of their virtue and prowess, were endued with fair lands and large possessions. Hannibal seen Hanno back from Nola to the Brutij, together with the forces that he came with himself went to the wintering harbours of Apulia, and lodged about Arpi.  
Quintus Fabius so soon as he heard that Hannibal had taken his way into Apulia, conveyed all the corn from Nola and Naples into his camp, which he had pitched above Sueffula: and having well fortified the hold, and left there a sufficient garrison to guard the place for that winter time, removed himself nearer to Capua, & there encamped: and so wasted: the Campane territory with fire and sword, that the Campanes little trusting in their own forces, were constrained to issue forth of their gates, and fortify themselves in camp before the city, in the open plain. Six thousand they were in all. Their footmen were weak & not for service: their horsemen were far better and more able: so that oftentimes they charged their enemies with their horse, and provoked them to fight. Among many brave men of arms that the Campanes had, one jubellus surnamed Taurea, a citizen of Capua, was the worthiest and best horseman of them all, by many degrees: insomuch, as when he served under the Romans, Claudius Asellus only, a citizen of Rome, was able to match him in glory of good horsemanship, and horse-service. This Taurea when he had ridden all about the troops of his enemies, casting his eye every way, to see if he could espy Claudius Asellus, inquired at length closely, after silence made, where about he was, & made this challenge unto him, That seeing he was wont in words to contend with him for valour and prowess, he should now determine the question by the spear point and dint of sword, and either be despoiled of his glorious armour, if he were overcome, or else gain the same with the victory. Which defiance being brought into the camp to Asellus his ears, he made no more to do, but went presently to the Consul, to know whither he might with his good leave and licence, out of his rank fight extraordinarily, with his enemy that bade him combat. After leave obtained, he armed himself immediately, mounted on horseback, and road before the enemy's corpse de guard, eftsoons calling upon Taurea by name, and bidding him come forth to encounter whensoever he durst. Now were the Romans by this time gone forth of the camp in great number to behold this combat: the men of Capua likewise filled not only the rampiar of their hold, but also the walls of the city to see this sight. When as they had made some goodly flourish afore hand with brave words and stout speeches, to set out the action: they set spear in rest, and put spurs to horse, and jousted together amain. Afterwards having gotten the liberty of the ground, they dallied one with another, trifling out the time, and making a long piece of work of it, without giving or taking wound. Then quoth the Campane knight to the Roman, This will be but a fight of horses, and not of horsemen, unless we ride out of the open plain ground, here into this hollow way, where having no such scope to prick out at large, we shall soon come to hand gripes, and close together. The word was not so soon spoken, but Claudius turned his horse head, and road into the foresaid way. But Taurea a stouter champion in word than deed: Oh, take heed of all things (quoth he) how you ride a gelding in a ditch: Which grew afterwards to a byword used amongst the country people. Claudius after he had rode in and out, up and down, a long time in the lane, and never met with his enemy, returned again into the open plain: & rating the cowardice of his enemy, with great joy and gratulation, road back as conqueror into the camp. Some Annals and Chronicles do record and add to this combat of horsemen, astraung and wonderful thing (no doubt) if it be true, as by the common opinion it is reputed no less: namely, that when Taurea fled back into the city, Claudius followed hard after him in chase, entered with him at one gate standing open, and road out clear at the other unhurt, to the great wonder and astonishment of the enemies. Upon this, the standing camps were quiet on both sides: & the Cos. removed backward farther off from the city, that the men of Capua might sow their grounds: neither did he any harm unto their fields, before the corn was come up & so well grown, that the blade thereof yielded good forage & stouver for the horses; which he gathered & brought into the standing camp and hold of Claudius above Suessula, & there he built winter harbours for to make his abode. And he gave order to M. Claudius the Vizconsull, to keep still at Nola a competent garrison for defence of the city; and to discharge the rest of the soldiers, & send them to Rome, that they should neither be cumbrous to their Allies, nor chargeable to the Commonweal. Tib. Gracchus also while● he led his legions from Cumes into Apulia to Luceria, sent M. Valerius the praetor from thence to Brundussum, with that army which he had at Luceria, commanding him to keep the sea coast of the Salentines' country, and to provide for all things necessary against Philip and the Macedonian war.  
In the end of this summer, wherein these acts were archieved, whereof I have written, there came a packet of letters from P. and Cornel Scipions, importing how great and how fortunate exploits they had performed in Spain: but there wanted money for pay: and apparel and corn to serve both soldiers and mariners. And albeit all these things were away, yet as concerning money, if the City chamber and common treasure were not stored, they would make some shift to raise it of the Spaniards: but for all the rest, needs it must be sent from Rome, for otherwise neither could they keep the army together, nor hold the province in their allegiance. When the letters were read, there was no man there, but acknowledged that they wrote a truth, and demanded that which was reasonable. But they considered withal, what great armies both on land and at sea they maintained: and what a mighty Armada they must prepare & set out a new, in case the Macedonian war went forward. As for Sicily and Sardinia, which before the wars began, paid tribute, were scarce able to find and keep the garrisons; that say there for the guard of the provinces and that they were to trust upon their own revenues and tribute for the maintenance of the charge they were at. But as the number of them that paid rend and conferred tribute, was greatly diminished by so great overthrows of the armies, both at the pool Thrasymenus, and also at Cannae so mose few that remained, if they were burdened with many exa●tions and payments, should be plagued and undone another way, therefore it was concluded, that unless the Commonweal maintained not herself by her credit and borrowing money, she were not able to be sustained by her own wealth and richesse. So it was agreed, That Fulvius the praetor must needs assemble all the people together, and lay abroad and declare unto them the necessity and exigent that the Commonweal was driven unto, and to exhort all them that had enriched themselves and increased their livings, by renting and taking to ferme the revenues and commodities of the city, should now do good to the Commonweal for a time, by which they were grown to that wealth, and undertake the provision at a price, and furnish the army in Spain, with all necessaries thereto belonging, to be contented and paid therefore with the first, out of the common chest, when it were stored with money. Thus the Praetor made declaration of these matters in the open assembly of the people, and with all determined and set down a certain day, whereupon he minded to put forth the soldiers liveries and apparel, and corn to be provided for the Spanish army, and all things else requisite for the mariners. When the day was come, there presented themselves unto him three companies of nineteen men, for to take this bargain. Who made two requests & demands, the one, that for that three years next ensuing, there should be no other Publicans or farmers of the city: the other, that whatsoever they shipped, the Commonweal would make good, against all force of enemy, or violence of tempest. Both being granted, they took upon them the matter, and so the Commonweal was served, by the money of private persons. This was the demeanour, this was the loving affection to their country, that went through all degreesof men (as it were) after one sort and manner. And like as they undertook with great courage to serve the army, so with singular fidelity they performed everything, in such sort, as there was nothing at all wanting, no more than if they had been maintained from a rich treasury, as in times past. At what time, as this provision came, the town of 
* Aldea el rio, or Anduiar el rio.  Illiturgi was assailed by Asdrubal, Mago, and Amil●ar the son of Bomilcar, because it was revolted unto the Romans.  
Amids these three several camps of the enemies, the two Scipios passed into the city of their allies, that made resistance against and with great loss of men; and brought corn with them, whereof there was great want: and after they had encouraged and exhorted the townsmen, that with the same resolution they would defend the walls, as they had seen the Roman army to fight for them and in their quarrel: they led forth their power to give an assault upon the greatest camp, whereof Asdrubal was the General. Thither also repaired the two captains and two armies of the Carthaginians, when they saw that the whole trial of the matter was there to be determined, and so they issued out of their tents & fought. Threescore thousand enemies were that day in field, and about 16000 Romans: and yet the victory went so clear with the Romans, that they slew more of their enemies than they were in number themselves, took prisoners more than three thousand men, and not many under a thousand horse; and with all won 60 military ensigns wanting one, and killed 5 Elephants in the battle: and to conclude, were lords that day of three camps. After that the siege was raised from Illiturgi, the Carthaginian armies were led to the assault of the town 
* Chelua:  Incibili, having their companies made up and supplied again out of the province, (as being a nation of all others most desirous and eager of war, so there be hope of pillage or good recompense) & at that time especially full of young & lusty men. Where there was a second field fought with like fortune of both sides as before. There were slain above thirteen thousand enemies, and more than 3000 taken prisoners, besides two and forty military ensigns, and nine Elephants. Then in manner, all the cities of Spain● revolted to the Romans. And far greater exploits were that summer performed in Spain, than in Italy.   

THE XXIIII. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the four and twentieth Book.  
HIerome, king of the Syracusians (whose grandfather Hiero had been a friend unto the people of Rome) revolted unto the Carthaginians, and for his cruelty and pride, was by his own people murdered. Titus Sempromus Gracchus the Proconsul, had a fortunate battle near Beneventuin, against the Carthaginians and Hanno their General, through the help especially of the bondslaves, whom for their good service, be commanded to be made free. Claudius Marcellus the Consul jaid siege unto Syracusain Society, which wholly in manner was fallen away and turned to the Carthaginians. W●re was proclaimed against Philip, king of the Macedonians, who in a night skirmish was surprised, discomfited, and put to flight: and with his army well-near disarmed, escaped into Macedon. To manage that war, Valerius the praetor was sent. This book containeth also the acts achieved in Spain by P. and Cn. Scipions against the Carthaginians. Syphax king of the Numidians, having entered into amity with the Romans, fought against Masanissa king of the Massilians: who stood for the Carthaginians, and being overcome, passed over into Spain with a most mighty army unto Scipio, lying over against Gades, where the narrow sea runneth between Africa and Spain. The Celtiberians also were received into friendship, whose aids the Romans sent for: and this was the first time that mercenary soldiers were waged, and served in the Roman wares.  
HAnno was not so soon returned out of Campane, into the country of the Brutij, but by their help and guidance he solicited to rebellion the Greek cities, which continued the more willingly in league and alliance with the Romans, because they saw, that the Brutij, whom they both hated and feared, sided with the Carthaginians. And first he assayed and went in hand with Rhegium, where he spent certain days to little or no purpose. In this mean time, the inhabitants of Locri, were busy in carrying away with great haste the corn, wood, and fuel, and all things else, necessary for the use of man, out of the country into the city; because they would leave nothing for the enemy to pray upon. And daily more & more of them went out of the gates by heaps, so as at last there were no more left in the city, than those that were compelled to repair the breaches of the walls and the gates, and to bring into the turrets & bulwarks store of darts and other shot. Againstthis multitude and confused medley of all ages, sexes, and degrees, ranging over the fields, whereof most were altogether unarmed, Amilcar the Carthaginian, sent out his cavalry, giving them direction, and charging them to hurt no person. These horsemen opposed their troops between them and home, only to exclude them out of the city, when they were scattered one from another in flight. The General himself in person encamped on a high ground, from whence he might view the country and the city. And gave commandment to a cohort of the Brutij, to approach the walls, to call forth the principal citizens of Locri to parley, and by making promise of Hannibal his friendship, to persuade and exhort them to yield up the town. At the first they gave no credit at all unto the Brutij, whatsoever they said. But afterwards, when they discovered Hanno and the Carthaginians upon the hills, and heard by some few of their own citizens that were fled back and escaped, how all the rest of the multitude were fallen within danger of the enemies, they made answer, that they would confer and consult thereupon with the body of the people. So immediately they were assembled together. The most light headed persons were desirous of a change and new alliance: they also, whose kinsfolk and friends were by the enemy intercepted and kept out of the city, had their minds engaged and bound sure enough, as if they had put in hostages: and some few who were well affected inwardly in heart, & liked of constancy and true loyalty, yet durst not be known thereof, and show themselves to stand to it: so as, they all agreed in outward appearance, to surrender themselves to the Carthaginians. And after they had closely conveyed into the haven, and embarked L. Atilius the captain of the garrison, and all the Roman soldiers that served under him, to the end, that they might be transported to Rhegium, they received Amilcar and the Carthaginians into the city, with this condition, that presently there should be concluded a league, upon equal and indifferent covenants and capitulations between them. But the promise in this behalf (when they had once yielded themselves) was nothing well performed: whiles Amilcar charged the Locrians, with fraudulent dismissing and letting go the Romans: & they again alleged for their excuse, that they fled away, and made an escape. The horsemen also followed hard in chase by land, if haply either the tide might cause the ships to stay in the current within the straight, or drive them a land. But those whom they pursued, they could not overtake: marry, other ships they espied, crossing the straits from Messana to Rhegium. Roman soldiers they were, sent from Claudius the Praetor, to lie in garrison there, and to keep the town. Whereupon they presently departed from Rhegium.  
As for the citizens of Locri, they had peace granted them by express order and direction from Hannibal upon these conditions: Imprimis, That they might live free under their own laws: Item, That both the city and the haven should remain still in the hands of the Locrians. The substance of the covenant rested and was established upon these terms, That the Carthaginians and Locrians should aid and assist one another mutually, both in peace and war. So the Carthaginians retired from the straits, notwithstanding the muttering & murmuring of the Brutij, because they had left Rhegium and Locri untouched, which two cities they made full account to have sacked and rifled. And therefore they of themselves having levied and put in arms a power of fifteen thousand of their own youth, marched forward to assail Croton, a Grecian city likewise, and seated upon the sea. Assuring themselves, much to better their estate, if they could be possessed of a port and sea-town, fenced with strong walls and bulwarks. This only troubled and perplexed their minds, that they durst not, but send unto the Carthaginians for aid: fearing, lest they might seem to have entered into action and war, without regard of the common good of their confederates, if they called them not: and doubting besides, that if the General of the Carthaginians should prove again, rather an arbitrator of peace, than a coadjutour in war, they should fight in vain against the liberty of Croton, as they had done before, against the city of Locri. Whereupon they thought best to send Ambassadors unto Hannibal for his warrant, and to be secured from him, that if Croton were recovered by the Brutians, it should be subject unto them. Hannibal made answer that this matter required consultation of men present with them in place, and therefore he put them over to Hanno, from whom they received no certain answer to trust unto. For willing they which ere not, that a noble and rich city, as it was, should be spoiled: and besides, they were in good hope, that in case the Brutians should assail it, and the Carthaginians all the while not seen, either to allow or help them in their enterprise, the citizens would the more willingly revolt unto them. The inhabitants within Croton were not of one mind, and affected alike. For there was one malady that had infected all the cities of Italy, namely, the dissension between the Commons and the Nobles. The Senators inclined to the Romans, the Commoners on the other side took part with the Carthaginians. This division within the city, the Brutij were by a fugitive runaway advertised of in these terms: namely, that Aristomachus the ringleader and head of the Commons, minded to betray the city: that it was a wide vast and desolate town, taking a great circuit of ground: and all the walls being decayed and in sundry places broken down, the Senators and the Commons kept their several guards and watches in sundry quarters far asunder. And look (quoth he) where the Commons ward, there ye may enter at your pleasure. Upon this intelligence and direction given by the fugitive, the Brutij environed the city round about: and being let in by the Commons, at the first assault were masters of all places, saving the Castle. The Nobles held that piece, foreseeing what might happen, and therefore provided themselves of a sure refuge. Thither fled Arislomachus also, pretending that he meant to deliver the city to the Carthaginians and not to the Brutij. Now this city Croton had a wall (before Pyrrhus coming into Italy) twelve miles in compass; but after it was laid waist by that war, scarce the one half of the town was inhabited. The river that was wont to run through the mids of the town, passed now along the walls without those streets where the houses stood thick and well peopled, far from the parts inhabited.  
Six miles without the town there stood a noble temple of Lacinia Inno, more renowned than the city itself, as being honoured with great religion and devotion of all the cities and nations there about. A sacred grove there was in that place compassed with a thick wood, of tall Fir trees, having in the mids within it divers pleasant and fruitful pastures, wherein were fed beasts consecrated unto the goddess, of all sorts, without any keeper and pastor. And albeit this cat-tail went forth in the morning by herds and flocks of their own kind, severed by themselves, yet at night they used to return back again to their own pens and stalls, without harm received either by the wait-laying of wild and ravenous beasts, or by deceitful fraud of men. Great increase therefore and much commodity acrued by those cat-tail, in so much as thereof was made a massy Column or pillar of beaten gold, and consecrated in that place, so as the temple was famous, as well for riches, as holiness and devotion. And many times it falleth out, that to such notable places there are attributed some strange miracles. For the report goeth, that there standeth an altar in the very porch of the temple, the ashes lying whereupon, no wind was ever known to blow away.  
But to return to Croton. The Castle thereof on the one side standeth upon the sea, on the other side it bendeth and looketh toward the land. Defended in times past it was, only by the natural situation of the ground, but afterwards fortified also with a wall; on that part whereas Dyonysius the tyrant of Sicily, having gained the back rocks and cliffs behind, by craft and guile sometime won it. This Castle at that time supposed to be strong and safe enough, the Nobles seized and kept, notwithstanding the Brutij and their own commons besieged them. At length the Brutij seeing the Castle imprenable, by all the forces and assaults that they could make of themselves, were driven of necessity to crave aid of Hanno. Who having assayed to draw and urge the Crotoniates to yield, upon these conditions, To suffer a Colony of the Brutij thither to be brought, & there planted; and that thereby a city lying so waste & desolate, might be replenished and peopled again, as in ancient time: could not move and persuade any one of them all, but Artstomachus. For all besides, protested and said, they would die before they would be intermingled with the Brutij, to change their own rites and manner of life, their customs, their laws, and within a while their language also, for others that were strange and foreign. Aristomachus alone, seeing that he could not prevail neither by persuasions to induce them to yield, nor find any means to betray the Castle like as he had done the town before, fled away to Hanno. Shortly after, certain ambassadors from Locri, by the licence and permission of Hanno, entered the Castle, and persuaded them to be content for to be translated to Locri, rather than to abide and stand out the extremity: saying, that they had sent ambassadors already to that intent, unto Hannibal, and had gotten a grant at his hands, that they might so do. So they abandoned Croton, and the Crotoniates were brought down to the seaside and embarked, and the whole multitude departed to Locri.  
In Apulia, the very winter season was not quiet between the Romans and Hannibal. Sempronius the Consul wintered at Luceria, and Hannibal not far from him in Arpi: and as they could spy opportunity, or take their vantage, of the one side or the other, there passed some light skirmishes between them. But the Romans had always the better, and everyday more than other, became more wary and secured from all trains and deceitful snares of the enemy.  
In Sicily the Romans found a great change, and all out of order, by reason that king Hiero was dead, and the crown translated to his nephew, or sons son, Hieronymus: being yet a child, not like to use his own liberty with moderation, and much less to sway the kingdom and sceptre with discretion. His guardians and friends gladly entertained the protection and government of such a nature, and were ready enough to plunge him headlong into all vice and wickedness. Which king Hiero foreseeing, was willing (by report) in his latter days, to have left Syracuse free and at liberty, to the end that so noble a kingdom, acquired & established by good means, should not under the lordly dominion of a child, to the great obloquy and shame of the world, be ruinate and come to nought. But his daughters with tooth and nail crossed this his designment, and made full reckoning, that the child should only bear the name of a King, but the government of the whole State should wholly rest in them and their husbands, Andronodorus and Zoilus: who were the principal guardians, left to oversee the young Prince. And an easy matter it was not, for an aged man, now fourscore years old and ten, so hardly laid at day and night, by the fair speeches, and feminine flatteries of his daughters, to keep his mind free; and to apply and convert it to intend private regards, and the public consideration of the State. And therefore he left fifteen tutors to oversee and govern the child, whom he besought upon his deathbed, even when he was going out of this world, to maintain entire and unspotted, the faithful allegiance to the Romans, which he had kept and observed inviolate for the space of fifty years: and to set to their helping hand willingly, to direct the young Prince above all, to tread in his steps, and to follow that discipline wherein he had been nurtured and taught. After he had given this charge, and yielded up his breath, the guardians came abroad; brought forth the kings last will and restament, and showed the young Prince in the open assembly of the people (and well-near fifteen years of ago he was.) Where some few, such as were bestowed here and there of purpose, within the press of the assembly for to shout and show testimony of their joy and goodliking, approved with open voice, and allowed the kings will: whereas all the rest, fared as orphans in a city bereft of their king, and (as it were) become fatherless, and feared all things that might ensue. The King was interred, and his funerals solemnised, with the love and kind affection of his people and subjects, more than with any studious care and diligence of his own friends that were nearest to him. After this, Andronodorus removed from about the Prince all other guardians but himself, giving out eftsoons, that Hicronymus was past a child, and able to govern of himself as King. Thus by deposing the Protectourship, which was commune to him and many others, he took upon him and usurped the power and authority of them all. Hard it was even for a right good king and well governed, that should succeed after Hiero, to find favour and win grace among the Syracusians: so heartily they affected and loved king Hiero. But Hieronymus, as if he had been willing and desirous, that by his vicious and wicked life, they should have a great miss of his grandfather, and wish again for him; at the very first sight, when he showed himself abroad in open place, declared unto the world, what difference and great odds there was. For they who so many years together had never seen Hiero, nor his son Gelo, either in habit of apparel, or in any other ornaments and port, differing from all other citizens, now beheld him in his purple robes, with his regal crown & diadem, attended with his guard and train of armed pensionars: yea and other while, after the manner of Denis the Tyrant, riding forth of his court & palace, in a chariot drawn with four white steeds. This proud pomp and stately array was accompanied and suited with semblable qualities and conditions. He contemned and despised all men: he scorned most proudly to give audience to humble suppliants: and sent them away with reproachful terms & taunts. And not only strangers, but also his very guardians hardly might have access unto him: and to conclude, his lusts and delights where unto he gave himself, were new and strange: his cruelty that he exercised outrageous and inhuman. So dread and terrible was he to all, that some of his Tutors, either by making themselves away, or by voluntary exile were driven to prevent and avoid the danger of cruel torments. Of whom, three only, who alone had more familiar recourse into the court, to wit, Andronodorus and Zoilus, the sons in law of king Hiero, that had married his daughters, and one Thraso, had little or no care given unto them in other matters; but whiles two of them drew toward the Carthaginians, and Thraso to the Roman alliance: with their arguing, debating and dispute, they otherwhile turned the mind of the young king to hearken & give audience to their opinions. Now it happened that there was a conspiracy intended against the life and person of the Tyrant, and the same detected by one Calo, the companion & playfere of Hieronymus, & of the same age: one who ever from his childhood had been familiarly acquainted with him, and inward to all his secrets. This revealer of the conspiracy, could appeach and nominate of all the conspirators only Theodorus, by whom himself was made privy to the treason, and solicited to be a complice therein. The party was apprehended incontinently, and delivered unto Andronodorus to be tortured. Who at the first without delay, confessed himself to be guilty, but concealed all the rest that were accessaries. At the last, when he had been torn, mangled, and dismembered, with most dolorous torments, and intolerable for any man to endure: pretending and making semblance, that he could abide no longer pains; disclosed not for all this, the guilty persons in deed, but accused the innocent, and said falsely, that Thraso was the first deviser of the whole plot: and unless they had borne themselves, and relied upon so mighty an head, to set them on work, they would never have attempted so dangerous an enterprise. He appeached also some other of the Tyrant his guard and household servants and daily waiters: even such as came into his mind during the time of his dolours and pains, & whom amid his groans he imagined to be such, as whose lives might be best spared, and deaths least lame nted. The naming of Thraso especially made the Tyrant to believe, that the detection sounded to a very truth in deed: whereupon the man was immediately led to execution and put to death: & the other innocents, as clear as himself, tasted of the same cup and suffered with him for company. As for the conspirators themselves, albeit one of their fellows was a long while put to bitter and extreme torture, there was not one of them, that either hid his head or made an escape▪ so assured confidence had they in the resolute constancy and faithful promise of Theodorus: and such power and strength had Theodorus himself, to keep close the secrets committed unto him. Now when Thraso was ones dispatched out the way, who only was the means to hold them in, and to bind them to their alliance and allegiance to the Romans: then forthwith they began openly to incline to rebellion, and sent as Ambassadors for the same purpose, two noble young gentlemen, Hipocrates and Epicides unto Hannibal. From whom also they were sent back again in embassage. These were both borne at Carthage, but descended in blood from the Syracusians by their grandfather, that was from thence banished: and were themselves by the mother side, mere Carthaginians. By intercourse of these two Ambassadors, a league was concluded between Hannibal and the Tyrant of Saracose. And Hannibal was content that they should abide still as leggers in the Tyrant's court. When Appius Claudius the praetor and lord Deputy of the province of Sicily, heard these news, he addressed straightways ambassadors unto Hieronimus: who saying that they were come to renew the alliance which they had with his grandfather, had scornful audience given them to deliver their message, and were dismissed and sent away by Hieronimus with a ●rumpe, demanding of them by way of a scoff, How they had sped at the battle of Cannae. For I can hardly believe (quoth he) that all is true which the ambassadors report of that field: and I would gladly know the certain truth, & thereupon deliberate & take counsel, which side I were best to take. The Roman Ambassadors said, they would repair again unto him, when he could begin once to give audience with gravity & in good earnest to their embassage: and so after they had warned and admonished, rather than prayed and entreated him, not to change, but to stand to the first covenant and promises, they departed. Then Hieronimus sent his Legates to Carthage, for to confirm the league with the Carthaginians, according to the alliance and amity made with Hannibal. In which it was capitulate and covenanted, that when they had expelled the Romans out of Sicily (which would shortly come to pass, in case they sent thither ships and a power of men) the river Himera, which (as it were) divided the Island in the mids, should confine and limit, both the Saracosian kingdom, and the dominion of the Carthaginians. After this, being puffed up with the fair flattering speeches of such as were about him, who suggested unto him, to remember & call to mind, that not only king Hiero was his grandfather, but also king Pyrrhus by the mother side: he sent Ambassadors unto the Carthaginians, to give them from him to understand, That he deemed it right & mere, that all Sicily wholly should lie unto his dominion: and that the Empire of Italy only, belonged properly to the Carthaginian people to acquire and conquer. This levity and vainglorious humour, they neither wondered at, as a strange thing in a giddy brained young man; nor yet greatly blamed and found fault with, so long as they might estrange him wholly and alienate him altogether from the friendship of the Romans. But all things in him turned to his overthrow and utter confusion. For whiles Hipocrates and Epicides were sent afore with two thousand soldiers, for to sound and solicit the cities to rebellion, that were held by the garrisons of the Romans: and himself in person entered the country of the Leontines, with all the rest of the forces, which amounted to fifteen thousand foot and horse together: certain conspirators, who chanced all to be his own soldiers, and bare arms under him▪ possessed themselves of a vake house, standing over a narrow lane, through which the king was wont to go down into the marketplace of the city: there, when other stood armed and well appointed, and waiting when the king should passeby, one of the conspirators (whose name was Indigemine●) had given him in charge, because he was one of the squires of the king's body, when the king approached near unto the door of the said house, to find some occasion or other, in that straight passage, to stay the troop and train that followed behind. And so lie effected indeed, and put in execution, as it was agreed and contrived. For Indigemines lift up his foot, making as though he would lose and slack a straight knot of his sho latchet, which hindered his going, whereby he stayed the company that followed after, so long, that the king passing by alone without his guard of armed men about him, was assaulted in the while▪ and received sundry stabs and wounds, before they could come to rescue and save him. Hereupon arose an outcry and tumult, and divers of the guard let sly at Indigemines, who by this time was ready to oppose himself, and to ward all venues: howbeit he was hurt only in two places, and so escaped. The guard seeing the king there lying dead, fled away as fast as they could. The murtheters, some of them betook themselves into the marketplace unto the multitude, that rejoiced for the recovery of their freedom: others repaired to Syracuse, to intercept and prevent the designments of Andronodorus, and other favourites and followers of the late king.  
Whiles things stood in these uncerteine and doubtful terms, Appius Claudius foreseeing war like to ensue, and that very shortly, addressed his letters unto the Senate of Rome, certifying them that Sicily inclined already, and was at hand to side with the people of Carthage, and with Hannibal. Himself in the mean time, bend all his forces toward the frontiers of the Province and confines of that kingdom, to withstand and hinder all the proceedings and enterprises of the Syracusians.  
In the end of that year, Q. Fabius by order from the Senate, fortified Puteoli, a town of merchandise, & which in time of the wars began to be much resorted unto & frequented, and there he placed a garrison. From whence as he was in his journey toward Rome against the grand Election of Magistrates, he proclaimed the solemn assembly of the people for that purpose, to be the next comitial day that followed upon his arrival thither: and so it fell out, that he went along the city side immediately upon his journey, and came down into Mars field before he entered the city. Upon which day, when it happened that the century of the younger sort was drawn out first by lot, and had the prerogative, and by their voices nominated T. Ollacilius and M. Aemylius Regillus for Consuls, 
The Oration of Q. Fabius to the people of Rome.  than Q. Fabius after silence made, rose up, and delivered this or such like speech. If either we had peace in Italy, or war at leastwayes with those enemies, with whom if we dealt either negligently or unadvisedly, the matter were not much, nor importing great hazard and danger. I would think, that whosoever disturbed and crossed your favours and free affections which ye bring hither with you into this solemn place of assembly, to bestow honours and dignities upon whom ye please, had but small or no regard of your liberty and freedom. But since that in this war and with this enemy, never any General of ours faulted in the managing of his affairs, but it cost us dear, and we had some great foil and overthrow▪ it behoveth you, that with what mind and careful regard ye enter the field to combat in your armour, in the same ye should come hither into this Mars field in your gowns, and so proceed by your suffrages to elect your Consuls: and that every one of you should thus say to himself, I am to nominate a Consul to match with General Hannibal. No longer since, than this very year, when as before Capua, jubellius Taurea, the bravest horseman & Cavalier of all the Campanes defied the Romans, and challenged them to sight man to man, Asellus Claudius the noblest knight of all the Romans, and best man at arms, was chosen to encounter him. In times past, against a Gaul that offered combat upon the bridge over Anio, our ancestors sent out Manlius a courageous, resolute, and puissant champion. Neither can I deny, but upon such another occasion, not many years after, the like trust was reposed in M. Valerius, who took arms likewise against another Gaul that challenged single fight. And even as we are desirous, & wish to have our foot and horsemen both, more valorous and hardy than our enemies, or if that will not be, at leastwise equal unto them, and able to countermatch them: even so let us be careful to find out a General of our own, comparable every way to the chief commander of our enemies. And when we have chosen the best warrior and captain in the whole city, then presently without any longer delay, being elect and created for one year, he shall be sent to match with an old-captaine, that hath ever continued in the field, one, who is not enclosed within compass of time, nor restrained and gauged within the straight bounds of law, but that he may order and manage every thing, according as the ocasions and present occurrences of war do require● whereas, by that time that we can make all ready, and dispose every thing in order, and set in hand to begin our affairs, the year is come about and clean gone. Now for as much as enough hath been said, what manner of Consuls ye ought to create: it remaineth to speak somewhat of them, whom the prerogative century so highly favoureth, and is so much affected unto. As for M. Acmylius Regillus, he is the Flamen of Quirimus, whom neither we may take from his ministery of Sacrifice, nor yet retain and keep him still, but we shall neglect either the service of the Gods, or the due care and regard of the wars. Octacilius hath married my sister's daughter, and hath fair issueby her. But your favours and good turns showed both to me and also to my ancestors, are not of so small account and reckoning, but that I ought to prefer the Commonweal before all private regards and alliances whatsoever. Every mariner, yea and any passenger is able to steer and rule a Ship in a calm water: but when a blustering tempest is up, and the vessel tossed in a troubled surging sea, and carried away with violent force of the winds, than there had need to be a man in deed, and a skilful Pilot to sit at the stern, and to guide the helm. We, sail not now in a still and quiet sea: But we have been drenched and in a manner drowned with some storms already: and therefore we ought to have exceeding great care, and be well advised aforehand, whom we have to be the steers man. In a matter of less consequence and importance, we have made trial o T. Octacilius, of your knowledge and service and you have not given us yet, so good proof of your virtue and prowessetherein, that we should put you in trust with the managing of greater affairs. A navy whereof you were Admiral, we rigged and trimmed to your hands this year, for three causes: first, to annoy and spoil the sea coast of Africa: secondly, to defend and keep to our behoose the ports and havens of Italy: last of all, and above all, to impeach and stay all supplies and new succours, together with money, munition, and victual, for being transported unto Hannibal from Carthage. If Octacilius have performed, I say not all these things, but in any one quit himself well, to the good and benefit of the State, Elect him Consul hardly, and good leave have you. But if it appear, that while you had the rule of the Armada, all things (that a man would have) passed out of the country unto Hannibal, with as great safety and security, as if the seas had been open and void of enemies: If, I say, the sea coast of Italy hath all this year been more in danger, and subject to sustain harm, than that of Africa: what reason can you allege, wherefore the people of Rome should choose you above all others, to oppose as Captain to confront their enemy Hannibal. If you were Consul in place already, we would judge it requisite and good, to nominate and create a dictator, according to the example of our forefathers: neither could you take snuff or be offended, that there should be found in the city of Rome a better warrior, and more sufficient than yourself. And surely it concerneth no man more than you, o Octacilius, to see that there be not imposed a burden upon your shoulders, under which you should fail and fall down right. Wherefore I advise and exhort you all, as much as possibly I can, in electing of Consuls this day, to carry that mind, and use that careful providence, as ye would, in case ye were standing armed in battle array; and to choose out of hand two General captains, under whose conduct and government, ye should presently fight a field: and make choice of such Consuls, unto whom out children were to take the oath of allegiance: at whose commandment, they should come and assemble together, and under whose charge and protection they might willingly serve as soldiers. The pool Thra●y menus, the plain before Cannae, are heavy examples for us to remember: but yet they serve for good precedents unto us, to teach us how to avoid the like mischief another time. So the prerogative century of the younger and puinie sort, was called again to a new scrutiny, and to give their voices again. Whereat when T. Octacilius began to cry out aloud and say very stoutly, that Fabius his drift was to continue Consul still, and therewith grew to be clamorous & troublesome to the assembly: the Consul commanded the Lictours to go unto him, & to lay hold upon him. And for as much as yet he had not entered into the city, but came down straightways into the Mars field presently from his journey, he put them in mind, that the knitches of the rods together with the axes within them, should be borne before him. And in the mean time the prerogative century began afresh to give their voices: and by it were nominated Consuls Q. Fab. Maximus the fourth time, and M. Marcellus the third time: and all the centuries besides without any squaring and variance elected the very same. One of the former Pretours likewise was chosen again, namely Q. E●lvi●s Flaccus. And other new were created, that is to say, T. Octacilius Crassus the second time, Q. Fabius the Consul his son, who at that time was Aedile of the chair▪ and P. Cornelius Len●●lus. After the Election of the Pretours was ended and finished, there passed an Act and decree of the Senate, that Q. Fulvi●s should extraordinarily have the charge of the city, and be praetor there: and that he above all other, when the Consuls were gone forth to the wars, should be precedent and Governor of the city of Rome. There fell great rain and much snow that year, whereby the Tybre overflowed the fields, overthrew many houses, and overwhelmed much cat-tail and people, so as they utterly perished.  
Thus in the fifth year of the second Punic war, Q. Fab. Maximus the fourth time, and M. Claudius Marcellus the third time, when they entered their Consulship, set the city on thinking and musing of them more than usually had been known. For in many years there had not been the like couple of Consuls. And old men would talk and say, that even so were Max. R●llus and P. Declus declared Consuls against the Gauls war: and after them likewise, Papyri●s and Carvilius against the Samnites and Brutij; against the people also of Lucania and Tarentum. Marcellus was created Consul in his absence, whiles he was with the army abroad, and Fabius being himself present and precedent of the Election, was ordained to continue still in his Consulship. The occasion of the time, the neccessitie and occurrence of the wars, and the peril and hazard of the whole state were such, as no man looked nearly into the example and precedent to find fault withal, nor had the Consul in any jealousy of ambition and desire of rule: but rather every man commended his noble and cautie mind, who seeing that the Commonwealth stood in need of an excellent Captain, and knowing himself without all question to be the man made less reckoning and account of the envy and ill will of men, that thereby happily might accrue▪ than of the good and profit of the Commonwealth. The same day that the Consuls began their office, they assembled the Senators in the Capitol: and the first thing they did, was a decree, that the Consuls should either cast lots, or agree together between themselves, whether of them two should assemble the people for the election of Censors, before he set forward to the army. After this, all they had their authority prolonged and continued still, who were employed abroad with the forces; and their commissions were renewed and sealed again, for to abide in the government of their Provinces: to wit, T. Graceless at Luceria, where he abode with the army of the Voluntaries: O. Terentius Varro in the Picene country: M. Pompomus in the province of Gaul (on this side the Alps.) It was enacted also, that of the Praetors of the fonner year, Q. Mulius as Viz praetor, should govern Sardinia: that M. Valerius at Brundisium▪ should scour the river, look to the sea coasts, and have an eye to all the attempts & enterprises of Philip king of the Macedonians. P. Cornelius Leni●lus the new Praetor was appointed to rule the Province of Sicily: and T. Octacilius to be admiral of the same navy, which the year before he had the charge of against the Carthaginians?  
Many prodigious a●d strange signs were reported that year, and so much the more, as they were believed to be true of the simple and superstitious sort of people. Namely, that within the chapel of Sospita jano in Lanuvium, the ravens builded their nests. In Ap●lia, a green palm tree was on a light fire. At Man●●●a, a pool maintained by the overflowing of the river Mincius, appeared red with blood. At Cales it reigned chalk, and at Rome in the beasts market it reigned blo●d. In a village called 〈◊〉, a spring under the ground; brakeout and yielded 〈◊〉 abundance of water, that it overturned▪ tumbled up and down, and carried away (as it had been the stream of a river) divers vessels, as pipes, tons▪ barrels▪ and terces that were in the place. The open and public hall within the Capitol, the temple of Vileyne in Mars field, a nut-tree in the Sabines country: the high street, the wall, and a gate at Gabijs, were all blasted with lightening and fire from heaven. And by this time, other miraculous and monstrous signs were commonly blown abroad, to wit, that the spear of Mars in Prenesse, of it own ●●cord ●●●●red and moved forward: that an ox was heard speak in Sicilia: that the infant within, the mother's womb, in the Marrucines count●● was heard to cry ●● Triumph. At Spoletum, a woman turned to be a man. At Hadria there appeared an altar in the sky, and apparitions or fl●ws of men discovered about the sa●e, arrayed in white. At Rome also within the city was seen ●ow the second time a swarm of Bees in the very market place: a t●ing wondered at, because it was rare and seldom known. Some there were also, that avouched, how they descried armed legions on the hill janiculum. Whereupon the city rose up in arms, & when they were come into the janicle, they said plainly, that there were none there appeared, but the ordinary inhabitants of the hill. These prodigious sights, by direction from the Aruspices, [i. the Soothsayers] were expiare & the gods pacified with greater sacrifices: and a solemn procession and supplication was proclaimed unto all the gods that were shrined at Rome, and had their chapels there.  
After all compliments performed, that belonged to the pacification of the gods▪ the Consuls proposed unto the Senate concerning State matters, and especially about the managing of the wars, Namely, what forces should be prepared, what numbers of soldiers levied, and where they should be bestowed severally. And agreed it was, That there should be eighteen Legions employed in the wars. Whereof the Consuls were to take unto them two a piece the provinces likewise of Gaul, Sicily, and Sardinia, should be guarded each of them with other twain. Q. Fabius the Lord Deputy of Apulia, was to have two Legions under his hand, to command the province: and T. Gracchus other two of voluntaries, to keep the country about Luceria▪ and C. Terentius the Proconsull, to have the charge of one in the Picene country: and M. Valerius another, for the navy about Brundisium: and last of all, twain were left behind for the guard and defence of the city of Rome. For to make out this full number of Legions, s●xe of necessity were to be levied new. And the Consuls were appointed with all convenient speed to enrol them: and likewise to provide an Armada that year, of 150 galleys, together with those ships which rid in the river, along the coasts of Calabria, for the defence of that country. When the muster was done, and the new ships haled and shot into sea, Quintus Fabius assembled the Centuries for the Election of Censors: wherein were created, M. Attilius Regulus, and P. Furius Philus.  
The rumour still ●ncreased, that Sicily was out, and up in arms. Whereupon T. Octacilius was commanded to go thither with his fleet. And because there wanted sailors and mariners the Consuls by virtue of a decree of the Senate, published an Edict, That as many as in the time of L. Acmylius, and C. Flaminius Censors, either themselves or their fathers were assessed in the Subsidy book, from 50000 Asses unto 100000 in goods, or who afterwards grew to that worth, should find one mariner, and six months' pay. Item, That whosoever were rated above 100000 unto 300000 should be charged with three mariners, & one years pay. Item, That whosoever were valued in the Censors book between 300000 and 1000000, should allow five mariners. Item, That those above that proportion should set out seven. And every Senator should provide eight mariners, and furnish them with a whole years pay. According to this Edict, the mariners were set out well armed and appointed, by their masters, and having with them aforehand mear dressed and sodden to serve them thirty days, they were embarked. This is the first time that ever the Roman navy was furnished with sailors and mariners, at the proper charges of private citizens.  
This extraordinary preparation more than usual, terrified the Campanes most of all other, for fear lest the Romans would begin war that year, with laying siege to Capua. Therefore they dispatched Ambassadors unto Hannibal, requesting him to come nearer unto Capua with his forces. For why? at Rome there were new armies levied, for to assail that city: & the Romans were not discontented more with the revolt of any than of them. And for as much as this message was delivered in such haste and fear, Hannibal thinking it good to make speed, lest the Romans prevented him, dislodged and removed from Arpi, and encamped upon Tisata over Capua, in the sort, where he kept of old. Then, leaving the Numidians and Spaniards behind him both to guard the camp, and also to defend Capua, he went down with the rest of his army to the lake Avernus, pretending in show there to sacrifice; but in very deed to sound and sollicue Putcoli and the garrison there, for to rebel. Maximus was no sooner advertised, that Hannibal was departed from Arpi, and in his return to Campania; but he journeyed night and day, and never stayed, until he was come again and repaired to his army. And withal▪ he gave order and direction unto T. Gracchis, to remove with his power from Luceria and to draw near to Beneventum: likewise unto Q. Fabius the praetor, (who was the Consul his son) to supply the room of Gracchus at Luceria. At the same time, the two Pretours took● their journey and went into Sicily, P. Cornelius to the army there on land, and Octacilius to keep the seacoast, and to be Admiral of the navy: and the rest sped them every one into their several provinces. They also who had their authority and government continued, ruled the same countries that they did before.  
Whiles Hannibal abode at the Lake Avernus, there came unto him from Tarentum, five noble young gentlemen (Roman associates) which had been taken prisoners, some at the pool Thrasymenus, others at Cannae, whom he had sent home in the same manner of courtesy, as he had showed ever to all the allies of the Romans. These gentlemen, in remembrance of his favours and benefits, made report unto him, that they had persuaded and induced a great part of the youth of Tarentum, to entertain rather the amity and alliance of Hannibal, than of the people of Rome: and for this intent they were sent ambassadors from them, to request in their name, that it might please him to come nearer with his forces to Tarentum. For say they, if they might but once see from out of Tarentum his standard and ensigns, and himself near encamped, the city would without delay be surrendered up into his hands. For the younger people had the commons at their beck and commandment, and the commons ruled the whole state of Tarentum at their pleasure. Hannibal after he had commended and thanked them, and withal loaden them with many fair and great promises, willed them to return home, to hasten and set forward, and effect these intended designments, saying, that he would be there in good and convenient time. With these hopes the Tarentines took their leave, and departed. Hannibal himself was wonderfully desirous to be master of Tarentum. He saw it was a noble city and a wealthy, seated also by the sea side, and a very commodious port, looking and lying toward Macedonia: and well he wist that King Philip (if he should pass over into Italy, seeing the Romans were possessed of Brundisium) would arrive at this haven. When he had performed the Sacrifice for which he thither came, and (whiles he made his abode there) foraied all the territory of Cumes, even as far as the Cape of the Promohtorie Misenum: suddenly he turned his army and marched to Puteoli, for to surprise and give a camisado to the fort and garrison there. There were six thousand of them within the town: and the place not only by natural situation strong, but also surely fortified by industry of man. Hannibal having stayed there three days, and assayed the fort and the garrison on every side, seeing he could not prevail nor effect any thing, went forward from thence, and proceeded to the wasting of the territory of Naples, upon anger, rather than any hope of gaining the city. The Commons of Nola, who long time were discontented with the Romans, and at deadly feud with their own Senators, upon his coming into the territory and confines so near unto them, began to rise in a commotion. Whereupon, there came Ambassadors unto Hannibal, requiring him to advance to Nola, upon assured promise, that the town should be delivered into his hands. But Marcellus, who was sent unto by the Nobles, prevented this their plot and designment: and in one day, he reached to Suessula from Cales, notwithstanding he made some stay to ferry over the river Vulturnus. And so the next night he sent into Nola 6000 footmen, and 300 horse, for to aid and defend the Senat. And like as the Consul bestirred himself with all speed and diligence, to make Nola sure to him aforehand, so Hannibal chose temporised, being not so ready now to credit the Nolanes; as having twice before given the like attempt, and to no purpose in the end, and therefore he trifled out the time, and made small haste.  
At the same time also, Q. Fabius the Consul came against Casilinum, which was kept by a garrison of the Carthaginians, to see if he could surprise it. And to Beneventum at one time (as if they had been so agreed) came on the one side, Hanno from the Brutij, with a great power of foot and horse; and on another side, Gracchus from Luceria: who entered the town first. From whence, so soon as he heard that Hanno lay encamped within three miles of the city, by the river Calores, and there wasted the country, he himself issued, and pitched his tents within a mile of the enemy: where he assembled all his soldiers together, purposing to make a speech unto them. He had with him the legions that consisted most of voluntaries, who already two years before, had been more willing to deserve their freedom in silent manner, than to challenge and demand it with open mouth. Howbeit he perceived when he departed out of the winter harbours, that they began to murmur & grumble in the army when they marched: & to complain in this wise. What? shall we never serve in the quality & condition of freemen? Whereupon he had written unto the Senate, and showed unto them, not so much what they desired, as what they deserved to have: certifying them, that unto that day they had done him good and valiant service: & wanted nothing save only their freedom, but they might go for true and lawful soldiers. Whereupon the lords of the Senate had put it unto his discretion, for to do by them what he thought was expedient for the commonweal. Thereupon, before that he should join battle with the enemy, he pronounced these words before them all, and said: That now the time was come, of obtaining and acquiring that liberty, which so long they hoped after. For the next morrow, they were to affront their enemies with banner displayed, and to fight in a plain and open ground, where without fear of any ambush, the trial might be made with fine force & true valour▪ Who soever therefore can bring me the head of an enemy, him my pleasure & will is, to make free immediately: and who so looseth ground and reculeth, him will I chastise as a bondslave ought to be punished. Now every man hath his state and condition lying in his own hands: & of your freedom, not only myself will assure you, but for further warrant, ye have the allowance of M. Marcellus the Cos. & generally of all the LL. of the Counsel, whose advice I sought, & who committed unto my hands the ordering of your liberty. And withal, he read the Consul's letters, and the decree of the Senate in that behalf. Whereat they set up a mighty cry, in token of their assent and approbation, and called for battle, & earnestly urged to give the signal out of hand. Then Gracchus having pronounced the next day for battle, dismissed the assembly. The soldiers were joyous, especially such as were to have their freedom in reward of one days service, and bestowed the rest of that day in making their armour and weapons ready. The morrow after, so soon as the trumpets began to sound: they were the first of all other, that presented themselves before the General his pavilion, well appointed and ready to fight: and by the sunrising Gracchus led forth his men into the field in order of battle. The enemies for their parts, were nothing behind, but forward to encounter them. They were in number seventeen thousand of footmen, most of them Brutij and Lucan's: of horsemen, twelve hundred: among whom there were very few Italians, the rest were in manner all Numidians and Moors. The fight was sharp, and continued long, and for four hours it was not seen which side had the better. No one thing else troubled the Romans more, than their enemies heads, which were the prizes to redeem the soldiers liberty. For as any had killed their enemies lustily, they were feign first, with much a do, to cut off their heads, within the troublesome press & tumult, & so to lose time: and after that, by reason that their right hands were employed and occupied with holding the same heads, it fell out, that the best soldiers gave over fight, and the feeble dastards & fearful cowards only, were to maintain the medley. Which when the Marshals of the field & Colonels reported unto Gracchus, and namely that there was not a soldier of the enemies standing, that was wounded and hurt anymore: but they that lay along were hacked and hewed as it were by burchers: and that his own soldiers instead of swords, held their enemy's heads in their hands: he commanded in all haste, that upon a signal given, they should fling away their heads from them, & charge afresh upon the enemies. For their valour & prowess (faith he) was well enough seen already, and evidently testified, & so long as they were so hardy men, & bore themselves so manfully, they should not need to doubt of their liberty. Then the conflict began to be renewed, and withal, the horsemen charged the enemies: whom the Numidians received with equal valour: insomuch as the fight of the cavalry was as bravely performed, as the other of the Infantry: whereupon once again the victory seemed doubtful, to which part it would incline: whiles in both hosts, the Generals reproached and debased the adverse part. Gracchus said, that the Brutij and Lucanes were so often vanquished and subdued by the Roman ancestors: and Hanno again girded at the Romans, calling them bondslaves, and soldiers let loose out of prison and houses of correction. At the last, Gracchus declared aloud and said, They were not to hope at all for their liberty, unless that day their enemies were discomfited & put to flight. This one word of his at length set their blood in such an heat, that they raised a fresh shout, & as if they had been cast again into a new mould, they charged upon the enemies so violently, that they could no longer be resisted & withstood. First, they that fought in the vanguard of the Carthaginians were put out of order; then they about their standards and ensigns: and last of all, the whole battle was driven back and recoiled. Whereupon they fair turned their backs, and fled so fast one upon another into their camp, in such fear and fright, that not so much, as at the very gates nor upon the rampiar, they stayed once, & turned again to make head: so as the Romans following them hard at heels into their camp, as it were in one train pell mel, made a new skirmish even within the rampiar of their enemies. Where the fight was not so cumbersome, by reason of the straightness of the room wherein they were penned, but the massacre and execution was as cruel & bloody. The prisoners also that were among the enemies, in this confused medley and tumult joined themselves and stuck close together: and having caught up some weapons, helped forward the victory: & either charging upon the backs of the Carthaginians slew them, or else hindered them in their flight and running away. So of that great army, there were not all-out two thousand (and the most part of them horsemen) that escaped with the General himself: all the rest were either slain or taken prisoners: and of military ensigns were carried away 40 save twain. Of the victors, there died fast upon two thousand. All the spoil, but only the prisoners, was granted to the soldiers. The cattle also was reserved, as many as within thirty days the right owners could justly make claim unto for their own. When they were returned laden with booties and pillage into the camp, there were almost 4000 of the voluntary souldious, who had fought but faintly, and broke not into the camp with the rest: who for fear of punishment seized a little hill not far from the camp, and kept it for their hold. But the morrow after, being fet from thence bythe Colonels, they repaired again to the camp, at what time as Gracchus had summoned his soldiers to an assembly. Where, after that the proconsul, first had rewarded his old soldiers with military gifts, according to each one his prowess and good service in that battle: then as concerning the voluntaries, he said thus much, That he had liever they were all commended by him, good and bad one with another, than that one of them that day should cast of any punishment: and therefore he pronounced them all free in the name of God, to the benefit, happiness, and felicity, both of the commonweal, and also of themselves. At which word, they lift up their voices aloud with exceeding cheerfulness and alacrity: and one while they clipped and embraced one another in their arms, with gratulation and joy: another while again, they held up their hands toward heaven, wishing and praying at the gods hands, all good blessings for the people of Rome, and for Gracchus especially. Then (quoth Gracchus) Before that I had made you all alike, and to have equal part in the right and privilege of freedom, I would not set upon any of you, either the mark of a stout and hardy soldier, or the note of a fainthearred and beastly coward. But now that I have discharged myself of the trust committed unto me by the Commonweal, to the end, that all difference between prowess and cowardice, should not be forgotten altogether and perish; I will take express order, that the names of all them, whose conscience accused them of saint fight, and avoiding the hazard of battle, and therefore erewhile withdrew themselves apart, be brought unto me. And when they are cited and called forth every one by his name, I will compel them to take a corporal oath (quoth he) that unless it be upon sickness, so long as they shall continue in soldiery, they neither eat nor drink but standing upon their feet. And this punishment (I am sure) you will willingly take in good part: when ye shall consider better of it, and see that you could not have had an easier note of disgrace and shame, for your false hearts and slender service. Then he gave the signal to truss up bag and baggage, and sounded the remove, and so dislodged: & thus the soldiers carrying and driving before them their booties, all the way disporting themselves so merrily and jocund, returned to Beneventum, as if they had come from some great dinner, upon a solemn and festival day, and not from fight a bloody battle. All the people of Beneventum, came forth in great numbers to meet them at the gates, welcomed the soldiers, bade them joy, embraced them, and envited them to their houses, to give them entertainment and lodging. The bourds were spread in every man's court-yard, and furnished with store of viands: they willed them to come and make merry with them, and requested Gracchus to give his soldiers leave to feast and make good cheer. And Gracchus was content, but upon this condition, that they should all eat their meals abroad in the open street. Then all things was brought forth, and set upon the tables, at every man's door. The voluntaries took their repast and refection, either with their caps on their heads, or else covered their crowns with white wool: some sitting, some standing: waiting and serving one another at the table, and eat their meat, & fed with them together. This was such a worthy sight & solemnity, that Gracchus after he was returned to Rome, caused the repesentation and resemblance of the celebration of this day, to be drawn and portrayed in colours, and the picture to remain in the temple of the goddess Liberty, which his father caused to be built in the mount Aventine, of certain fines and forfeits, and afterwards there dedicated it.  
Whiles these matters thus passed at Beneventum, Hannibal having spoiled and harried the territory about Naples, removed toward Nola, and there encamped before the town. Whom when the Consul understood to be coming, he sent for Pomponius the propretour, together with that army which lay encamped above Suessula, & provided to meet with the enemy, minding presently to bid him battle. He sent out Claudius Nero with the strength of his horsemen's in the dead time of the night at a back gate, that was farthest from the enemy, giving him ●n charge to cast about closely, and fetch a compass, and fair and softly to follow the enemy, as he marched: and when he perceived the battle was begun, then to come forward, and set upon● him behind on his back. But whether it were that Ner● miss of the way, or having not ●●me enough, could not put this policy in execution, I know not. In his absence the a●●nes joined battle, wherein (no doubt) the Romans had the better hand. Howbeit, for default that the horsemen were not there in due time, the order of the direction failed, and took not effect. And not● withstanding that the enemies gave ground and recoiled, yet Marcellus durst not follow hot upon them, but sounded the retreat to his own men, being in a good way of victory. Yet were there by report above 2000 of the enemies slain that day, but of Romans under 400. And about the sunneset, Nero who all the day and night past, had tired horse & man, and done no good, and now returned, without so much as a fight of the enemy, was sharply rebuked of the Cos. insomuch, that he gave him this check to choke him, That it was long of him and none else, that they had not cried quittance with the enemy, for the overthrow and loss received at Cannae. The day following Marcellus came down again into the field, ready to give battle. But Hannibal, as one that secretly confessed himself to be overcome, held himself close, within the strength of his camp. And on the third day, giving over all hope to get Nola, (an enterprise that never sped well) he departed in the still time of the night toward Tarentum, upon a better and more assured hope to gain it by treason.  
The civil affairs at Rome were managed with no less courage at home, than the wars in the field abroad. For the Censors, who by reason that the city treasure waxed low, were eased of their care of setting out the public works of the city by the great: & having nothing else to do, employed themselves in reformation of men's manners and chastising of vices and enormities, which sprung upon war: like as men's bodies, which by long and linger sickness grown weak, ever and anon breed new diseases. And first they convented before them those citizens, who after the battle at Cannae, were (by report) minded & disposed to leave the Commonweal, and to depart out of Italy. The ringleader of them all was L. Cecilius Metellus, who happened then to be Treasurer of the city. He, with the rest of that crew, who were culpable in the same crime, were commanded to make their answer, and plead their causes: but when they were not able to clear and quit themselves, the Censors charged them openly, that they had given out certain words, and made speeches against the State, tending to a sedition & conspiracy, for to abandon Italy. Next after them were cited to appear, those cunning and crafty companions above said, who with their over-subtile interpretation and construing of words, would seem to avoid their oath: those captives, I mean, who being on their way to Rome, came back secretly into the camp of Hannibal, and took themselves thereby freed and discharged, because they had sworn to return again. But these and the others afore rehearsed, as many as served upon the city horses, had their horses taken from them, were displaced out of their tribe, and condemned all to lose their voices, and to serve without city pay. Neither were the Censors careful to correct the Senate, and reform the degree of the knights only, but also they proceeded to raze out of the public checkroll of the younger citizens, the names of all those, who for sour years space had not served in wars, as many, I say of them, as could not justly plead and allege, either ordinary immunity by law, or sickness for their excuse. And of these, were found guilty above 2000: who were awarded to be Aerarij, & all of them to be removed out of their tribe. And besides this shameful disgrace and note of ignominy awarded by the Censors, there passed an heavy decree of the Senate against them, to wit, That all they whom the Censors had thus scored and noted, should be bound to serve on foot in the wars, and be confined and sent over into Sicily, to the residue there, of the army that remained at Cannae. And no other time of service and warfare was limited unto this sort of soldiers, but until the enemy were driven clean out of Italy.  
Whiles the Censors, as is aforesaid, upon occasion that the cities stock was so decayed, gave over and forbore to bargain for the repairing & maintenance of the churches and holy temples, and for the finding and provision of chariot horses for the State, and such like; there resorted unto them a great number of those that were wont at the spear to take these bargains at their hands by the great, and for a gross sum of money: who exhorted the Censors, to deal in those matters still, and to set, let, and enter into bargain with them, as if the city chamber wanted no money; making this offer, that none of them all would demand payment out of the common chest, before the wars were fully ended.  
Then repaired unto the Censors, the masters of those bondmen, whom T. Sempronius had mannumised and set free at Beneventum, saying, that they were sent for by the Triumvirs, out of the office of the Bankers called Mensarij, for to receive again their moneys, according as they priced and valued their slaves: how beit, they would not, before the war was finished. And as the hearts of the Commons were thus favourably affected, to sustain and support the poverty of the treasure house; so the stocks of money also that belonged first to Orphans, and afterwards to widows, began now to be bestowed in the chamber of the city: and they that presented and brought in those moneys, believed assuredly, that they could not lay them up more sure and safe, than in the public credit & security of the city. And whatsoever out of these stocks was disbursed and defrayed, for to buy and provide any thing for the Orphans or widows aforesaid, the treasurers kept a book thereof, & noted it down in a register. This kindness & benevolence of private persons unto their country, extended itself from the city, even as far as to the camp: insomuch, that neither horseman nor centurion would take their wages, but rebuke and rate them, that could find in their hearts to receive their pay, terming them no better than mercenaries and hirelings.  
Now Q. Fabius the Consul lay in camp before Casilinum, which city was kept with a garrison of two thousand Campanes, and seven hundred of Hannibal his soldiers. They had for their captain and commander, one Statius Metias, sent thither by Cn. Magius Attellanus, who for that year was 
* The head magistrate, as lord Maior.  Mediastuticus of Capua. He put the bondslaves and commons in arms, intermingled one with another, for to enter upon the camp of the Romans, whiles the Consul was busy in assaulting Casilinum. Fabius was nothing ignorant of all these things, and therefore he sent unto Nola to his colleague there, signifying unto him, that there was need of a second army to make head against the Campanes, whiles the other was employed about the assault of Casilinum: and telling him besides, that either he must himself come in person, leaving a mean garrison behind him at Nola: or else if he might not be spared from thence, for fear of danger from Hannibal, he would send for T. Graccbus the Proconsul, from Beneventum. Upon this message, Marcellus having left in Nola a guard of two thousand soldiers, with the rest of his forces, presented himself before Casilinum: upon whose coming, the Campanes who were ready to set forward, stayed themselves and were quiet. So both Consuls together jointly began to assault Casilinum: where, the Roman soldiers that rashly came under the walls received much hurt: and Fabius seeing little good done, judged it best to surcease and give over the enterprise, being a service of small consequence, and natheless very dangerous: and to depart from thence, seeing there was business toward of greater importance. But Marcellus contrariwise was of opinion and said, that as there were many things which great warriors were not to attempt: so if they were once taken in hand, and the adventure given, they were not lightly to be given over and laid aside; for as much as in it lay matter of great consequence, for same and reputation, both weigh'st and so he prevailed, that the enterprise was not neglected and abandoned. Whereupon, there were mantilets, and all other kinds of fabrics and engines of battery and assault, bend against the city ● so, as the Campanes besought Fabius, that they might depart to Capua in safety. And when some few were gone forth, Marcellus possessed himself of that gate whereout they went and then they fell to kill and slay one with another, first about the gate: and after they had rushed once in, they put to like execution those also within the city. Fi●tie there were or thereabout of the Campanes, that first gate out of the town, and fled for mercy to Fabius: and they by his guard and safe conduct, arrived at Capua. But see, Casilinum, through the linger slackness of the inhabitants that craved protection, was (by advantage taken of their long parley, and temporizing) won by the enemies. The captives, so many as were either Campanes or Hannibal his soldiers, were sent to Rome, and there clapped up fast in prisons. But the multitude of the townsmen, were distributed into sundry cities adjoining, and there kept in ward:  
At the very same time that the Consuls after their conquest, retired from Casilinum, Graccbus being in the country of the Lucanes, and having gathered and enroled certain cohorts and companies of soldiers out of those parts, sent them out a forraying, under the conduct of a captain of Allies, into the territories of the enemies. Hanno encountered them as they straggled in scattering wise out of order, and set upon them, and paid his enemies again with the like diffeature and loss, or not much less, than that which he had received at Beneventum: and in great haste withdrew himself into the country of the Brutij, for fear lest Gracchus should overtake him.  
The Consul Marcellus returned back to Nola, from whence he came, and Fabius went forward into Samnium, to spoil and waste the country, and to recover by force of arms the cities which had revolted. The Samnites about Caudium were piteously and grievously damnified: their villages in all places set on fire, their fields laid waist and destroyed, and great booties both of cat-tail & people driven away. Six towns forced by assault, namely, Compulteria, 
* Thelese.  Telesia, Cossa, Melae, Fuisulae, and Orbitanium. In the Lucanes countr●e, the town of 
* 〈◊〉.  Blandae: and in Apulia the city 
* Call●●●.  Ancae was assaulted. In these towns and cities, there were taken prisoners and slain 25000 of the enemies: of fugitives and rennegate traitors there were recovered 370, whom the Consul sent home again to Rome, and being thither come, they were all beaten and scourged with rods in the Comitium, and then pitched down headlong to the earth, from the rock Tarpeia. These exploits were achieved by Q. Fabius, within the compass of a few days. But Marcellus by occasion that he lay sick at Nola, was hindered from performing any feats of arms. The praetor likewise Q. Fabius, who had the charge and jurisdiction of the province about Luceria, won by force about the same time the town Accua, and fortified a standing camp planted before Ardoneae.  
Whiles the Romans were thus employed about these affairs in divers other places, Hannibal was come unto Tarentum, to the exceeding great damage and detriment of all places where he journeyed: but being arrived once in the territory of Tarentum, he began to march and lead his army more peaceably. There he did no harm at all, made no havoc, nor once went out of the high way. And it was evidently seen, that all this was done not upon any modesty that appeared either in soldier or captain, but only to win unto him the hearts of the Tarentines. But when he approached the walls of the city, and saw no commotion, nor insurrection from thence upon the discovery of his Vanguard, as he thought he should, he pitched his camp almost a mile from the town. Now had M. Valerius the Viz-Pretour, who was Admiral of the Fleet at Brundisium, sent T. Valerius his Lieutenant unto Tarentum, three days before that Hannibal showed himself before the walls. He had mustered and enroled the flower of the Nobility, and so bestowed at every gate, and about the walls where need required, good guards for defence: with such vigilant diligence both day and night, that he gave no opportunity and advantage either to the enemies to adventure any assault, or to the doubtful and untrusty friends to practise any treason. So Hannibal, having spent there certain days in vain, and seeing none of them who repaired unto him at the lake 
* 〈◊〉 Tri●●●.  Avernus, either to come themselves, or to send messenger or letters: and perceiving now that he had rashly and foolishly followed vain promises, and so was deluded; dislodged, and removed from thence. And even then also he spared the territory of Tarentum, and did no hurt at all: and albeit his feigned and counterfeit lenity and mildness hitherto took no effect: yet he hoped still thereby to corrupt their faithful allegiance to the Romans: and so he went to Salapia. And (by reason that now midsummer was past, and he liked well of that place for a winter harbour) he conveyed thither all the come from out off the territory of Metapontum and Heraclea. Then he sent out the Numidians and Moors, to fetch booties and prizes from out of the Salentine country, and all the woods and chaces next unto Apulia, from whence they drove of other cat-tail small store: but of horses especially they brought away great numbers, of which there were four thousand divided amongst the horsemen to be handled, broken, and made gentle.  
The Romans seeing there was like to be war in Sicily; & the same not lightly to be regarded: and that the death of the tyrant there, rather gave the Saracosians good captains, than wrought any change in their minds, or alteration in the cause: assigned unto M. Marcellus, one of the Consuls, that province to govern. Presently upon the murder of Hiero●y●us, first the soldiers in the Leontine country, began to mutiny and make an uproar, and boldly spoke and said, That the king's death should be expiate, and his obsequies solemnised with sacrificing the blo●d of conspirators. But afterwards, when they heard often iterated the sweet●●●me of liberty & freedom restored unto them: and that there was good hope that the soldiers should have a largesse dealt amongst them out of the king's treasure, and be under the command of captains of better quality, and having besides all this, a bederoll rehearsed unto them of the Tyrant his cruelty and soul facts, and of more filthy and loathsome lusts: their affections were so altered, that they suffered the body of their king to lie above ground unburied, whom a little before, they so greatly desired and wished for. Now as concerning the conspirators, whiles the rest of them remained behind to assure and possess themselves of the army, Theodorus and Sosis took the king's horses and road post, as hard as ever they could, to Syracuse, for to surprise upon a sudden all his followers & favourites (who knew nothing of that which was done) & fall upon them unawares: but they were prevented not only by the same (which above all other things in such cases is most swift) but also by a courier one of the king's servants. Whereupon Andronodorus had seized before hand of that part of the city which is called the Island, together with the castle, and all other places that he could come at, which were thought of any good importance; and them he fortified with good guards. Theodorus and Sosis being entered within the city at 
* The city of Syaracuse was divided into four parts, Hexapylos, Tiche, A●chradina and Insule.  Hexapylos after the sun setting, in the twilight and shutting in of the evening: and showing the kings royal robes all imbrued with blood, & the ornament & attire likewise of his head, he passed through 
* In other authors called Tyche, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fortuna, whose temple there stood.  Thica, & called aloud unto the people to fight all at once for their liberty, and to arm themselves, and willed them to repair into 
* Achradine of others.  Acradina. The people some of them ran out into the streets, others stood in their entries and porches, divers looked out at the windows from within their houses, and asked what the matter might be? Every place shone with torch and cresset-light, and was filled with sundry garboils and hurlyburlies. As many as were in arms gathered together in the open places of the city: those that were unarmed, took down off the temple of ●up. Olympius, the spoils of the Gauls and the Illyrians, which the people off Rome had given as a present to king Hiero, and which he set aloft for a memorial: praying unto jupiter that he would vouchsafe them this gracious favour, as to bestow those sacred weapons & harnish upon them, that meant to arm themselves therewith, for the defence of their country, for the maintenance of the churches & shrines of the gods, and for the recovery of their liberty. This multitude also joined with the Corpse de guards, that in the principal quarters of the city, were bestowed in places convenient. But Andronodorus amongst other places that he fortified, made sure also with strong guards of armed men the public garners of the city within the Island. There was a place enclosed round about with foursquare stone, and built strongly like a fortresse● this was possessed by the youth that had been appointed for to guard and defend that quarter: and they sent messengers into the Acradina, to signify that the garners & the corn were kept by them to the behoose of the Senate. And on the morrow at the break of day, the whole people, as well armed as unarmed, assembled together in Acradina, within the palace. And there before the altar of Concordia, which in that place stood erected, one of the principal and chief citizens, named Polyneus, made an oration unto them all, with frankness of speech enough, tending unto liberty, and yet seasoned with modesty and moderation, in this wise. Men (qd. he) that have experience of servitude and other indignities, fall to abhor the same, and their stomachs rise against them as known evils. But as for civil discord, what calamities & miseries it bringeth with it, the citizens of Saracose have heard their fathers tell, and not seen and tasted themselves. That ye have been so ready to take arms and weapons in hand, I commend you for it: but I would con you more thank, if ye used them not, unless ye be driven thereto by extreme necessity. For the present, I hold it good, & my counsel is, that ambassadors be sent unto Andronodorus, to intimate unto him, yea and to require and charge him, to submit himself unto the Senate and people, and by them to be ordered: to set open the gates of the Island, to put away from about him his guard, and deliver up the castle and garrison. But in case he intent under the pretence of being guardian or protector to the kingdom of another, thereby to usurp it to his own use; he must be given to understand, by mine advice, that we will seek to recover our liberty out of the hands of Andronodorus, more fiercely & forcibly than from Hieronymus. And so presently upon this assembly, ambassadors were sent. Then the Senate went together & sat in counsel: for, as during the reign of Hiero, there was a set and ordinary public counsel of State: so after his death unto that day, the Senators were neither called together, nor their advice taken or sought in any matter. When the ambassadors were come unto Andronodorus, & had delivered their message, he was himself (verily) for his own part, moved with the general consent of the citizens; but especially when he considered, that among other quarters of the city possessed by the adverse side, that one part also of the Island, which was the strongest, was betrayed (as it were) & held out against him. But when the Ambassadors called still upon him to come forth, his wife Dem●rata, daughter of king Hiero, pussed up still with the proud mind & haughty stomach of a prince, and full of the vain humour and spirit of a woman, put him eftsoons in mind of a saying, that Denis the Tyrant had evermore in his mouth, namely, That a man should not ride on horseback to be deposed from royal dignity and estate of tyranny, but be led fair and softly a footpace, and go to that, as a bear to the stake. An easy matter (quoth she) it is for one to yield and forego the possession of high place and honour, and a thing that may be done in the turning of an hand, whensoever one will: but to compass and attain thereto, is a right hard matter, and of all other most difficult. You were best therefore to borrow some respite of time of the Ambassadors, for to take farther deliberation of this main point, and in the mean while, to use the advantage thereof, to send for the soldiers out of the Leontine country: unto whom no doubt, if you would promise a reward out of the Prince's treasure, you shall be lord of all. This perilous unhappy counsel of a woman, Andronorus neither despised and rejected altogether, nor yet presently accepted and embraced: supposing it a better and safer course, if he meant to aspire unto high dignity and great puissance, for the present to temporize and give place unto the necessity of the time. And therefore he willed them to carry back unto the Senate this answer from him, That he submitted himself, and would be ordered and set down by the Senate and the people. The morrow after, so soon as it was daylight, he caused the gates of the Island to be set open, 
The Oration of Andronodorus.  & showed himself in the market place of Acradina: where he ascended up unto the altar of Concord, from which the day before, Polyneus had made a speech unto the people. He began his oration with an excuse of his late coming and long stay behind, and ctaved pardon therefore: alleging that he had kept the gates shut, not because he meant to separate his own affairs from the State, & not to take such part as the city took: but when swords were once drawn, he feared, what would be the end and issue of murders & massacres, & whither men would stay their hands, when there was assurance of liberty effected, (as being contented with the death only of the Tyrant) or whither, as many as either in blood and kindred, or in affinity and alliance, or in other offices or service, were toward the K. & his court, should be touched culpable in the fault of another, and so likewise have their throats cut. For after that (quoth he) I understood once, that they who had delivered and set free their country, were minded and willing to save & preserve it, thus enfranchised; and that there was consulting on all hands indifferently, for the good of the state, I made no longer doubt of the matter, but to yield both mine own person, and also all that ever was under my hand (as committed unto me upon trust and fidelity) unto my native country: now that he, who put all into my hand, is through his own folly & outrage overthrown and brought to confusion. Then turning to the murderers of the tyrant, and by name calling unto Theodorus and Sosis. A noble and memorable piece of service ye have already done, (qd. he) but trust me truly, your glory in this behalf is begun only, and not thoroughly finished and performed: nay, a great danger is yet behind, unless ye see to the general concord and unity of all parts, that the common liberty of the city, turn not into pride and insolency beyond all measure.  
After his speech ended, he laid down the keys of the gates, and of the king's treasure, at their feet. And so for that day, when the people were dismissed from the assembly, with joy and mirth they went in procession and supplication with their wives and children, round about all the Churches and chapels of their gods. The day following, the solemn Election was held for the creation of Pretours. And first, before all others, Andronodorus was chosen, and the rest for the most part, the very murderers of the Tyrant. They elected also two that were absent, to wit, Sopater and Deomenes. Who being advertised of all matters that passed at Syracuse, delivered up the king's treasure which lay in the Leontines country, and was now brought unto Syracuse, into the hands of the Treasurers; who for the same purpose were created. Likewise that which was in the Island, and in Acradina, was committed over unto their custody. That part also of the wall, which divided the Island from the rest of the city, and was supposed too strong a bar between, was by common consent cast down and razed. And as their minds were thus affected and inclined to procure and maintain liberty, so all other matters sorted suitable, and followed a●ter accordingly.  
Hypocrates and Epicides, when tidings came of the Tyrant's death (which Hypocrates would feign have had concealed, and therefore flew the messenger that brought news thereof) being forsaken of the soldiers, returned to Syracuse; supposing for the present, that to be the safest course they could take. Where, because they would grow into no suspicion, nor be noted to seek for some opportunity and occasion of change and alteration in the State, first they presented themselves before the Pretours & Governors of the city, and so by their mediation, they had access to the Senate. They gave out, that they had been sent from Hannibal unto Hieronymus as unto a friend and confederate, and had yielded obedience unto him, as they were willed by their own General and Commander. Now their desire was, to return again unto Hannibal. But for as much as they might not travail in safety, for the Roman forces, that ra●nged all over Sicily, they craved a convoy and sufficient guard to conduct them, as far as to Locri in Sicily: assuring them, that by this small courtesy and defart of theirs, they should reap great thanks of Hannibal, and come into high favour with him. The suit was soon obtained. For desirous they were, that those Cavaliers that used to lead the king, and were expert and skilful besides in war, and there with needy and audacious, should be sent away: but they made not so good speed to put this their desire in execution, as they should have done. For in the mean season, these young and lusty martial men, and such as ever had conversed with the soldiers, went up and down one while to them, another while to the fugitive strangers that were revolted, (who for the most part were sailors and sea men that came from the Romans) yea, and sorted themselves with the basest and most abject persons of the Commoners, spreading tales, and whispering into their ears, sundry suspicious matters of crime against the Senators and great men of the Nobility, saying, that they plotted and practised closely under hand nothing else, but that Syracuse under a colour of reconciliation and accord, should be reduced to the obedience of the Romans: and then, the side and faction, and some few with them that are of counsel to renew the association, might be lords, and tyrannize over the rest. By this means there flocked multitudes, every day more than other, to Syracuse: whose ear were tickled, and itched still to hear such sunnises, and were apt enough to give credit thereto. And they gave not only Hypocrates and Epicides, but Andronodorus also good hope of an alteration, and a new world. For he (being at length overcome with the importunate suggestions of his wife, whoever put into his head, That now was the only time to usurp and take upon him the rule of the State, whiles all things were troubled, and in a confused medley, upon their new and unknown liberty; whiles the soldiers were presented in their way, to be dealt with all, and daily maintained and fed out of the king's exchequer; and whiles those captains sent from Hannibal, by reason of their acquaintance with the soldiers, were present to set forward, and further his designments) first therefore acquainted Themi●tius, who had married Gelo his daughter, with his complot: and after a few days (full unadvisedly) imparted his mind also, unto one Aristo, an Actor of Tragedies, whom he used aforetime to make privy unto his other secrets. This Aristo was well borne, and descended of a worshipful house, a man in good place and of honest reputation: and his profession (for among the greeks it is reputed no matter of shame, to play either in Tragedies or Comedies) was no blot●ither to his birth, or disgrace to his calling: and therefore as one who made more reckoning of his duty to his country, than of private friendship, bewrayed and disclosed all the treason unto the Praetors. Who finding by good proofs and certain evidences that this was no forged and counterfeit information, after consultation had with the ancients of the counsel, by their warrant and direction, set a guard of armed men about the door of the Senate house, and so soon as Themistius and Andronodorus were entered in place, slew them outright. And when there began some uproar upon this fact, which in show seemed very horrible and heinous (especially to all the rest that knew not the cause:) at length they appeased the tumult, and caused silence, and brought the enformer into the counsel house, that had detected the intended treason: who declared all things orderly in particular: namely, that this conspiracy was devised & sprung first from the marriage of Harmonia the daughter of Gelo, who was wedded unto Themistius: that divers auxiliary soldiers of Africans and Spaniards, were appointed and provided to massacre the Pretours, and other principal citizens: that their goods were promised unto the murderers to be ransacked and rifled: that besides, there was a band of mercenary soldiers (such as were wont to be at a beck, and ready to execute the commandment of Andronodorus) set in a readiness, to seize the Island again, and keep it to his use. And when he had laid every thing abroad in order, with all circumstances, what the practices were, and by whom they were to be performed and executed, & showed before their eyes most plainly, the whole conspiracie●and namely, what persons and what forces should have been emploied● Then the whole body of the Senate were likewise verily persuaded, that they had deserved such an end, and were as justly murdered as Hieronymus. But without the counsel-house door, the confused multitude, composed of all sorts of people, who were doubtful of the matter, & knew not what to make thereof, cried out. And albeit they menaced and threatened before the entry and porch of the Senate, yet at the sight of the dead bodies of the Conspirators, lying before their face, they were affrighted and soon hus●●●so as with great silence they followed the whole body of the Commons to the public place of assembly. Unto whom, Sopater by order from the Senate, and his fellow Praetors, was commanded to make an Oration. He began formally to inveigh against Andronodorus and Themistius, 
Sapater his speech to the people of Syracus●.  (as they that accuse men at the bar) and ripped up their former life passed, charging them with all the wicked deeds and impious facts, committed since the death of Hiero: For what (quoth he) did Hieronymus; nay what could he do of himself, so long as he was but a child and stripling, and scarcely come all the while he lived, to have any hair on his face? His officers and guardians, were they that ruled all, and managed the kingdom at their pleasures, but so, as the blame and heavy load lay upon him. Who if they had perished either before Hieronymus, or at leastwise together with him, they had been but well enough served. But they, who long ago had deserved to die, and for whom the gallows had already groaned, ceased not still, after the death of the tyrant, to devise & plot new mischiefs, one in the neck of another. At the first, openly in the sight of the world, Andronodorus by shutting the gates of the Island, entered by way of inheritance upon the kingdom, and sought to seize in his own right, as immediate heir apparent, upon those things that he held under the prince, only during his nonage. Afterwards, being betrayed by them that were in the Island, and besieged round about by the whole city (which was possessed fully of the Acradina) seeing, that in vain he had attempted to be king by apert and open force; he sought means now to aspire thereto secretly, and by cunning sleights. Neither could he be so much as reclaimed and won, by any favours and honours done unto him: who being himself a traitor to the freedom of the state, was notwithstanding advanced to be praetor, among other redeemers of the liberty of their country. But no marvel it was (quoth he) that these men were of this haughty spirit, and longed to be Kings; for they had to their wives two princely dames, the daughters, one of king Hiero, and the other of his son Gelo.  
At these words, the people from all parts of the assembly, began to cry out with one voice, that neither of them both were worthy to live, nor any one besides of the king's stock & lineage ought to remain upon the face of the earth. See the nature and disposition of the multitude. Either they serve basely, or rule proudly. Liberty that is the mean between, they have neither the skill to despise with reason, or the grace to entertain in measure. Now, there wanted not (ye may be sure, as at all times else) ready instruments and firebrands, to help forward, and kindle more anger, such, as seeing the Commoners distempered already, and bloodily minded of themselves, put them forward to murder and massacre. As it appeared then. For immediately, as the Praetors put up a bill, that all the king's stock should be rooted out, and the whole line utterly extinguished: before in manner that it was all red out and published, it passed clear, and was granted. And presently there were sent certain persons from the Pretours, that murdered Demarata and Harmonia the daughters of king Hiero and Gelo, the two wives of Andronodorus and Themisti●●. Now there was another daughter of Hiero, named Heraclea, wife to Sosippus, who having been sent as Ambassador from Hieronymus, to king Ptolomeus, chose a life in voluntary exile, & lived not with his wife. She having an inkling given her aforehand, and knowing that the murderers were coming also toward her, took her two daughters, virgins: and together, with their hair lose hanging down their shoulders, and in other most poor array and rueful habit, able to have moved pity and compassion, 
The pitiful words of dame Heracles.  they were fled into a private Oratory or chapel unto their house-gods, to save themselves. The mother seeing the murderers, fell to entreating them most piteously, and recommended unto them the late remembrance of her father Hiero, and her brother Gelo: Beseeching them not to suffer her (an innocent and guildesse person) to far the worse, and be punished upon harred that was borne unto her nephew Hieronymus. As for me (quoth she) I reaped no good by his reign and kingdom, unless it were the banishment and absence of my husband: and as by the life of Hieronymus, my fortune was not so good as my sisters; so after he was murdered and dead, my cause is not so bad, nor like unto hers. Moreover, over and besides, in case Andronodorus had effected his designments, my sister should have been a Queen, and reigned together with her husband: but as for me, I must have been a subject and servant with the rest. Again, if there were any messenger sent unto Sosippus, to report the death of Hieronymus, and the restitution of Saracose to liberty: who can make doubt, but that forthwith he would be embarked and take the seas, and return again into his country? But how much are men put besides their hope, and deceived of their expectation? And who would ever have thought, to have seen in a freed state his wife and children in danger to lose their lives? For wherein do we hinder the common liberty, or the course of laws? What danger can come to any person from us, one desolate lone woman and in manner a widow, and two young maidens living as orphans fatherless? And if it be said again, that there was in deed no fear of hurt to be imagined from us; but only the king's blood and kindred was odious in the eyes of the people: Then quoth she, let us be sent away far from Saracose and Sicily, and confined over to Alexandria, the wife to her husband, the daughters to their own father. But when they would neither give ear to her words, nor incline their hearts to pity and compassion: then, because she would not spend longer time in vain (for now she saw some of them drawing their swords forth) she gave over all entreating for herself, and be sought them instantly to be good yet, to the young fully girls, & spare their lives, unto whom being of that age, even the very enemies in their heat of anger forbore to offer violence: and that seeing they were to be revenged of tyrants, they would not play the tyrants themselves, and commit that wickedness, which they seemed to hate in others. Amid these words the murderers (sent from the Praetors) pulled her forth of the inward and most secret place of the chapel, 
The tragical murder of Lady Heraclea and her two daughters, young virgins.  and cut her throat: and when they had so done, they assailed and sell upon the maidens, besprent with the blood of their mother: who for sorrow of heart and fear together, being past themselves and out of their wits, and as it were in a furious fit of frenzy, ran against them, and gate out of the chapel: minding, if they could have escaped forth and recovered the street, to set the whole city on an uproar. And so they shifted for themselves poor wenches, by running too and fro within the house, (which was not large and spacious) that for a good while they escaped amongst the thickest of so many armed men, and oftentimes avoided their reaches, and caught no hurt: yea and when they had caught hold of them, notwithstanding they were to struggle with so many hands, and those so strong, yet they wound away from them all: until at length after they had received many a wound, & filled every place with blood, they fainted & sunk down, & yielded up their innocent spirits. This murder, no doubt, was of itself piteous; but much more lamentable, by occasion of a present accident. For straight after, came a messenger with express commandment, to spare the women, and not to kill them: for that upon a sudden the hearts of the people relented, and inclined to mercy. But when they heard that there was so quick dispatch made of execution, that neither they had time to bethink themselves and repent, nor space to cool upon their heat, they fell from pity and compassion, into an extreme fit of anger and choler. The multitude thereupon began to mutter and murmur, and called to have an election of Pretours in the room of Andronodorus and Themistius (for they were both of them Pretours:) which new election was not like to fall out in the end to the good liking and contentment of the other Pretours in place. So a day was set down, and proclaimed for this election. At which time, it happened that beyond all men's expectation, one from the farthest part of the assembly nominated Epicides: and then another from thence named Hypocrates. After which, the same voices came thick and threefold still, so as it seemed the multitude would wholly go that way. The people there assembled, were a confused sort intermingled as well of a number of soldiers, as of a company of citizens and commoners: yea and many of them were strangers fugitives, shuffled among, such as rather than their life, desired a general change and alteration. The Pretours at first dissimuled all, and would seem to take no knowledge thereof: but thought it best to put off the matter to a farther day: yet overcome at last with the common accord and consent of the people: and fearing withal a mutiny and sedition, pronounced and declared the men aforenamed, for Pretours. Neither would they, at first hand so soon as they were created, set that abroach which was in their mind & desire to effect: notwithstanding they were displeased and discontented much, both for that there had been ambassadors dispatched unto Appius Claudius, about a truce for ten days: and also when it was obtained, that there were others addressed, to treat for the renewing of the ancient league with the Romans.  
At the same time (Ap. Claudius) the Roman General lay at Murgantia with an Armada of 100 galleys, waiting there to hear what was the event of the troubles which arose upon the murder of the tyrants: and how farforth men would proceed upon this their new and unwonted liberty. And much about those days, when as the Saracosian Ambassadors were sent from Appius, unto Marcellus now coming into Sicilia, Marcellus himself after he heard the conditions of peace, thought they would grow to some good agreement and conclusion in the end: and therefore sent other ambassadors also to Saracose, personally to debate and confer in the presence of the Pretours concerning the renewing of the league aforesaid. But by tha● time, they found not the city in the same quiet tune and peaceable state. For Hypocrates and Epicides, after news came that the Carthaginian navy was arrived and rid at anchor under the bay of 
* P●rts L●ngobardo, or Cabs Pass●o.  Pachynus, confidently and without all fear buzzed in the ●ares one while of the mercenary soldiers, another while of the fugitive traitors, many false surmises against their brethren in office, and namely, that they went about to betray Saracose to the Romans. But Appius began to keep his Armada at anchor in the very mouth of the river, listening to know what hart and hope they of the contrary faction had, to effect that which they intended. Much credit was given (as it should seem) unto those slanders and lewd suggestions: insomuch as at the first, the multitude ran to the water side in a great hurry and tumultuous manner to hinder their landing, if haply they attempted it. In this troublesome confusion of all things, it was thought good, that the people should meet together to deliberate what was best to be done. In which assembly, whiles some drew one way, other haled and pulled another way, and were at the point to mutiny and grow to asedition, Apollonides one of the principal and chief citizens made a speech to very good purpose for preservation of the public peace, 
The Oration of Apollonides, to the people of Saracosse.  and thus he said. Never was there any city nearer, either to hope of assured safety, or to fear of utter destruction, than this of ours at this present. For if all would go one way together, and with one accord either incline to the Romans, or bend to the Carthaginians, there were not a city under the cope of heaven, whose state were more happy and fortunate than ours. But in case we be distracted, and the Commonweal go divers ways, there would not be more bitter and cruel war between the Saracosians and the Romans, than among the Saracosians themselves: when within one and the same walls, there should be banding one against another, and each side have their forces, their armour, and their captains of their own. And therefore we ought of all hands to endeavour what we can, that all may be of one mind and draw in the same line. As for the main point now in question, Whether society and alliance be the better and more commodious, the Romans or the Carthaginians, is a matter of far less moment & importance than to be consulted and studied long upon. Howbeit, in choosing our friends and allies, we are to be directed bythe authority and act of Hiero, rather than of Hieronymus: and to prefer that amity which we have tried for 50 years in much felicity, above a friendship for the present unknown, and sometime heretofore found unfaithful. It maketh somewhat also, to resolve upon this course, that in case we should deny peace and alliance to the Carthaginians, we need not presently go to war with them: but with the Romans we must out of hand make account either of peace, or else of hot wars. This speech of his, the less that it favoured of offactious partiality and affection, the more authority and sway it carried with it. And besides the deliberation of the Pretours and choice Senators, the advise also of the martial men was taken. And therefore the captains of all their own ensigns and companies, yea and the great commanders of the auxiliary forces of their allies were willed to fit in counsel together with them. When the matter had been often debated, and much contention and hot words passed between, at the last, because there appeared no colourable reason or cause to make war with the Romans, they agreed that a peace should be concluded, and that together with their ambassadors, there should be others also from them sent to ratify and confirm the thing.  
There passed not many days between, when out of the Leontines country there arrived certain Orators, to crave help and succour for the guard and defence of their marches. This embassage seemed to come very fitly and in good time, for to exonerate and rid the city of the unruly and disordered multitude, and likewise to send out of the way, their chieftains and ringleaders. So Hypocrates the praetor was commanded to lead thither the fugitive strangers. Many also of the mercenary soldiers, that were waged to help them in their wars, accompanied them: so as in all, the number amounted to four thousand. This expedition and journey contented greatly as well the senders and setters of it out, as also the parties themselves that were sent forth. For these of the one side had a good occasion and opportunity now offered them, to contrive a change in the state (the only thing that so long they had desired) and those of the other, were right glad, that the sink (as it were) of the city was now well scoured & voided away. But this was like the palliative cure of a sore, & a lightning for the present of a sick body: whereby it might soon after by relapse fall back, as it were, into a recidive, and a worse disease and more dangerous than the other. For Hypocrates began at first to make roads by stealth into the confines bordering upon the Roman Province, and there to waste and spoil: afterward when Appius had sent a power of men to defend the frontiers of his confederates, hee-charged with his whole power upon that guard that was opposed against him, and flew many of them. Whereof, when Marcellus was advertised, he dispatched ambassadors incontinently to Saracose, to charge them with the breach of peace: and to give them to understand, that there would never be wanting some occasion or other of quarrel and war, unless Hypocrates and Epicides were removed, and sent far enough out of the way, not only from Saracose, but also quite out of Sicily. Epicides for fear lest if he remained present in the city, he might be charged & brought in question, for the fault and trespass of his brother absent, or be wanting for his part, in the raising of new war; went himself also in person into the Leontines country: and seeing them there forward enough of themselves, and provoked already against the Romans, began also to alienate & turn their hearts from Saracose. For in these terms he suggested & informed against the Saracosians: namely, how they had capitulated with the Romans, that all the cities & nations which were under the kings, should be subject unto them, and within their jurisdiction: so as now they cannot be content (quoth he) with their liberty, unless they rule also like lords & kings. I would advise and counsel you therefore, to send word unto them and give them to understand, that the Leontines likewise deem it good reason, that they should themselves be free: in regard either that the tyrant was killed within the ground of their city, or because the first alarm for liberty began there. For they leaving and abandoning the captains there that followed the king, ran at once from thence to Saracose. And therefore they are (faith he) to raze that foresaid article out of the instrument of the covenants, or not to accept at all of peace with that condition. Soon were the multitude persuaded here unto. And therefore when the ambassadors of the Saracosians came to the leontin's, both to make complaint for killing of the Romans Corpse de guard, & ● also to command peremptorily, that Hypocrates & Epicides should depart either to Locri, or to what other place they would rather choose, so they went their waics & voided clean out of Sicily they returned unto them this stout answer again: that neither the Saracosians had any commission and warrant from them, to make peace with the Romans in their name, neither would they be tied and obliged to any confederacy made by others than their own selves. This answer the Saracosians made report of to the Romans, and said plainly, that the Leontines were not under their jurisdiction, to be ordered and confu●ed by them and therefore, any thing comprised in the league with them notwithstanding, the Romans might war against them without breach of any covenant: and in that war they would not for their parts, fails them, but do their best: upon condion, that when they were once subdued● they might be reduced again under their obedience, according to the covenant comprehended in the league. Whereupon Martellus with his whole power went forth against the Leontines, and sent for Appius also, to assail them on the other side: and so hot were his soldiers in this service, and bore themselves so resolute, for anger that the guard was slain, during the time that there was treaty of peace between, that at the very first assault they won the city. Hypocrates and Epicides, after they saw the walls scaled, and the gates of the city broken open, betook themselves for their safety, with some few into the castle, from whence by night they made a secret escape, and fled to Herbesus▪  
As the Saracosians marched from home with a power of eight thousand armed men, and were come forward, as far as to the river Myla, they met with a messenger, who told them that the city Leontium was forced. They reported other news besides as well lies as ●oths, one with another, namely, that townsmen & soldiers indifferently without respect were 〈◊〉 to the sword that ●e● thought verily, there was not left one alive of fourteen years of age and upward, that the city was put to the sack, and all the rich men's goods were given away. At this so fearful and horrible news, the army stayed and went not forward. And when they all were greatly troubled, their leaders Sosis and Diomenes, consulted what to do. This loud lie, arose not upon nothing, but was occasioned by mistaking of a matter. For there were scourged and beheaded of fugitive traitors, to the number of two thousand. But of Leontines and other soldiers, there was not one hurt, after the city was lost. And every man had all his own goods restored unto him again: saving that only which in the first hurlyburlie of a city newly won, happened to miscarry & perish. Howbeit upon this bare report, they neither could be induced to go forward to the Leontines, complaining & grieving that their fellow soldiers were so betrayed & murdered, nor yet to abide there still, for to expect and hear more certain tidings. The Pretours perceiving their minds disposed to revolt, and yet hoping that this mutinous fit of theirs would not continue long, in case the captains and heads of their fury and folly were once rid out of the way, led the army to Megara: and went themselves in person with a few horsemen toward Herbesus, hoping to gain the city by treason, whiles they all there were affreighted. But seeing that enterprise would not prevail, they minded to use forcible means. The morrow after, they dislodged and raised their camp from Megara, purposing with all their forces to assail Herbesus. Hypocrates & Epicides supposing this to be the only way for them, although at the first sight not the safest, (considering all hope besides was cut off) namely to put themselves into the hands of the soldiers, who were for the most part acquainted with them, & besides, upon the bruit of the execution and massacre of their fellow soldiers, thoroughly chafed, went out to meet the army. The foremost ensigns in the forefront, happened to consist of those six hundred Cretensians, who in the wars of Hieronymus had served under them, and received a favour and benefit at Hannibal his hands. For being taken prisoners at Thrasymenus, among other auxiliaries that came to aid the Romans, they were set at large and sent away without ransom. Whom when Hypocrates and Epicides knew by their colours, habit, and fashion of their armour, they held out branches of olives and other veils and tokens of suppliants, beseeching them humbly to receive them, and being once received, to vouchsafe to protect them, and not to deliver them into the hands of the Saracosians: by whom they should soon be yielded unto the people of Rome, for to be murdered and cut in pieces. At this, they all cried aloud with one voice, & willed them to be of good cheer, for they should far no worse than their own selves. Upon this communication the ensigns stayed, and the army stood still and marched not forward: but the general captains wist not as yet what the cause might be of this stay. After the rumour was spread that Hypocrates and Epicides were come, and that all the host throughout by a general applause seemed to like well of their coming: the Pretours incontinently set spurs to horse, and road forward apace to the forefront of the vanguard, demanding of the Cretensians, what manner and fashion this was of theirs? and how they durst be so bold, as to parley and talk with enemies? and without licence of their Pretours, to entertain them within their companies? And herewith they gave commandment, that Hypocrates should be apprehended & bound sure with chains. At which word the Cretensians set up such a cry, and the rest so answered it again with the like, that it was well seen, in case they had proceeded forward as they began, they should have incurred themselves no small danger. And thus in great perplexity, and fear of their own lives, they commanded to turn ensigns, and retire unto Megara, from whence they came; and dispatched messengers presently to Saracose, to signify in what terms they stood. Hypocrates seeing the soldiers given to be suspicious and ready to believe every thing, devised a cunning shift besides, in this manner. After he had sent out certain of the Cretensians to beset the ways between them and Saracose, he pretended that they had intercepted some letters from thence, which he read unto the soldiers, and were in deed framed and indicted by himself. The ●●nor of the letters ran in this form. The Pretours of Saracose, to M. Marcellus their friend, greeting. After these salutations and commendations premised, as the manner is, it followed written thus: You have done well and orderly, in sparing none at all of the Leontines. But all other mercenary soldiers besides, are in the same Predicament: neither will Saracose be ever in quiet, so long as any foreign aid be either in the city or in your army. And therefore our advice and counsel is, that you would endeavour to get them into your hands, who with our Pretours are encamped before Megara, and by execution of them to deliver and set Syracuse free in the end.  
The contents of these letters were not so soon read, but with such an outcry & alarm they ran to their weapons on all hands, that the Pretours amid this garboil, were fain to ride away as fast as they could gallop, toward Syracuse. But although they were fled, the mutiny nevertheless continued and was not appeased: for the soldiers fell upon the Syracusians that were in the camp amongst them, and they had all drunk of the same cup, and not one escaped, but that Epicides and Hypocrates, came between, and opposed themselves against the multitude in this their furious rage, not upon any pitiful compassion that was in them, or regard of common humanity; but because they would not cut themselves from all hope of return: and besides, they were not only desirous to have the soldiers themselves affectionate unto them and faithful, and withal in steed of hostages: but also purposed, by this so great desert, first to gain and win unto them the kinsfolk and friends of those soldiers, and afterwards to oblige and bind them fast, by so good a pawn and gage, remaining still among them. And having good experience, with how small a puff and gale of wind, the common people turneth every way, they suborned a soldier, one of them who was besieged within the city of Leontium, to carry news to Syracuse, suiting with those false tidings that were reported at the river Myla: yea, and to aver the same confidently upon his own knowledge, and tell things that were doubtful, as if they were most certain, and by himself seen and known: thereby to stir up men to anger and indignation. This fellow was not only credited of the common multitude, but also being brought into the Counsel house, he greatly moved the Senate: insomuch, as some of them, more light of belief than others, gave it out openly and said, That it was happy, that the avarice and cruelty of the Romans was thus discovered among the Leontines. And God bless us from them here. For if they set foot once within Syracuse, they would commit the like outrages, yea, and worse too, a great deal, & more horrible; as they should find there greater matter to work upon, & to satisfy their covetous and greedy appetite to the full. Whereupon, they agreed in general, to shut the gates and to stand upon their guard, and defend the city. But they all feared not alike, nor hated the same persons. For the martial men, in a manner every one, and a great part of the common people abhorred the name of the Romans: the Pretours, and some few of the principal citizens, albeit they were in the huff, and possessed with the false report aforesaid, yet they had more regard to provide for a mischief that was more imminent and near, and ready presently to fall upon their heads. And now by this time Hypocrates & Epicides were come before Hexapylos. Within the city, the kinsfolk and friends of those citizens which were in the army, drew together in conventicles, conferred among themselves to set the gates open, and agreed to have the common country of them all, to be defended against the violence of the Romans. Now, when one only wicker of Hexapylos was opened, and they ready to enter in thereat, the Pretours came upon them in the manner. And first they commanded by word of mouth, and threatened them; after that, by virtue of their place and authority, they seemed to fright and terrify them: and last of all, seeing nothing could prevail, forgetting their own dignity and majesty of their calling, they fell to pray & entreat them, not to betray their country to those, who aforetime were the instruments and supposts of the Tyrant, and now the corrupters of the army. But so deaf care gave all the multitude in this their rage and furious fit unto the Pretours, that they within; as well as without, set their hands to, by all forcible means to burst down the gates, and so when they were all broken open, the army was let in safe, and received within the Hexapylos. The Pretours fled for refuge with the youth and strength of the citizens into Acradina. The mercenaries, the fugitives, and all the soldiers that were left in Syracuse (of them who served the king) joined to the army, and augmented their forces. And so Acradina also, was upon the first assault won). All the Pretours; but those that escaped by flight, and saved themselves in the mids of this hurry, were slain: and the night coming upon them, stayed the massacre. The day following, all bondslaves were called to receive the cap, and made free: the prisons were set open, and the prisoners let go at large. And this confused rabble and multitude of all sorts, created Hypocrates and Epicides Pretours. And thus Syracuse, having for a short time liberty shining favourably upon it, fell back again into her old servitude.  
When news hereof came to the Romans, incontinently they dislodged and removed the camp from Leontium; and marched directly toward Saracose. It happened the same time that the ambassadors sent from Appius by the way of the haven, were embarked in a galeace of five banks of oars: but another galley of four banks which was sent before, was not so soon entered into the mouth of the harbour, but it was taken: and the Ambassadors hardly, and with much ado escaped in the other. And now, the world there was grown to this pass, that no laws of peace, no nor so much as the very laws of arms were observed, but broken clean: at what time as the Roman army lay in camp a mile and an half from the city, at Olympium, the temple of jupiter. For when it was thought meet to send Ambassadors from thence, Hypocrates and Epicides with their followers encountered them without the gate, and charged them upon their peril not to enter the city. The Roman Orator alleged and said, That he came not to proclaim war against the Syracusians, but to bring aid and help, as well unto those, who having escaped out of the midst of the slaughter fled unto the Roman camp, as also unto them, who being kept under with fear, endure bondage and thraldom more miserable than banishment, yea and death itself. Neither will the Romans (saith he) put up that shameful and cruel murder of their allies without due revenge. And therefore, if those persons who were fled for succour unto them, may return home safely into their country: if the authors of that massacre above said, be delivered into their hands: and if the Syracusians may enjoy again their liberty, together with their laws, there shall not need anyhostilities or war. But in case these conditions be not performed, they would persecute with fire and sword, all such as shall hinder and stand against the same, whosoever.  
To this, Epicides framed his words in this wise. If (saith he) ye had any message and commission, to parley with my brother and me, we would return you an answer accordingly. In the mean while, ye were best be gone for this time, and return again when the city and state of Syracuse shall be under their governance, unto whom ye were sent. As for war, if the Romans think it good to deal that way, they shall find and know by experience, try when they would, that it is one thing to assail Syracuse, & another to set upon Leontium. And so leaving the Ambassadors, he made the gates fast against them.  
From this time forward, the Romans laid siege unto Syracuse, and began to beleaguer it both by sea and land at once. On the land side at Hexapylus, by water at Acradina, upon the walls whereof the sea beateth. And like as they won the city of the Leontines, by terrifying them at the first assault, and therefore disinherited not, but that they should force and enter this also, oneside or other, being so large and vast as it was, not compact, but built so scattering, one part far asunder from another, they approached with all their fabrics, engines, and ordinance of battery against the walls. Which enterprise of theirs, so resolutely begun, and so hotly and forcibly followed, had sped well and taken effect, if one man at that time had not been in Syracuse. Archimedes was he, a singular Astronomer. A rare man for contemplation & beholding the sky with the planets, and other stars therein fixed: but a more wonderful engineer, for devising and framing of artillery, ordinance, fabrics, and instruments of war, whereby he would with very little ado and at ease, check and frustrate all the inventions which the enemies with so great difficulty had prepared for to give the assault. This cunning artificer and admirable workman, had planted engines of all sorts, upon the curtain of the wall, which stood on certain hills, and those not of even height: and having for the most part, high places that yielded hard access, and some other low again, whereunto men might come on even and plain ground, he fitted and furnished every place accordingly. Now Marcellus from out of his galleys of five ranks of oars, assaulted the wall of Acradina, which (as is abovesaid) is washed and dashed upon, with the sea. And from the other galleys, the archers, slingers, yea and the light armed darters (called Velites) whose javelins are of that fashion, that they be unhandsome to be lanced back again (by those that have not the cast and skill of it) so assailed the defendants, that they hardly suffered any one to stand upon the walls without hurt and danger. These, I say, kept their galleys far distant from the wall, because archers and darters had need of some space and compass to lance and let drive their shot. But unto the galleys of five course of oars, there were adjoined other two of either side: for which purpose the oars within were taken away, that they might close larbourd to starbourd, and so be coupled one unto the other. And thus being rowed as one entire galley, by the help of the utmost oars without forth, they carried upon them platforms of timber, framed with flouts and losts of planks, and other engines and instruments within them to batter and shake the walls. Against this artillery from the galleys, Auchimedes bestowed and disposed upon the walls counter-engines of sundry sizes, some greater, some smaller. Against those galleys that were furthest of, he weighed and discharged stories of exceeding main weight, and those that were nearer, he annosed with lighter bullets, but those he shot far thicker upon them. And last of all, to the end, that his own citizens, might without taking harm, make a counterbatterie against the enemies, and so annoy them, he caused certain barbacanes or loopeholes, almost a cubit deep, to be pierced through the walls, & to stand thick from the foot thereof, to the parapet; and all to flank the enemy, through which ouvertures: they within shot closely against the enemies, some arrows out of bows, some quarrels out of scorpions and brakes, of mean and indifferent bigness. And against those galleys, which approached more close and near under the walls (because they would be within the shot, and that they within might carry and level over them) he devised a crane or swipe to be planted aloft upon the walls, having at the one end, which hung over the sea, a drag or grappling hook of iron like an hand, fastened thereto with a strong chain: which took hold upon the proo of a galley, and when the heavy counterpoise of lead at the other end, weighed it down to the ground, and therewith drew with it the proo up on high, whiles it hung thus aloft in the air, the galley stood in a manner endlong upon the poop. And then the swipe being let go again all at once suddenly with a sway, dashed the galley, tumbling (as it were) down from the top of the wall, with such a swinge and violence against the water (to the exceeding fear of the mariners) that if it had fallen directly downright upon the keel, yet needs it must have received good store of water into it. Thus all their provision for assault by the sea side, was deluded and made void: and then they turned their whole forces from thence, to give assault by land. But even that part of the wall likewise, was as well furnished with all manner of engines & ordinance, provided at the great charge of Hiero, and by his careful forecast for many years together: but devised & framed by the artificial cunning and skill only of Archimedes. Besides, the natural situation of the ground was a great help: for that the rock, upon which the foundations of the wall stand, is for the most part so steep and bending forward, that not only the shot leveled out of any engine, but also whatsoever was but rolled & tumbled down, with the very own weight & poise, came with a great force and violence upon the enemy. Which foresaid cause, made the assailants to have difficult climbing up, and as unsteadfast footing & keeping of their hold. Whereupon they went to counsel. And considering well, that all their attempts and enterprises were thus deluded & mocked by the enemy: it was thought good to give over assault, and only by long and continual siege, to cut them off from all victuals both by land and sea. In the mean while Marcellus with one third part (well-near) of the army, went forth in expedition, to recover again those cities, which taking occasion upon these troubles, were revolted to the Carthaginians. And he gained Pelorus & Herbesus, which yielded on their own accord. As for Megara, which he won by assault, he razed it down to the ground, and sacked it, to the fearful example of all the rest, and especially of the Saracosians.  
And much about that time, Himilco also, who had a long time rid in the Bay of the Cape Pachynus with his Armada, disbarked & set a land at Heraclea (which they call Minoa) 25000 footmen, 3000 horsemen, & 12 Elephants. He had not all this power of men when he lay with his fleet under Pachinus. For after that Hypocrates had taken & held the possession of Saracose, he went to Carthage: where, being sent unto both by ambassadors from Hypocrates, & also by letters from Annibal (who moved him & made remonstrances, That now the time was come to recover Sicily again with much honour & glory: and being himself there present in person no bad solicitor by word of mouth to further & follow the cause) he easily persuaded the Carthaginians & prevailed that as great a power both of horse & foot as might possibly be raised, should pass over into Sicily. Being arrived at Heraclea, within few days after Agrigentum was delivered up into his hands. And all other cities, which had banded & taken part with the Carthaginians, were put in so good hope to drive the Romans out of Sicily: that even they at last who were besieged within Saracose, took hart unto them; & were so in their ruff, that supposing part of their forces sufficient enough to defend their city, they parted between them the charge & managing of the whole war in this manner: That Epicides should remain behind for the guard and defence of the city, and Hypocrates join with Himilco, and war jointly against the Romans. He with 10000 foot, and 500 horse, set out by night: and passed between the Corpse de guard, where none at all warded, and encamped about the city Acerrae. As they were fortifying their camp, Marcellus came upon them as he retired back from Agrigentum, possessed now by the adverse part: whether he had made great haste, but in vain, in hope to prevent his enemies, and get thither afore: but little thought he (and nothing less) than in his return from thence, at that time and in that place, to meet with an army of Saracosians that should make head against him. Howbeit, for fear of Himilco and the Carthaginians, whom he knew to be abroad, and with whom he was not able to make his part good with that power which he had about him, he marched as circumspectly as he could, having his eye on every side, and led his army in good order of battle against all occurrences whatsoever might happen by the way. And so as good hap was, that careful forecast and diligence, which he was provided with against the Carthaginians, served him in very good steed against the Sicilians. Finding them therefore busy in pitching their tents, without order, and scattered asunder, and most of them unarmed, he environed soon all the Infantry that they had, and put them to the sword. But the cavalry after a slight skirmish begun, fled with their leader Hypocrates to Acrae. Marcellus after he had by this fight repressed and kept in the Sicilians, who were at hand to fall away and revolt unto the Romans, returned to Saracose: and after some few days, Himilco joined with Hypocrates, and encamped about eight miles from thence, upon the river Anatis.  
Likewise about the same time or very near, it happened that 55 war-ships of the Carthaginians, under the conduct of Bomilcar, Admiral of the Armada, put into the great haven of Saracose out of the deep and main sea: and also the Roman fleet of thirty galleys, with five ranks of oars, arrived at Panormus, and landed the first legion there: and thus the war was turned and diverted from Italy. So wholly seemed both nations, as well Romans as Carthaginians, amused upon nothing now but Sicily. Himilco making full account to prey upon the Roman legion which was set a land at Panormus, as they should come to Saracose; miss of the right way to meet with them: for he marched and led his power far within land higher in the country, but the legion coasted along by the sea side, accompanied as it were with the fleet which flanked them: and came to Pachinus unto Appius Claudius, who with part of his forces went out to meet them on the way. But the Carthaginians made no long stay about Saracose. For Bomilcar having small trust and confidence in his ships, considering that the Romans were coming toward him with a fleet, and were twice as many in number: and withal seeing, that by sojourning there, he did no other good but with his company empoverish and eat out his friends, spread and halfed up sail, and with a merry wind passed over into Africa. Himilco also, who had dogged and followed after Marcellus in vain as far as Saracose, to espy some good opportunity and vantage to bid him battle, before he joined with a greater power: seeing that he was hereof disappointed, and the enemy lying about Saracose safe and secure, as well in regard of their fortifications, as their forces: because he would not spend any longer time to no purpose in sitting there still, to look upon their allies how they were besieged, he dislodged and removed from thence: attending, wheresoever there were any hope and likelihood of revolt from the Romans, thither tocome with his army, and show himself in person, to encourage and animate by his presence, those that favoured his part. And first he recovered Murgantia, where the Roman garrison was betrayed by the inhabitants, and delivered unto his hands. Into which city the Romans had conveyed great store of corn, victual, and provision of all sorts. Upon this revolt, other cities also took hart unto them, and the Roman garrisons were either thrust and driven out of the castles and fortresses, or else were treacherously betrayed, surprised, and destroyed.  
The city Aenna, seated upon an high hill, and on every side inaccessible, as it was by natural situation of the ground imprenable, so it had a strong garrison within the castle, and a captain of that garrison, one, that was not so easy to be compassed and over-raught by deceitful trains. His name was Pinarius, a witty man, & hardy withal, who reposed more trust in his own diligence to prevent, that he might not possibly be deceived, than in the truth and faith of the Sicilians. And at this time more than ever before, he stood upon his guard, and took heedful care of himself and his charge, by occasion that he heard of so many treacheries & treasons, so many revolts of cities, and massacres of garrisons: and therefore as well by day as night, he looked that the castle was well provided and furnished of good watch and ward continually, and the soldiers never departed from their armour nor their appointed place. Which when the chief citizens of Aenna perceived, who already had covenanted with Himilco, and promised to betray the fort and the garrison: and saw that the Roman captain was so wary, that he lay not open unto the opportunity of any fraudulent and guileful course, they resolved by apert and open means to effect this their designed enterprise. They alleged therefore unto Pinarius, that the city and castle both, aught to be in their power: since that they entered into league and amity with the Romans as free men, and were not yielded as slaves to be kept in duresse and prison. Reason would therefore, and meet it was (as they thought) that all the keys of the gates were delivered unto them. With good and trusty allies, their own faith and truth is the surest bond. And no doubt, the people and Senate of Rome would con them greater thank, and esteem more dearly of them, if so be they of themselves not by constraint but of willing mind, would abide and continue in their sound allegiance and fast friendship. Pinarius made answer again, That he was by his general placed there, captain of the garrison: at his hands he received the keys of the gates, and the Constableship of the castle, and the same to hold and keep neither at his own will, nor at the pleasure of the men of Aenna, but at his disposition, who sealed him his commission. Now for a captain to abandon his fort (quoth he) is a capital crime among the Romans, by virtue of a law, which our fathers themselves have confirmed, even by the exemplary punishment & death of their own children, who have transgressed the same. And seeing the Consul Marcellus is not far off; ye may if it please you, send your ambassadors unto him, of whom you may be certified, under whose power, commandment, and government I am. Tush, say they, we will never send unto him. But if words and reasons may not prevalle, we will work some other means to recover our liberty again. Then quoth Pinarius to them, 
Pinarius his speech to his soldiers.  If ye think much to address your messengers to the Consul, yet do me this favour, as to call a common counsel of the people for my sake, that I may know whether these demands proceed from some few, or from the whole body of the city. So it was accorded and agreed, that a general assembly should be proclaimed against the morrow. Then Pinarius after that he was departed from this parley, returned into the fortress, and calling his soldiers together, spoke unto them in this wise. I suppose, ye have heard already (my soldiers) in what sort the Roman garrisons have, these days past, been betrayed and murdered by the Sicilians. That treachery, hitherto ye have avoided & escaped; first & principally through the goodness of thegods: next and immediately by your own valour and prowess, and by continual watch & ward, standing in your armour both day & night. And I would to God ye might pass as well the time to come, without falling into this hard choice, either to endure & suffer some horrible mischief: or to execute and commit a fearful example of cruelty. This intended treason of theirs, hath been carried and conveyed closely and cautelously all this while, & seeing they cannot as yet, meet with any advantage to surprise us, they would seem now openly and without dissimulation, to demand for to have all the keys of the gates under their hands. Which we should not so soon part with & render unto them, but presently Aenna would turn to the Carthaginians, and more cruelly should we here be murdered and hewn in pieces, than the garrison was at Murgantia. Much a do I had to obtain of them respite of this one night, to take further counsel: that I might advertise you of the present danger, wherein both I and you stand. To morrow morning by day light, they purpose to hold a solemn assembly of the people, and to make a speech unto them, to accuse me, and to stir them up against you. And to morrow is the day, that the city Aenna shall overflow either with the blood of you, or of the inhabitants. And be ye well assured, that as ye shall lose all that you have, if they surprise you: so in case you prevent them & begin the fray, there shall no peril at all betid you. Look who first layeth hand on his sword & draweth it, he shall carry away the victory clear. Therefore ye must beethere, priest in your armour, and attentive to expect a signal from me. I myself will be present in the assembly, and with parling and debating, temporise and draw out the time, until ye be all in readiness and every thing in order. And so soon as I shall give you a sign with my gown, then let me hear you set up an outcry, then let me see you fall upon the multitude: down with them and spare not, and put them all to the sword. See in any case there be not one of them escape your hands and remain a live, from whom ye may fear any harm, either by fraud or force. And now I beseech thee o Dame Ceres, and thy daughter Proserpina, and all other gods in heaven above, or in hell beneath, who inhabit this city, these holy lakes and sacred groves, wherein ye are honoured and worshiphed, to vouchsafe to be propice and favourable unto us; in case we enter into this action and enterprise, for the avoiding of treachery intended against us, and not to offer mischief unto other: and not otherwise. I would use more words unto you my friends and soldiers, for to animate and encourage you, if it were that you had to deal with men in arms: but since they are naked, unarmed, & unwarned, you shall kill and slay them at your pleasure, and satisfy yourselves with their blood. And to the end thatyou need not fear any harm from Himilco and the Carthaginians, lo the Consul himself lieth encamped near at hand. After this exhortation; they were dismissed, to take their refection and rest. The next day, they were bestowed in sundry parts of the city, some to beset all the streets, others to stop the passages and the ways against the townsmen, that they might not escape. But the most of them stood upon and about the Theatre, and were nothing suspected, as being used heretofore to behold and see the assemblies of the people. The Roman captain Pinarius, was by the magistrates brought forth & presented before the people where he pleaded, That it lay not in his hands, but in the power and authority of the Consul, to dispose of that which they demanded: and he iterated for the most part, the same allegations that he showed the day before. At first they began gently, some few by little and little: afterwards more and more of them, required him to deliver up the keys; and so consequently all with one voice, charged and commanded him so to do: and when he seemed to make some stay & deferrethe matter, they menaced & threatened fiercely, yea, and seemed as if they would no longer for bear, but proceed to extreme violence. Then the captain made a sign with his rob, according to the former agreement & with that, the soldiers who had their eyes upon him, waitingwistly for the signal and were ready for execution, set up a loud cry & ran some from aloft, upon the multitude assembled over against them; others stood thick at every corner of the Theatre, where the people should go forth, & opposed themselves against them. Thus the men of Aenna, shut up & penned within the theatre, were massacred & lay tumbled one upon other; not they only that were killed, but such also as fled one over another's head: the sound fell upon the wounded, the quick upon the dead, one with another, by heaps. Then there was running from thence sundry ways, & as if the city had been taken upon assault by the enemy, there was nothing but murdering & flying away in every place. And as hot & furious were the soldiers in the execution of this unarmed multitude (whom they judged worthily & justly to be killed) as if like danger presented unto them, or choler raised in set battle, had provoked them thereto. Thus Aenna was held still for the Romans by this means: were the deed simply ill, or by circumstance needful & necessary; Marcellus misliked not of the fact, and granted the pillage of the citizens of Aenna to the soldiers: supposing that the Sicilians throughly frighted by this fearful example, would betray no more garrisons. The calamity & hard fortune of this city, (standing, as it did, in the very hart of Sicily) was in one day divulged and noised throughout the Island, from one end to the other. And otherwise, a famous & renowned town it was, either for the natural situation so exceeding strong or because all places in it, were accounted sacred & holy, in remembrance of Proserpina; who in times past left her footing & traces there, at what time as she was stolen away & ravished [by Pluto.] Now it was generally thought by the Sicilians, that this cursed & detestable massacre, had defiled & polluted not only the habitations of men, but also the temples of the gods: whereupon even they likewise, who stood but doubtful and indifferent before, fell now away from the Romans, and turned to the Carthaginians.  
Then Hypocrates retired to Murgantia, and Himilco to Agrigentum: who were sent for, by the conspirators and traitors within Aenna, and approached with their forces, but to no purpose. Marcellus returned to the Leontines country: and after he had brought into the camp corn and other victuales, and left there a mean guard, he presented himself to the siege that lay before Saracose. And when he had sent Appius Claudius to Rome to sue for the Consulship, he committed the charge in his room of the armada there, and the old leaguer unto T. Quintius Crispinus. Himself erected and fortified his wintering harbours five miles from Exapylos, at a place which men call Leontia. And these were the affairs of Sicily unto the beginning of winter.  
In the same summer, the war began likewise with king Philip, which long before had been suspected. For there came Ambassadors from Oricum to M. Valerius the praetor, Admiral of the fleet, for the defence of Brundisium, and the sea coast thereabout, of Calabria, & made report that Philip first assayed to win Apollonis, and was come up the river with one hundred & twenty light galleys, or foists with two ranks of oars against the stream: and afterwards, seeing he could not effect his purpose so speedily as he hoped, privily by night he approached with his army to Oricum: and that the city, situate upon a plain, neither strongly fenced with walls, nor well manned with soldiers, ne yet furnished with armour and munition, was at the first assault surprised and won. And as they recounted these news, so, they besought him to grant aid and succour: and to make head against this undoubted enemy of the Romans, either by land, or forces at sea, and to chase him away from them: who for no other reason were by him assailed, but because they were near neighbours to Italy. M. Valerius leaving the guard of that place to T. Valerius his Lieutenant general, with a fleet of ships well rigged, furnished, and appointed; and having embarked these soldiers (which the galleys for war would not receive) in the merchant's ships of burden, arrived at Oricum on the second day after: and finding that city kept with a small and slight garrison, which Philip when he departed from thence, had left there, recovered it without much resistance. Thither repaired unto him Embassadous from Apollonia, who brought word that they were besieged, because they refused to revolt from the Romans: and were not able to hold out any longer against the forcible attempts of the Macedonians, unless a garrison of Romans were sent unto them. He promised to effect whatsoever they desired, and so shipped a thousand elect and choice soldiers in galleys, & sent them to the mouth of the river, under the conduct of a captain of Allies Naevius Crispus, an industrious man & an expert soldier. He having landed his men, and sent the galleys back to Oricum (from whence he came) to the rest of the armada, conducted his soldiers higher in the country, far from the river side, by a way that was not beset nor held by the king's forces: and in the night season, unwares to all the enemies, entered the city. The day following they rested, only the captain took a survey of the youth & able men of Appollonia, of their armour & the munitions & forces of the city. When he had seen and perused all, thereupon he was well appaied and encouraged to fight, and wit hall, he had learned by the escoutes and spies, how reckless, idle, and negligent the enemies were without. So at midnight he went forth of the city without any noise, and entered the camp of the enemies so carelessly guarded as it was, and lying so open: that by credible report, there were above one thousand men gotten within the trench & rampiar, before that any one was ware thereof: and if they had held their hands & not fallen to killing, they might have passed on still even as far as to the king's pavilion. But by reason that they slew the warders next the gates, the enemies were raised: whereupon, they were all so frighted and terrified, that not only there was never a soldier took weapon in hand, and went about to repulse the enemy out of the camp but even the king himself, half naked as he was, and newly wakened out of his sleep; clad in simple apparel, scarce decent for a common soldier, much less iwis for a king, was feign to run toward the river side to his ships. Thither also the other multitude fled disordered in heaps. There were not many under three thousand, either slain or taken prisoners in the camp. Yet there were more by odds of the enemies taken, than killed. In the rifling of the camp, the Apollonians met with Catapults and Balists, and other engines provided for the assault of the city, which they conveyed all to Apollonia, to serve for defence of their walls against the like occasion of needful service. All the booty besides of the camp was granted unto the Romans.  
Tidings hereof being come to Oricum, M. Valerius presently set forth the Armada as far as to the mouth of the river, that the king might not fly away and escape by sea with his ships: whereupon Philip distrusting his power as well by sea as shore, and doubting he was notable to match the Romans, drew up some of his ships to land, setfire upon the rest, and so by land went into Macedon, with a great part of his soldiers disarmed and spoiled. The Roman fleet wintered at Oricum with M. Valerius.  
The same year in Spain the affairs went variably on both sides. For before that the Romans passed over the river Iberus, Mago & Asdrubal defeated a mighty host of Spaniards, so as, all the farther part of Spain had fallen from the Romans, but that P. Cornelius made haste to transport his army over Iberus, and came in good time to settle the wavering and doubtful minds of the allies. At the first, the Romans encamped at 
* Chaslian hatit:  Castrum Altum, a place memorable for the death of great Amilear. The castle was well fortified, and thither afore, they had conveyed corn. But because all those quarters thereabout were full of enemies, and sundry times their cavalry had charged the Roman footmen, and gone clear away without any harm, whereby there had been slain at times upon a 2000 of them, which either made small haste away, & stayed behind, or straggled loosely over the fields: the Romans departed from thence, nearer unto places of more security & peace, and fortified themselves in camp upon the mount of Victoria. Thither earn Cn. Scipio with all his forces, and likewise Asdrubal the son of Gisgo, the third captain of the Carthaginians, with a full army. And they all encamped beyond the water, over against the for● of the Romans abovesaid. P. Scipio, accompanied with certain light armed soldiers, was gone out closely to discover and take view of the places thereabout howbeit, nor so covertly, but he was espied by the enemies, and (no doubt) they had put him to a shrewd foil in the open plain champion, but that he took a little hill thereby for his vantage. Where he was environned and beset round about: but by the coming of his brother Cneus, he was delivered out of that danger.  
Castulo, a famous and strong city in Spain, and so near linked in affinity to the Carthaginians, that Hannibal from thence married his wife, ranged to the Romans. The Carthaginians came against Illiturgum, and began to assault it, because a garrison of the Romans lay there: and like they were to be masters of the town, by occasion especially of a great dearth and scarcity of victuals within. But Cn. Scipio for to relieve his friends and the garrison, went out with a legion lightly appointed without carriages, and marching between the two camps of the enemies, skirmished with them, slew many of them, and entered the city. The morrow after, he sallied out, joined in fight with the enemy, and sped as well: so as in both battles there were slain of them, above twelve thousand in the place, more than ten thousand taken prisoners, and 36 military ensigns carried away. Thus the siege broke up at Illiturgum. After this, the Carthaginians began to lay siege unto Bigerra (a city also confederate with the Romans.) But Cn. Scipio at his coming raised that siege without any conflict. Then the Carthaginians from thence went forward against Munda, and the Romans followed them thither straight after. There they encountered together, and fought a set battle with banners displayed, for the space well-near of four hours. And as the Romans bore themselves bravely, and had gotten the better, and were at point of the victory, the retreat was sounded, by occasion that Cn. Scipio was hurt sore in his thigh with a barbed javelin, and the soldiers about him were greatly afraid, that the wound was deadly. But no doubt, if it had not been for that stay and hindrance, the very camp of the Carthaginians might that day have been forced. For not only the soldiers, but the Elephants also were driven already so far as the trench, and even there upon the very bank, 39 of them were sticked with darts and pikes. In this battle like wise, were killed (by report) twelve thousand men, almost three thousand taken prisoners, and 57 military ensigns won. Then the Carthaginians retired back to the city Aurinx, and the Romans followed upon them, because they would give them no time to rest and breath themselves after their fright. Where Scipio being brought into the field in a litter, gave them battle the second time, and got the victory clear: but sewer of the enemies were slain by the one half than afore, because there were not so many in number left to fight. But (as they are a nation given naturally to renew war, and to be ever fight, and can not give over) they soon repaired and made up all their forces. For Asdrubal 〈◊〉 sent his brother Mago, to levy and gather new soldiers: whereupon they took fresh hart again to try another field. These, being for the most part other soldiers (new come) fought as it were in revenge, and to uphold that side which in few days space had so often taken the foil, and demeaned themselves as courageously as they before, and sped as untowardly. For there were slain of them above eight thousand, not many under one thousand taken captives, with military ensigns 58. In rifling of them, there was found very much spoil of the Gauls, as rings of gold, carcanets, collars, and bracelets great store. Over and besides, two great lords or princes of the Gauls, whose names were Moenicaptus and Civismarus, were slain outright in that conflict. Eight Elephants taken alive, and three killed.  
Now when as the affairs in Spain went thus fortunately with the Romans, they began at length for very shame to think of Saguntum, a town that was the cause of all these wars, and had now five years already been in the hands and possession of the enemy. Whereupon by force of arms they recovered it, drove out of the town the garrison of the Carthaginians, and restored it again to the ancient inhabitants, as many as remained alive, and had escaped these broils of war. As for the Turdetanes, who were the occasion of the wars between the Saguntines and the Carthaginians, they subdued them, and brought them under their subjection, sold them in port sale, and destroyed their city utterly. These were the atchievances in Spain during the time that Q. Fabius and M. Claudius were Consuls.  
At Rome, when the new Tribunes of the commons were once entered into their office, presently L. Metellus one of the Tribunes aforesaid, arrested the Censors P. Furius, and M. Attilius, peremptorily to make their appearance and answer before the people. These Censors had taken from him being Treasurer the year before, his horse of service allowed him by the city, cassed & displaced him out of his Tribe, deprived him of libertle to give his voice, & made him Aerarius, and all, for being a party with them at Cannae, who complotted to abandon Italy. But by the means and mediation of the other nine Tribunes, they were discharged: for they would not suffer, that the Censors should come to their answer whiles they were in office. And the death of one of them, namely P. Furius, was the cause that they could not accomplish the sessing & numbering of the citizens. And then M. Attilius surrendered up his Magistracy. Qu. Fabius Max. held the solemn assembly and parliament of the people for the election of Consuls, wherein were created Q. Fabius Max. the Consul his son, and T. Sempronius Gracchus the second time, both absent. For Pretours, there were elected M. Atilius, and with him, they who at that time were Aediles of the chair, to wit, P. Sempronius Tuditanus, Cn. Fulvius Centimalus, and M. Aemylius Lepidus.  
This year, as it appeareth in old Records, were the stage-plays first set out by the Aediles of the chair, and continued four days. This Aedile Tuditanus above named was he, who at Cannae (when all besides him for fear were astonished, in that woeful calamity) broke forcibly through the mids of the enemies, and escaped. When Q. Fabius the old Consul had finished the Election, than the new Consuls Elect were sent for, to repair unto Rome, and they entered their Magistracy. Then they assembled the Senate for to consult and take order for the war, for the provinces as well their own, as those that were under the Pretours: also concerning the armies, and the disposition of every charge and place of command. So the provinces and armies were divided in this wife: The war with Hannibal, wheresoever it fell out, was committed to the managing of the Coss, with the charge of one army, which Sempronius himself had before under his conduct: and of another, commanded by Fabius the Consul. And those were two legions. M. Aemylius the praetor, whose lot it was to have the jurisdiction over the foreigners, had committed his authority unto his Colleague Atilius, the praetor of the citizens of Rome, that he might govern the province about Luceria, and those two legions, over which Q. Fabius now Consul, had the command, whiles he was praetor. To Sempronius the Praetor, befell the province of Ariminum. To Cn. Fulvius was allotted Suessula, with two legions likewise: so as, Fulvius should have the leading of the legions of citizens, and Tuditanus receive his from M. Pomponius. The government of the foreign provinces continued still in the former deputies. M. Claudius ruled Sicily, so far as the dominion of king Hiero extended: and Lentulus the Viz-Pretour, had the charge of the old province. T. Octacilius was high Admiral of the navy, without any new supply or augmentation of forces. M. Valerius was employed in Greece and Macedon, with one legion, and the armada which he had before. Q. Mutius was L. deputy in Sardinia, having under him the old army, consisting of two legions. And C. Terentius had the administration of the affairs in Picenum, with that one legion which long time he had been captain of. Moreover, it was decreed and agreed upon, that there should be mustered and enroled two new legions of citizens, and twenty thousand men besides levied of allies and associates. With these captains and these forces abovesaid, they provided for the defence and maintenance of the State and Empire of Rome, against many wars at once, either in hand already, or suspected shortly. The Consuls having enroled two legions of citizens, and chosen a supply to make out the rest, before that they set foot out of the city, procured the pacification of the gods, for the fearful & prodigious tokens that were reported. For the wall and gates of Rome were blasted and smitten with lightning from heaven: and likewise the temple of jupiter at Aricia. Other vain objects and illusions also of the eyes and ears, which men imagined they saw and heard, were believed for truths. Namely, there appeared in the river of Tarracina certain resemblances and shows of galleys, whereas in deed there were none such. And in the temple of jup. Vicilinus, which standeth in the territory of Cossa, there was heard; forsooth, rustling of armour: and the river of Amiternus seemed to run with blood. When satisfaction was made for these strange signs, the gods pleased, and all well again, according to the direction set down by the Priests and Prelates, than the Consuls set forward in their expedition, Sempronius into Lucania, and Fabius into Apulia. Where, it so fell out, that Fabius the father repaired into the camp at Suessula, as Lieutenant & assistant unto his son. And when Fabius the younger went forth tomeete him, and his sergeants or ushers marching afore, said not a word to Fabius the father, nor put him aside to give way, for very reverence of his person, (such a majesty he carried) the old man road forward, and passed by eleven of the said Lictors with their bundles of rods. Then the Consul commanded the Sergeant that was next himself to do his office: and with that, the said usher called upon old Fabius, to alight from his horseback: and at last, as he set foot a ground: I did all this but to try quoth he, my son, whether you knew well that you were a Consul or no.  
There came that night secretly to the Consul while the camp lay there, one Cassius Attinius an Arpinate, with his three bondslaves, promising, that if he might have a good reward for his service, he would betray Arpos into his hands. Fabius then proposed this matter unto his counsel, to be debated off. Some were of opinion, that Altinius was to be whipped and put to death, fugitive renegade and false knave as he was: a common enemy, and a dangerous to either part, and playing with both hands, like a double-hearted hypocrite. Who first, after the overthrow at Cannae (as if he might turn with the wheel of fortune, and go from his word and faithful promise, and change ever as (he changeth) ranged himself unto Hannibal's and by his example, drew with him Arpos to revolt and rebel: now, after that he seeth the Roman estate to rise again and hold up head (and that, beyond his hope, and contrary to his desires) he would play the villain and turncoat again, and come with a new practice of a more shameful treason than before: as if treachery andfalshood were of the nature and quality of a judgement passed in Septenivirall court: and as if he might be allowed to carry two faces under a hood, & alterevery hour. Faithless friend, that he is, not to be trusted, and slippery enemy, not to be regarded. A good deed it were, that together with that same traitor of Falerij, and the other of king Pyrrhus, he made a third, and were punished accordingly for exemplary justice, to teach all rogues and renegates hereafter, how they run from their lords and masters. On the other side, old Fabius (the Consul's father) replied again and said, That men now adays had forgotten how to make difference of seasons, and in the very heat and midst of wars, reasoned and gave their opinion and censure of every thing and person, as in a free time of open peace: when as indeed, we are to think, consider, and deliberate of this point, that (if possible it might be) no more of our allies revolt from the people of Rome, rather than invite and incite them thereto: and after one is started aside, and upon repentance returned again to the ancient amity, to fall a reviling and rebuking of him, and bitterly to say, that he deserveth to be made an example to all others. For if it may be lawful for one to turn from the Romans, and held unlawful to return again unto the Romans, no man need doubt, but shortly the Roman Empire will be forsaken of all her confederates and allies, and we shall see within a while all the cities in Italy linked and consedered in fast league and friendship with the Carthaginians. And yet (quoth he) I am not the man, that thinketh Altinius worthy to be trusted in any thing for all this, but I would take a mean course and middle way between both extremities. My opinion is therefore, that for the present he should be taken neither for enemy nor friend, but commanded to ward, & to have the liberty of a prisoner, and only be kept forthcoming in some confederate & trusty city, not far from the camp, during the time of the war. And when the war is once finished and ended, than I hold it good to deliberate and consult, whither that his former revolt hath deserved more punishment, than this his present return meriteth favour and grace. Every men liked well of this advice of old Fabius, and gave their assent. So he was bound with chains, and both himself and his company delivered over and put in custody, & a good round sum of gold, which he then had brought with him, was by commandment reserved for his use. At Cales he made his abode: where all the day time he used to walk at liberty, with his keepers following him, but in the night they kept him close prisoner. But at Arpi, where his home was, they of his own house began first to miss him, and seek for him: afterwards, when it was noised throughout the whole city, that he was out of the way, and could not be found: the fame hereof caused a tumult, for the loss of a principal person as he was, thus revolted to the enemy. And for fear of an alteration in the State, presently the news thereof was sent to Hannibal. Who was nothing offended thereat, both because long afore he had the party himself in jealousy and suspicion, as one neither fish nor flesh, a man of no credit, and hardly to be trusted: and also for that he found a good occasion and quarrel to seize upon the goods of so rich and substantialla citizen, and to make sale thereof. But to the end, that the world might think, that he was more angry against his person, than greedy of his substance, he joined with cruelty, a grave course also of judicial severity, that the one might serve as a fuile to give lustre to the other. For having sent for his wife & children into the camp, first he examined them straightly, for to know whether he was fled, and what store of silver and gold he had left behind him at home in his house: and when he had learned enough of them touching every particular, and as much as he desired, he burned them quick to ashes.  
Fabius being departed from Suessula, purposed the first thing that he did, to assail Arpi. Where he lay encamped a mile from the town: and after he had well viewed by near approach, the situation of the city, and considered the wall, look where he saw it was most strong and sure, and therefore guarded most slightly and negligently, there especially he purposed to give the hottest assault. And when he had sufficiently provided & got together all ordinance and engines, requisite for the battery of cities, he made choice of the most hardy and valiant Centurions of the whole army, and set over them certain Tribunes and marshals, valorous and doughty goodmen, and appointed unto them a regiment of six hundred soldiers (for so many he thought sufficient for the present service) with direction and commandment, that when the trumpet sounded the relief of the fourth watch, they should bring scaling ladders to that place aforesaid. Now there stood a gate low and narrow, answering to a street not much used and frequented, by reason that quarter of the city was not inhabited, but stood void. That gate he gave them order first to scale and climb over, and then to go forward on the wall, & from with-in-forth to break down the bars, and level the said gate, and when they were masters of that quarter of the city, then to wind the horn, & give signal to the rest of the forces for to approach and come hard to the town, saying, That he would have all things in readiness, and in good order. This direction was performed accordingly with great diligence, & that which was thought and feared, would have been an hindrance and let unto them in the action, was the only thing which helped them most, that they were not descried. And that was a smoking shower of rain that began after midnight, which caused the warders and watchmen to quit their standings, forsake the Sentinels, and to fly into the houses for covert. The first noise of the storm pouring down with such force, made, that the rumbling of the soldiers could not be heard, as they were breaking down the gate; and as it grew after to rain more softly, and so kept still at one, it sounded gently and sweetly in their ears, until it brought a good many of them fast asleep. Now after they had seized the gate, the marshal's gave order, That the Cornettiers should be bestowed in that void street aforesaid, distant equally asunder, and to wind their horns, for to waken and raise the Consul. Which being done, according as it was before agreed, the Cos. commanded the standards and ensigns to be brought forth, and somewhat before day light, entered at the said broken gate into the city. With that, the enemies at length began to rouse themselves, for now the shower and storm was past, and the day approached. There was a garrison in the city at hand of five thousand of Hannibal his soldiers, armed and well appointed: and the Arpines of themselves were 3000 strong. Those the Carthaginians put in the forefront, as a forlorn hope, and opposed them against the enemy, for fear of some treacherous prank that they might play behind their backs. First they began to arraunge themselves to fight in the dark, blind, and narrow lanes. For the Romans had filled and taken up not only all the streets, but also the houses that were next the gate, to the end, they might not be gauled with shot, and wounded from aloft. Some Arpines and Romans fell at length to meet, to take knowledge and acquaintance one of another, and so began to commune and talk together. The Romans asked what the Arpines meant to rebel; for what offence and harm given of the Romans, and for what desert & benefit received from the Carthaginians, should they (being natural Italians) maintain war, for Aliens, strangers, and barbarous nations, against the Romans their old friends and ancient allies; and so to bring Italy in subjection to Africa, to do homage and fealty, yea and to become tributary, and to pay pension unto it? The Arpines excused and cleared themselves, saying that they (simple men, and ignorant of all things) were bought and sold by their great rulers and principal citizens, and lived in manner as captives and slaves under the command of some few persons, that might do all. Upon this beginning, more & more of them grew to parling and conference. At length the praetor of Arpi himself, was by his own people and citizens brought and presented before the Consul: where, after faithful promise passed, between the ensigns & the battles; the Arpines immediately bend their forces on the Romans side against the Carthaginians. The Spaniards likewise (who were not many under one thousand men) after they had capitulate and agreed with the Roman Consul, nothing but this one article, That the garrison of the Carthaginians might be sent forth & pass away safe without harm: came with their colours to the Consul. Then all the gates were set open for the Carthaginians to depart: and being sent away upon safe conduct, without any harm at all or damage unto Hannibal, arrived at Salapia. Thus Arpi was restored again to the Romans, without the loss and detriment of any one man, but one only old traitor and new fugitive revolt. The Spaniards were appointed to have double allowance of victuals: and they performed good, faithful, and valiant service many times after to the Commonweal.  
When one of the Consuls was in Apulia, and the other in Lucania, one hundred and twelve men of arms, Gentlemen of the nobility of Capua, having licence granted by the magistrates to go out of the city, pretending to make a road into the enemy's country, and to fetch in booties and prizes, came directly to the Romans camp, lying about Suessula. And meeting with the Corpse de guard, declared who they were, & that they would parley with the lord deputy. Now Cn. Fulvius was the General and commander of the army there: who being advertised and certified hereof, gave order that ten only of all that number, should be brought before him unarmed. When he had heard their suit and demand, which was nothing else, but that when Capua was recovered by the Romans, they might have their goods restored unto them: he received them all into his protection. The other praetor also Sempronius Tuditanus, won by force the town Cliternum: where there were taken prisoners above seven thousand men: and a good deal of copper and silver coin gained besides. At Rome there chanced a fearful and pitiful fire, which continued two nights & one whole day. All between Salinae & the gate Carmentalis, together with the Aequimelium and the street jugatium, were burned down and made even with the ground. Likewise without the gate the fire spread far all about, and in the temples of Fortuna and Dame Matuta, and Spes, consumed much, as well hallowed as profane.  
The same year, when all things prospered well & had good success in Spain, P. and Cn. both Scipions having recovered many associates & those of ancient league, that came in again to him and yielded themselves; and besides, gained some new confederates: conceived good hope, and took heart to proceed farther even into Africa.  
Syphax king of the Numidians, on a sudden fell out with the Carthaginians, and became their processed enemy. Unto him the Scipions addressed three Centurians as Ambassadors, to treat with him about a league and alliance: and to promise withal, that if he went on still to trouble and molest the Carthaginians, by making war upon them, he should do an high favour to the Senate and people of Rome: and that they would endeavour and bring about, that in good time and place, he should be well requited for that kindness, and receive at their hands a double recompense with thanks. This embassage pleased the barbarous king right well. And after he had conferred & reasoned with the Ambassadors, concerning military affairs, and the knowledge of warfare: and heard those old and experienced soldiers talk of war, he soon found his own wants, & how unskilful himself was in many points & feats of arms, in comparison of that methodical and orderly discipline, whereof they had discoursed. The first thing then, that he requested at their hands, was this: that as they were good friends and faithful allies, two of them only would go back with their embassy unto their generals, and that the third might remain with him, to read unto him a lecture in the military science of warfare. Saying, that the nation of the Numidians, were raw and altogether unskilful in footman's service, & only nimble and practised in fight on horseback. So (quoth he) from the first beginning of our nation have our ancestors used to war: and so have we from our childhood been enured to fight. Mary, an enemy I have, trusting and presuming much upon on his Infantry, whom I would gladly be able to match every way in all kind of service. Footmen I am able to set out as well as another: for why? my realm is populous, & yieldeth abundance of men: but altogether ignorant we are, how to fit them with armour, how to marshal them, how to order and set them in battle array: insomuch as all my people in battle go to it pell mel, and are as a multitude huddled and thrumbled together at a venture, without skill, without discretion and advisement. The Ambassadors answered and said, that for the present, they would do according to his will and pleasure: but withal, they had his faithful promise and word of a Prince, that he should immediately send back their companion again, in case their General's approved not their deed in that behalf. Q. Statorius his name was, that stayed behind with the king. So Syphax sent by the two Romans, his answer to the foresaid embassage, into Spain: and besides, with them other Numidians, Ambassadors of his own, to receive farther assurance and security from the Roman Generals: unto whom he gave in charge, that forthwith they should solicit, persuade, and entice all the Numidians that were auxiliary soldiers unto the Carthaginians, and served in any camp, city, or garrison town of theirs, for to abandon them and come to him. And Statorius for his part, having mustered a great multitude of serviceable young men, chose forth and enroled a power of footmen, to serve in the king's wars: and when he had sorted them into bands and companies, and ordered them in battle array, as near as possibly he could, to the manner of the Romans: he trained them in their running to follow their colours: he taught them to keep their places in their ranks, and to double their files: and likewise he accustomed them to travail & do work: & so acquainted them with other military orders and exercises, that within short time, the king reposed as good confidence, and was as mighty in his new Infantry, as in his old cavalry: and in a set pitched field on even ground, was able to meet the Carthaginian with banner displayed, and give him the foil in a full battle. The coming of the king's Ambassadors into spain, was to the Romans also a matter of great consequence and importance: for upon the rumour and fame that went thereof, the Numidians began to fall away apace, and to come thick unto the Romans. Thus were the Romans joined in amity and friendship with king Syphax.  
When the Carthaginians had intelligence of this new alliance, they addressed immediately their ambassadors to Gala, who reigned in another part of Numidia, over a nation called Massyla. This Gala had a son named Masanissa, of seventeen years of age, but a youth of such towardness, and so forward in virtue, that even then he made good and apparent show, that he would another day enlarge his dominion, and make a more flowering and mighty kingdom, than his father should leave it unto him. These Ambassadors declared unto Gala, that for as much as Syphax had entered league, and was banded with the Romans, to the end that by their alliance and society, he might be more mighty and puissant against other kings & nations of Africa: it were also better for him and much more commodious, to join with the Carthaginians in all convenient speed: before that either Syphax passed over into Spain, or the Romans into Africa: And Syphax (say they) may soon be defeated and overthrown now, while that he hath gained nought yet, but the bare name of the Roman league. Gala was soon persuaded to send a power of men, especially at the earnest instance of his son, who was very desirous of that war, and to have the managing thereof. He with the help of the Carthaginian legions, vanquished Syphax, & gave him a great overthrow. So as at that field there were slain by report, in one day thirty thousand. Syphax himself in person, with some few Numidian horsemen fled back to the Maurisians, that inhabit the farthest coasts, hard upon the Ocean over-against Gades. But the Barbarous people at the same of his coming so resorted in great numbers to him out of all parts, that in a short space, he was able to arm mighty host. And before he could with them cross over into Spain, which was divided from Africa, with a narrow arm of the sea, Masanissa was come with his victorious army: who in that place, of himself, without any help or aid of the Carthaginians, gave Syphax battle, to his great honour and singular glory. In Spain no memorable exploit was achieved, but that the Roman Generals alured and drew to them the able and serviceable manhood of the Celtiberians, for the same hire and stipend, that they bargained for with the Carthaginians: and sent from thence above three hundred Spaniards of the noblest parentage into Italy, to solicit their countrymen who served under Hannibal as auxiliaries, to follow them and take part with the Romans. This only, touching the affairs of Spain that year, is a thing worthy to be noted and remembered, That the Romans never waged soldier to serve in their war before that time, when the Celtiberians began to be their mercenaries, and first received pay.   

THE XXV. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the five and twentieth Book.  
PVublius Cornelius Scipio, surnamed afterwards Africanus, was made Aedile, before he was of Lawful years. Hannibal won the city Tarentum (all but the castle, into which, the Roman garrison was retired) by means of certain young Tarentine gentlemen, who had made semblance, that they went by night a hunting. The solemn plays in the honour of Apollo, were now first instituted, upon occasion of certain prophetical verses of Martius, wherein the overthrow at Cannae had been foretold. Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius' Consul, sought fortunately against Hanno, a Duke or captain of the Carthaginians. T. Sempronius Gracchus the Proconsul, was by a Lueane (his host that gave him entertainment) trained into the danger of an ambush, and slain by Mago. Centenius Penula, who had served in the wars as a Centurion, having made sent unto the Senate, to have the leading of an army, and promised, if this petition were granted, to win the victory of Hannibal, and to vanquish him, took the charge of eight thousand footmen, and gave battle to Hannibal: but he was slain himself, and his whole army defeated and put to the sword. Cn. Fulvius the praetor fought unfortunately against Hannibal, and lost the field: in which fight there died sixteen thousand men. Himself, with two hundred horsemen fled and escaped. Capua was besieged by Q. Fulvius, and App. Claudius, the Consuls. Claudius Marcellus in the third year of the siege, wan Syracuse, and bore himself in that service like a worthy and noble knight. In that tumult and burliburlie when the city was newly taken, Archimedes, whiles he was busily occupied about certain Geometrical figures and forms that he had drawn in the dust, was killed. The two Scipions, Pub. and Cornel. after so many and so worthy exploits performed fortunately in Spain, came to a woeful and bearie end, being themselves slain there, with the loss well-near of their whole armies, in the eight year after that they went into Spain. And the main possession of that province had been quite lost, but for the singular manhood and industry of L. Matius a knight of Rome, who having rallied and gathered together the remnants of the armies, so encouraged them, that by their valiant service two several encamped holds of the enemies were won, seven and thirty thousand of the enemies slain, and eighteen hundred taken prisoners, and a great rich booty obtained. Whereupon he was called Captain Martius.  
WHiles these affairs thus passed in Africa and in Spain, Hannibal employed the summer season in the territory of Tarentum, in hope by treason to be master of the city of the Tarentines. In which mean while, certain base cities of the Salentines, and towns of no importance revolted unto him. And at the same time, of those 12 States of the Brutij, which the year before had turned, & banded with the Carthaginians, the Consentines and Thurines were rallied wholly again to the devotion of the people of Rome. And more of them had returned likewise, but for L. Pomponius Veientanus, captain of the allies: who after he had made certain roads into the country of the Brutij, and sped his hand well with many booties, took upon him the countenance of a sufficient Colonel, and was no less reputed: and having gathered a power of men, suddenly in haste without good advisement, fought with Hanno. In which conflict, a mighty multitude of his men were either slain or taken prisoners. But, as good hap was, they were but a disordered unruly rabble of rustical clowns and bondslaves: and the least loss of all other, was the captain himself, who amongst the rest was taken captive: a man as then, the author of a rash and foolhardy fight, and had been aforetime a Publican or farmer of the city revenues, and always (through his naughty practices and cunning fetches and shifts wherein he was become skilful) a disloyal person, and dangerous both to the public State, and also to those private companies and societies, with whom he had commerce and dealing. Sempronius the Consul, lying in the Lucanes country, made many light skirmishes, but not any one worth remembrance, and won certain poor towns, and of small regard, belonging unto the Lucanes.  
The longer that this war continued linger, whiles prosperous success and adverse mishap interchangeably wrought much variety and alteration, as well in the inward minds of men, as in their outward state & fortune; such religious zcale and superstition (& the same for the most part in foreign ceremonies) had so seized & possessed the city, that either the men or gods thereof, were suddenly all at once become clean altered, and transfigured. In so much as now the Roman rites & holy observations were contemned, not only in secret, and within doors at home in their private houses, but abroad also in the open streets, yea and in the common place and Capitol: where there flocked always a fort of women, that neither offered sacrifice and oblations, nor said their prayers, and did their devotions according to the use and custom of their native country and city. Certain odd priests and chaplains, yea and doting wiseards and blind prophets, had inveigled the minds and consciences of men: whose number was the greater by reason first of the rural people and paisants of the country, who for need and poverty, and for fear together, were driven to quit their lands which they had not tilled and husbanded, by reason of the long wars, and many invasions and roads that laid all waist, and so retired into the city: afterwards by the easy occupation and ready means of gain which they found by the error of others, whom they soon seduced and abused: which trade they used and practised openly, as if it had been a lawful art and mystery. At the first, divers good and honest persons began secretly to grieve and be offended herewith, yea and to mutter and utter their griefs in private: but afterwards in process of time, the matter was presented before the LL. of the counsel, and broke forth to open complaint in public places. The Aediles and Triumvirs capital were blamed much, and sharply rebuked of the Senate, for not redressing these disorders: and when they went in hand, to rid the common place of this multitude, and to cast down, overturn and fling away the preparation and provision for their sacrifices and oblations, they had like to have been misused and mischieved by the people. When this malady and misorder seemed now to be greater than might be remedied and reform by the meaner and inferior Magistrate, M. Aemylius, Praetor of the city for the time being, received commission by order from the Senate, to see that the people were eased and delivered from this new religion and superstition. He not only red unto them in a public assembly the decree of the Senate in that behalf, but also made proclamation, Imprimis, that whosoever had any books of prophecies or prayers, or treatises written of this art and science of sacrifices, should bring in all those books and writings unto him before the Kalends of April next ensuing. Item, that no person should sacrifice either in public place, or sacred Church, after any new form or foreign rites and traditions. And in that year, there died certain public Priests, to wit, L. Cornelius Lentulus the Arch-prelate, or high Priest: and C. Papyrius Masso, the son of Caius, a Bishop. Also P. Furius Philus an Augur, and C. Papyrius Masso the son of Lucius, a Decemvir, deputed for holy mysteries. In place of Lentulus and of Papyrius, were M. Cornelius Cethegus, and Cn. Servilius Cepio substituted highpriest and bishop. For Augur, there was created L. Quintus Flaminius: and L. Cornelius Lentulus was chosen Decemvir over sacred ceremonies and divine service.  
Now the time drew near of the solemn election of new Consuls: but because it was not thought good to call the old away, (busied as they were in the wars) T. Simpronius one of the Consuls, nominated for Dictator, to hold that election aforesaid, C. Claudius Cento, who named for his General of the cavalry Q. Fulvius Flaccus. This dictator, the first comitial day following, created for Consuls Q. Fulvius Flaccus abovenamed, his General of horsemen, and Ap. Claudius Pulcher, who in his Pretourship had the jurisdiction and government of the province of Sicily. Then were the Pretours elected, Cn. Fulvius Flaccus, C. Claudius Nero, M. junius Syllanus, and P. Cornelius Silvius. When the Election was ended, the dictator resigned up his place.  
That year was Aedile Curule, together with M. Cornelius Cethegus, one P. Cornelius Scipio, whose surname afterwards was Africanus. When he stood and made suit for the Aedileship, and the Tribunes of the Commons were against him, objecting that he was not eligible and capable of that office, for that he was not of lawful age to be a competitor, and to put in for it: If (quoth he) all the Quirites and citizens of Rome will choose me Aedile, I have years enough on my back. Whereupon, in favour and furtherance of his suit, there was such running and labouring on all hands to the Tribes for their voices, that the Tribunes suddenly surceased their purpose to hinder him. And this was the largesse and donative that the Aediles bestowed. The Roman Games were, according to the wealth of that time, exhibited and set out with great state and magnificence, and continued one day longer than ordinary: and for every street throughout the city, was allowed a 
* A●out a wine gallon.  Congius of oil. L. vilius Tappulus, and M. Fundanus Fundulus Aediles of the Commons, accused certain dames and wives of the city before the people, of dishonest and incontinentlife: and sonie of them being condemned, they forced into banishment. The Games called Plebeij, were renewed for two days: and by occasion of these games, a solemn feast or dinner was kept for the honour of jupiter.  
Then Q. Fulvius Flaccus the third time entered the Consulship, together with Appius Claudius: and the Pretours cast lots for their Provinces. It fell unto P. Cornelius Silvius his lot, to have the jurisdiction both of citizens and strangers, which before was executed by twain. To Cn. Fulvius Flaccus fell Apulia: to C. Claudius Nero, was allotted Suessula: and M. junius Syllanus his hap was to have the rule of the Tuscans. The Consuls were appointed by decree of the Senate to war with Hannibal, and to have under their command two legions apiece: and that one of them should receive his legions of Q. Fabius, the Cos. of the former year: and the other take his, at the hands of Fulvius Centimalus. As for the Pretours, Fulvius Flaccus had commission for the conduct of the legions at Luceria, which served under Aemylius praetor there: and Nero Claudius was to have the leading of those that were under the hand of C. Terentius in Picenum: and that they should provide themselves of supply to make up the full number of the companies. M. junius had the charge of the legions of citizens mustered the year before to serve in Tuscan: T. Sempronius Gracchus, and P. Sempronius Tuditanus continued still in the government of their provinces, the one of Lucania, the other of Gallia, and kept their own forces. Likewise P. Lentulus governed the old province in Sicily: M. Marcellus was L. deputy of Saracose, and so far as the realm and dominion of king Hiero reached. T. Octacilius Admiral of the navy. Greece was governed still by M. Valerius. Sardinia by Q. Mutius Scaevola. Spain by P. and Cornelius Scipiones. To the old armies before, there were other two new legions levied and enroled by the Coss. So as in all, the whole forces for that year amounted to 23 legions.  
When the Consuls should muster the soldiers, they were hindered by occasion of a lewd prank played by one M. Posthumius Pyrgensis, to the great trouble & disquiet of the state & public peace. This Posthumius was by his vocation and calling a publican, who many years together for crafty and deceitful dealing, for avarice and covetousness, had not his fellow in all the city, but it were L. Pomponius Veientanus again; the same man, whom the year before, as he forraied the territories of the Lucan's rashly & unadvisedly, the Carthaginians by the conduct of Hanno had taken prisoner. These two (for as much as it was covenanted & indented before, that the transporting of those things which were for the provision of the armies beyond sea, should be warranted by the city against all danger of tempest; and that all damage & loss of goods that way miscarrying, should not lie upon the shoulders of the Publicans, who had undertaken by great, to serve the armies, but be made good again out of the common chest & treasure:) these Publicans (I say) not only gave false information of certain shipwrecks, but also if they brought word at any time truly of some ships that were perished, they were such only as were lost by their own fraud and deceit, and not cast away by chance or violence of weather. For they would freight and charge certain old vessels and shaken bothomes, with some few wares of small or no worth at all, and suffer them to sink for the nonce in the deep sea, and save the mariners and sailors, with small pinnaces and cockbotes prepared aforehand for the purpose: and when they had done, lie shamefully and say, that they had lost merchandise and commodities in those ships of sundry sorts, and of great value. These cunning parts of theirs had been the year passed revealed and notified to M. Aemylius the praetor, and the Senate by him made acquainted therewith: howbeit there was nothing done, nor any act of Senate devised for the chastisement of the offender: because the LL. of the Counsel in no case would offend the company and society of these publicans and farmers, in such a time especially, when there was some need of them. Then the common people took the matter into their own hands, for to proceed with more severity against these lewd and fraudulent practices. At length, two of the Trib. of the Com. Sp. and Lucius, both Carvilij, arose up and showed themselves. For seeing how odious and infamous an indignity this was, and not to be suffered, they brought M. Posthumius in question, and laid an action & set a fine upon his head, of two hundred thousand 
* 625 lib. star.  Asses. When the day of trial was come, whither the fine aforesaid should stand and be paid, or taken off and remitted; and that the commons were assembled in so great number, that the great court-yard of the Capitol would scarcely hold the multitude: the defendant spoke for himself and pleaded at large. But the only hope that he seemed to have was this, in case C. Servilius Casca a Trib. of the Com. a friend and near kinsman of Posthumius, would by virtue of his place come between & stop the course of law for proceeding farther, before that the tribes & wards were called forth, to go together and to give their voices. The two Tribunes abovenamed, having broughtforth the witnesses to depose, & their depositions being taken, commanded the people to void & make way: And the lottery casket or fosser was brought forth to cast lots, in what tribes the Latins should give their voices. All this while the Publicans were earnest with Casca, to dissolve the assembly by one means or other, and put off the court for that day. The common people on the other side, called on hard, and gainsaied it. And as it fell out, Casca sat foremost in one of the points and corners of the assembly. He wist not what to do, his mind was so perplexed for shame of the one side, if he did not help his friend and kinsman, and for fear on the either side, because he saw the people so eagerly bend. The Publicans seeing small hope of help in him, with full intent to make some stir, and to trouble the court, put forward forcibly and advanced themselves through a void way, seized upon an high place, and between the Tribunes & the people, rushed in upon them, and fell to quarrel and brawl both with the people of the one side, and also with the Tribunes on the other: insomuch as they were like to go together by the ears. Whereupon Fulvius the Consul; See ye not (quoth he to the Tribunes) how basely ye are accounted of, and made of no better reckoning among them, than private persons? See ye not a roiot & mutiny toward, unless ye make haste and break up the assembly? So the commons were dismissed, and a Senate called: 
The complaints of the Consuls to the Romans.  Where the Consuls made relation unto the Lords of the Counsel, & complained how the solemn Session and Court of the Commons, was by the audacious violence of the Publicans disturbed: That Court (I say) wherein M. Furius Camillus, upon whose exile ensued the destruction of the city, suffered himself to be condemned by ungrateful citizen: wherein the Decemvirs afore him, by virtue of whose good laws, the city is governed, and we live at this day: and wherein many principal citizens afterwards, have been content to be set down and judged by the people. Moreover, how Posthumius Pyrgensis by force wrested from the commons, the liberty of their voices and suffrages: subverted and made void the judicial Session of the commons: kerbed the Tribunes and had no regard of them: came as it were in warlike manner against the people of Rome: and got for their vantage the higher ground, to keep the Tribunes from coming unto the commons: & to stop the tribes for being called to scrutiny and to give their voices: and nothing else it was that kept men from committing a fray, and shedding blood, but the patience of the magistrates themselves: in that for the present, they gave place to the furious rage and malapert sauciness of a few: and for his will and pleasure broke up the assembly, before they could go together about the matter they were met for: (which the defendant himself with force and arms was ready to stop & hinder for going forward) because they might have no occasion given them to quarrel, which was the only thing that they sought for. When this matter with all the circumstances was thoroughly scanned of, and the best men there had spoken their minds, and given their opinion according to the outrageousness and indignity of the thing: and thereupon the Senate decreed, that this violence tended to the breach of common peace, and the hazard of the state (a most dangerous precedent to be suffered) then without more ado, the two Carvilij Tribunes of the Com. laid aside clean all debating about the penal fine aforesaid, and indicted Posthumius of a capital crime: and commanded him to be attached by a principal Sergeant, and to be led to prison, unless he put in good sureties for his appearance to answer the cause, such as would be bound for him body for body. Posthumius put in bail: and made default at his day. Then the Tribunes called the Commons together, preferred a bill unto them, which they granted to pass as an act, in this form: That if M. Posthumius came not forth and made appearance before the 
* 1. of May.  Calends of May, and being cited and called that day, answered not to his name, and no lawful excuse alleged for his absence, they judged him to be a banished man, and therefore awarded his goods to be sold in portsale, and himself to be excommunicate, and interdicted the use of water and of fire: and to lose the benefit of a citizen for ever. This done, they began also to indite all those, one after another, of a capital crime, who were his abetters, and the movers and stirrers of a sedition and commotion of the people, and to call for personal pledges. At the first they committed as many of them as could find no such sureties: and afterwards, those also that were sufficient to put in bail. For the avoiding of which danger, most of them departed into voluntary exile. This was the end of the Publicans fraudulent dealing: and this was the issue of their audacious enterprise, in defence and maintenance of their guile and deceit.  
After this, a solemn Court was called for the creation of the Archprelat, and M. Cornelius Cethegus newly elected Prelate, was the Precedent of this election. Three competiours there were, who sued for that Prelacy, & strove earnestly one against the other: namely Q. Fulvius Flaccus, Consul for the time being, who also had before been twice. Consul, & Censor besides; also T. Monlius Torquatus, a man of great reputation, for that he had been likewise dignified with a double Consulship, and one Censureship; and last of all, P. Licinius Crassus, who as yet, was to sue for the Aedileship: howbeit, this young man in that suit and contention was superior, and carried it away from those grave, ancient and honourable persons. Before him, for the space of an hundred and twenty years, there had not been created any one, the highest priest, (save only P. Cornelius 
* Scapula rather  Calussa) but had fit before in the ivory chair and borne office of state. The Consul had much ado, to go through with the levy, & to enrol the full legion of soldiers, by reason that the small number of young and able men would hardly afford both to furnish out the new legions of citizens, and also to supply and make up the old. Howbeit the Senate would not suffer them to give over their enterprise which they were about, but agreed that there should be chosen two Ternions of Triumvirs: the one sort of them to be sent out, within the compass of fifty miles every way from Rome, the other to go farther; with commission, to take good view and survey, both within that precinct and without, in all thoroughfares and market towns: in boroughs and places of frequent assemblies; of all persons of free condition that they could set eye on: and so many as they thought able men of body to bear arms, although they were not come to the lawful age for service, to priest them for soldiers. Also it was decreed, that the Tribunes of the commons, if they so pleased, should put up a bill, that all under seventeen years of age, who had bound themselves by military oath, should have as good pay, as if they had been enroled soldiers at seventeen years or upward. By virtue of this decree, the two Ternions aforesaid of the Triumvirs being chosen, made diligent search, and visited all the country over for free borne men accordingly.  
At the same time letters came from M. Marcellus out of Sicily, concerning the demands of those soldiers who served under P. Lentulus, and they were red in the Senate house. That army consisted of the residue which remained after the field lost at Cannae, and was confined into Italy (as hath been said afore) with this condition, not to return back into Italy before the Punic war should be ended. These soldiers obtained licence of Lentulus to send as ambassadors unto Marcellus (where he lay in winter harbour) the principal men of arms, such as served on horses allowed by the city, the chief centurions also and the bravest soldiers and choice flower of the legions. One of these in the name of the rest, having liberty granted for to speak, made his oration in this wise. 
The oration of 〈…〉  We had come to you into Italy, o M. Marcellus when you were Consul, immediately upon that decree made against us (which if it were not unjust and unreasonable, yet surely it was heavy and rigorous enough:) but that we hoped to be sent into this province (so generally troubled and out of order by the death of the KK.) there to be employed in some dangerous and cruel war against the Sicilians and Carthaginians both at once: and so with our bloodshed and grievous wounds to make satisfaction for our trespass unto the Magistrates and rulers of Rome. Like as in our father's days, they which were taken prisoners by king Pyrrhus before Heraclea, made amends for their fault by their good service against the same Pyrrhus. And yet, I can not see, [my LL. of the Senate] for what ill desert of our parts, ye either have been displeased aforetime, or are offended at this present with us. For me thinks, I see both Consuls, and the whole body of the Senate of Rome, when I behold your face o Marcellus: whom if we had had to our Consul at Cannae, it would have gone better both with the Commonweal, and with ourselves, than it did. For I beseech you, suffer us now, before I make moan, and complain of our hard state and condition, to purge ourselves of that crime for which we are blamed. Set case, that neither the wrath of the gods, nor destiny and fatal necessity (upon the law and decree whereof dependeth the immutable order and infallible course and consequence of all things in the world) was the cause that we were diffeated and overthrown at Cannae, but our own selves, and our default was the occasion: let us see then, whose fault it was, the soldiers, or the Generals? For mine own part, I remember I am a soldier, and of my Captain and General I will never speak but well; of him especially, unto whom I know the Senate rendered thanks, for that he despaired not of the commonwealth; and whose government ever since his flight and running away, hath been prorogued from year to year, and who hath had the conduct of armies continually. Neither will I say aught of the rest likewise, who escaped that unfortunate foil and diffeature, I mean our military tribunes and Colonels, who (as we here say) sue for dignities, bear honourable offices in city, yea and rule whole Provinces as LL. Precedents in foreign parts. Is it so indeed my LL? do ye so easily pardon and forgive your own selves & children? and deal ye so hardly, so rigorously and cruelly, against us base abject persons, and vile wretches? And was it no shame and dishonour imputed to the Consul and other great personages of the city to fly, when there was no other hope? and were the poor soldiers sent by you into the field with this intention, to be all killed up, & none to escape? At the battle of Allia, the whole army in a manner fled away: Also at the straits of Caudium (to say nothing of other shameful foils of our armies) the host yielded up their armour to the enemy, before they joined battle, and fought one stroke. Yet, so far off it was, that those armies sustained any infamy & shameful reproach therefore, that both the city of Rome was recovered again by the means of those regiments which fled from Allia to Veij: and also the Caudine legions which returned to Rome naked, were sent again into Samnium well armed: who subdued & brought under the yoke of subjection, the very same enemies, who had taken such pride and joy in that dishonour and ignominy of theirs. And now, for the army before Cannae, is any man able to come forth and charge them justly, that either they fled, or for cowardly fear behaved themselves unseemly, and not like soldiers? Where were slain in field above fifty thousand men: from whence the Consul fled with fifty horsemen, and no more: and of which company there is not one remaineth alive, but whom the enemy, weary with killing, spared and left. I remember, at what time as the prisoners taken there, were denied money to pay for their ransom, than every man commended and praised us, for saving and reserving ourselves against another day, to be employed in the service of the Commonweal: for returning unto Venusia to the Consul, and for making a good show of a complete army. But now, in worse case are we, than in our father's days, captives have been that were taken prisoners. For they only had their armour and weapons changed for worse, their rank in the battle shifted, their place in the camp where they should quarter, altered: which notwithstanding, they recovered again all at once, by performing their good devoir to their country, and winning a victory in one fortunate battle. Not one of them was ever confined (as it were) to a place of exile: none put beside hope to be discharged from soldiery by serving out his full time: and to be brief, they were set to fight with some enemy or other, where they might once for all, either lose their life, or end their dishonour. And we, against whom nothing can be objected at all, unless it be this, that we were the cause, and none but we, that some citizen of Rome might be said to remain alive of all those that were at the battle of Cannae: we I say, are sent far enough off, not only from our native country, and Italy, but also from all enemies: where we wax old in exile, to the end, that we should have no hope, no occasion and opportunity to wipe away and cancile our disgrace, to mitigate and pacify the anger of our fellow citizens, and finally to die with honour. But it is neither end of shame, nor reward of virtue and valour, that we desire and crave: but only that we might be permitted to make proof of our courage, and show our prowess. Pains and perils we seek for, and to be employed in dangerous adventures, like hardy men and brave soldiers. Two years already there hath been sharp and hot war in Sicily. Some cities the Carthaginians won by force, othersome the Romans took likewise by assault. Whole regiments of foot, many troops and cornets of horse encounter together, and assail one another. At Saracose there are great enterprises and worthy feats of arms, both by sea and land. The shouts of them that fight, the very clattering and ringing again of their armour and weapons, we can hear where we are, and we sit still like idle luskes, and do nothing, as if we had neither hands nor weapons to fight with. T. Sempronius the Consul, with legions of bondslaves, hath bidden battle to the enemies, and fought with them in plain field so oft, that they are well recompensed for their labour with gaining their freedom first, and then the Burgeoisie of the city. Let us yet, in place & quality litie at leastwise, of bondslaves taken up and bought for money against these wars, fight with those enemies, as well as they have done, and by our fight try, whether we can regain our enlargement and liberty. Will you yourself, o Marcellus, make trial of us, and of our valour, by sea, by land, in pitched field, and battle ranged, or in giving assault and winning of walled towns? Put us to it, and spare not. The hardest adventures, the most painful and dangerous enterprises, are they which we require most gladly: that we may have that betimes, and at once, which we should have come unto at Cannae: seeing that all the time we have lived since, hath been destined to our ignominy and disgrace.  
At these words they fell down prostrate at Marcellus his feet. Marcellus answered them, that he had neither power of himself, nor commission otherwise, to content them, and satisfy their request. Howbeit, write to the Senate he would: and according as the LL. should give advise and direction, so he would do and not fail. These letters (as I said before) were brought to the Consuls, and by them red in the Senate house. And after deliberate consultation about their contents, the Senate passed this decree: That as concerning those soldiers, who had forsaken their fellows fight before Cannae, the Senate saw no reason, why they should be put in trust any more with the affairs of the Commonwealth: but if M. Claudius the Proconsul thought it good otherwise, he might do according to that which he judged convenient, and to stand with his own credit, and the safety of the State. Provided always, that not one of them be dispensed with, and freed from service or charge of soldiery: nor rewarded with any military gift in testimony and token of his valour: ne yet reduced home again into Italy, so long as the enemy made abode there.  
After this, the praetor for the city, by virtue of a decree from the Senate, and an act of the Commons, assembled the people together. In which Session were created five Commissioners called Quinqueviri, for the re-edifying and repairing of the turrets and the walls: Likewise two other fraternities of Triumvirs, the one for taking an inventary of all sacred things, and to sign and note all offerings and oblations: the other for re-edifying the temples of Fortune and dame Matuta, within the gate Carmentalis, and likewise of Spes without the gate, which the year past were consumed by fire. Great and fearful tempests happened this year. On the Alban mount it reigned stones continually for two days. Many places were blasted and smitten with lightning from heaven, and namely two chapels in the Capitol, and the rampire about the camp and fort above Suessula in divers places thereof: and two watchmen in their Sentinels stricken stark dead. The wall and certain turrets thereon at Cumes, not only smitten, but also shaken down and overthrown with lightnings and thunderbolts. At Reate there was seen an huge stone to fly to and fro in the air. The sun also appeared more red than it useth to be, and like to blood. In regard of these prodigious fights, there was a solemn Procession and supplication all one day: and the Consuls for certain days together, attended only upon divine service of the gods: and the Novendiall sacrifices were devoutly celebrated nine days together.  
Now whereas a long time already both Hannibal hoped, and the Romans also suspected that the Tarentines would revolt: there fell out between, an occurrence and outward accident, which hastened it the rather. There was one Phileas a Tarentine, who having abode long at Rome under colour of an ambassador leger, a busy headed man, and of an unquiet spirit, one that of all things could not away with rest and peace, in which so long as he lived he thought every day a year, and that now he was waxen old and aged therein, found means to have access unto the hostages of the Tarentines. Kept they were in the Close belonging to the temple of Liberty, with the less attendance and careful eye, because it was expedient and good neither for themselves, nor for their city, to make an escape, & deceive the Romans. These hostages he had oftentimes solicited and persuaded by much talk and many reasons, and at length having bribed and corrupted two sextaines and wardens of the said temple, he trained them forth in the evening out from the place where they were in safe custody: and when he had accompanied them onward on the way as a guide, and directed them how to pass secretly, he fled himself and they together. By day break the next morning they were miss, and their escape was noised throughout the city. Whereupon, men were sent out after them from all parts, to fetch them in again: who having overtaken them at Tarracina, laid hold of them, and brought them back to Rome: where in the Comitium, they were, by the consent of the people, beaten with rods, and then thrown down headlong from the cliff Tarpeia.  
The cruel rigour of this punishment, caused much anger; and provoked two of the noblest and most famous Grecian cities in Italy to indignation, not only in public generally, but also in private particularly: according as any man was either in blood joined, or in alliance and friendship linked to them who were thus foully and shamefully put to death. Amongst whom there were about thirteen noble gentlemen of Tarentum, conspired together, and the chief of them were Nico and Philomenes. These conspirators before they would stir and enter into any action, thought best to speak and confer with Hannibal first: and so having gone forth of the city, under a pretence as if they went to the chase a hunting, by night they came unto him. But when they drew near unto the camp, the rest hid themselves within a wood near unto the high way: Nico and Philomenes only went forward to the watch, and there being taken (as they requested themselves) were brought before Hannibal. Who when they had delivered unto him their complot, and upon what occasions they entered into that designment, they were highly commended, and promised great rewards, and willed and charged by him, that to the intent they might bear their countrymen in hand, how they ever went out of the city to fetch in some booties, they should drive afore them into the city, certain cat-tail of the Carthaginians, which were put out to pasture and feeding: and herewith gave them his word to do it safely, and without any impeachment & resistance whensoever. Thus these young gentlemen were seen to bring in good store of cat-tail: and as they were known to make this adventure the second time and oftener still, men marveled the less at the matter, & suspected nothing. Now upon a new parling and communication with Hannibal, they covenanted with him upon his faithful promise in these terms, Imprimis, for the Tarentines themselves, to enjoy freely their lands and goods, and live under their own laws. Item, to pay no pension nor tribute unto Hannibal, nor be forced to receive a garrison against their wills. And last of all, to betray the garrison soldiers of the Romans, and all their fortresses and places of strength deliver up into the hands of the Carthaginians. When these conditions and capitulations were agreed upon, than Philomenes used much oftener to go forth and come in again in the night: and as he was known to be a great hunter, and much delighted in that exercise, he had his hounds following him hard at his heels, and all other furniture about him fit for huntsmen: and lightly ever he took some wild beast or other with his hounds, or else got something from the enemy, that of purpose lay ready for his hands: and always as he brought home ought with him, he would bestow it either upon the captain of the Roman garrison, or deal it among the warders of the gates. And they all, verily believed and were persuaded, that his going out and in thus, most by night, was only for fear of the enemies. Now, when he had used this so accustomably, that he had made it an ordinary practice, in so much, that at what time of the night so ever he had but once lured or whistled, the gate was straight set open for him: then Hannibal thought it time, to put the plot abovesaid in execution. Three days journey he was off. Where because he would have men the less marvel, why he kept a standing camp so long still in one place, he feigned and made himself sick. The Romans also, that lay in garrison at Tarentum, gave over to suspect his long abode and leaguering there. But after that he was determined and resolved to advance toward Tarentum, he picked out ten thousand foot and horsemen together, whom he supposed for nimble bodies, swift footmanship, and lightness of armour, to be most mere for expedition: and with them at the fourth watch of the night, he marched forward with his ensigns. And having sent out aforehand fourscore Numidian light horses, he commanded them, to ride about and scour all the ways on every side, and to cast their eye to espy and discover all the coasts, that no country people a far off might descry and view the army on foot, but they should be seen: and withal, to bring in, as many as were gone before, and kill all them they met & encountered: to the end that the paisants there inhabiting, might think they were thieves and robbers, rather than the vantcurriers and foreriders of an army. Himself in person marching with great speed and celerity, pitched his camp almost 15 miles from Tarentum. Neither would he there, be known unto his men of his purpose, nor tell them whither they should go: only he called his soldiers together, and charged them to hold on the direct way, and not suffer any one to turn aside, not in the march go out of his rank or file: & above all things, to be ready for to receive their charge and commandment from their captains, and do nothing without their warrant and commission. As for himself, he would when he saw his time, let them know his mind, & what the service was that he would have done. And about the same very hour and instant, news came as far as Tarentum, that some few Numidian horsemen forraied the country, and had put the villagers in great fright all about. At which tidings, the captain of the Roman garrison was no more moved, nor made any other haste, but only gave order, that some of the horsemen the next morning by day light should ride forth, to keep the enemy from farther excursions. In the mean time, they that had this charge, bore themselves so carelessly in providing themselves to execute that which they were commanded, that chose, they took those outrodes of the Numidians for a good argument, That Hannibal with his army was not dislodged, but abode still in leaguer where he lay first. Hannibal when it was once dark and dead night, began to set forward. Philomenes was there ready to be his guide, laden with his game hunted as his manner was. The rest of his conspiracy waited their time to execute their several charges, as it was agreed among them. Now it was ordered between them afore, that Philomenes coming in at the usual little wicket, with his venison that he had hunted, should bring in with him some armed men: and Hannibal on another part, come to the gate called Temenis, which looked toward the East, and stood on the land side of the city, a good way within the wall, as it were in a nouke. When Hannibal approached the said gate, he made a fire, in token that he was come (as it was devised between them before) and it flamed forth and gave a shining light. The like did Nico again. Then the fires on both sides were put out, that they made no more blaze. And Hannibal in great and still silence, led his army close to the gate. Nico came suddenly at unawares upon the watchmen fast asleep, killed them in their beds, and opened that gate. Hannibal entered with his regiment of footmen, and commanded the cavalry to stay behind, to the end they might have liberty of open ground to ride, whithersoever there was need, and as occasion required. Now by this time, Philomenes also was come near to that little gate on the other side, where he used to make his egress and ingress to and fro. And when he had raised the watchman with his voice so well known, and with his whistle wherewith now he was familiarly acquainted, and said withal, that he was troubled with tugging and lugging of a foul & heavy beast: therewith the wicket was set open. Two lusty fellows there were carrying in the wild bore between them, and he himself followed with one of the huntsmen, lightly & nimbly appointed, & whiles the watchman his eye was upon the two porters that carried the beast, wondering at the bigness of the bore, and took no heed to himself, Nicomenes thrust him through with his boar-spear. Then there entered in after them, about thirty men armed, who killed the rest of the watch, and broke down the great gates withal: and immediately there entered the companies with banner displayed: and so, forth from thence they were conducted and brought to the market place, without making any noise, and there joined themselves to Hannibal. Then Hannibal dividend two thousand Gauls into three: regiments, whom he sent into sundry parts of the city: and gave order to the Tarentines and the Africans, to get possession of the most principal & populous places of the city; and when the cry and shout was once up, to kill all the Romans wheresoever, and to spare the townsmen. But to the end that this might be orderly done, he gave direction to the young Gentlemen aforesaid of Tarentum, that so soon as they espied a far off, any of their own citizens and countrymen, they should bid them be quiet and still, to hold their peace, to be of good cheer and fear nothing. By which time, they began to set up a shout and cry, as men use to do in a city taken by assault: but what the matter should be, no man of the town or garrison could certainly tell. For the Tarentine inhabitants supposed verily, that the Roman soldiers of the garrison were risen up to sack the city: the Romans on the other side, thought that the townsmen mutinied, and they were in doubt of some traitorous practice. The Captain himself awakened and raised at the first tumult, escaped to the key, where he took a small barge or whitrie-bote, & fled to the castle. The trumpet also that sounded from the Theatre, made the greater terror: for it was both a Roman trumpet, provided aforehand for the purpose by those traitors, and a Grecian blew it, one who had no skill; & so it was doubtful, both who he was that sounded, and who they where that he gave signal unto. When day appeared, and the Romans saw the armour of the Carthaginians and Gauls, than they wist well in what door the wind was, and how the world went: and the greeks seeing the Romans lying along every where slain, were soon ware that the city was taken by Hannibal. But after it was broad day light, and that the Romans who remained unkilled, were fled into the castle, and the noise and hurly burly began by little and little to slake and give over: then Hannibal commanded the Tarentines to be called to a general assembly, and to present themselves without arms. When they were all come together, but only those who with the Romans were fled for company into the castle, there to abide such fortune as they; Hannibal spoke kindly unto the Tarentines, gave them good & friendly words, rehearsed with great protestation what favours he had showed to all their citizens, whom he had taken prisoners either at Thrasymenus, or at Cannae: and withal, after he had bitterly inveighed against the lordly and proud rule of the Romans, he commanded every man to repair home to his own house, and set his own name upon his door: for that, so many houses as had not the name written upon them of themaster thereof, he would presently upon sound of trumpet, command to be rifled. Over & besides, that if any one should happen to write his own name, and set it on the door or lodging-house of a Roman (for he saw divers of their houses empty) he would take him for an enemy, and deal with him accordingly. After this speech ended, and the assembly dissolved, when the doors were marked with their titles and inscriptions aforesaid, whereby the houses of friends & enemies were known distinctly one from another: the signal was given by sound of trumpet: & then there was running every where from all parts, to ransack the lodgings of the Romans. And some pretty sprinkling of pillage they met withal. The next day after, he advanced against the castle to assault it, which after he saw imprenable & not possible to be won, either by forcible assault, or by artificial devises of fabrics & engines, by reason that both the sea came to it, wherewith the greater part thereof was compassed, in manner of a demie Island, and also fortified besides on another part with exceeding high and steep rocks: and withal, fenced from the city with a strong wall and deep ditch: therefore, because he would neither let nor hinder himself from achieving greater affairs, whiles he was carefully busied only about defending the Tarentines, nor yet leave them without a strong guard, for fear lest the Romans from out of the castle, might at their pleasure come upon them, he determined to raise a rampiar for a partition between the castle and the city, for their defence against the said garrison. And he was not out of hope, but that when the Romans should offer to issue forth to hinder the said work, they might also be fought withal: and in case they adventured rashly to run on, and engage themselves too far, they might be cut off in their heat, & the forces of the garrison might be to diminished and abated by some great slaughter & execution, that the Tarentines of themselves should be able with case to defend their city against them. The said work was not so soon begun, but the Romans all of a sudden, set open the castle gate, sallied forth and charged upon the pioneers as they were labouring about their bulwark. The guard that attended for the defence of the workmen, and stood before their work, fell off and suffered themselves to be put back, to the end that the enemies upon their first success, should be more adventurous: supposing that the further they gave ground, the more of the other would follow after and chase them. Which being perceived, the Carthaginians whom Hannibal had kept close for this purpose, and had in readiness very well appointed, rose out of all parts, and made head again. Neither were the Romans able to abide their forcible violence. And fly they could not in multitudes, by occasion that the straightness of the place would give no leave: and besides, many things lay in their way: partly the work that was begun, & partly other provision of stuff brought for the same, which mightily hindered and impeached them. Most of them fell headlong into the trench: and to be short, more perished in their flight, than were killed in the fight. After this, the fortification went in hand again, and none durst venture to hinder it. So he cast a mighty deep ditch, and raised an high rampire within it. Also behind it, a pretty distance off, he went in hand to build a mure or wall to it, in the very same quarter; that they might be able even without any guard at all, or strength of men, to defend themselves against the Romans. Howbeit, he left them an indifferent band of soldiers, which might withal help out somewhat in making of the wall. Himself then departed with the rest of his army as far as the river Galesus (five miles off from the city) and there encamped. From which standing camp, he came back once again to survey the work: and finding that it went better forward than he looked for, he began to conceive some good hope that the citadel also might be won by assault. For why, it was not defended surely by situation on high ground, as others are, but seated on a plain, and divided from the city, by a wall only and a ditch. Now when as it began to be assailed with fabrics, and artillery devised of all sorts, there happened a new supply to be sent from Metapontum to aid the garrison: whereby the Romans took hart unto them, in so much as in the night time of a sudden, and before they were looked for, they set upon the fabrics and ordinance of the enemies planted thereupon: some they cast down and overthrew, others they fired and consumed. And there an end of Hannibal his assault of the castle from that side.  
The only hope behind now, was in continual siege: and yet that hope promised no great effect, because they that held the castle, had the sea free at their command, all that side, whereas the said fort (standing as it were in an half Island) overlooketh the mouth of the haven: and the city chose, was wholly secluded from all intercourse of passage & commodities coming in by sea, and liker were they that besieged the fortress, to feel the want and scarcity of victuals, than those that were besieged within it. Then Hannibal, after he had called together the principal citizens of Tarentum, laid open unto them all, the present difficulties, saying, That he neither saw any way to win by force the castle so strong and fortified as it was, nor had any hope at all to gain it by siege, so long as the enemies were lords of the sea. But if they had ships once, whereby they might hinder and stay the coming in of their victuals and other commodities, the enemies immediately would either quit the piece, or yield themselves. The Tarentines held well with that, and approved the devise. But (say they) he that giveth us that counsel, must also afford us means to effect the same. For the Carthaginian ships, if they were sent for, and set out of Sicily might well do the seat: mary, as for our own which lie shut up as it were, within a little creek and bay, considering, that the enemy keepeth the mouth and entry of the haven, how is it possibly that they should get out from their harbour into the open sea, and pass without danger? Pass (quoth he?) Pass they shall, make no doubt of that. Many things, I tell you, considered in their own nature are cumbersome and difficult, but by policy and wit of man are easily wielded and wrought with a sleight. Ye have a city here seated upon a plain and champain ground, the ways answering to every side of it, are even, large, and broad enough, yea, and open to all quarters. I will choose that way which crosseth the midst of the city, and passeth along to the haven and the sea, and so will carry and transport the ships upon wanes, with no great ado and trouble. And so, both the sea shall be ours clear, which now the enemies keep, and also we shall besiege the castle round, as well by sea as by land: nay, more than that, within shorttime we shall either enter it, being abandoned of the enemies, or else be masters both of it and them together.  
These words not only put them in good hope, that the enterprise would be effected, but also set them in a wonderful good conceit & admiration of the captain himself. Then out of hand, all the wanes and carts were taken up from all places as many as could be had, and were put together, and coupled one to another. Divers crane's and other instruments were set to, for to draw up the ships to land, the way made plain and level, that the carts might go more easily, & pass away with less trouble & more expedition. After this they got together draft oxen, cartjades and other labouring beasts, yea, and men also for to draw: and thus the work was lustily begun, insomuch, as within few days, the fleet well rigged, appointed, and dressed, was brought about the castle, and rid at anchor even in the avenue and entry of the haven. In these terms stood Tarentum, when Hannibal left it, and returned back to his wintering harbours. But authors write diversely of this revolt of Tarentum, whither it happened the year past, or at this present. But the greater number of them, and those that lived nearer to that time, when the remembrance of these matters was fresh, affirm that it was this very year.  
At Rome, the Consuls and Pretours both remained still, until the 
* 17 April.  fifth day before the Calends of May, by occasion of the Latin holidays, upon which day, when they had performed a solemn sacrifice, with all compliments thereto belonging, on the Alban hill, they departed every one to his several charge and province. After this, there crept into the minds of men a new scrupulosity of conscience upon certain prophetical verses of one Martius, a noble & famous prophet in times past. Now, by reason that in the year before, there was diligent search and inquilition made, for such books of Fortune, according to a decree granted out of the Senate, those verses came to light, and to the hands of M. Aemylius praetor of the city, who sat upon that commission. And he immediately gave them to Silvius the new praetor. Of two prophecies of Martius, the one, which afterwards carried the greater authority with it, by reason of the event that happened so right, and declared it so evidently, caused the other also, whereof the time was not yet come, to be of credit and believed. The former contained a Prediction of the overthrow at Cannae, in these or such like words: 
From Trojane line, O Roman once descended,  
Fly Canna river, near to Cannae town:  
Lest strangers borne, who have thy death intended,  
Force thee to fight on Diomedes his down.  
But warning mine, thou wilt not rest upon,  
Until with blood thou first do fill the plain;  
And then to sea from fruitful land, anon  
Thy men shall down the stream by thousands slain.  
Thy flesh must bait the fish in Ocean deep,  
And lure the souls that fly from high to pray,  
And feed wild beasts, on earth below that keep.  
Mark well my words love thus me taught to say.   
And they who had been soldiers, and served in those wars, knew as perfectly Diomedes his plains, and the river 
* The same that Ausidus.  Canna, as they did the very defeiture itself, and loss at Cannae. Then was the other prophesy likewise read, which was the darker of the twain: not only because future things are more uncertain, than those which are passed already; but also by reason of the kind of writing, which was more obscure and intricate, in these terms: 
If enemies ye would expel, if botch and plaguy sore  

* Apollo is called in Homer Ilia. ● 〈◊〉 i. shooting a far off.  Sent from a far, ye would drive forth, and vexed be no more.  
To Phoebus (Romans) I advise, ye vow, from year to year  
To set forth plays in solemn wise, with mirth and merry cheer.  
From public stock, the people must, part of the charge disburse:  
The rest shall ye, for you and yours, defray with private purse.  
The sovereign praetor must precure these games to be performed,  
Who sits in place, men's pleas to bear, and see all wrongs reformed.  
Then shall the ten Decemvirs height, the Greekish rites observe,  
In slaying beasts for sacrifice, and nothing from them swerve.  
If all be done accordingly, your joy shall aye increase,  
Your State shall daily grow in wealth, and fruits of blessed peace.  
For god Apollo will you save, he will your foes destroy.  
Who at their pleasure waste your fields, and work you much annoy.   
For the explanation and expiation both, of this prophesy, they took one whole day. And the morrow after, there passed a decree from the Senate, That the Decemvirs should peruse and look into the books of Sibylla, about the exhibiting of those said games, in the honour of Apollo, and celebrating likewise of the sacrifices. And when all was perused, and relation made before the Senate: the Lords made an Act, and set down an order, First, to vow and set forth solemn pastimes accordingly, to the honour of Apollo. Item, After the Games were done and finished, to allow the praetor 
* 37 lib. 10 sh. sterl.  twelve thousand Asses, toward the expenses of the divine service, and two greater beasts for sacrifice. There passed also another Act of the Senate, That the Decemvirs should celebrate divine service, and sacrifice after the observance and rites of the Grecians; and offer upon the altar these beasts, to wit, an Ox with guilded horns, and two white female goats, with guilded horns likewise, for Don Apollo: and a cow with horns, in like manner guilded, for Dame Latona. The praetor, when he was to represent the Games within the Circus Maximus, gave commandment, and made proclamation, That the people, during the time of those solemnities, should contribute money, for an offering to Apollo, every man according to his ability, and as he might well spare. This is the beginning of the Apollinare Games & plays, exhibited for to obtain victory, and not for to escape some plague or pestilence, as most men suppose. And when they were celebrated, the people stood to behold and look on, adorned with garlands upon their heads, and the dames and matrons of the city went in procession, & made supplications. Every man's door was set open, and they feasted and made good cheer generally through the city in the open street; and a high holiday this was, solemnised with all kind of ceremonies that could be devised.  
But to return again to Hannibal, who was about Tarentum; and both Consuls remaining in Samnium, but ready, as it seemed, to besiege Capua: it fell out, that the Campanes already were distressed with hunger and famine, (a calamity that usually followeth long and continual siege) and the reason was, because the armies of the Romans had impeached and hindered their seedness. Therefore they dispatched Ambassadors to Hannibal, beseeching him, that he would take order for grain to be brought into Capua, from all parts near adjoining, before that the Consuls were come abroad with their legions into their territory, and all the ways beset, and passages stopped by the guards and companies of the enemies. Whereupon, Hannibal gave direction to Hanno, that he should remove out of the country of the Brutij, and pass over with his forces into Campania, and endevourso, that the Campanes might be provided of sufficient store of corn. Then Hanno dislodged anon, and departed with all his power out of the 
* Al●●zza.  Brutians country, purposing to avoid the leaguer of his enemies, and namely the Consuls, who lay in Samnium: and when he approached near to 
* 〈…〉  Beneventum, he pitched his tents three miles from the city itself, upon a high ground. After which, he commanded, that the corn should be brought to him into his camp, out of all the associate and confederate cities thereabout, into which it had been carried in the summer afore, & allowed a good guard for the safe convoy thereof. After this, he sent a messenger to Capua, to give them notice, upon what day they should attend, and be in readiness to receive their corn; and against the time, provide out of the country for the carriage, carts, wanes, and draught-beasts, and packehorses of all sorts. But the Campanes, like as they carried themselves in all things else, idly and negligently, so in this they were very slack and reckless: for they sent little above forty cars, and some few beasts for carriage besides. For which they had a check given them, and were rebuked by Hanno, because that hunger, which causeth the very dumb beast to bestir itself and make hard shifts, was not able to prick them forward to be more careful about their own business. So there was a farther day appointed for to fetch their corn, and to come more furnished and better provided for carriage. All this being reported to the men of Beneventum, with the circumstances and particulars, as it was, they addressed with all speed ten Ambassadors to the Roman Consuls, encamped then about Bovianum. Upon which intelligence given of the affairs at Capua, they took order, and agreed between themselves, that one of them should conduct an army into Campania. And Fulvius, who undertook that charge, marched by night to Beneventum, and put himself within the walls of the town. And there he was advertised by them that dwelled near hand, That Hanno was gone out with part of his forces, for to purvey corn; that there were 2000 carts come, with a rude and disorderly multitude besides of people, without armour; that all that they did was in hurry, in haste, and great fear; and finally, that the camp was out of form and fashion, and all good military order clean gone, by reason of a rabble and multitude of country clowns, come out of those quarters, and intermingled amongst them. The Consul, I say, being informed forcertaine by credible persons, of these things, gave his soldiers warning to make ready against the next night ensuing, nothing but their ensigns & weapons, for that they were to charge upon the camp of the Carthaginians. And so they set forward at the releese of the fourth watch, leaving their packs and trusses with all their bag and baggage behind them at Beneventum: and presenting themselves before the camp, somewhat before day, they put them into such a bodily fear, and so terrified them, that if it had been pitched upon a plain ground, no doubt, it had been won at the first assault. But the height of the place, and their rampires and fortifications besides, which could not possibly be entered upon, without climbing upon the steep hill with much difficulty, were a defence unto it. By day light there was a lusty assault given, and a hot skirmish begun, but the Carthaginians not only defended and kept their rampire, but also (as having the vantage of the ground) they chased and thrust the enemies back, as they mounted up the hill. Howbeit, resolute hardiness overcame all hardness and difficulties whatsoever. For in divers places at once they advanced as far as the banks and trenches; but it cost bloody blows first, and the death of many a soldier. The Consul therefore calling the Colonels and Marshals together, said, it were not amiss to give over that rash and heady attempt, and, as he thought, it were the safer course, for that day to retire the army to Beneventum, and on the morrow to encamp themselves affront the enemy, to the end, that neither the Campanes might get forth, nor Hanno return and enter into the town again. And that this might be the sooner effected, and with a great deal more ease, he would send for his Colleague also with his army, and both of them jointly bend their forces that way. But these devises of the captain general were soon dashed. For as he was about to found the retreat, the soldiers with a loud voice cried out, that they could not away with such faint captains; they scorned to be commanded in so cold and slothful service; they would none of that: and so put the Consul out of his hent. It happened, that next unto the gate entering into the enemy's camp, there served a cohort or company of the Peligni, led by Captain Vibius, who caught the banner out of the bearer his hand, and flung it over the rampire, and with that, fell to cursing himself and his company both, wishing a plague light upon him and them to, if the enemies went away with that banner: and therewith led himself the way, and broke first through the trench, and over the pallaisado into their camp. Now by this time the Peligni fought within the rampire: and then Valerius Flaccus a Colonel of the third legion, from another side fell to upbraid the Romans, and hit him in the teeth with their beastly cowardice, for suffering their allies to have the honour of entering & taking the camp. Whereupon T. Pedanius (a centurion of the regiment called Principes, and serving in the first place thereof) took likewise an ensign from him that carried it, and withal, Now shall, quoth he, this ensign, and this Centinere (meaning himself) presently be within the rampire of the enemies: let me see who dare follow, and save it from being taken by the enemy. At first, his own band and company followed him hard at heels, as he clambered to get over the rampire, and then the whole legion came after likewise. By this time, the Consul also seeing his soldiers climbing over the rampire, changed his purpose, & was of a clean other mind: and from calling & reclaiming his soldiers back, fell to exhort and encourage them, showing in how great hazard and danger a right hardy and valiant cohort of allies were, and the whole legion of citizens besides. They all therefore set to, and every man did his best: and notwithstanding there was many a dart driven and javelin lanced, notwithstanding the enemies opposed their armour and bodies full against them, yet they never stinted to assay every place, as well high as low, until they were broken through, and gotten in. Many a man was hurt (ye may be sure) but yet even they that bled until they fainted, and were not able to fight any longer, carried this mind and strove withal, to die yet within the rampire of their enemies. Thus in the turning of an hand the camp was won, as easily as if it had been pitched upon a plain and even ground, and notfortified at all with trench & rampire. From this time now, there was no more fight, but killing on all hands in that medley and confusion of pell-mell within the camp. Slain there were of enemies more than six thousand, and above seven thousand taken prisoners, together with the Campane purveiors for corn, and all the provision of wanes, carts, and labouring beasts. Besides, another huge booty was taken, which Hanno when he went a foraging all abroad, had raised out of the country of the associates of the people of Rome. Then the Consul after he had cast down all the fortifications of the camp, returned from thence to Beneventum. And there both the Consuls together (for Ap. Claudius also thither came after a few days) made sale of all the prizes and pillage, and divided the fame. Vibius the Pelignian, and T. Pedanius a principal centurion of the third legion, by whose forward and singular good service, the camp of the enemies was forced, were rewarded especially above the rest. Hanno then together with some few foragers whom by chance he had with him, returned from Cominium Ceritum (whether the news came of the loss of the camp) into the Brutians country, more like one that fled in rout, then marched in warlike order.  
The Campanes also having heard, as well of their own losses as of their allies, sent ambassadors unto Hannibal, to certify him, That both the Consuls were at Beneventum, that the war was within a days journey of Capua, and but a step from the very gates and walls of the city: and unless he made good haste to succour and rescue them, Capua would sooner come under the obedience and subjection of the enemies, than Arpi did. And he was not to make such a reckoning of all Tarentum (much less than of the castle alone) as in regard thereof to leave Capua undefended, and yield it to the people of Rome, Capua I say, which he was wont to compare and make equal with the city of Rome. Hannibal promised that he would take care for the good estate of the Campanes: and for the present he sent two thousand horsemen with the ambassadors, as a guard to keep the country and territory from invasion and spoil.  
The Romans in this mean time, among other their affairs, neglected not the safety of the castle of Tarentum, and the garrison there besieged. For C. Servilius, Lieutenant, by order and authority of the Senate, was sent by P. Cornelius the praetor into Hetruria, to purvey for come, and to buy store: who with certain ships laden therewith, arrived in the haven of Tarentum, passing even through the guards of the enemies. At whose coming, they that before whiles they had but small hope, were oftentimes by way of parley moved by the enemies to go to the contrary side, now themselves began to persuade and solicit the enemies to come unto them. And the garrison surely was strong enough, considering that the soldiers which lay at Metapontum, were drawn from thence to the defence and keeping of the castle of Tarentum. And therefore the Metapontines, so soon as they were delivered of the fear whereby they were kept and held in as with a bit, revolted unto Hannibal. Semblably did the Thurines also, who inhabited the same tract by the sea side. They were moved and persuaded thereto, not so much by the rebellion of the Tarentines and Metapontines, with whom they were linked in kindred, and joined near in blood (over and besides that they were descended as well as they, out of Achaia) as with anger towards the Romans for the hostages lately by them killed. Their friends therefore and kinsfolk dispatched letters and messengers unto Hanno and Mago (who were in the country of the Brutijneere at hand) offering to deliver the city into their hands, if they brought their power and presented it before their walls. Now was there one M. Atinius, captain there over a small garrison, whom they supposed might be easily drawn forth of the town to make some rash and inconsiderate skirmish, presuming not so much upon his own soldiers (who were but an handful) as upon the youth and flower of the Thurians, whom he had of purpose enroled into bands and companies, and furnished with armour against the like occasions of service. The Carthaginian captains afore named, had divided all their forces between them in two parts, and were entered into the territory of Thurij: and Hanno with his regiment of footmen, advanced with banners displayed before the city: Mago with the horsemen, stayed behind close among the hills, over-against the town, and there lay secretly in ambush. Atinius then, who by his espials was informed only of the squadrons of footmen, came forth with his forces into the field, ignorant (God wot) both of the falsehood and treason of the townsmen, and also of the covert trains and ambushment of the enemies. The skirmish of footmen was exceeding faint & cold, whiles the Romans being but few, fought in the vanguard: and the Thurines looked rather when the skirmish should end, than made any haste to fight themselves and help: and withal, the squadrons of the Carthaginians gave ground for the nonce, to train the enemy as far as the side of the hill, under which, on the other side their horsemen lay in wait and were ambushed. And thither they were not so soon come, but the horsemen made haste to show themselves, with a great outcry, and presently put to flight the raw and disordered company and multitude of the Thurines; who were not very fast and found in heart to them on whose side they fought. The Romans, albeit they were environned round, whiles the footmen lay still at them on the one side, and the horsemen charged them a fresh on the other side, yet they maintained fight, and held out a long while: but at last, they likewise turned their back and fled to the city. There the traitors and conspirators being gathered together on heaps, so soon as they had let in at the gates standing wide open, the companies of their own citizens: when they saw once the Romans running apace in disarray toward the city, made a false alarm, crying aloud that the Carthaginians were at hand, and that both enemies and friends together intermingled, would enter the city, unless they made better haste to shut the gates. So they excluded the Romans out, and gave them as a prey to be hewn in pieces by their enemies. Howbeit, Atinius with some few, was received within the town first. After this, there was some mutiny and dissension between the citizens themselves, for a little while. Some were of mind to stand upon their guard and defend the town: others were of opinion, to yield unto fortune of the time, and deliver it up to the victor's hands. But in conclusion, fortune & bad counsel together, (as for the most part it falleth out) prevailed. And so, after they had borough Atinius and his soldiers to the haven side, unto their ships for to be embarked, more upon good will that they bore to him for his mild & just government, and therefore were ready to save him, than for any regard at all they had of the Romans, they received the Carthaginians into the city.  
The Consuls than led the legions from Beneventum into the territory of Capua, not only to make spoil and mare the corn, that was laid up already in strong towns against winter, but also to assail Capua: supposing they should make their Consulship renowned unto posterity, by the destruction of so rich and wealthy a city: and besides, do away that great dishonour and shameful blemish of the Empire of Rome, in suffering a city so near unto them to continue now three years in rebellion, without revenge and condign punishment. But to the end that Beneventum should not be without a guard, and that against all sudden accidents and occurrences of war, in case Hannibal should come to Capua, for to rescue and aid his allies, (which they made no doubt but he would do) there might be horsemen to withstand his violence: they commanded T. Cracchus to come out of Lucania, with the cavalry and light armed footmen: and to take order and leave some other to govern the legions and the standing camp, for the guard and defence of those parts there.  
Gracchus before he dislodged out of the Lucanes country, happened to have a fearful and prodigious token, as he offered sacrifice. For after the sacrifice was performed and accomplished, two snakes came gliding out of a blind hole, no man knew how, to the entrails of the beast, and fell to eat the liver: and so soon as they were espied, suddenly glid out of sight and were no more seen. Now, when as the bowel-priers had given advise to kill a new sacrifice, and so soon as the inwards were opened and laid forth, to tend and look unto them more heedfully; the snakes came again, as it is reported, the second & third time: and when they had once given as it were an assay, and tasted the liver, they went clear away without hurt and untouched. And albeit the Soothsayers aforesaid, had given an Item, and foretold, that this prodigious fight pertained properly unto the chief captain and General, and warned him to take heed of some close persons & secret practices: yet his fatal destiny of death that hung over his head, could by no forecast and providence be altered and avoided. Now there was one Flavius a Lucan, the principal head of that bend and side of the Lucanes, which when the other faction revolted unto Hannibal, took the Romans part; and having been by them chosen the praetor, had continued in that place of magistracy a year already: this man all on a sudden changed his mind and affection, and seeking to wind and enter into the favour of Hannibal, could not be content to revolt himself, and to draw with him the Lucanes to rebellion; unless he made a league also and covenant with the enemies, and sealed it with the murder and blood of his General: of him (I say) who being entereined and lodged in his house, he purposed villainously to betray. He entered therefore into secret speech and conference with Mago, governor over the Brutij, & having capitulated with him, under his faithful word and promise, That if he delivered the Roman General into his hands, the Lucanes might live in freedom under their own laws, in league & amity with the Carthaginians; he told him of a place into which he would bring Gracchus, with a small company and guard about him: willing Mago to put his foot and horse in arms, and in such a place aforehand, wherein he might bestow closely and secretly a mighty number of men. When the place was well viewed and considered all about, they agreed upon a day, for putting this plot in practice. This done, Flavius cometh to the Roman General Gracchus, and informeth him that he had begun an enterprise of great consequence, for the accomplishment and full perfecting whereof, he needed the helping hand of Gracchus himself. Namely, he had persuaded with all the Pretours and Governors, who in that universal and general trouble of all Italy, had revolted unto Hannibal, for to return again into the league and friendship of the Romans; seeing that the Roman state and their dominion, which by the overthrow at Cannae was come in a manner to the lowest ebb, and fallen into extreme despair, flowed now again, and grew every day more than other, greater and mightier; whereas chose, the puissance of Hannibal decayed much, and was well-near come to nothing: besides, the Romans were men that might be appeased and reconciled again, especially the trespass being so long ago done and passed: for never was there nation under the sun, more tractable, more favourable and ready to pardon a fault: and how often have they (to go no further for examples) forgiven the open rebellion even of their forefathers and ancestors? These (quoth he) were my words unto them, and in deed, but my words. Mary they had liever hear Gracchus himself speak, and hear the same from out of his own mouth: they would more gladly talk with him in person, & take hold of his right hand, which as the assured pawn of his faithful promise, he carrieth always with him wheresoever he goeth, and they desire no more. I have therefore (faith he) appointed a convenient place of interview and conference: lying out of the way and forth of sight, but yet not far from the Romans camp. There the matter may be dispatched in few words, and all the name and nation of the Lucanes, reduced under the obedience and alliance of the people of Rome. Gracchus suspecting no fraud nor harm, neither in his words nor deeds, sounding all to a great likelihood of simplicity and truth in his conceit, departed out of the camp attended upon with his sergeants, and guarded only with a comet of horsemen: and so by the guidance of his own host, in whose house he lodged, was plunged headlong within the danger of the ambush of his enemies. Who suddenly arose: and Flavius because he would put it out of doubt that he was a traitor, went to their side and joined with them. Then they let fly arrows, & shot darts against Gracchus and his horsemen on every side. Whereupon Gracchus alight from horseback, & commanded the rest to do the same, exhorting them, that the only thing which fortune now had left unto them, they would grace and honour with virtue. For what remaineth else for us, (a small handful unto them) environned as we are with a multitude of them, within a valley compassed about with hills and woods, but present death? This only we are to resolve upon, Whither in this present amazedness and heartless fear, we will as beasts suffer our throats to be cut without revenge again; or turning wholly our timorous expectation and suffering of death, into choler and courage, fight adventurously and manfully, and bathing our hands in the blood of our enemies, lose our lives and fall down dead, upon the weapons and bodies of them, lying gasping themselves under us. Ah that Lucan, that fugitive rogue and rebel, that treacherons and fall traitor, see ye all lay at him. Whose hap it will be, ere he die, to be his priest, to sacrifice and send him to the devil, he shall win an honourable price, and find no small solace and comfort in his own death.  
With these words, he wrapped his rich coat of arms about his left arm (for they had not brought forth with them so much as their shields) & charged with exceeding force upon the enemies. The fight was far greater on their part than for the proportion and number of the men. 
Gracchus' killed by his host, a Lucan.  The bodies of the Romans lay open most unto the shot. And thus overcharged on all sides, from the higher places: as being in the valley subject to the volley of their darts, they were soon pierced through. When Gracchus was left naked alone, and his guard dead at his feet, the Carthaginians did what they could to take him alive: but he having espied among the enemies his good host and friend, that Lucan, ran among the thickest press: where he was so fully bend to mischief him, that they could not will nor choose but kill him outright, without they would have lost the lives of many other. He was not so soon dead, but Mago sent him straightway unto Hannibal, and commanded that his body together with the knitches of rods (belonging to his Magistracy) should be presented and showed before the Tribunal feat of the General. And this is the true report of the end of Gracchus: to wit, that he let his life in the Lucan land, about the plains which are called Veteres Campi. There be some that tell it otherwise, how he being accompanied with his sergeant, and three serving men his bondslaves, went out from the camp within the territory of Beneventum, near unto the river 
* Ca●●re.  Calor, for to wash himself: where there chanced his enemies to lurk, and lie in wait among the willows and falowes that grew by the bank side, and so being unarmed and naked too, he was assaulted, where he defended himself as well as he could with flinging at them pebble stones such as the river afforded and carried down with the stream, and so was slain. Others write, that by advise of the Bowell-priers, he went out of the camp half a mile off, for to purge and expiate in some pure and clean place, those prodigious tokens above rehearsed: and there was beset and environed round about with two troops of Numidian horsemen, who happened there to lie in ambush. See how variable and uncertain the fame goeth, both in what place, and after what manner, this so noble and famous person came by his death. Nay the very funeral and sepulture also of Gracchus, is diversely delivered. Some say, he was interred by his own soldiers within the Roman camp. Others give out and say (and that is the more common report) that by the appointment of Hannibal he was buried in the very entrance of the Carthaginian leaguer; that there was a funeral fire made in solemn wise to burn his corpse; that the whole army jousted and ran at tilt and tornement in their complete armour; that the Spaniards leapt and danced Morris; and each nation according to their guise and manner, performed sundry motions and exercises as well of their weapons, as of their bodies: yea, and that Hannibal himself in proper person, with all honour of funeral pomp that might be devised, both in word and deed, solemnised the obsequies in the best manner. This say they that affirm the thing to have happened in the Lucanes country. But if a man should believe them, who record how he was slain at the river Calor, than the enemies got nothing of him but only his head. Which being presented unto Hannibal, he sent Carthalon immediately with it into the Roman camp, unto Cn. Cornelius the Treasurer or Questor: who there within the very camp performed the funerals of the General, and both army and citizens of Beneventum together solemnised the same right honourably.  
The Consuls being entered into the territory of Campane, as they forraied all abroad, straggling one from another, were by the townsmen of Capua which sallied out, and by the horsemen of Mago, put in fear; whereupon in great fright and haste, they rallied the soldiers to their colours, that were ranged over the country: but before they could well embattle them, and set them in array, they were discomfited, and lost above a thousand and five hundred men. Upon which good success, the enemies (as they are a nation by nature proud) began to be very lusty and exceeding audacious, insomuch, as they offered to skirmish sundry times with the Romans, and ever challenged them to fight. But that one battle, so unadvisedly and inconsiderately achieved, made the Consuls more circumspect & wary afterward. Howbeit, one small occurrence happened, which, as it encouraged and animated them again, so it abated the hearts, and daunted the boldness of the other. For in war there is nothing (be it never so little) but one time or other, it is the occasion of some great consequence and importance. There was in the camp one T. Quintius Crispinus, linked in special friendship and familiarity with Badius, a citizen of Capua. Their acquaintance grew and increased upon this occasion: This Badius upon a time, before the revolt of Capua, fell sick at Rome, and lying in Crispinus his house, was liberally and kindly used, yea, and tenderly seen unto by him, during his sickness. This Badius having put himself forward before the standing guards, that warded at the gate of the Roman camp, willed, that Crispinus should be called out unto him. Which being told unto Crispinus, he supposed no otherwise of it, but that he would talk friendly and familiarly with him. For albeit both nations generally were at enmity, in regard of the public state, yet the private right and band of hospitality, remained still in force, and was not forgotten, and therefore he went out somewhat apart from the rest of his fellows. Now, when they were come in sight and interview one of the other. I challenge thee, o Crispin (quoth Badius) to combat: let us mount on horseback, and try it out between us two, without any other companion, whether of us is the better man at arms. To this Crispinus made answer again and said, We want no enemies, neither you nor I, upon whom we may make proof of our manhood: as for me, if I met and encountered you in the very battle, yet I would decline, avoid, and shift from you, lest I should defile and stain my hand in the murder and bloodshed of my guest and friend. And with this he turned from him, and went his way. But the Campane chose, upon these words, was the more eager with him, railing and rating at him for his effeminate cowardice and dastardliness, letting fly at the harmless and innocent man, all spiteful terms and reproachful language; which himself iwis (if he had his due) was well worthy of: calling him a friendly foe, and a kind enemy indeed, and finally charged him, that he made his excuse of sparing him, for friendship sake, whom he knew he was not able to match in manhood and valour. But if (qd. he) thou thinkest, that by the breach of public league and covenant, our private bands of amity and hospitality, are not yet enough broken in sunder, then here I pronounce openly, in the hearing of two armies, That I Badius a Campane, renounce all hospitality with thee T. Quintius Crispinus a Roman, and so farewell all friendship for ever: I will, I say, have no more to do by way of acquaintance with thee, no society, no alliance, no hospitality will the guest have with that host, who in hostile manner is come to invade his native country, and to make assault upon the public buildings and private houses thereof. And therefore, if thou be a man, meet me in the field. Crispinus drew back a long time, and was loath to enter into the action, but at last his fellow horsemen, serving in the same troop and cornet with him, forced and persuaded him, not to suffer that bragging Campane, thus to insult over him without revenge. Whereupon he made no more ado, nor any longer delay, but whiles he went unto the L. Generals, to know their pleasure, whither they would permit and licence him, out of his order and rank, to fight with an enemy that challenged him, and gave him defiance. And having obtained leave, he buckled his armour about him, took his weapon, mounted on horseback, and calling upon Badius by name, bade him come forth if he durst to single fight. The Campane made no stay, and so with spear in rest, set spurs to, and they ran their horses full career one at the other. Crispinus with his lance pierced Badius above his shield, through the left shoulder, and therewith unhorsed him, & when he was fallen to the earth with the push, he alight himself from his horse, minding on foot to fall upon him as he lay along, and so to dispatch him outright. But Badius, before his enemy seized upon him, left his target behind and his horse, and by good footmanship recovered his own fellows. Crispinus then, all goodly to be seen with the spoils of his enemy, made show of the horse and armour that he had won, and bearing up withal the bloody point of his lance, was with much praise and great gratulation of the soldiers, brought honourably to the Consuls, and presented before them. At whose hands he was both highly commended, and also liberally rewarded.  
Hannibal having dislodged out of the territory of Beneventum, and removed into Capua, within three days after he was come thither, brought forth his forces into the field, making no doubt at all, but that, considering the Campanes in his absence, had but few days before fought fortunately, the Romans now would be so much less able to abide his royal army so often used to victory. And verily when the medley was once begun, the Roman battalions of the Infantry were much troubled and distressed, especially with the fierce assault of the horsemen, who overcharged and pelted them mightily with their darts and javelins, until the signal was given to their own cavalry also, to set hard to, and charge the enemies with their horse. Now whiles the men of arms were busy in fight on bothsides, it happened that the regiment of Sempronius [Gracchus lately slain] were descried marching afar off, under the conduct of Cn. Cornelius the Treasurer, which put both parts in like fear, lest they were some new and fresh enemies that advanced against them. So they sounded the retreat on either side, as if they had been agreed so to do, departed out of the field (as a man would say) on even hand, and retired themselves unto their several holds: howbeit, the greater number was slain of Romans, upon the first violent charge given by the horsemen. From thence, the Consuls intending to draw Hannibal away from Capua, departed sundry ways, Fulvius into the territory of Cumes, and Claudius into the Lucanes country. The next day, when Hannibal was advertised, that the Romans had abandoned their camp, and that they were gone into divers parts with their several armies, being at first uncertain whom to pursue, resolved at length to make after Appius, and so began to do. But after he had once trained the enemy about to the place that he desired, he returned himself another way to Capua. And Hannibal happened also upon a new occasion presented, to have a good hand of his enemies in those parts.  
There was one M. Centenius, surnamed Penula, one of the chief Centurions of the Pilani, a singular good captain in that kind, as well in regard of his mighty and goodly body, as also of his brave mind, and valiant courage. This man having served out his ordinary time required by law, was by the means of P. Cornelius Silvius the Praetor, brought into the Senate house, and became a petitioner unto the LL. of the Counsel, that he might have the leading of five thousand footmen: promising that within short time, by reason he was so well acquainted with the nature and qualities of the enemy, and withal so much beaten in coasting those quarters, he would do some great deed, and achieve a piece of notable service: and look, by what cunning devises and strategemes, both our leaders and our armies had been until that day, entrapped and overraught , the very same would he use and practise against the enemy. He was not so vain and unadvised in making this offer, but they were as sottish & foolish again in taking him at his word, and trusting him: as who would say, A good leader and commander, and a stout and hardy soldier were all one. And so where as he demanded but five thousand, he had the charge given of eight thousand: where of the one half were citizens, the other allies and confederates: and besides them, he himself also gathered together out of the country as he marched, a good company of voluntaries: in so much as his power was doubled, by that time he came into the Lucanes country, where Hannibal abode, after that he had followed Claudius in vain, and to no effect. But a man that had but half an eye, might see what the sequel and event would be of the conflict between General Hannibal, and Centiner● Centenius: between both armies also, the one of old beaten soldiers used ever to victories, the other of raw novices and young beginners, yea many of them taken up suddenly in haste, and slenderly armed by the halves. For so soon as both hosts had confronted one another, and that on neither side they dallied and shifted off, but minded presently to go to it and fight; soon were they on both parts arranged in order of battle. And albeit the Romans had many disadvantages, yet they maintained skirmish more than two hours: and that so hotly and courageously, that they shrunk not one jote, so long as their leader stood on foot. But after that he once was strucken down and slain, who not only in regard and remembrance of the former name (that he had won) of valour and prowess: but also for fear of future shame and dishonour, in case he should remain alive after the defeature of his forces, whereof he was the only cause through his foolhardy rashness, presented himself desperately upon the pikes of his enemies, where he might be sure of nothing but present death: & incontinently the Roman battailon was discomfited & put to flight. And so hard bestead they were, in seeking ways and means to escape (all the avenues were so laid and beset with the horsemen) that of so great a multitude, there were hardly one thousand saved, all the rest miscarried here and there, and came by their death one way or other.  
In this mean time, Capua was straightly beleaguered by the Consuls, and they began to assault it in most forcible manner: great preparation there was of all things needful unto such an exploit, and with great diligence every thing provided and brought accordingly. Co●e was conveyed to Casilinum, and laid up there for store: at the mouth of the river Vulturnus (where now the city standeth) was the sconce and castle fortified (which Fabius before had built) and a strong garrison therein planted, to the end that both the sea so near, and the whole river also might be at their command. Into these two fortresses standing on the sea side, as well the corn which lately was sent out of Sardinia, as also that which M●tius the Praetor had bought out of Hetruria, was transported from the port of Ostia, whereby the army might be served plentifully all winter season. Over and besides that loss received in the Lucanes country, the army likewise of the Volones, i voluntary soldiers (which during the life of Crassus, had served truly and faithfully) now abandoned their colours; as if by the death of their Captain they had taken themselves fully discharged from warfare.  
Hannibal made no small account of Capua: for willing enough he was, that his allies & friends there, should not be forsaken & left in so great peril wherein they stood; and yet upon that fortunate success which happened unto him through the rashness of one Roman captain, his fingers itched to be doing with another of them, and hoped to find some good opportunity and advantage to surprise and overthrow both captain and army. Whereas therefore certain Apulian Ambassadors advertised him, that Cn. Fulvius the praetor, (who at the first in assaulting of certain cities in Apulia, which had revolted unto Hannibal, bore himself like a wise & prudent captain: now afterwards, upon his good fortune and happy speed in those affairs, whereby himself and his soldiers had made up their mouths and filled their hands well with booties and pillage) both himself and his men were grown so idle and so dissolute, that no good government nor military discipline remained among them: hereupon Hannibal having good experience, (as often heretofore, so in this late instance but few days past) in how small steed an army serveth, when it is directed by an unskilful leader, removed his forces into Apulia. Now lay the Roman legions and F●lvius the praetor, encamped about Herdonia. And when the news came thither, that the enemies were on their journey coming toward them, hardly might the soldiers be reclaimed and stayed, but they would in all hast pluck up standards and ensigns, and straightways go into the field and bid them battle, without commission and commandment of their praetor. And no one thing more held them back, than the assured hope they had, to do it at their pleasure whensoever they would. Hannibal the night following, having certain intelligence, that there was a tumult in the camp, & that most of the soldiers mightily importuned their General, to put forth unto them the signal of battle, and called earnestly unto him for to lead them out into the field, made full account to meet with good opportunity and occasion, to have a fair day of his enemies: and therefore he bestowed three thousand men lightly appointed, in divers villages thereabout, among the thick groves and bushes, and within the woods: who at a sign given them, should all at once upon a sudden, start up & leap forth of their lurking corners: and withal, he gave order to Mago, with two thousand horsemen or thereabout, to keep all the ways whereas he supposed they were most like to flee & make escape. Having thus ordered all things beforehand in the night time: at the break of day he entered the field with his army, & embattled himself in warlike manner. Fulvius for his part, was not behind; not induced so much upon any hope or conceit he had of good speed, as drawn & haled thereto, through the rash enforcement and compulsion of his soldiers. And therefore as they came forth to battle upon a head and heat, incosiderately, so they were set in array as disorderly; even at the pleasure of the soldiers, according as they came forth and took up their ranks and files, as they list themselves: & then again, as the toy took them in the head, left the same, either upon wilfulness or fear. The first legion together with the left wing or cornet of horsemen, were first marshaled: and the squadrons drawn and stretched ou● in a great length: notwithstanding the Knight-marshals and Colonels cried out, that withinforth, there was no strength no● powe● at all; and that the enemies wheresoever they should happen to charge, would break in upon them and go through. But no wholesome counsel for their own good, might be taken and considered upon: nay they would not so much as lend their ea●e, & give them the hearing. And by this time Hannibal was in place, with another manner of army (you may be sure) and otherwise ordered and aranged. And therefore the Romans were not able to abide so much as the fir●t shout and shock of the onset. The captain himself (as foolish and heady as Centenius, but in courage and resolution far short of him) seeing how the world went, the field like to be lost, his soldiers in fear and great perplexity; recovered his horse in grea● hast, and with some two hundredth horsemen fled away and escaped: all the army besides, bea●en back affront, beset behind, flanked on the sides, and environned round; were so killed and hewn in pieces, that of eighteen thousand, there were not passed two thousand saved. And the enemies besides were masters of the camp.  
When these losses one in the neck of another were reported at Rome, the city was set in a great fit of sorrow and fear for the while: but so long as the Consuls, in whom rested the main chance, had hitherto prospered and sped well, they were the less ●●oubled at these by-blows and cross misfortune's. Whereupon they addressed C. Lector●us and M. Mi●ilius as messengers unto the Consuls, willing them to gather together with good care and diligence, those dispersed relics and remainders of the two armies; also to have an eye & heedful regard unto them, that upon fear and desperation they yielded not themselves ●o the enemy (as it happened after the Cannian overthrew;) and last of all, to make diligent search and seek out those Volones, or voluntary servitors, that had abandoned their ensigns and cassed themselves. The like charge was laid upon P. Cornelius, who had commission besides to levy more men. And he made proclamation throughout all market towns, fairs, & places of frequent resor●, That those Volones should be found out and brought again to their own colours, to serve as aforetime. All these directions were executed and accomplished with exceeding great care and diligence.  
Appi●s Cl●udius the Consul, after he had made D. ●●nius captain of the sconce erected upon the mouth of the river Vulturnus, and M. Aurelius Cot●a Governor of Pu●eoli, with commission, That as any ships [with corn] from out of Hetruria or Sardinia arrived there, they should immediately send the corn to the camp; went back himself to Capua: where he found Q. Fulv●us his Colleague, transporting thither all provision from Casilinum, and making preparation for the assault of Capua. Then both Coss. jointly together besieged the city: and sent unto Cl●ud●us Nero the Praetor, for to come unto them from Suessula, out of the old camp of Claudius. Who likewise leaving a small garrison there to defend the piece, with all his power and forces, descended into the plains before Capua. So there were three royal pavilions pitched for three LL. generals about Capua: and three full armies in three sundry places began to fortify, erecting bastilons and forts in places not far distant: yea and to cast a trench and raise a rampiar round about the city, And in divers quarters at once, they skirmished with the men of Capua, whensoever they came to hinder their fortifications, with so good success, that the townsmen were driven at last to keep within their gates and walls. But before that those rampiars and trenches abovesaid were fully finished, and all ends brought together, there were Ambassadors dispatched unto Hannibal, to complain in the name of the Capuans, as finding themselves grieved, that he had forsaken Capua, and in a manner delivered it into the Romans hands: and withal, to beseech him earnestly, that now or never, he would rescue and succour them, being not only besieged, but also shut up and almost ●renched about, as within a prison. P. Cornelius likewise the praetor of the city of Rome, sent his letters unto the Consuls, advising them before they had fully invested Capua round about, to make offer unto the Capuans of this liberty, That as many as would, might depart with bag and baggage out of Capua: and whosoever went forth before the 
* 15 of March.  Ides of March, should enjoy their freedom and all their goods and lands: but as many as after that day, either departed or ●arried there still behind, should be reckoned no better than very enemies. These intimations were made known unto the Campanes, but so light t●ey set by them, that they fell a railing, reviling, and menacing the Romans, with most reproachful taunts and spiteful terms. Hannibal was departed from Herdonia with his legions unto Tarentum, hoping either by force or fraud to gain the castle. And seeing he little prevailed, he turned from thence, and took his way to Brundus●um, supposing that town would be betrayed into his hands. Whiles he lay there also and lost his time in doing nothing, the Ambassadors of the Campanes arrived and came unto him, with complaints and humble requests both at once. Unto whom Hannibal made this glorious and lordlike answer with a majesty: Once already have I raised the siege, and never will the Consuls, I ●row, abide my second coming. The Ambassadors having received their dispatch, departed with this hope: but much ado they had, to put themselves within Capua, so enclosed round was it (by this time) with a double trer●ch and a rampiar.  
It fortuned at the very same instant, when Capua was thus straightly beleaguered, that the siege also & assault of Saracose came to an end: helped forward & hastened by intestine treachery and treason withal, as well as by force of army & valour of captain abroad. For M●rcelius in the beginning of the spring, doubtful in himself and hanging in suspense, whither to bend his whole fo●ces toward Agrigentum, against Himileo & Hippocra●es, or still proceed to besiege Saracose: albeit he saw the city might not possibly be won, either by forcible assault, (considering it was by 〈◊〉 both by sea and land invincible) or pining famine, by reason the passage in manner lay open to and fro between it and Carthage, ●or ●a●e transporting of all sort of victuals: yet because he would leave no stone unrolled, but try all ways that could be devised; he commanded certain revolts from the Saracosians (for there sided with the Romans some of the noblest persons of the city, who at the time of the first backsliding from the Romans, because they misliked and abhorred all rebellion and change in the state, were driven out and banished the city) to deal with their bend and faction by way of conference, to sound the hearts (I say) of such as were their followers, and to solicit them to their part: and withal to assure them (upon their warrant) that if by their means Saracose were betrayed, they should live in freedom, and enjoy their own laws as they would themselves. But no opportunity could they espy for to parley and talk with them. For by reason that there were many suspected to incline and draw that way, every man had a careful eye and regard unto them, that there could be no treachery practised, but soon it would be found out and directed. Yet a bond-servant toward one of the banished persons abovesaid, happened to be let into the city, pretending that he was run away from the adversepart unto them: who happening to meet with some few, began to move and broach such a matter. After which, certain others lying close hidden under the nets in a fisher bore, came about by water to the camp of the Romans, and had conference and communication with those former fugitives and exiled men. And thus from time to time, this was practised in the same manner, by divers and sundry persons, until at length they were a crew of fourscore in all. Now when all things were concluded for the betraying of the city, near upon the point of execution, it chanced that one Attalus (a false brother among them, who took snuff that he was not specially trusted in the matter) disclosed the conspiracy unto Epicides, and appeached the parties: whereupon they were all put to extreme torture, and suffered death every one. When this plot would speed no better, they conceived hope another way, by a new occasion and occurrence that presently offered itself. There chanced one Damas●ppus a Lacedaemonian, sent from Syracuse, as a messenger to king Philip, for to be taken prisoner by the Roman armada. Now, both Epicides was very desirous & exceeding careful how to ransom him, & also Marcellus was not unwilling for his part to grant the same. For even then, the Romans began to affect the friendship of the Aetolians, with which nation the Lacedæmonians were confederate, and in league. So, when there should be commissioners and delegates sent on both sides, to parley & treat about his redemption, the most indifferent place for them to meet in, was at the key or wharf of 
* Scin●●ino.  Trogili, fast by a turret which they call 
* Scala Graca.  Galeagra, as being just in the midst between, & most convenient for both parties. It happened now, that as they had recourse oftentimes thither about this business, one of the Romans well viewed the wall near by, he counted the stones, that appeared in the forefront of the wall, and made estim eaten to himself of their quadrature & proportion; & withal, giving a guess as near as he could, of what height (by his reckoning) & measure, the wall might be: and supposing it was a good deal lower, than either he himself or others, had always before taken it to be, and easy to be scaled with ladders, even of a mean size and middle sort, he relateth the matter, and his conceit of it to Marcellus. And in his opinion it was a thing not to be neglected, but to be thought upon. But for as much as, there was no access unto that place, by reason, that for the lowness thereof, it was the more carefully guarded and defended, it was thought good to wait for some opportunity and advantage to help that difficulty. Which, as good hap was, offered itself presently unto them by means of a fugitive: who gave them intelligence, that they held a solemn feast of Diana at that time within the city, and the same continued three days together: also he said, that for want of other things, during this siege to make good cheer withal, they spared for no wine, but made merry therewith in great plenty and abundance. For why? not only Epicides had bountifully bestowed wine upon the whole Commons, but also the great men of the city had in every ward and parish where they dwelled, allowed a proportion besides, of their own charges. When Marcelius heard this, he called unto him some few of his Colonels and knight Marshals, and conferred with them: and when they had sorted out certain choice and elect Centurions and soldiers, fit and sufficient men to adventure and execute so great a piece of service, and withal provided ladders secretly; to all the rest he commanded a watchword and warning to be given, That they should betimes take their refection of meat and repose of sleep, for that in the night they were to be employed in an expedition and action of service. After this, when he thought it was about the time, that they (as having feasted all day long, and well filled their bellies with meat, and their heads with wine) were gone to rest, and newly fallen sound asleep, he commanded one ensign or company of soldiers, to carry ladders; and besides them, there were upon a thousand well armed and appointed, marching with silence and in thin ranks, brought thither to the place. When the foremost without any stir or noise at all, had scaled the top of the wall, others followed in their course. For the forward and resolute boldness of the former, was able to animate and encourage the rest, if they had been falsehearted. By this time now, the thousand armed soldiers had seized that part, when the rest of the ladders were set to: and upon more ladders still, they got up to the wall in divers places, upon a signal given them from the gate Hexapylos. Unto which places the Romans were now come, and found no stirring at all, but exceeding silence and desolation, for as much as a great fort of them had made good cheer within the turrets, and either were fast asleep with drinking wine already, or else were bibbing still, notwithstanding their eyes were heavy, and their hearts asleep. And yet, some few of them they took in their beds, and killed. near unto Hexapylos there is a little wicket, which with great violence they began withal, to break it open. So as now, both from the wall (as was before appointed) they gave signal by sound of trumpet: and also from all parts they went not to work any more by stealth, but plainly and openly without dissimulation. For they were come already as far as Epipolae, a place full of watchmen and warders. And the enemies were to be terrified now and strucken into fear, and no longer to be dealt withal by craft and guile. And it fell out so indeed, that they were mightily scared. For they heard not so soon the sounding of the trumpets, and the shouting and outerie of them that were possessed of the walls and one part of the city, but the warders, thinking all was gone, some ran along upon the wall, others leapt from the walls, or else were borne down headlong, with the press of others that were affrighted. And yet many there were, who were not ware at all of this misery and extremity, both because generally they were all dead asleep, and also by reason that the city was so wide and large, that a thing felt and seen in some remote parts, reached not streightwaies throughout, to all the rest. The gate Hexapylos was broken down somewhat before day, at which Marcellus with all his power entered the city. He wakened them all, and set them to their business; he made them take weapon in hand, and to help (what they could) a city in a manner wholly surprised and taken. Epicides made haste from the Island (which they themselves call Nasos) with a company of soldiers about him, making full account to drive them out again: as supposing, that they were but some few, who through the negligence of the watchmen and warders were gotten over the wall: and ever as he met with any that were scared and in fear, he said unto them eftsoons, that they themselves made more ado, and every thing worse than there was cause, reporting all in greater measure and more fearful manner than need was in very truth. But when he saw all places about 
* Some male i● the fifth part of Syracuse.  Epipolae full of armed men, after some small volley of shot, and little skirmish with the enemy, (whereby he provoked them, rather than did any good else) he turned back again with his companies, and retired into Acradina, not fearing so much the violence and multitude of the enemies, as least some intestine mischief by this occasion might arise, and that he should find in this tumult and hurly burly, the gates of Acradina, and the Island shut against him. Marcellus being entered within the walls, took his prospect from the higher places, and when he beheld under his eyes the most goodly and beautiful city of all others in those days, (by report) he wept and shed tears abundantly, partly for joy that he had brought his purpose to so good a pass, and partly in compassion and remembrance of the ancient glory and renown of that city. He called to mind the navies of the Athenians by them sunk and drowned: he thought upon the utter overthrow of two puissant armies, together with the loss of two most noble and famous captains of theirs: moreover, there came into his memory so many wars fought against the Carthaginians, with so great peril and hazard: so many and so mighty Tyrants and kings that reigned and kept their seat and royal court there: & amongst the rest, he could not choose but think of king Hiero, of fresh and famous memory, a prince, who above all other gifts which his own virtue and fortune had graced & endued him withal, was recommended especially for his many favours and good turns done unto the people of Rome. When all these things presented themselves to his remembrance, with this cogitation besides, how all that beauty and glory within one hours space was ready to burn on a light fire, and to be consumed into ashes: before that he advanced his ensigns against Acradina, he sent before, those Syracusians who had conversed (as is aforesaid) amongst the guards and garrison of the Romans, to persuade the enemies with mild & gentle speech, yet, to yield the city. It so fell out, that the most part of them that warded the gates and walls both, of Acradina, were certain fugitive revolts fled from the Romans, who had no hope atall, upon any condition whatsoever to be pardoned. These would suffer none, either to approach the walls, or to parley and speak with any. And therefore Marcellus, after he saw that enterprise frustrate & disappointed, commanded to retire with the ensigns unto Euryalus. This Euryalus is a little mount and fort, situate in the utmost quarter of the city, remote far from sea, and commanding the high way that leadeth into the fields, & the middle parts and very hart of the whole Island; a place very commodious for the taking up & receipt of all victuals. The captain of this hold was Philodemus an Argive, placed there by Epicides. Unto whom there was sent from Marcellus, Sosis, one of them that murdered the tyrant: and after long communication, Sosis with crafty words abused by him, & colourably put off until another time, made relation unto Marcellus, that Philodemus had taken a farther day of respite & deliberation. But he put off still from day to day, triflingout the time of purpose, until Hypocrates & Himilco might come with their forces and legions, making no doubt, but if he mought receive them into his fortress, the whole army of the Romans being now enclosed within the walls, should be overthrown, and utterly defaited. Marcellus seeing that Euryalus was not delivered up, (and forced possibly it could not be) encamped himself between Neapolis and Tyche (so are two parts of the city named, and may for their bigness go well enough for two entire cities of themselves:) for fear, lest if he were once entered into the populous and most inhabited places of the city, his soldiers greedy of pillage, would not be kept together, but run loosely up and down to rifle. Thither came unto him from Tyche and Neapolis, Ambassadors and Orators, with olive branches adorned with sacred veils and infules, humbly beseeching him to hold his hand from effusion of blood, & firing the city. Marcellus call his counsel about these their petitions, rather than demands, after mature deliberation, by general consent of all, gave express and straight commandment to the soldiers, that no man should offer abuse or violence to the body of any freeborn person whatsoever: as for all besides, his will and pleasure was it should be their booty. Now was the camp of Marcellus defended on both sides with housing in steed of a wall, and he bestowed a good corpse de guard at the gates thereof, lying open overagainst the streets: lest when the soldiers ran to and fro in the city, the camp in the mean while might be assailed. Then upon the sound of trumpet the soldiers fell to their business, ran into all parts, broke open doors, set all on a fearful hurry, but spilt no blood: and they never gave over ransacking and rifling, until they had cast out and carried away all the riches and goods, that had been a gathering a long time, during their wealthy and prosperous estate. Amid these stirs, Philodemus also seeing no hope of succours and rescue, after he had covenanted for his security, to return safe and without harm to Epicides, withdrew his garrison away with him out of the fort, and rendered it up to the Romans.  
Now whiles every man was turned another way, and busied in that part of the city which was forced, B●m●●car taking the advantage of one night, wherein the Roman fleet by reason of a violent tempest could not ●ide at anchor in the main sea, got forth of the haven of Saracose with 35 ships, and having sea-roume, halfed up sails, and away he went with a merry gale of wind, leaving 55 behind for Epicides and the Saracosians: and after he had informed the Carthaginians in what danger the state of Saracose stood, returned within few days with a fleet of a hundred sail, rewarded for his labour (as the report went) by Epicides, with many rich gifts, which the treasure of king Hiero paid for. Marcellus possessed now of the fortress Euryalus, and having planted there a garrison, was well rid of one care yet: for he doubted, lest if a new power of enemies had been received behind his back into that fort, they would greatly have annoyed his men, enclosed now as they were, and encumbered within the walls.  
After this he besieged Acradina, and invested it round about, and fortified three several camps (in meet and convenient places) against it, hoping to shut them up into such straits, that they should be driven to extreme scarcity & want of all things. Now when as for certain days, the guards of the one side & the other had rested quiet; suddenly upon the arrival of Hypocrates and Himilco, they within began from all parts to set freshly upon the Romans. For, first Hypocrates (after he had encamped and well fortified himself fast by the great Key, and given a signal to them that kept Acradina) assaulted the old camp of the Romans, where Crispinus lay with his guard for the defence thereof: then Epicides also sallied forth, and broke upon the Corpse de guard of Marcellus: and withal, the Carthaginian fleet approached close to the strand that lieth between the city and the Roman camp, to hinder that Crispinus might have no aid sent unto him from Marcellus. And yet for all this ado, the enemies made a greater stir and tumultuous alarm, than any skirmish to speak of: for Crispinus not only gave Hypocrates the repulse, and drove him from the defences of his own camp, but also followed him in chase, as he fled fearfully in haste away: and Marcellus forced Epicides to take the city again, and get it over his head. So as now they seemed very sufficiently provided and appointed against all dangers from thence forth, of their sudden sallies and eruptions.  

〈…〉  Over and besides all these troubles, there happened a common calamity unto both, the plague and pestilence: in such manner, as it might soon have withdrawn the minds, as well of the one part as of the other, from thinking any more of war. For, besides that it fell out to be the Autumn or harvest season of the year, the place itself by nature unwholesome, stinking and corrupt (but much more without the city than within) the extreme and intolerable heat of the weather mightily distempered all their bodies generally, in the camps both the one & the other. At the first, by occasion of the distemperature of the season, and corruption of the place, they both fell sick and died: but afterward by visiting and tending one another that were infected, the disease grew catching and contagious, and so spread and increased more and more: in such manner, as either they that were fallen sick perished for want of looking to and diligent attendance; or if any came about them, to keep them and minister unto them, they were infected and endangered also as deeply as the other: so as every day a man could go no where, but either death, or corpses carried forth to their graves, were presented to his eyes: night and day in all places there was nothing heard but weeping, wailing, and piteous lamentation. In the end their hearts were so hardened and made savage again, by continual usage to this misery, that not only they gave over to weep over the dead, and to accompany them unto their sepulchers with due mourning and doleful plaints, but also to carry them forth and to inter them: so that the breathless bodies lay scattered all abroad on the ground in the sight of them, that looked every hour for the like miserable death themselves. The dead killed the sick: the sick infected the sound, partly with fear, and partly with the corruption and pestiferous stench that came from their bodies. And because they would die rather upon the sword's point, than of this malady, some of them made offer to go alone among the armed guards of their very enemies, to be killed out of hand, and rid out of their misery. Howbeit, the plague was hotter by far in the Carthaginian camp, than among the Romans, by reason of the corrupt water, and much slaughter committed there, & so long siege about Saracose. For of the enemy's army, the Sicilians at the first, so soon as they saw the sickness to spread commonly, and increase by reason of the corruption of the place, got themselves away, and stole every man home to the cities near adjoining. But the Carthaginians were feign to stick by it still, as having no place to retire themselves unto, and so, they together with their Generals themselves Hypocrates & Himilco, died all of them, and not one escaped. Marcellus when he saw this mortality grow thus hot, brought his people into the city, where the houses & shadowy places yielded some good refreshing to the sick & weak bodies: howbeit, many also of the Roman army went of it, and turned up their heels. Thus when the land-souldiours of the Carthaginians were all gone and consumed of the plague, the Sicilians who had served under Hypocrates, withdrew themselves into certain towns, which were not great, yet sure and strong, both by natural situation, and also by strength of walls and other defences; the one of them three miles from Saracose, the other fifteen miles distant from the haven mouth: and thither they conveyed from out of their own cities adjoining, all manner of victuals, and sent abroad for aids of men.  
In the mean while Bomilcar set sail once again with his fleet for Carthage, where he made relation of the state of their confederates in such terms, that still he fed them with some hope, That not only by their help they might be saved, but also that the Romans (notwithstanding they had in some sort forced and taken the city) might be surprised and taken there themselves: and in conclusion persuaded and prevailed so with them, that they granted not only to send with him a great number of hulks & caricks, laden with store of all things, but also to furnish him with more ships of war, to increase his Armada. Whereupon he departed from Carthage with 130 galleys, and 70 ships of burden, and had forewinds good enough to set him over into Sicily. But those winds kept him from doubling the point of the cape Pachynus.  
The fame and rumour first of Bomilcar his coming, and then his delay above men's expectation, that checked it again, wrought diversely in the minds of the Romans and Syracusians, ministering one while fear, another while joy unto them both. Whereupon Epicides fearing lest if the same Easterly winds which then held, and were settled in that corner, should continue many days more, the Carthaginian navy would return again into Africa, leaving the guard of Acradina to the captains of the waged and mercenary soldiers, failed to Bomilcar, riding still with his fleet in the road that looketh toward Africa, and fearing a conflict at sea, not so much because he was inferior to the enemies either in force or number of ships (for he had many more than the Romans) but for that the winds stood more favourably to help the Roman Armada than his: howbeit, in the end he persuaded him to try the fortune of a battle at sea. And Marcellus for his part, seeing both the Sicilian forces gather and assemble together from all parts of the Island, and understanding that the Carthaginian fleet was coming with great store of victuals: for fear least at any time whiles he was shut up within the enemy's city, he should be assailed both by sea and land: albeit he was short of them in number of ships, yet determined to hinder Bomilcar for arriving at Saracose. Thus rid two armadaes of enemy's affronting one another, about the head of Pachynus, ready to join battle, so soon as the calmness of the weather would give them leave to advance into the main and open sea. Therefore when the East wind began to lie, which for certain days had blustered and raged, first Bomilcar weighed anchor: and the vanguard of his armada seemed to gather still into the deep, only because he might more easily gain the Cape and promontary aforesaid. But so soon as he saw the Romans ships make way toward him, (I wot not what sudden accident it was that affrighted him) he set up all his sails and fell off, into the main sea: and after he had sent certain messengers to Heraclea, willing them for to set again their hulks home into Africa, himself costed all along Sicily, and shaped his course for Tarentum. Epicides disappointed thus on a sudden, of so great hopes that he had, because he would not return again to the siege of a city, whereof a great part was lost already, saileth to Agrigentum, there to abide & expect the event and final issue, rather than to stir himself and try any more, how to help them with any succour from thence.  
These things being reported in the camp of the Sicilians, to wit, that Epicides had quit Saracose; that the Carthaginians had abandoned the whole Island of Sicily, and in manner yielded it again into the hands of the Romans: after they had sounded first their minds who were besieged, by talk and conference with them, they sent Ambassadors unto Marcellus, to treat about condititions of surrendering the city. When they were grown in a manner to this point, without any squaring or difference at all, That the Romans should have the signory all and wholly which belonged unto the kings: and that, all the rest the Sicilians should enjoy, with liberty & their own proper laws; the Ambassadors aforesaid called forth to a parley, those unto whom Epicides at his departure had committed the government of the affairs, and declared unto them, that as they were addressed Orators unto Marcelius, so they were from him sent unto the army of the Sicilians: that generally all, as well the besieged, as those who were without the danger of the siege, should be comprised within the treaty, and abide one and the same fortune: and that neither the one side nor the other, should capitulate or enter into any covenant for themselves apart, without all the rest. Who being received and admitted, for to falure and speak unto their kinsfolk & friends, made them acquainted with the agreement and composition between Marcellus and them: and so after they had presented unto them some good hope of their safety, they persuaded with them so far forth, as to join with them, and all together, for to set upon & assault the bodies of the captains deputed by Epicides, namely Polycletus, Philistio, and one Epicides surnamed Sydus. When they were once made away and killed, they called the multitude together unto a general assembly: where they complained greatly of their poverty, and penury of all things (for which they were wont to murmur secretly among themselves:) And albeit ye are distressed (say they) with so many miseries and calamities, yet are ye not to blame fortune therefore, so long as it was in your own power and choice, either to be delivered from them, or to endure them longer. As for the Romans (said they) it was not hatred, but mere love and charity, that moved them to come against Saracose for to assault it. For when they heard that the government of the state was usurped by Hypocrates and Epicides (the ministers first belonging to Hannibal, and after to Hicronymus) than they began to lay siege unto it, intending not the overthrow and destruction of the city itself, but to put down and depose the cruel tyrant that ruled the state. Seeing then, that now Hypocrates is dead, Epicides excluded from Saracose, his deputies and captains killed, and the Carthaginians driven out of all their hold and possession of Sicily, both by land and sea, what reason have the Romans, but to be willing and well content, that Saracose should continue in safety now, as well as if Hiero himself were living, the only maintainer & observant upholder of the Roman amity? And therefore, if ought but well should happen, either to the city, or to the citizens, ye may thank yourselves, and none else, for letting slip opportunity now offered, of reconciliation & atonement with the Romans. Never look to have the like occasion hereafter, to that, which at this instant is presented: if ye had the grace to see what a door is opened for you, to be delivered from the yoke of most insolent & proud tyrants. This speech they gave ear unto with exceeding accord and general applause. But before that any Ambassadors were nominated to be sent unto Marcellus, it was thought good that new Praetors should be created. Out of the number of which Pretours, there were Orators addressed unto Marcellus. And the principal man among them, spoke in this wise. Neither we Syracusians (quoth he) o Marcellus, at the first revolted from you Romans, but Hieronymus, impious and wicked Prince as he was; yet nothing so much hurtful to you as to us: nor afterwards, when peace was knit again upon the murder of the tyrant, was it any citizen of Saracose, but Hypocrates and Epicides (the king's right hands and ministers, who oppressed and kept us under, with fear of one side, & with deceivable sleights on another side) that made the brack, & were the troublers & disturbers of this peace. Ne yet can any man come forth and say truly, that ever we were at our own liberty, and entertained not peace and amity with you. And now also I assure you, so soon as by the massacre of these, that held Saracose in such oppression and bondage, we began again to be our own men, and to have the law in our own hands; the first thing you see that we do, is this, to come & present ourselves unto you, to deliver up our armour and weapons, to yield our bodies, our city, the walls, and all the strength thereof, and to refuse no condition, that it shall please you Romans to impose upon us. As to yourself, o noble Marcellus, the gods have given you the honour of conquest, over the most noble & beautiful city of all other in Greece. Behold, how, what memorable acts soever that we have at any time achieved, either by land or sea, all makes to the advancement of the glorious title & dignity of your triumph. See you then, that another day it be not known by bare hearsay & the trump of fame, how great and mighty a city you have won, but rather that it may stand still and remain for all posterity, for a mark and worthy spectacle to behold: to the end, that whosoever hereafter, shall resort thither by land, whosoever shall arrive there by sea, it may present unto them, both our Trophies and worthy victories over the Athenians & Carthaginians; and also this of yours over us, the bravest conquest of all the rest. See (I say) that you leave for your house and family, the city of Saracose whole and sound, to do homage and fealty ever hereafter, to the name and lineage of the Marcelli, and to hold of them as of their sovereign LL. in chief and in villeinage. That all the world may see, that the late remembrance of Hieronymus, beareth no greater stroke with the Romans, than the ancient name of king Hiero, a noble Prince of famous memory. Much longer was he a friend, than the other an enemy. His good deeds and many favours ye have tasted and felt with great contentment: the folly and madness of Hieronymus, hurt none of you, but wrought his own confusion and overthrow. There was nothing but they might have obtained at the Romans hands: all was clear there, and no danger from thence. But among their own selves they were at more war: there was the peril, there was all the mischief. For the Roman rebels, who were run from them, doubting that they should be delivered over into their hands, and not comprised within the terms of the composition and protection, drove the auxiliaries also that were waged soldiers into the same scruple and fear. They hastily therefore took arms, and first killed the Pretours: and afterwards, ran all about to massacre the Saracosians. Look whom they happened to meet, them they murdered in this furious fit of choler. Whatsoever came next to their hands, and lay handsome for them, they rifled. And because forsooth, they would not be without their leaders, they created six provosts or captains, that three should govern Acradina, and other three Nasos. At the last, after the uproar was appeased, the mercenary soldiers aforesaid, followed the matter thoroughly by search and diligent inquiry, what were the capitulations in deed agreed upon with the Romans; and then began the very truth to appear, namely that their condition and the fugitives were far different.  
These Ambassadors in very good time returned from Marcellus, and certified them that they were carried away with a wrong surmise and false suspicion, and the Romans had no just cause to punish them. Now there was one of those three Provosts of Acradina, a Spaniard, named Mericus. Unto him there was sent for the nonce among those of the retinue and train of the Ambassadors aforesaid, one of the Spaniards, who were auxiliary soldiers, serving under the Romans: who finding Mericus alone without other company, gave him to understand especially above all things, in what terms he had left Spain (& from thence he was newly come) namely how the Romans there were grown mighty, and held a great hand over them with their forces. And that himself, in case he had a mind to do some worthy deed, might soon rise, and be a great man in his country: choose whether he list to serve under the Romans, or return again into his own home. chose, if he went on still in this course he had begun, and minded still to be besieged, what long abiding place could he have there, shut up as he was from sea & land? Mericus pondered well these reasons: and when it was agreed, that there should be addressed new Ambassadors unto Marcellus, sent his own brother with them, who by the selfsame Spaniard was brought apart from all the rest unto Marcellus: and after he had a protection granted, he laid the plot, and ordered all the matter how it should be done, and so returned to Acradina. Then Mericus because he would withdraw men's minds from all suspicion of treason, and that he intended nothing less, than to betray Acradina, gave it out, That he liked not, and would no more of this recourse, ever & a none, of Ambassadors between; and therefore as he would admit of none to come from Marcellus, so he would send no more to him. And to the end, that all the guards should be kept more diligently, he thought it good to divide conveniently among the Provosts, the quarters of the city, and assign to every one his ward by himself, and that each one should be bound to answer for the safe keeping of his own division, and for no more. Then all gave their consent to part accordingly, and to himself befell the charge of that quarter which reacheth from the fountain or well Arethusa, unto the mouth or entry of the great key or haven. And hereof he gave notice and intelligence to the Romans. Whereupon Marcellus caused a great hulk, laden with armed soldiers, to be fastened by an haling rope unto a galley of four course of oars, and so in the night by strength of oars to be tewed and drawn up after it into Acradina, and landeth the soldiers over against the gate that is near to the fountain Arethusa. This being done about the relief of the fourth watch, Mericus received the soldiers that were set ashore at the gate, according as before it was agreed. And Marcellus by the dawning of the day, with all his forces gave a Camisado upon the walls of Acradina, in such manner, that not only he turned thither unto his assault all those that kept Acradina, but also from Nasos there came running whole squadrons and companies of armed men (leaving their own wards) for to repel and put back the violence and assault of the Romans. In this turmoil and trouble, certain barges appointed and furnished thereto aforehand, were brought about to Nasos, & there set other soldiers a land: who coming at unwares upon the corpse de guards that were left half naked and very weak, by reason of the departure of their fellows, and finding the gateswide open, at which erewhile the soldiers ran out, with small ado were masters of Nasos, left, as it was, forlorn of warders, who in fear made haste to run away and escape. And none of them all had less means to defend themselves, or smaller mind to tarry still, than the fugitive rebels, for they durst not well trust their own fellows, and so in the hottest of the skirmish made an escape. Marcellus so soon as he understood, that Nasos was won, and likewise that one quarter of Acradina was held and kept for him, and that Mericus with his guard had joined to his soldiers, founded the retreat: for fear, that the king's treasure, which was more in name than in deed, should be rifled and spoiled.  
Thus by suppressing the violence of the soldiers, both the rebel fugitives that were in Acradina, had good time and place to shift for themselves and get away, and also the Syracusians delivered now at last from fear, opened the gates of Acradina, and sent Orators unto Marcellus, craving nothing but life for themselves and their children. Marcellus called his counsel together, and those Syracusians likewise, who in the time of civil dissension, were driven to forsake their houses, and remained among the garrisons of the Romans: and then he made the Ambassadors this answer. There have not been (quoth he) more benefits and good turns for the space of fifty years received at king Hiero his hands by the people of Rome, than detriments and mischiefs intended against them within these few years, by them that have seized and possessed the city of Syracuse. But most of those mischiefs in the end, have lighted upon their heads right justly, who duly deserved the same: and for the breach of league and covenants, they themselves have suffered at their own hands more grievous punishment by far, than the people of Rome would willingly ever have required. As for me, this is the third year that I lie in siege before Syracuse; not, I assure you, with this intent, that the city should not be reserved safe and found for the natural people thereof to keep and inhabit, but that the captains & ringleaders of fugitives and rebels might not seize of it, and so hold it in captivity and oppression. How much the Syracusians might have done with me at first, may be easily seen by the example either of those Syracusians who conversed among the guards of the Romans, or of the Spanish captain Mericus, who yielded up his garrison. Yea, and the hardy and resolute course in the end taken (although it were with the latest) by the Syracusians themselves, may sufficiently testify the same. Whereby also it may appear, that for all my travel and pain which I have undergone, for all the perils which I have adventured and passed through, about the walls of Syracuse, both by land and water, thus long; I have gathered no fruit so sweet and pleasant as this, that it may be said, how I was able, yet at last, to win and conquer Syracuse.  
Then the Questour was sent, attended with a guard, unto Nasos, for to enter upon the king's treasure there, 
〈…〉.  and to keep the same in safety. The pillage of the city was given to the soldiers: but there were appointed certain warders over every house of theirs, who were among the garrisons of the Romans, for to save the same. Amids many cruel, spiteful, and foul examples of anger, malice, and covetousness, which happened to be committed during the time of this saccage, it is reported, That in so great hurly burly as possibly might be, when a city is newly taken, 
Arch●medes killed.  and hungry soldiers run to rifling, Archimedes was busily occupied, and studying upon certain Geometrical figures that he had drawn out in the dust, and happened to be slain by a soldier, that knew not who he was. Whereat Marcellus was much offended and displeased: and thereupon gave especial order, that he should be honourably interred: yea and caused his kinsfolks to be sought out: and all they in remembrance of him, & for his name sake, were not only saved, but also well accounted of, and had in good reputation. Thus you see in what sort, and by what means especially, Saracose was won. A city wherein was found such store of wealth and riches, as hardly would have been gotten in Carthage, if it had been forced then: notwithstanding it was able to hold out with Rome, and maintain war with equal force and power.  
Some few days before the winning of Saracose, T. Octacilius with fourscore Galleys, of five ranks of oars, crossed the seas from Lilybaeum to Utica, and being entered the gate before day light, chanced to take by the way certain Carikes charged with corn. After he was disbarked and set a land, he wasted grievously part of the territory about Utica, and returned to the city with booty and prizes of all sorts. And the third day after he went from Lily 〈◊〉 he returned thither again with 130 caricks full of corn and other booty: and that corn he sent forthwith to Saracose: which if it had not come as it did in good time to help the present necessity, the conquerors as well as the conquered had felt the smart of most extreme and grievous famine.  
In the same summer, the Roman Generals in Spain (who almost for two years had done no memorable act there, but warred by policy and stratagems, more than by force of arms) dislodged from their forts and winter harbours, and joined their armies together. Then they called a counsel, where they jumped with one general accord in this opinion, That considering all this while they had effected this much only, as to impeach and stay Asdrubal from all means of passing over into Italy, it was now high time to make an end at once of the war in Spain. And to effect and bring this to pass, they supposed verily that their strength was well amended and sufficient, by reason that in the winter time they had levied and put in arms thirty thousand Celtiberians. Now the Carthaginians had in Spain then, no fewer than three armies. Asdrubal the son of Gisgo, and Mago, were encamped with all their forces together, distant from the Romans almost five days journey: Asdrubal the son of Amilcar, an ancient warrior, and an old Captain in Spain, was somewhat nearer with his whole power, before a city named Anitorgis. Him the Roman Generals were desirous to diffeate and vanquish first: and in good hope they were, that they had strength enough and to spare, for to accomplish that: mary, this was their only doubt and fear, least upon the discomfiture of him, the other Asdrubal and Mago would for fear retire themselves into the unpassable woods, and take the wild's and mountains, and so maintain a long war. They supposed therefore it was the best course to divide their power between them in two parts, and at once to compass the whole war of Spain. And thus they agreed to part their forces, namely, That P. Cornelius should lead two third parts of the army, consisting of Romans and allies, against Mago and Asdrubal: and that Cn. Cornelius with the other third part of that old army should join with the Celtiberians, and war against Asdrubal the Barchine [i. son of Amilcar abovesaid.] Both these captains with their hosts set out together in their journey, putting the Celtiberians before in the vanguard, & encamped near the city Anatorgis in the sight of their enemies, having but the river running between. And there Cn. Scipio stayed behind, and made his abode with the power aforesaid: but P. Scipio went onward to perform that part of the war which he purposed and intended. Asdrubal after he perceived that there lay in camp but a small power of Romans, and that their whole hope relied upon the aids of the Celtiberians; as one that could well skill of the falsehood and treachery of the barbarous people, but especially of all those nations, among whom he had been so long a soldier: by reason that both camps, as well his own as the other of the Romans, were full of Spaniards, he used by the means of reciprocal commerce of their language, for to have secret speech and conference with the principal heads of the Celtiberians, and so treated with them, that in consideration of a great sum of money, they were persuaded and yielded in the end to withdraw all their forces from thence, and give the Romans the slip. And this they supposed was not so heinous & odious a fact. For why? they were not dealt withal to turn their swords up-upon the Romans, and to war against them: again, they were to have as good pay and wages to sit still, and not to serve, as was sufficient to bind them for to bear arms and fight: and last of all, rest itself, and sleeping in a whole skin, together with their return home to their own, and the joy and pleasure of visiting their friends, and seeing their goods and lands, were plausible and pleasing inducements to every man. And therefore the captains themselves were no sooner drawn thereto, than the very multitude. Over and besides, to strike it dead sure, they stood in no fear of the Romans (being so few as they were) that they could possibly keep them perforce. And surely, this might well serve, to be a Caveat for Roman captains ever hereafter, and such precedent examples and instances as this, may stand in steed of good lessons indeed, to teach them how they trust again the aids of foreigners; & never to rely themselves so much upon them, but that they always have in their camp the greater part of their own forces, and the more number of their natural soldiers. All on a sudden therefore the Celtiberians dislodged, plucked up standards, and departed from them, and never bade them farewell. And when the Romans demanded the cause of this change, yea, & besought and importuned them to tarry, they made them no other answer but this, That they were called and sent for home, by occasion of wars in their own country. Scipio seeing, that these Allies of his were so slippery, and could neither be entreated nor ●nforced to stay: and that himself alone without them was not able to make his part good with the enemy: and to join again with his brother, was a thing impossible: for want of all other good means, for the present, when he saw no remedy else, determined to retire himself as far backward as he could: having this especial care above all things, not to encounter and join battle with the enemy in plain field, without some advantage, who now was passed over the river, and traced him hard at heels in his dismarch.  
About the same time P. Scipio stood in the like terms of fear, but in more danger by the coming of a new enemy, and that was Masanissa the young Prince, who then was a friend and pensionary soldier of the Carthaginians: but afterwards mighty and renowned for his amity with the Romans. He with his Numidian horsemen first encountered P. Scipio, as he marched on his journey, and afterwards both day and night molested and troubled him very shrewdly: in such sort, that not only he would intercept and catch up those that were gone out wandering and straggling far from the camp, a fuelling or foraging, and send them short of home; but also ride braving even before the camp. Many a time would he venture, yea and enter upon the thickest of the standing corpse de guard, and make foul work and trouble among them. By night also he used oft to make many starts upon a sudden, and assail the gates of the camp and the rampiar, and put them in exceeding great frights. So as the Romans at no time, nor in no place could be at rest and quiet for him, but ever in fear and doubt of some shrewd turn or other by him: so as they were driven to keep within their rampire, cut off from the use of all commodities abroad, and in a manner as good as besieged: and more straightly yet were they like to be beleaguered, in case Indibilis, who was coming (as the rumour went) with 7500 Suesseranes, were once joined with the Carthaginians. Whereupon Scipio a wary warrior and prudent Captain otherwise, driven to these hard extremities, and forced to make shifts, entered into a rash and inconsiderate designment, even to go on and meet (forsooth) Indibilis in the night, and in what place soever it should be his hap to encounter him, there to bid him battle, and fight with him. Leaving therefore a mean guard to keep the camp, and T. Fonteius his Lieutenant, as Provost and Captain, he set out at midnight, and meeting with his enemies, joined battle with them: but they skirmished rather by loose companies in their march, than with their united forces in set and pight field. Howbeit, the Romans had the better hand so much as it was, considering what a confused and disorderly medley there might be. But the Numidian cavalry, whom Scipio thought he was secured of, and that they were not aware of him, all on a sudden flanked the sides of the Romans, and mightily terrified them. Against these Numidians, whiles Scipio made head again afresh, behold a third sort of enemies also charged upon his back, even the Carthaginian captains, who by this time while the other were in fight, had overtaken their allies and were come thither. So as the Romans were to maintain battle on all hands, and were at a stand, and in doubt with themselves against which enemy to turn first, or what way with a close couched squadron to give the venture for to break through. As the General was thus mansully fight, and encouraging his soldiers, presenting and opposing himself forward, where was most need and danger, his chance was to be run through the right side of his body with a Lance: 
P. Scipio slain.  and that massive band of the enemies which had charged upon the thick battailon, which environed their captain, seeing Scipio falling from his horse ready to die, in great joy and mirth set up a cheerful shout, and ran all over the army, and carried glad tidings that the Roman general was slain. This voice being once spread all abroad, caused both the enemies to take themselves undoubtedly for victors, and the Romans to make no other account but they were vanquished. Whereupon they having lost their leader, began forthwith to fly out of the field. But as it was no hard matter for them to make a lane and break through among the Numidians, and other auxiliary soldiers lightly armed; so to escape and go clear away from so many horse, and footmen also, who were as swift on foot as the horsemen, it was almost impossible. Thus they were more in manner slain in their flight now, then in their fight before. And there had not one remained alive, but that the day being far spent already, and toward evening, the night came on a pace and overtook them. The Carthaginian captains, and those also of Africa, taking the full benefit of this their good fortune, slept not their business, nor made delay: but presently after the battle, scarcely allowing their soldiers so much sleep as would content nature, marched in great haste toward Asdrubal the son of Amilcar: making account assuredly, that when they had joined their power with his, they should break the neck of this war, and end it once for all. When they were come to him, great joy and gratulation there was between the captains & the hosts of both sides, for this fresh victory newly achieved: and seeing they had already defaited so brave a warrior and great commander, together with his whole army, they made no doubt but expected certainly to have another hand as good as this.  
The news verily of this so great a soil and overthrow, was not yet come unto the Romans: but yet they were strucken into a sad dump and deep silence, and more than that, into a secret presage & fore-deeming of some unlucky tidings: as commonly men's minds use to fore give & tell aforehand, when there is some mischief and ill toward them. The General himself, besides that he saw he was abandoned and forsaken of his associates, and knew the forces of the enemies so mightily reenforced; by good conjectures and guesses, yea and by very reason, was induced to suspect some loss and calamity received already, rather than inclined to hope after any good success and happy speed. For thus he discoursed with himself: How is it possible that A●●●●ball and Mago should bring their armies together without conflict, unless my brother be slain in fight, or have forgotten to be a warrior? how cometh it that he withstood them not? or how happeneth it that my brother followed not hard after them fast upon their backs? At leastwise, if he had not been able to keep them asunder, but that both captains and armies must needs meet and join in one, yet he himself me thinks, at leastwise would have come by this time to his brother, and brought his own power to his. In this perplexity and anguish of spirit, he thought yet, for the present time, that the only good course he could take, was to withdraw himself back from thence as far as he could● and so all that one night unwares to his enemies (who so long only were quiet) he marched a great way, and won much ground of them. The next morning, so soon as the enemies perceived that the Romans were dislodged and gone, they sent out the Numidian light horsemen, and began to follow after them apace, and pursued them as fast as possibly they could: and before night the Numidian cavalry had overtaken them, and skirmished one while with the tail of their march, another while at their sides and flanks, and gave them no rest: whereat the Romans made as it were a stand, and began to defend and save their army as well as they could: yet with great wariness and regard of security, Scipio encouraged them so to fight, as they might march on still and gain ground, before the Infantry overtook them. But as one while the army was on foot, and another while stood still, in long time they rid but a little ground. And Scipio seeing the night draw on apace, reclaimed his soldiers from farther skirmishes: and after he had rallied them together, he retired with them up to a little mount, no sufficient place (God wot) of safe retreat for an army, especially so troubled & affrighted already, yet higher than any other place all about. There the first thing that he did, was to bestow the baggage and cavalry in the mids withinforth: and at first the infantry ranged round about in a ring, made no difficult matter of it to put by the violent charge of the Numidian horsemen. But afterwards when the three Generals marching with three full armies approached, their Captain Scipio perceiving that he was never able to keep the place without some fortification, began to cast his eye about, and to bethink with himself, by what means possible he might impale himself round about as it were with a rampire: but the hill was so naked of wood, and the soil of the ground besides so stony and craggy, that he could neither find any underwood fit to cut out stakes for a pallisaid, nor earth meet to make turfs for a bank, or minable for a trench: and in one word, all things untoward and unhandsome for a mound, and to fortify withal. Neither was there any place there, to speak of, so sleep and upright, but the enemy might at ease mount up and climb it. All the hill on every side, had a gentle rising and ascent up to the top. Howbeit, to represent some show and resemblance yet of a rampiar, they were forced to take their pack saddles, with their packs tied fast unto them, and so round about to pile them and raise them to the usual height of a mure: And where there wanted pack saddles to make up the work, there they were sane to heap together, all sorts of fardels, trusses, and other carriages, and to put them between the enemies and them. The Carthaginian armies when they were come, marched very easily up against the hill. But the new fashion and manner of their defences and fortifications, was very strange unto them, so as at the first the soldiers marveled much and were astonished thereat, and stood still. But their captains on all sides cried out upon them. And why stand ye gaping (say they) so; and do not pull in pieces and pluck away that foolishbable there, good to make sport with? A very toy, that women & children would scarce stand about thus long? Why? the enemy is taken already in a pinfold, and lieth lurking and hiding himself behind the trusses & other carriages. After this manner (I say) the leaders rated at the soldiers. But it was not so easy a matter, either to get over that barricado of the packs, or to remove and rid them out of the way, as they lay piled close against them; ne yet to unfold and unwrap the packe-saddles, lying overwhelmed as they did, under the packs, and entangled together with them. Thus they were hindered and stayed a long time: and when at length they had put this bag and baggage aside that was set in their way, and made passage and entrance for the armed men, and that in divers places; the camp and tents were soon taken on all sides, ere a man could turn about: and so being few to many, and frighted men to late conquerors, no marvel if they were killed & hewn in pieces in every place. Howbeit, many of the soldiers having fled for refuge into the forests near by, escaped into the camp of P. Scipio, whereof T. Fonteius his lieutenant had the charge. As for Cn. Scipio, some write that he was slain upon that mount, at the first onset & assault made by the enemies: others report, that with a few others he fled into a town hard by the camp: and that there was a fire made round about it, and so when the gates thereof were burned, which by no violent means otherwise they could break open, the enemies entered and took it, and they within were killed every one, captain and all.  
Thus Cis. Scipio came to his end, in the seventh year after that he went into Spain, and on the nine and twentieth day after that his brother lost his life. Their death was bewailed and lamented no less over all Spain, than at Rome. For among the citizens at home, one part of their sorrow they took for the loss of the armies, another part went for the distraction & alienation of the province, and a third again was spent in the cogitation of the public calamity: but Spain from one end to the other, mourned only for their governors and captains, and had a great miss of them. And Cneus of the twain, was more bewailed, because he had been longer time their ruler, and had won the favour and affection of men, and possessed their hearts before the other: and was the first that ever gave them in those parts a proof & taste of the Romans just and temperate government.  
When the army was thus defeated and brought to nothing, so as Spain seemed utterly lost, there arose one man yet, that recovered all again, and brought the decayed state to the former perfection. There was in the army one L. Martius, the son of Septimius, a gentleman & knight of Rome, a forward young man; for courage and wit, far above the degree & condition wherein he was borne. Besides this excellent & most toward disposition of his by nature, he had great helps by the discipline and instruction of Cn. Scipio: under whom, for so many years he was trained & had learned all military knowledge & skill meet for a soldier. This Martius, what by rallying the dispersed soldiers who were fled, and what by drawing others out of sundry garrisons, had raised and assembled together a reasonable good power, and joined with T. Fonteius, the Lieutenant aforesaid of P. Scipio. But the Roman knight, above all others, grew to so great credit and reputation among all the soldiers, that when they had fortified their camp within the river Iberus, & were determined among themselves, to choose one General over the armies, in a solemn assembly of soldiers, even by their own military election: they went one by one in course one after another, unto the main Corpse de guard that defended the rampiar, and to the other wards belonging unto the camp, until they had all given their voices: and so by general consent created him their General. All the time which they had after, (and that was but small) they employed in fortifying their hold, and conveying thither corn and victuals: and what charge soever was imposed by him upon the soldiers, the same they executed readily and willingly, and without any show that their hearts were dismayed and cast down any jot at all. But after that news was brought, that Asdrubal the son of Gisgo, was coming against them, to dispatch clean the relics of the war; that he had passed over Iberus and approached near: and the soldiers saw once the signal of battle put forth unto them by this new General; calling to mind, what noble warriors they had served under but a while before; what worthy leaders they were wont to have, and with how puissant armies they used heretofore to go to the field; they fell a weeping every one, shaking and beating their heads: some lift up and stretched out their hands to heaven, blaming & accusing the gods: others lay along upon the ground, calling every one upon his own captain by special name. Neither could their piteous moans & plaints be stayed, notwithstanding the Centurions encouraged what they could, the soldiers of their companies: notwithstanding (I say) that Martius himself sometimes spoke them fair, sometimes rebuked them, for giving themselves to such foolish and vain puling, like women: & not rather resolve to raise up their hearts, and with him to quicken and whet their stomachs in defence of themselves and of the commonweal, and not to suffer their former captains and leaders to lie dead and unrevenged. By this time now all on a sudden, the shout of the enemies was descried, and the sound of the trumpets were within hearing, being come close under the rampiar. Whereupon all at once, turning their sorrow and weeping into anger & indignation, they ran every man to his armour and weapon: and as if they had been horn mad, they hastened from all parts to the gates and entries of the camp, & charged upon the enemies as they came carelessly and without order and array. Immediately this unexpected and sudden object, struck an exceeding fear into the Carthaginians: as wondering from whence so many enemies should start up so soon, considering the armies were so lately clean in manner destroyed; and how it came to pass, that being newly vanquished and put to flight, they should be so stout, so bold and confident of their own selves; who a gods name, should be their General, after the two Scipios were slain; what captain and governor had they over the camp; and who gave out the signal of battle: mervelling (I say) at these premises, and so many particulars, that they once imagined not afore, at first hand they wist not what to do, but as amazed men, began to give ground and recoil; but afterwards, being still fiercely followed upon with a violent charge, they were plainly beaten back and put to flight. And verily, either there had been a foul havoc and slaughter of them that fled, or a rash and dangerous enterprise for them who would have folllowed the chase: but that Martius hastened to sound the retreat, and opposing himself against the foremost ensigns of the vanguard, yea and taking hold of some of them himself, stayed the main battle & repressed their violence, who were upon the point already to pursue them with heat. And so he reduced them back again into the camp, as greedy as they were still of murder, & thirsty of bloodshed. The Carthaginians, who at the first were driven from the rampiar, and for fear hastened away; after that they saw none to follow them, supposed they had been afraid, and therefore stayed still: whereupon they departed to their camp again in reckless manner, fair and softly. And as careless as they were in their retire thither, so negligent were they in guarding the same: for although their enemies were near, yet they remembered and thought again, that they were but the tail and relics of two armies, vanquished & defeated a few days before. Upon this resolute persuasion of theirs, and base conceit of the enemies, they were very negligent every way within their camp: whereof Martius having by his espial, certain intelligence, resolved upon a designment, which at the first sight seemed more like a project of hazard, than an enterprise of hardiness; and it was no more, but even upon a bravery to set upon the enemy in his own camp, and give him a camisado. For as he thought it an easier emprese, to force the hold and pavilions of Asdrubal, being but one, than to defend and keep his own, in case three armies and three captains should join again together: so he considered withal, that either if he sped well in this exploit, he should restore and set upright again unto the Romans, the decayed and prostrate state of Spain: or if he were discomfited and put back, yet by giving the adventure first upon the enemies, he should not be altogether contemned, and of no reputation. But least this attempt so sudden, and the terror and error which may fall out in the nighttime, should happen to trouble this his designed plot, & the course of his good fortune; he thought it not amiss, to make a speech unto his soldiers, and to exhort & encourage them asore hand. And therefore calling them together to a general audience, in this manner he discoursed unto them of his intent and purpose.  
My valorous and loyal soldiers, 
The Oration of Ma●tius to his soldiers.  either the reverence and affectionate love of mine, toward our chief captains during their life, and after their death; or the very present condition and state wherein we all now stand; may be a sufficient testimony and proof to any man whosoever, that this charge and government of mine, as it is in regard of your judgement of me right honourable, so it is in truth, and in very deed, to me most weighty, and full of care and trouble. For at what time as (but that fear took away all sense of sorrow) I was not so much master of myself, as to seek out and find some comfort and solace for mine own pensive soul and heavy spirit; I was forced being but one, (which is a most hard matter for a man to do in time of grief) to minister consolation unto the common misfortune and calamity of you all. And surely I have no list at all (the harder is my case) to avert my mind from continual grief of heart, not so much as even then, when as I am to study and devise, by what means I may be able to preserve (for the behoof of my country) these small remnants of two armies. For why? the grievous and bitter remembrance of calamities past, is ever before me. The two Scipions trouble me all the day time with careful thoughts, they disquiet me in the night season with fearful dreams, they make me oftentimes to start out of my sleep, willing and charging me, to suffer neither them nor their soldiers (who were your fellows and companions, and for the space of eight years in those parts where they served, never received foil) ne yet the Commonwealth, to continue unrevenged; warning me withal, to follow their discipline, their precepts, rules, and good instructions. And like as, whiles they lived here among us, there was no man more obedient than myself to their directions and commandments; even so after their decease, whatsoever in my conceit, I judge they would have had especially done in all occurrences, the same my desire is, that you also (my soldiers) would like of and approve for the very best. I would not have you to weep, wail, and lament still for them, as if they were extinct and gone for ever, (for they live still, and shall, so long as the world endureth, and continue immortal in renown and fame of their worthy and noble acts) but rather so often as you remember and think of them, to go like hardy and valiant men to a field, even as if you heard them speaking unto you, or saw them giving out the signal of battle. Neither was it (I assure you) any other object but that, presented yesterday unto your eyes and minds, which effected so memorable a piece of service as it was: by which ye have made good proof unto your enemies, and given them to understand, that the Roman name died not together with the Scipios; and that the vigour and virtue of that people which was not extinct and buried, by the overthrow at Cannae, will ever rise again (ye may be sure) out of all adversities, let cruel fortune storm and rage as much as ever she can. And now, since ye have showed such valour and hardiness already of your own accord, I have a mind, and would gladly see, how bravely ye will bear yourselves upon the direction and commandment of your captain. For yesterday, when I sounded the retreat unto you, at what time as you followed so freely upon the enemy, being troubled and disarraied; my desire and meaning was not, to repress and abate your bold courage, but to defer and reserve it against some greater opportunity of advantage, and for a more honourable and glorious exploit: that anon upon the first occasion, you being prepared and provided, might surprise them at unwares, & not standing upon their guard; armed and well appointed, assail them disarmed and naked; & that which more is, whiles they are in their beds fast and sound asleep. And the hope that I conceive of this good opportunity and effect thereof (my soldiers) ariseth not upon some fantastical imagination of mine own brain, by haphazard and upon vain presumption, but grounded upon good reason and present experience. For verily, if a man should demand even of you your own selves, What the reason was, that being but few in number, & lately discomfited, ye were able to defend your camp, against many more than yourselves, and those heartened with fresh victories; ye would make no other answer but this, That you, fearing that which followed, had both fortified you camp in every respect with strong munitions, and were yourselves well appointed and furnished, yea, & ready to receive them whensoever they came. And certes, so it is, & we find it true by experience: Men are least sure and secured against that which fortune saith is fearless, and need not to be prevented, because that which we neglect, is evermore open and exposed to all dangers. Now the enemies doubt nothing less at this time, than that we, who were so lately ourselves besieged and assailed by them, will now come to give an assault upon them in their hold. Let us adventure to do that which no man would believe that ever we durst enterprise, and the self same cause which seemeth to make the thing most difficult, shall effect it soon of all others. At the change of the third watch I will lead you forth without any noise at all in great silence. Well informed and assured I am, that in their camp the Sentinels are not relieved in due course & order, neither yet the ordinary corpse de guard kept as they ought to be. Your shout and outcry shall not so soon be heard at the gates, nor your first charge and assault given, but ye shall surely be masters of the camp. Then let me see you perform that carnage and execution among them heavy and dead asleep, affrighted with an unexpected alarm, and taken on a sudden unarmed, and in their beds; from which yesterday ye thought much, that ye were called away and reclaimed. I wot well, that this seemeth unto you an audacious enterprise, and full of hazard, but when things go cross & stand in doubtful terms, & when other means fail, the hardiest attempts, yea, & the most venturous and desperate courses, are ever safest and speed best. For if a man stay never so little at the very instant when a thing is to be done (whereof the opportunity passeth and flieth away ere one would think) immediately when it is once gone, he may fling his cap after well enough, and complain thereof and say, had I wist, but never the nearer. One army they have hard at hand, and two more are not far off: now if we venture of them here, our opportunity and advantage is as good as theirs. And once already ye have made trial of their forces and your own: put we it off another day, contenting ourselves with the bare name of yesterdays sally, and give over so, it will be great doubt and danger, lest all the Generals with all their armies be rallied and reunited. And shall we then be able to hold our own against three Generals and three hosts, whom Cn. Scipio having about him his whole puissance, fresh and in good plight, could not withstand nor abide? Our Captains by dividing their forces, and dismembering one complete army, were defeated and overthrown: semblably may our enemies, parted while they be, & severed asunder, be discomfited & brought to nought. Lo, this is the only way for us to war, and none other. And therefore let us wait no longer than the commodious opportunity of the next night. Go ye then a gods blessing, make much of yourselves, take your repast and repose, that ye may be fresh and lusty, to break into your enemies hold with the same resolute courage, where with erewhile ye defended your own. The soldiers, as they gladly gave ear to this new counsel, of their new captain, so, the more audacious and adventurous that it was, the better it pleased them. The rest of the day behind, they spent in frobishing and making ready their harness and weapons, and in cherishing their bodies, yea, and the better part of the night they slept quietly. And so at the releese of the fourth watch they set forward.  
Now were there other companies also of Carthaginians, beyond this next camp abovesaid, about six miles distant from thence. A hollow way and valley there lay between, standing thick of trees. In the midst of this wood, for a furlong space well near, he bestowed closely a cohort of footmen, yea, and certain horsemen of Romans: but by his leave, this was but a crafty and sly trick, borrowed of the Carthaginians. Thus the mid way being intercepted and taken up, the rest of the forces were conducted in a still march toward the enemies in the next camp. And finding no guards before the gates, no Sentinels upon the rampire, they entered in as it had been into their own hold, and no man made resistance: then they sounded trumpets, & gave the alarm. Some fall to killing of the enemies half asleep; others fling dry litter & straw for to kindle fire, upon their hales & pavilions; othersome again keep the gates, that none should issue forth. So the fire, the outcry, and massacre all together, put them out of their right wits, & made them, as it were, besides themselves; that neither hear they could, not yet make any shift for themselves. Unarmed and naked men fell among the bands of armed soldiers. Some run in haste to the gates, others finding the ways and passages beset, run up to the rampire: and look as any escaped and got away from thence by that means, he flieth streightwaies directly toward the other camp. Where they were caught up by the cohort of footmen, and the cornet of horsemen, which rose up suddenly out of their Ambuscado: & being enclosed on every side, were killed to the last man. And yet, if it had been any ones good hap to have escaped from thence with life, so swiftly and with so great expedition, the Romans after they had gotten the nearer camp, sped themselves to the other, that he could not have recovered it before them, to bring news of the defeiture. And even there likewise, the farther they were off from their enemy, the more negligent they were: and because some also a little before day were slipped away a foraging, fuelling, and boothaling, the Romans found every thing more loose and out of order, than in the other camp. Their weapons only stood reared up in their corpse de guard, the soldiers themselves were unarmed, either sitting and lying all along on the ground, or walking up and down before the gates, and under the rampire. With these soldiers so secure, so reckless, so disarmed and disordered (the Romans being yet in their hot blood, and not cooled upon their fresh massacre, and more than that, lusty and brag for their new victory) began to make a fray, and to skirmish. But the Carthaginians were not able to keep them out of the gates. And so within the camp there was a hot and cruel fight: for, from all parts thereof, they ran together upon the first alarm that arose in the very beginning of the tumult and skuffling. And long had that skirmish continued, but that the Romans bucklers and targuets seen all bloody, were a sample unto the Carthaginians of a former execution; and thereupon drove them into a mighty fear. This fearful sight, caused them all to turn back and take their heels: and thus as many of them as escaped killing, got out by heaps wheresoever they could make shift to find way, and were clean turned out of their camp and all that they had. So in the compass of one day and night, by the conduct and direction of L. Martius, there were two encamped holds forced and won from the enemies: in which there were 37000 of the enemies slain, faith Claudius, who translated the Annals of Acilius out of the Greek tongue into the Latin, and 1830 taken prisoners, besides the gain of a mighty rich booty. In which pillage, there was found a shield of silver weighing 138 pound, with the image and portraiture of Asdrubal the Barchine. Valerius Antias recordeth, that the camp only of Mago was taken, and seven thousand men slain: and that in another battle with Asdrubal upon a sally forth, there died ten thousand, and 4330 were taken prisoners. Piso writeth, that when Mago followed after our men in an hot and disorderly chase (for they seemed to give back and recoil) there were five thousand men killed by the train of an ambush. But all writers do blazon the great honour and fame of Duke Martius. And besides the very truth of his glorious name, they make mention also and speak of some miracles: namely, that as he made the oration unto his soldiers, there was seen a flaming fire burning from his head, without any sense and feeling of his, to the great wonder and fear of the soldiers that stood about him: and that in memorial of this brave victory over the Carthaginians, there remained in the temple of jup. until the Capitol was burned, that foresaid shield, with the image of Asdrubal, and it was called Martius his shield. After this, Spain was quiet for a long time, whiles both sides after so many overthrows given and taken between them, were loath to hazard the main chance in one battle.  
In the time that these affairs passed in Spain, Marcellus upon the winning of Syracuse, having set all other things in order throughout Sicily, with such faithfulness and upright integrity, that not only he greatly augmented his own glory, but also enlarged the majesty of the people of Rome, brought over to Rome all the goodly and beautiful ornaments of that city, their graven and molten images, their pictures and painted tables, where of there was great store in Syracose. These braveries (no doubt) at the first were no more but the spoils of enemies, and lawfully acquired in right of war and conquest. But from thence began our great love and liking to the cunning workmanship of Grecian Artisanes: and from hence came afterwards our licentiousness and outrage in spoiling and robbing, so commonly and ordinarily, all sacred and profane places, where these things were to be had: which stayed not so, but proceeded and turned at length to the spoiling of the Roman gods themselves, and to that very first temple which by Marcellus was beautified and adorned principally above the rest. For strangers and foreign traveilers used in pilgrimage to visit the temples which were dedicated by Marcellus at the gate Capena, in regard only of the most rare and singular workmanship of the ornaments in that kind, of which at this day there is very little or nothing to be seen.  
Now from all cities well-near of Sicily, there resorted Embassies unto him: as their causes were divers and unlike, so their conditions were not all one. As many as before the winning of Syracuse, had either not rebelled at all, or became reconciled and in favour again, they were accepted in the quality of faithful allies, and made much of: those who for fear after the loss of Saracose, yielded, were reputed as conquered, and received laws and conditions at the will and pleasure of the conqueror. There remained yetno small relics of war about Agrigentum for the Romans to dispatch, namely Epicides and Hanno, the captains of the former war: and a third, sent new from Annibal in the room of Hypocrates, a citizen of Hippon (his countrymen name him Mutines) descended from the Libyphaenices, a man of Action, and one who under Hannibal had been brought up, and taught all feats of arms, and skill of warfare. Unto his charge were committed by Epicides and Hanno the Numidian Auxiliaries, with whom he overran all the countries belonging to the enemies: he went unto all the confederates, and so wrought with them to continue fast in their allegiance, and to send aides to every one in due time accordingly: in such sort, that within short time he got himself a great name throughout all Sicily, so as the favourites and faction of the Carthaginians had no greater hope in any, than in him. And therefore both Captains, as well Hanno the Carthaginian, as Epicides the Syracusian, who for a time had been penned up within the walls of Agrigentum, bearing themselves as well upon the fidelity as policy of Mutines, boldly adventured to come forth of the walls of Agrigentum, and upon the river Himera encamped themselves. Whereof Marcellus having intelligence, forthwith removed with all his power, and sat him down encamped, almost four miles from the enemy, minding to wait and expect, what they did or went about. But Mutines gave him neither opportunity of place to rest him long, nor respite of time to take counsel in, but crossed the river, and with exceeding terror, and tumultuous noise assailed the standing guards of his enemies: yea and the morrow after gave them battle as it were in a pight field, and drove them within their holds and fortifications. But being called from thence by occasion of a mutiny of Numidians within the camp (who to the number almost of three hundred, were departed to Heraclea Minoa) he went to appease their moods, and to reclaim them to due obedience: but he gave the rest of the captains (by report) a great charge and express warning, not to fight with the enemy, howsoever they did, in his absence. But both the captains were greatly offended thereat, and Hanno especially, who was already mal-content, and repined at his glory: What? saith he, thinketh Mutines, a base African, and not of the right stamp neither, to gauge and rule me a Carthaginian General, sent with Commission from the Senate and people? He persuaded therefore Epicides effectually to pass over the river, and to strike a battle: for, quoth he, if we should stay for him, and then happen to have a fortunate day of it and win the victory, all the honour no doubt shall redound to Mutines.  
Be yeesure, Marcellus thought this a great indignity, that he who had repulsed at Nola Hannibal, even when he bore himself so bravely upon his fresh victory at Cannae, should give one foot to these petty enemies, vanquished already by him both by sea and land: whereupon he commanded his soldiers to arm in all haste, and to bring forth the standards and ensigns. But as he was arranging his men in battle array, there came riding unto him all on the spur, with bridle on the horse neck, ten Numidians from out of the army of the enemies, with these tidings & ntelligences, assuring them, That their countrymen, who first were offended and discontented by occasion of that mutiny aforesaid, wherein three hundred of their company departed and went away to Heraclea: and then afterwards, because they saw their own head and leader, by the practice of those other captains, who maligned and envied his glory, sent far enough out of the way, even against the very day when the battle should be fought; were not disposed at all to fight, but would sit still and not stir. A kind of people these were, deceitful otherwise, & used to break promise; howbeit now, they were just & true of their word. Upon this, as the Romans took better heart unto them, (for there was a speedy pursuivant or courier sent throughout the battalions, from company to company, for to signify unto them, that the enemy was disappointed and abandoned of his cavalry, whom they feared most of all other) so the enemies were mightily dismayed and put in fear: for over and besides, that they had no help from them who were the greatest strength of their army, they were in a deep fear lest their own horsemen would set upon them. By which occasion, the conflict was not great, for at the first shout and shock given, well it was seen which way the game would go, and the matter was soon determined. The Numidians, who at the first encounter and during the conflict, had stood quiet in both points of the battle, seeing their own fellows turn back and fly, bore them only company for a whilr as they fled: but after that they perceived them all, to make haste for fear, to Agrigentum: fearing also themselves, there to be besieged among them, slipped away every one to their one cities. Many thousands were there slain and taken prisoners: and eight elephants besides taken alive. This was the last field fought by Marcellus in Sicily: upon this victory he returned to Syracuse. By this time now, was the year almost come about and growing to an end. And therefore at Rome the Senate decreed, that P. Cornelius the praetor, should send letters to the Consuls, lying before Capua, purporting this tenor: That for as much as Hannibal was far from them, and no great matter of consequence like to be performed the while at Capua; the one of them (if they thought so good) should repair to Rome, for to create new magistrates in the room of the old. The Consuls having received the letters, agreed between themselves and took order, that Claudius should go to hold and accomplish the solemn election of magistrates: and Fulvius remain still at Capua. So Claudius created new Coss. Cn. Fulvius Centimalus, and P. Sulpitius Galba the son of Servius: a man that had not borne any curule office of state before. After these, were Pretours chosen, L. Cornelius Lentulus, M. Cornelius Cethegus, C. Sulpitius, C. Calpurnius Piso. Unto Piso befell the jurisdiction within the city. Sulpitius had the government of the province Sicily. Cethegus, of Apulia: and Lentulus, of Sardinia. The Consuls had the government of their provinces prorogued for to continue one year longer.   

The XXVI. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the six and twentieth Book.  
HANNIBAL encamped himself at three miles end from Rome, fast upon the river any. Himself in person accompanied with two thousandmen of arms, rode to the gate Capena, for to view the site of the city. And not withstanding that for three daics space, the armies of both sides were come into the field ready embattled, yet they never joined in conflict, by reason of the tempestuous and stormy wether: But ever as they were returned again into their camp, presently it proved fair. Capua was won by Q. Fulvius, and Appius Claudius the proconsuls. The Nobles & principal citizens of Capus poisoned themselves. When as their Senators stood bound to stakes (for to be whipped) and then to lose their heads, there came letters from the Senate of Rome unto the proconsul Q. Fulvius, with direction to spare their lives: but before that Bee would read them, be put them up into his bosom, and willed the ministes or executioners, to let the law have the course, and to do their offce, and so he went through with the execution. It bapned that in a solemn assembly of the people, there was much debate and question, who should govern as L. deputy the province of Spain: and when no man was willing to undertake that charge, P. Scipio, the son of that Publius who was slain in Spain, made offer to go that voyage, and by the voices generally of the people, and with one accord of all, he was thither sent. In one day be assaulted and also forced New-Carthage, being a young man, not fully 24 year old. And there went an opinion of him, that he was descended of some be. evenly race: both for that himself, after he was come to seventeen years of age, and had put on his man's rob●, conversed within the Capitol, and also because there was a snake or serpent seen oftentimes in his mother's bedchamber. This book containeth besides the affairs in Sicily: the amity concluded with the Aetolians: and the war against the Acananians and Philip king of the Macedonians.  
CNEUS Fulvius Centimalus, and P. Sulpitius Galba the Consuls, when they had entered into their magistracy upon the Ides of March, assembled the Senators into the Capitol, where they consulted with the LL. about the state of the commonweal, concerning the administration of the wars, and astouching the provinces and the armies. Q. Fulvius and Ap. Claudius, the Consuls of the former year, continued still their rule and full command, with the charge of the same forces which they had before under their hands. And over and besides, they were expressly commanded, not to depart from Capua (before which they lay at siege) until they had forced and won the city. For at that time, the Romans among all their other affairs, were most amused upon it: not so much for anger and malice, (whereof they had never against any one city greater and juster cause) as in this regard, that being a state so noble and mighty, like as by revolting first it had drawn and induced certain other cities to do the same: so if it were recovered & regained, like it was to reduce their affections again, to look back and return unto their old allegiance and obedience to their wont signory of Rome. The Pretours also of the former year, M. junius in Tuskane, and P. Sempronius in Gaul, continued in their places of regiment, with two legions a piece under their conduct, the same which they had before. And so M. Marcellus remained as proconsul behind in Sicily, for to finish & dispatch the relics of the war there, with the power of that army which he had already: and had commission (if need were of new supply) to make up the number of his companies, out of those legions which were commanded by P. Cornelius the Viz-pretour in Sicily; provided always, that he chose no soldier out of those bands, unto whom the Senate had flatly denied, either licence to be discharged, or passport to return home into their country, before the war was fully ended. Unto C. Sulpitius, whose lot it was to govern the province of Sicily, were assigned those two legions, which P. Cornelius had before: with a fresh supply out of the army of Cneus Fulvius, which the last year was shamefully defeated, beaten, and put to flight in Apulia. These soldiers, all the sort of them, had the same limitation of service and no other, appointed and set down by the Senate, as those former who remained after the overthrow at Cannae. And this disgrace they had besides, as well the one company as the other, That they might not winter within any town, nor build them any standing camp for wintering harbours, within ten miles of a city. L. Cornelius the lord Deputy in Sardinia, was allowed to have the conduct of those two legions, which were under the leading of Q. Mutius. And order was given unto the Consuls, to levy and enrol a new supply thereto, if need required. T. Octacilius and M. Valerius were appointed to guard and defend all the sea coasts of Sicily and Greece, with the help of those Legions and Armadas which they had already. The greeks had fifty sail in their fleet, and were manned with one Legion. The Sicilians had one hundred ships, and two legions to furnish them. So that in this year the Romans maintained three and twenty legions, to wage war both by sea and land.  
In the beginning of the year, when the letters of L. Martius were read and scanned in the Senate house, the LL. there assembled, liked well of the contents, and spoke highly in the praise of his worthy acts: but many of them were offended at the superscription, because he took upon him the honourable title of a Propretour in his stile, and wrote thus [L. Martius the Propretour, to the Senate] considering, that his command was neither granted by the people, nor allowed and confirmed by the Senate. An ill precedent (say they) it is, and of bad consequence, that Generals of the field should be chosen by armies, and that the solemnity of Elections, so devoutly begun in the name of the gods, and with the religious observation of the Bird-flight, should now be transferred into the camps and provinces far from laws and magistrates, and committed to the inconsiderate wills of rash affectionate soldiers. And when some there in place, were of opinion, that the matter should be put in question at the counsel table, it was thought better to defer that consultation, until those gentlemen of service, that brought the letters from Martius, were gone and departed. As concerning come and apparel for the army, they agreed to write back unto him, that the Senate would take order and provide for both: but they would not allow in any cause to give him this addition, and to write [To Martius the Propretour] least that they might seem to approve the very same thing by their prejudice and doom aforehand, which they had left for to be decided and determined afterwards. When the Gentlemen aforesaid had their dispatch, and were dismissed, the first thing that the Consuls propounded, was it, and no other: and generally they jumped in this one point, for to deal with the Tribunes of the people, that with all speed possible they would move the Commons, and propound unto them, for to know, who their will and pleasure was, should be sent L. Deputy into Spain, for to have the government of that army, whereof Cn. Scipio, L. General, had the conduct.  
This matter, I say, was treated of with the Tribunes, & a bill preferred thereof unto the Commons: but there was another greater contention in terms, that had possessed their minds already. For C. Sempronius Blasus, had commenced a criminal action against Cn. Fulvius, accusing him for the loss of the army in Apulia, and ceased not in all the assemblies of the people, 
The Oration of T. Sempi●●ius Bl●sus against Cn. Fulzius.  to make invectives against him, charging him, That being captain General, through his much folly, ignorance & rashness, he had brought his army into a place of danger: reproving him moreover, and saying, That never any captain but Cn. Fulvius, had corrupted, marred, and infected his legions with all kind of vices, before that he betrayed them to the enemies: in such wise, that it might be well and truly said, that they were altogether spoiled and defaited, before they had a sight of their enemies: and were not vanquished by Hannibal, but by their own Colonel and Commander. See (quoth he) the disorder that is in Elections, and how no man, when he is to give his voice, doth well weigh and consider, who it is that he chooseth a General, and unto whom he committeth the charge of an army. Behold the difference between Cneus Fulvius, and T. Sempronius. This man having the leading of an army of bondslaves, by discipline, good order and government, within short time brought his soldiers to that good paste, that there was not one of them all throughout the army, remembered and regarded how basely he was borne, and of what parentage descended, but all in general bare themselves so, that they were to their friends a sure defence, & to their enemies a fearful terror: and after that he had recovered them at Beneventum, and other cities, (as it were, out of the chaws of Annibali) he restored and delivered them safe & sound to the people of Rome. Whereas chose, Cn. Fulvius having received an army of Roman citizens, well and worshipfully borne, liberally and honestly brought up, had taught them servile vices fit for slaves, and so trained them, that with their friends and allies they were stout, proud, and unruly; and among their enemies were cowards & very dastards: & so far short they were to bear off the violence of the Carthaginians, that they were not able to abide so much as their first cry and shout. And no marvel I assure you, that the soldiers could not stick to it in the battle, and hold out manfully; when the General himself was the first that ran away beastly. I rather wonder at it, that any of them stood to it and died in the field, and were not all of them as fearful as Cn. Fulvius, and took not his heels with him for company. Yet, C. Flaminius, L. Paulus, L. Posthumius, both Scipions, as well Cn. as Pub. chose rather to lose their lives in battle, than to forsake their armies when they were environned round with enemies. But Cn. Fulvius, he was in manner the only man that returned to Rome with news of the army defeated and overthrown. Now verily, a great indignity it is, and a shameful manner of proceeding, that the residue of the army, after the overthrow at Cannae, because they fled out of the field, were confined & transported over into Sicily, with express condition, not to return again from thence, before that the enemy were clean gone and departed out of Italy; & that the very same rigorous and heavy decree passed likewise, and was executed against the Legions of Cn. Fulvius; and Cn. Fulvius himself, who fled out of that battle, which was through his own folly and rashness begun, should go away clear, and escape without all punishment: that himself, I say, should lead his old age in taverns, stews, & brothelhouses, where already he hath spent his youthful days; while his poor soldiers (who have faulted in nothing, but that they were like unto their captain) be sent far enough off, and packed away (as it were) into exile, and endure shameful and ignominious soldiery. Lo, how unequally at Rome the freedom of the city is parted between the rich and the poor; between men of nobility and high calling, and those that are of mean parentage and low decree.  
Thus much spoke the plaintiff C. Sempronius Blasus. 
These sort of Cn. 〈◊〉.  The defendant on the other side, shifted all the blame from himself, and laid the whole fault upon his soldiers, alleging & pleading & thus, That when they called upon him hastily, and with great wilfulness for to give battle, he brought them forth into the field, not on that day which they would themselves (for it was late in the evening) but the morrow after, when both time and place were meet and convenient for the purpose: and notwithstanding they were well appointed and orderly embattled, yet were they not able to sustain, either the same, or the fury of the enemies, I know not whether. And when they all fled away amain, he also was carried away in the throng of the rour: like as Varro the Consul, at the battle before Cannae, and as many other Generals elsewhere. And what good could he have done to the Commonweal, in case he had stayed behind alone? unless peradventure his death might have cured and remedied the public sores and maladies, or made amends for the common losses. Neither was it for want of victuals, nor for that he light at unwares upon places of disadvantage and danger; ne yet, because he was entrapped within the trains of an ambush, marching on end forward, without sending his espials before, that he was overcome; but even by fine force, by dint of sword, in open field, and in a pight battle. And it was not he could do withal, if his own men were fearful and timorous, & the enemies hardy and venturous, he had not the rule of their hearts. It is long of every one his own nature to be either bold or heartless.  
Two several days was he judicially accused, & at both times a fine of money only set upon his head, in case the matter should go against him. At the third Session the witnesses were produced forth, to be deposed and give evidence: and after that he had been shamefully reviled, and charged with all manner of reproaches, there were very many upon their oath testified, That the first beginning of the fright and flight both, was occasioned by the praetor himself: and that the soldiers seeing themselves forsaken by him, and supposing verily that their captain and leader was not afraid of his own shadow, but had great reason to fear, they likewise turned their backs and fled. Upon which evidence, the whole Court was so incensed against him with anger, that they cried all with one voice, to commense a capital action, for that he was worthy to die. Whereupon arose a new debate and controversy: for whereas the Tribune had twice before laid a penal action upon him of money, and now at the third time said that he would have a jury of life and death go upon him: then he called upon the other Tribunes for their helping hand to mitigate this rigour of the Tribune. But when those his colleagues made answer again and said, that they would not oppose themselves nor hinder his course, but that he might proceed in the suit at his own good pleasure, more maiorum. i [according to the ancient manner used by their forefathers,] either by order of law, or rule of custom, and bring him being but a private person, to the trial either of a capital crime, or penal trespass: then Sempronius spoke and said flatly, that he laid upon him a criminal action of treason against the State; and requested of C. Calpurnius the L. chief justice of the city, for to have a day of hearing and judicial trial by the people. Then thedefendant cast about to help himself by another remedy, namely, in case he could compass that Q. Fulvius his brother, might possibly be present at the Session when he should be judged: who at that time was a man of great credit and reputation, in regard both of the name that went on him for his noble acts, and of that great hope which men had of him, that he was like presently to be master of Capua. But when this said Q. Fulvius had requested so much by his letters, indited to that purpose as effectually as he could devise, and to move commiseration and pity in behalf of the life of his brother, the LL. of the Senate returned this answer unto him again, That it was not for the good of the State that he should depart from Capua: thereupon, before the Session's day was come, Cn. Fulvius departed of his own accord into exile to Tarquinij, and the Commons made an act and confirmed that banishment of his to be a just, due, and sufficient punishment for his offence.  
During these businesses at Rome, the whole strength and force of war was bend against Capua, and yet the city was rather straightly beleaguered, than forcibly assaulted; in so much as neither the servants or bondmen, nor the common people were able to endure the famine any longer: and send unto Annibal any messengers, they possibly could not, by reason of the straight watch and ward that the Romans kept, so ne●re one unto the other. At length there was a certain Numidian offered to go and to escape cleére away, who having taken letters unto Hannibal to put him in mind to be as good as his promise, departed in the night, and passed through the mids of the Roman camp, and put the Campanes in very good hope, to issue forth at all the gates, and to make a sally upon the enemy, whiles their power and strength served them. And verily in many scufflings and skirmishes which they made, they got the better for the most part in horsesight: but lightly their footmen had ever the worse. The Romans for their parts were nothing so much pleased when they had the upperhand at any time, as they were discontented and ill apai●d, to receive a soil in any kind of service of them, who were not only besieged, but in manner overcome already and conquered. So they devised a means in the end, to make up and supply by industry and policy the defect they had in strength and force. They chose out of all the Legions certain lusty young men, such as for clean strength of body, and lightness withal, were most nimble and swift. These had every one of them, a light buckler or target, shorter than commonly horsemen have, and seven javelins or darts apiece, four foot long, with iron heads at one end, like as those javelins have, which they use to lance that are lightly armed, and begin skirmishes. And every horseman took up one of these behind him on horseback, & used them, both to sit the horse and ride, and also to leap down on foot, with great delivernesse and agility, at the signal and token given them. Now, when as, after daily practice and exercise, they were able to do it nimbly enough, and without fear, they advanced forth into the plain, lying between their camp, and the wall of the city, & affronted the horsemen of the Campanes as they stood arraunged in battle array: and so soon as they were come within a darts cast, the light javelottiers aforesaid, dismounted from their horses, at a sign given them: and behold, all of a sudden, out of the cavalry there was a battaillon of footmen arraunged, who charged the men of arms of the enemies, and let fly their shot with greatforce, datt after dart, which they lanced so thick, that they gauled many a horse, and wounded also many horsemen. Howbeit, their fear was much greater, by reason of the strange and unexpected manner of fight. The Roman horsemen seeing their enemies thus affrighted, set too hard, and charged upon them lustily, chased them and beat them down even to the city gates. After this, the Romans were the better in horse-service also. And hereupon began the manner from thenceforth, to entertain such light armed javelottiers called Velites, even among the Legions. The first deviser of this mingling of footmen among the horsemen they say was one Q. Navius a Centurion, and that he was highly honoured by the General for his invention.  
Whiles things stood thus at Capua, Hannibal was greatly distracted in mind, and possessed with two contrary cogitations, whether he should go to gain the Castle of Tarentum, or to rescue and save the city of Capua. At last the regard of Capua prevailed with him: for he saw that as well friends as enemies depended thereupon, and had their mind and eye wholly bend that way; as being a city like to give the very trial and proof, what would the issue be generally of all the revolt and rebellion from the Romans. Leaving therefore behind him a great part of his carriage in the Brutians country, and all his soldiers heavily armed, he made haste into Campania, with an elect power of foot and horse, such as he supposed most meet and best appointed for expedition and riddance of way: yet as fast as he marched, there followed after him three and thirty Elephants, and so he sat him down closely in a secret valley behind the mountain Tiffata, which overlooketh the city Capua. At his first coming he forced the fort called Galatia, and compelled the garrison there to quit the place, and then he turned & opposed himself against the enemies who besieged Capua. But he dispatched certain couriers afore unto Capua, to signify unto them, at what time he minded to set upon the camp of the Romans: that they also at the very instant might be ready to issue forth at every gate of the city to do the like. The Romans having no foreknowledge by their espials of this occurrence, were mightily terrified: for Hannibal himself assailed them one way, and all the Campanes as well foot as horsemen (together with the garrison soldiers of the Carthaginians under the leading of Bostar and Hanno their captains) sallied out another way. The Romans therefore being driven to their shifts, as well as they might in so sudden and fearful a case, had an eye to this, not to make head all together one way, and so to leave the rest quite without defence; therefore they divided their forces in this manner among themselves: Appius Claudius opposed himself against the Campanes: and Fulvius against Hannibal. Claudius' N●ro the Viz-Pretour, with the horsemen belonging to the sixth legion, quartered upon the way that leadeth to Suessula: and C. Fulvius Flaccus the Lieutenant, with the horsemen of Allies, took up his standing, and planted himself over-against the river Vultumus. The battle began not after the usual manner, only with shouts and outcries, but besides all other clamours of men, neighing of horses, and rustling of armour, there was a multitude of Campanes good for no other service of war, placed upon the walls, who together with ringing and sounding of basons and vessels of brass (as the manner is in the still dead time of the night, when the moon is in the eclipse) made such an hideous noise, that it caused even them that were in fight to be amused thereupon, and to listen after it. Appius with small ado repulsed the Campanes from the trench and rampiar. But Fulvius on the other part had more trouble to deal with Hannibal and the Carthaginians, who charged so fiercely upon him, that the sixth legion there, gave ground and recoiled: which being once beaten back, a squadron of Spaniards and three Elephants passed forwards as far as to the rampiar, and had already broken through the main battle of the Romans: but they were in suspense between doubtful hope and present danger, thinking one while to break through and pass into the camp; and doubting another while to be excluded from the rest of their companies. Fulvius seeing this fear of the legion, and peril wherein the camp stood, encourageth and exhorteth Q. Navius and other principal Centurions, to assail valiantly, to kill and hew in pieces that one company of the enemies which were fight under the counterscarp. For all now lieth a bleeding, quoth he, and in extreme hazard: for either you must give the enemy's way, and then will they more easily enter into the camp, than they had already pierced through the thick squadrons of the battle; or else ye must diffeate and slay them in the place, even under the trench. And that (quoth he) were no difficult piece of service, considering they are but few in number, severed and shut out clean from the succour of their fellows: and the same Roman battailon which seemeth now disbanded and open, whiles it is affrighted, if so be it would make head and turn both sides upon the enemy, were able to compass round and environ them, and put them to a doubtful hazard, yea and cut them in pieces within the mids. Navius had no sooner heard the General speak these words, but he caught the ensign of the second band of Hastati from the ensign-baerer, and desplaied it in the faces of the enemies, threatening to fling it among the mids of them, unless his soldiers made the better haste to follow him, and settle themselves to fight. He was a goodly tall and personable man of body, his brave armour besides set him out and beautified his person: and withal, the advancing of his ensign on high, drew every man's eyes upon him, as well enemies as friends. But when he was approached once to the banners of the Spaniards, 
The 〈◊〉 valour of Navius.  then from all hands they spared him not, but lanced at him their barbed javelins, and the whole battle in manner was bend only against him. But neither the multitude of enemies, nor the volley of their shot, was able to repress and rebutt the violence of that one man. Likewise M. Attilius a Lieutenant, caused the ensign-baerer of the first band of the Principes belonging to the same legion, to enter with his ensign upon the cohort and troop of the Spaniards. The Lieutenants also L. Porcius Licinius and T. Popilius, who had the guarding of the camp, sought valiantly upon the rampire in defence thereof, and killed the Eliphants upon the very countrescarp, as they were passing over and entering the camp. And by occasion that their bodies filled up the ditch, the enemies had a passage made them into the camp, as it were over a causey or bridge raised of purpose to give them way: and there, over the very carcases of the slain Elephants, there was a cruel carnage committed. But on the other side of the camp, the Campanes and the garrison of the Carthaginians had the repulse already: and under the very gate of Capua which openeth upon the river Vulturnus, there was another skirmish, where the Romans striving to enter the town, were not so much put back and withstood by force of armed men, as by brakes, scorpions, and other engines of ordinance, which being mounted and planted upon the very gate, discharged shot so violently, that they drove the enemies farther off. Over and besides, the forcible and furious assault of the Romans was daunted and suppressed, by reason that their General himself Ap. Claudius, was hurt; who as he was encouraging his men to fight in the very forefront of the vaward, happened to be wounded with a dart above in his breast under the left shoulder: yet there were an exceeding number of enemies there slain before the gate, and the rest were driven for fear to make haste and get the city over their heads. Hannibal also perceiving the Cohort of the Spaniards lying along dead, and the camp of the enemies so manfully defended even to the utterance: gave over farther assault, and began to retire his ensigns, and to turn backward all his footmen, interposing his horsemen behind them, for fear the enemy should charge them on the tail. The legions were exceeding eager to pursue after the enemies: but Flaccus commanded to sound the retreat, supposing they had done well enough already, and effectuated two things, to wit, that both the Campanes saw in how little steed Hannibal served them; and also Hannibal himself known and perceived no less. Some writers that have recorded this battle, set down, that of Hannibal his army there were slain that day eight thousand men, and of Campanes three thousand: that the Carthaginians lost fifteen ensigns, and the Campanes eighteen. But in others, I find that the conflict was not so great, and that the fright was much more than the skirmish: for when as the Numidians and Spaniards together with the Elephants broke at unwares into the Romans camp, those Elephants as they passed through the mids thereof, overthrew and laid along many of the tents and pavilions; and the Sumpter-horses and other beasts there for carriage, with great noise broke their halters, and collars, fled for fear, and bore down all a●ore them as they went. And that besides this tumultuous fright and confusion, Hannibal dealt fraudulently, by sending in among the rest certain that could speak the Latin tongue (for some such he had about him) who in the Consul's name gave commandment (since that the camp was lost) that every soldier should make shift for himself, and fly to the next mountains. But this deceit was soon espied and prevented with the loss and slaughter of a number of enemies: and the Elephants were coursed out of the camp with fire. But howsoever this battle was either begun or ended, the last it was fought there, before that Capua was yielded up and surrendered.  
The Mediastuticus (for so they call the head magistrate and governor of the city of Capua) for that year, was one Seppius Lesius, a man of base parentage & mean calling. The report goeth, that his mother upon a time as she made satisfaction in the name of him (being then fatherless and under age) by a purgatory sacrifice, for a prodigious domestical portent, that happened in her house, was told by the soothsayer out of his learning, that one day the chief government of Capua should be fall to that child: whereat, she seeing no likelihood nor hope at all of any such matter, said thus a gain, You talk of a poor city of Capua, when that day comes; and God save all, when my son shall he advanced to the highest place and government thereof. But these words spoken at random and in jest, proved afterwards good earnest, and true in deed. For when as the citizens were driven to great straits, through sword and famine, and were passed all hope of recovery: in such sort, as they that were of quality and borne for honour, refused to be in place of authority, this Lesius complaining that Capua was forlome, betrayed, and abandoned by her own nobility, took upon him the chief magistracy, and was the last of all the Campanes that bore sovereign rule in that city.  
Hannibal perceiving, that neither his enemies would be drawn forth any more to fight: nor possibly he could break through their camp for to come unto Capua: for fear lest that the new Consuls should stop all the passages, and intercept his purveiance of victuals, determined to dislodge without effecting his purpose, and to remove from Capua. And as he cast and tossed too & fro in his mind, what course to take, and whither to go; it came into his head to make no more ado, but to march directly to Rome, the very head and seat-cittie of the whole war. This was the upshot of all, and the emprese that he most desired. Howbeit as all others much grieved and greatly blamed him, that he had overslipt the opportunity when it was, even presently upon the battle at Cannae: so himself acknowledged no less, that he was mightily overseen. And yet the thing was not so far passed (he thought) that he should despair, but upon some sudden fright and unexpected tumult, he might seize of some quarter of the city or other. And if Rome were once in that hazard, then either both the Roman Generals, or one at the least, would immediately leave the siege of Capua. Who, if they had once divided their forces, both of them would be the weaker, and minister either unto him, or to the Campanes, some occasion of good fortune. The only thing that troubled his mind was this, for fear lest that as soon as his back were turned, the Campanes would yield themselves unto the Romans. He therefore with large and liberal rewards, induceth a certain Numidian (an audacious and adventurous fellow, one that cared not what dangers he undertook) to be the carrier of certain letters, and to enter into the camp of the Romans, counterfeiting himself, to be a fugitive, from the adverse part unto them: and so when he espied his time, to slip secretly from the other side of the camp, to Capua. The letters were very comfortable, importing unto them, That his remove and departure from thence, was for their good and safety, whereby he meant to withdraw the Roman captains and their forces from Capua, to the defence of their own city of Rome: willing them not to let fall their hearts and be discouraged; for by patient abiding some few days, they should be wholly freed and delivered of the siege. Then he made stay of all the shipping and vessels that he could find upon the river Vulturnus, & commanded them to be brought to Casilinum, which he had fortified aforetime with a pile or castle to guard & keep the place with a garrison. And having intelligence that there was such store of barges and bottoms upon the river, as would serve to transport in one night his whole army: he made provision of victuals for ten days, brought down his army by night to the river side, and crossed the water with all his power, before the next day light. But this was not carried so secretly, but before that it was effected, intelligence was given there of by certain rennegate fugitives: whereupon Fulvius Flaccus addressed his letters unto the Senate of Rome, and gave notice thereof. At which tidings, men according to their sundry fancies and humours, were diversely affected: and as so fearful an occurrence required, incontinently the Senate assembled.  
P. Cornelius surnamed Asina, was of opinion, that all the captains and armies whatsoever, should be called home out of all parts of Italy, without regard of Capua or any other exploit besides, save only the defence of the city. Fabius Maximus thought it was a dishonest, lewd, and shameful part, to depart from the siege of Capua, and to be scared to turn here and there, and to be carried away with every copy of Hannibal his countenance, and with his valne threats and menaces. He that won a victory at Cannae, and durst not then go forward to the city, hath he conceived any hope now to win Rome, being also lately repulsed from Capua? No, he marcheth toward Rome, not minding to besiege it, but hoping to raise the siege from Capua. And how ever it be, I am assured (quoth he) that jupiter (the witness of covenants broken by Hannibal) and other gods besides, will defend us with the help of that army which we shall find at home in the city. Between these two opinions, P. Valerius Flaccus held the mean, and prevailed: for he having a regard and due consideration, both of the one and the other; thought good to write unto the Colonels that lay before Capua, & to certify them, what strength they had of able men to defend the city: as for the forces of Hannibal, and what power was needful to maintain the siege at Capua, they themselves knew best. Therefore in case that one of the proconsuls there, and part of the army might be spared from thence and sent to Rome, & nevertheless, the siege continue with the conduct of the other proconsul, and the rest of the army: then Claudius and Fulvius should so order the matter between themselves, that the one of them might remain still before Capua at siege, and the other repair to Rome, for to defend and keep their native country from the same danger. Hereupon the Senate agreed, and made an Act: which being brought unto Capua, Q. Fulvius the Vizconsull who was to go to Rome, by reason that his colleague was sick of his hurt, chose out of the three armies certain companies of soldiers, and so with fifteen thousand footmen, and one thousand horsemen, passed over the river Vulturnus. Then having certain intelligence, that Hannibal minded to march along the Latin street way: he took his journey through the towns and burroughs situate upon the way Appia, & sent his couriers before unto Setia, Sora, and Lavinium, which are seated near unto it, not only for to lay provision of victuals ready for him in their cities and towns, but also from the country villages farther out of the way, to bring their provision to that port thoroughfare: and to draw forces into their towns for their own defence, and every one to stand upon their good guard, and to look unto their state, as well public as private.  
Hannibal the same day that he had crossed Vulturnus, encamped not far from the river. And the morrow after, entered into the territory of the Sidicines, and led his host near unto Cales. There, after he had stayed one day, forraying and spoiling the country, he marched by Suessula, into the territories of Allifas and Casinum, by the way of the Latin street. Under the town Casinum he abode in camp two days, and raised booties here & there in every place. From thence leaving Interramna and Aquinum, he came into the country about Fregellae, as far as to the river Liris: where he found the bridge cut down by the Fregellanes, for to impeach and let his journey. Fulvius likewise was stayed at the river Vulturnus, by reason that the barges & botoms were burnt by Annibal: and much ado he had, for the great scarcity of timber & wood, to make punts and boats for to set over his army. But Fulvius, after he had once transported his men in such boats and planks as he made shift withal, had afterwards no hindrance in his journey; but found not only store of victuals in the towns and cities as he travailed, but also plenty thereof brought ready for him to the ways side right courteously. Then the soldiers as they marched on foot cheered and encouraged one another to mend their pace and make speed, considering they went to the defence of their natural country. Now there was a post sent from Fregellae, who road night and day and never made stay, and he put the city in exceeding fear. The running together besides of the people, that ceased not to make every thing more than it was, and to invent somewhat of their own fingers ends, and put it to the news that they heard, made a greater hurry than the messenger himself, and set the city in an uproar. And not only the women were heard to weep and wail in their own private houses: but also from all parts, the Dames of the city came flocking into the streets, running about to all the churches and chapels of their gods and goddesses, sweeping the altars with the tresses of their hair hanging down, kneeling upon the bare ground, and stretching out their hands up toward heaven unto the gods, pouring out their prayers and supplications, That they would vouchsafe to preserve the city of Rome out of the hands of the enemies, and to save the Roman wives and their little children from harm and all abuse. The body of the Senate gave attendance upon the magistrates in the common place, ready to give them their advice and counsel. Some receive of them direction, and departed every man to execute his charge: others offer themselves to the magistrates, to be employed in any service whatsoever. Sundry guards were bestowed in the castle, in the Capitol, and upon the walls: all places about the city were well manned. The Alban mountain also & the castle of Thusculum were furnished with good garrisons. Amids this alarm tidings came, that Q. Fulvius the proconsul, was departed from Capua, and onward on his journey to Rome with an army. And because he should not be abridged of his power and authority, after he was come into the city, there was a decree granted out of the Senatehouse, that Q. Fulvius should have as large a commission of rule and command as the Consuls themselves. Hannibal, after he had made fouler work & havoc in the territory of Fregellae, than in other places, for anger that they had cut down the bridges against his coming, led his army through the Frusinate, Ferentinate, and Anagnine countries, and camesorwards into the territory of Lavicos: and so by Algidum he marched toward Thusculum. And when he could not be let in there within the walls, he descended beneath Tusculum, on the right hand to Gabii: from whence he conducted his army into Pupinia, and eight miles from Rome encamped. The nearer the enemy approached to the city, the greater slaughter was made of the paisants that fled from him, by his vauntcurriers, the Numidian light horsemen, whom he sent afore to make riddance. And many there were of all conditions and ages that were taken captive.  
In this tumultuous trouble, Fulvius Flaccus with his army, entered Rome at the gate Capena: from whence he went through the midst of the city, along the street Carinae into the Exquiliae, and from thence he went forth, and between the gates Exquilina and Collina pitched his tents. Thither the Aediles of the Commons brought victuals: the Consul and the Senate resorted to him into the camp, where they sat in counsel about the State of the Commonweal. And agreed it was, That the Consuls should lie encamped likewise about the gates Collina and Exquillina: that C. Calpurnius praetor of the city, should have the keeping of the Capitol and the castle with a guard, and that the Senators keep residence continually in good number within the compass of the Forum, what need so ever there should be of their counsel and advise, against all sudden accidents. By this time Hannibal was come forward, as far as to the river Anio, & within three miles of the city lay encamped, where he kept a standing leaguer. But himself in person with 2000 horsemen, advanced forward toward the gate Collina, even as far as to Hercules his temple, and road all about as near as he well could, to view the walls, and the situation of the city. Flacus took foul disdain thereat, and thought it a shame full indignity, that he should brave it at his pleasure so scornfully without revenge, whereupon he sent out certain of his own cavalry, and gave commandment, That they should set the enemy's horsemen farther off, and chase them back into their camp. Whiles they were in skirmish together, the Consuls gave order, that the Numidian horsemen, such as were fled from the enemy, and turned to the Romans (who were at that time to the number of twelve hundred upon the Aventine hill) should pass through the midst of the city to the Exquiliae: supposing that there were none more meet than they, for to sight among the valleys, the garden houses, the sepulchers and hollow ways on every side. Whom, when some from the castle and the Capitol, espied riding down the descent of the hill, called Clivus Publicus, they ran crying about the city, The Aventine is taken. The Aventine is taken. Which alarm caused a tumult, & gave such an occasion of fear, and running away, that if the camp of Hannibal had not been without the walls, fearful multitude doubtless would have abandoned and quit the city. But they took their houses, and got every man up to the terraces and leads thereof: from whence they pelted with stones and others shot, their own friends in steed of enemies, as they road scattering one from another in the streets. This tumult could not be repressed, nor the error appear, by reason that the ways were so pestered with a number of the country peasants, and of cattle besides, whom sudden fear had driven into the city. Howbeit, the horsemen fought fortunately, and the enemies were removed and set back. And because it was necessary to stay all disorders and uproars that chanced upon small occasions to arise, it was thought good and agreed upon, that all those who had been either dictators, or borne the office of Censors, should have their full power & authority, until such time as the enemy was clean departed from about the walls. And that was to good purpose: for all the rest of that day, and the night following, there were divers and sundry garboils, without any cause or occasion raised, and the same stilled & appeased by that means.  
The next day Hannibal passed over Anio, and brought forth all his whole power into the field. Neither were Flaccus and the Consuls behind hand for their parts, but ready for battle. When both armies stood arraunged in order on both sides, amused upon the issue and event of that one sight, which was for no less a prize and reward to the victorious part, than the very city of Rome; there sell such a mighty storm of rain and hail together, and so troubled both hosts, that they could scarce hold their weapons in hand, but were driven to retire themselves for safety into their several camps, fearing nothing less than their own enemies. The morrow after likewise, when they stood in the same place in battle array, the like tempest parted them asunder. And they were not so soon retired into their camp, but the day was wonderful fair, and the weather calm again.  
The Carthaginians took this for an ominous presage to them of ill luck. And Hannibal was heard (by report) to say, That one while his mind, another while his fortune, would not give him leave to win the city of Rome. There were other occurrences besides, as well small as great, that discouraged him and abated his hope. Of more importance was this, that whiles he lay with his host in arms before the walls of Rome, he understood, there were certain companies with banners displayed sent into Spain for to supply the armies there. Of less reckoning was this, that he was advertised by a certain captive, how the very same plot of ground whereon he was encamped, happened at the same time to be sold: not underfoot, but at the full price, and nothing abated. This he took to be so presumptuous a part, and such a scornful indignity, namely, that there should be a chapman found at Rome, to make purchase of that piece of land, which he was possessed of and held in right of arms, that presently he called for a public crier & trumpet, and gave commandment unto him, to proclaim port sale of all the shops of Bankers and money changers at that time aboutthe Forum in Rome. Nevertheless, hereupon he was moved to dislodge, and retired his camp backwards from the city to the river Turia, six miles from Rome. From whence he took his way to the grove of Feronia, where stood a temple, in those days much renowned for wealth and richesse. The inhabitants thereabout were certain Capenates, who used to bring thither the first fruits of their corn and revenues, yea, and many other oblations besides, according to their store: by means where of they had adorned & garnished it with much gold and silver. Of all those gifts and offerings was this temple then, robbed and spoiled. But after the departure of Hannibal from thence; there were found great heaps of brass, by reason that the soldiers upon touch and remorse of conscience, had cast in many brazen pieces. The sacking and pillage of this temple, all writers do agree upon, and make no doubt thereof. Coelius faith, That Hannibal as he went toward Rome from Eretum, turned thither, and he setteth down the beginning of his journey from Reate, Cutiliae, and from Amiternum. And that out of Campania, he came into Samnium, and from thence into the country of Peligni, and so passed beside the city Sulmo, to the Marucines, and then by the territory of the Albenses into the Marsians land, and from thence he marched to Amiternum, and so forward to the town Foruli. Neither is there any error or doubt in all this, because the marks and tokens of the voyage of so great an army, could not within the memory and compass of so small anage, be confounded and worn out. For certain it is, that he passed that way. The only difference lieth herein, whether he came to the city of Rome, or returned from thence into Campania, by that way aforesaid.  
Now was not Hannibal so resolute to defend Capua, but the Romans were as fully bend, and more eager to continue the siege and assault thereof. For he sped himself so fast another way in his voyage back, first out of the Lucanes country to the Brutians, and so, on still to the straight [of Sicily] and to Rhegium, that with his sudden coming thither, he surprised them at unwares, even before they heard of his arrival. As for Capua, albeit in the time of Fulvius his absence, it was no less straightly beleaguered, yet it felt the coming again of Flaccus: and besides, there was much marvel there, why Hannibal returned not back as well as he. Afterwards, they understood, by conference with some that were without, how they were forsaken and forlorn of Hannibal, and that the Carthaginians were pastall hope, to keep and hold Capua still to their own use. There was an Edict more over of the Proconsull, passed by order from the Senate, and the same published and devulged among the enemies, That what citizen soever of Capua, would turn to the Romans before such a certain day, he should have a general pardon. But there was no coming in, nor ranging to the Romans side; for fear of punishment at the Romans hands, more than for any regard of their allegiance to the Carthaginians: because their transgression and trespass in their former revolt was so great, that it might not be pardoned. And as no one man at all, privately on his own head carry over to the camp of the Romans, so there was no good order taken by public counsel, for the benefit and safety of the whole city. The noblemen had given over managing of state-matters, and could not be brought by any means to assemble in Senate. And in cheese place of government was he, who had not won to himself any honour thereby, but his unworthiness was derogatory to the authority and power of that Magistracy which he bore. For now there was not one of the cheese citizens and noblemen that would be so much as seen in the market place or common hall of assemblies: but shutting themselves within doors in their private houses, they expected every day for the destruction of their country, together with their own undoing and overthrow. The whole charge & care lay upon Boslar and Hanno, captains of the garrison in the fort there of the Carthaginians, and more careful were they of their own welfare, than fearful for the jeopardy of their friends and allies. These two wrote letters unto Hannibal, indited not only in plain teannes & frankly, but also sharply and bitterly: wherein they laid unto his charge, That he had not only betrayed Capua into the hands of the enemies, but also delivered and exposed them and the garrison to the cruel clutches of the Romans to be massacred and executed. That he was gone his ways, and departed into the country of the Brutij, as one that turned away his face of purpose, because he would not fee with his own eyes the loss of Capua. But iwis the Romans contrariwise could not be withdrawn from the siege of Capua, no, not by the assaulting of the city of Rome: so much more were the Romans resolute enemies, than the Carthaginians constant friends. But it he would return again to Capua, and bend the full force of his war thither, both they and the citizens also of Capua, would be ready to fally forth and encounter the enemies. For why, they passed not over the Alpes with intent to war with the Rhegines and Tarentines; no, but where the Roman legions were, there ought the armies of the Carthaginians to be. Thus at Cannae, thus at Thrasymenus were the victories achieved, by affronting and meeting the enemy, by joining camp to camp, and by hazarding the fortune of battle. To this effect were the letters penned, and given to certain Numidians; who for a good reward, had offered their service before, for the safe carriage and delivery of them. These fellows presented themselves before Flaccus in the camp, in habit and quality of fugitives, unto his side: hoping to spy out some convenient time when they might give him the slip and be gone. Now by occasion of the famine which had continued long in Capua, there was none but might pretend a good and reasonable cause to depart from thence to the adverse part. But behold, there happened anon a Capuan wench to come into the leaguer (a naughtiepack and an harlot, that one of the supposed counterfeit fugitives aforesaid kept.) She informed the General of the Romans, that those Numidians, fraudulently and by covin, pretended to sly unto his part, and had letters about them unto Hannibal. This would she stand to, and be ready to aver to the very face of one of them, who bewrayed and disclosed the plot unto her. At first, when he was brought forth before her, he set a jolly countenance of the matter, and made it very strange, and pretending stoutly that he knew not the woman: but by little and little he was convicted by manifest truths, and especially when he saw that they called for the rack, & that he was upon the point to be put to torture: & so in the end confessed that all was true, and therewith brought forth the letters. Over and besides, another thing was now revealed, which before was kept close and secret; to wit, that there were other Numidians besides, who under the colour of fugitives, had gone up and down in the Roman camp: of these there were apprehended not so few as threescore and ten, and they together with the new, were whipped with rods, had their hands cut off, and sent back again to Capua. This piteous spectacle & sight of so fearful execution, killed the courage, & broke the very hart of the Campanes. Whereupon, the people ran together unto the Counsel house, & compelled Lesius to assemble a Senate, and openly threatened the Nobles (who a long time had absented themselves from public consultations) that unless they would now repair into the Senate, they would go home to their very houses, and pluck them out by the ears into the street. For fear hereof, the chief magistrate had a frequent and full assembly of Senators. While all the rest were of opinion to send ambassadors to the Roman Generals, Vibius Virius (who had been the chief cause and principal author of their first revolt from the Romans) being demanded his advice, spoke to the point in this manner.  
They that talk of ambassadors, 
The Oration of V●bius Virus in the 〈◊〉 of Capua.  of peace, and of yielding, little consider and remember either what they would have done, in case the Romans had been at their devotion and mercy, or what themselves must endure and suffer. For what think ye will become (quoth he) of this present surrender of ours, in comparison of that whereby in times past we freely gave unto the Romans ourselves, and all that we had, for to obtain their aid and succour against the Samnites? And have we so soon forgotten, at what time, and in what condition and state we were when we forsook and abandoned the people of Rome? Also, after our revolt, how we most cruelly and shamefully killed their garrison, whom we might have dismissed and sent away with their lives? Moreover, how often we have issued forth against them lying at siege, and how mischeivously minded we were unto them, yea and how we have sallied upon them in their camp? Over and besides, call ye not to remembrance, how we called for Hannibal to surprise and defeat them? and (that which of all other is most fresh in memory) how we sent him from hence to give the assault to Rome? On the contrary side, mark well and call to mind, how maliciously they have attempted and practised all hostility against us: by which ye may well know what account to make of them, and what ye are to trust unto. For when they had a stranger and foreign enemy within Italy, nay when they had Hannibal their enemy: when the wars were so hot, that all was on a light fire: they passed by all other affairs, yea they let Hannibal himself alone, and sent both their Consuls with two complete consular armies to besiege and force Capua. This is the second year that they keep us entrenched round about, pinning us up, and pining us with extreme famine and hunger: during which time, they themselves as well as we, have endured the utmost extremities and dangers that are, and sustained most grievous and infinite travails: oftentimes being killed and cut in pieces about their rampires, trenches, and ditches, and finally driven almost out of their camp and hold. But to let pass and speak no more of these ordinary matters, seeing it is an old and usual case, for them to abide painful toil, and incur many perils, who besiege and assault any cities or towns of their enemies: See a manifest sign of their deadly feud, and execrable hatred against us. Hannibal with a puissant power of foot and horsemen both, assailed their camp, yea and in some part was master of it. Think ye that in so great danger of theirs, they were one jote withdrawn from the siege? He passed over the river Vulturnus, and burned the territory of Cales: yet for all that calamity and loss, which their allies received, stirred not they one whit, nor gave over their enterprise. He commanded to march forward with banner displayed against the very city of Rome: they made as little account of that dangerous tempest toward, as of all the rest. After he had passed over the river Anio, he pitched his tents within three miles of the city; nay, he approached at length the walls, and made a bravado even under the gates; to be short, he presented unto their eye his resolution, and menaced to make Rome too hot for them unless they levied the siege before Capua: and yet they gave not over but beleaguered us still. The very wild and savage beasts be they never so fell, be they madded never so much with blind rage and woodness against one, yet if another go to their dens, and offer to take away their whelps, they will turn again to succour and help their young ones: but the Romans, notwithstanding Rome was besieged, their wives and children in danger, whose piteous cries and lamentable plaints, were heard almost even hither; notwithstandding their altars, their sacred fires, the temples of their gods, the monuments and sepulchers of their Ancestors, were profaned, abused, and polluted, could not be drawn away from Capua. So eager, so hungry are they to be revenged of us, so thirsty are they, to drink our blood. And good reason, haply, they have so to do. For would not we also have done the semblable, if fortune had given us the opportunity? But seeing the will of the immortal gods is otherwise: and considering that I owe nature a death; in my power it is (whiles I am at liberty, whiles I am mine own man, and master of myself) to avoid torments, to shun shameful ignominies and reproaches (where of the enemy hopeth I shall feel the smart) and that by one kind of death, which as it is honest, so it is also easy and gentle? Never will I endure to see Ap. Claudius and Q. Fulvius, proudly and insolently bearing themselves upon their conquest over us: never will I be led and haled bound with chains, through the city of Rome, to make a show, and to serve for a spectacle and gazing stock in their Triumph: and afterwards either in dark prison, or tied openly to a stake, yield my back and side to be tewed, whipped, and mangled: and then lay my neck upon the block, to have my head chopped off with the bloody axe of the Romans. Never will I behold my native country sacked, spoiled, and put to fire and sword, nor the chaste married dames of Capua, to be forcibly ravished, the fair & beautiful maidens shamefully desloured, and the well-favoured young boys & freeborn, unnaturally abused. They razed Alba in times passed from the top to the very foundation, and left neither stick nor stone thereof, Alba I say, from whence they had their offpring, and were first descended: to the end that there might remain no memory at all of their stock and first original. And shall I ever believe they will spare Capua, & receive it to mercy, against which they are more hatefully and mortally bend, than against Carthage? Therefore, my masters and friends, as many of you as are minded and resolved to die before ye see these so many miseries and woeful calamities, I have at home a supper this night well furnished and provided for you all: and when ye have eat meat your fill, and drunk wine to it liberally, the same wassail cup that first will be presented unto me, shall go round about to you all: and that one draft, shall deliver your bodies from torments, preserve your spirits from anguish and contumelious disgrace, keep your eyes from beholding all cruel acts, your ears from hearing all shameful indignities which follow and attend upon conquered persons. There shall be also in readiness, certain servitors of purpose, to make a mighty great fire within the base court-yard of mine house, and to cast our dead bodies thereinto. This is the only honest way to death, and beseeming us who are freeborn & gentlemen in deed. In which doing, our enemies will wonder at our virtue and valour: yea and Hannibal himself shall well know, that he hath forsaken and betrayed his trusty and magnanimous allies.  
This Oration of Virius, there were more men present, that heard with applause and good liking, than could find in their hearts to put that in execution which they so well allowed & approved. The greater part of the Senate, not despairing, but that the clemency of the people of Rome, which had been tried and seen oftentimes in many wars, might be gained and extended also unto them; concluded, to send Ambassadors with commission to yield Capua into the Romans hands. 
Vibi ●irius, and divers Sent. to ● of Capua person themselves.  Some seven and twenty Senators there were, that accompanied Vibius Virius home to his house, and supped with him: and after they had done what they had done what they could to drink themselves drunk, and to intoxicate their brains with freely taking in their wine, (thereby to withdrawtheir minds from the sense and apprehension of their imminent harm and misery) drunk all of the poisoned cup abovesaid. This done, and the banquet ended, they rose from the table, took one another by the hand, embraced each other, taking their last leave, bidding a final adieu & farewell, & bewailing together with plenteous tears, their own misfortune, and the miserable state of their country; some stayed behind to be burned in one and the same fire for fellowship, others broke company and departed to their own houses. Now, by reason that their veins were filled with full feeding and drinking wine so liberally, the poison was not so quick of operation, nor so effectual as to hasten their death. And therefore most of them languished all night long, yea and continued drawing on a piece of the next day, before they let their last breath: but yet they all had yielded up their ghost, before that the gates were set open for the enemies.  
The day following, 
Capua delivered to the 〈◊〉.  the gate of jupiter which stood next over against the Roman camp, was by the commandment of the proconsul opened. Thereat entered one legion & two cornets of horsemen, under the leading of C. Fulvius the Lieutenant: who after he had first above all other things, given express order, that all armour of defence, & weapons of offence (which was to be found in Capua) should be brought forth and presented unto him; placed & disposed at all the gates, warders sufficient to see that no person might possibly go forth, or be let out: then he laid hold upon the garrison of the Carthaginians, & commanded the Senators of Capua to repair into the camp, before the Roman captain Generals themselves. So soon as they were thither come, straightways they had irons clapped upon them, and were commanded to make tender unto the treasurors of all the gold and silver they had. The gold amounted to 70 pound weight: the silver rose to the weight of three thousand and two hundredth pound. Five and twenty of the Senators were sent to Cales, eight and twenty to Theanum, to be kept safe in ward. Even those who were known for certain, to have principally moved and persuaded the revolt from the Romans. Concerning the punishment of the Senators of Capua, Fulvius and Claudius could not agree. Claudius was more tractable and favourable, and might soon have been entreated for a pardon. Fulvius was more rigorous, and proceeded to a harder course. Whereupon Appius put over the whole deciding and determination thereof unto the Senate of Rome. Alleging, that it was meet and requisite, that the LL. of the Counsel should have the examination of the cause, and namely upon these points. Imprimus, whither they had complotted and combined in this action, with any of the free boroughs and cities belonging to the state of the Latins. Item, whither they had any help & relief from thence in the time of the war, or from any other towns whatsoever? But Fulvius in no case would condescend thereto, not suffer that the minds of faithful & loyal allies, should be disquieted with doubtful furmises & suspicions of any crimes; and called in question upon the appeachment and dilatory information of those, that never yet, made reckoning or conscience, either what they did, or what they said. And therefore he protested to suppress that manner of proceeding, and crush that inquisition for ever. After this communication they departed asunder: and Appius made no doubt, but that howsoever his Colleague fared and took on, giving out so shrewd and bitter words, he would yet take pause and stay for the letters from Rome, concerning so weighty a business as this was. But Fulvius, because of his designment, broke up his keeping of state in his royal pavilion, and sent his officers and ordinary train out of the way, because he would not be hindered and impeached by them, in the course of his designment: and commanded the Colonels and captains of the allies, to give warning unto two thousand chosen men of arms, for to be in readiness and present themselves at the third found of the trumpet. With this power of horsemen he set forward by night, and marched to. Theanum: and by break of day entered the gate, and kept his way on into the market place. At the first entrance of the horsemen, the people ran together from all parts: then he caused the chief magistrate (a Sidicine) to be called: and charged him to produce his prisoners the Capuans, whom he had in custody. 
The Senators of Capua executed.  When they were all brought forth, they were first whipped with rods, and then beheaded. From thence he road upon the spur to Cales: where so soon as he was set on the Tribunal seat, in place of judgement, and the Capuan prisoners likewise presented in place and bound to the stake; there came a horseman in post from Rome, and when he had delivered letters from C. Calpurnius the Consul, and the people of Rome, unto Fulvius; there ran a rumour from the Tribunal through all the assembly, that the whole process against the Campanes was to be put off and reserved entire to the censure and doom of the LL. of the Senate. And Fulvius supposing it to be no less indeed, after he took the letters, never broke them up, but bestowed them in his bosom, and gave commandment to the Crier, to charge the Lictor or executioner to do his office, according to law. Thus they also that were at Cales were executed and suffered death. Then he read the letters, and the order set down by the Senate: but it was too late now, to stay that which was done already and past, and which indeed was hastened with all speed that might be, for fear it might have been crossed and prevented.  
Now as Fulvius was arising from the bench, Taurea jubellius a Campane, passing amids the throng, called by name aloud upon Fulvius. Whereat Flaccus wondering what the man meant, sat him down again upon his seat, and demanded what he would? Mary (quoth he) command me also to be killed, that thou mayst boast and glory another day, that thou hast done to death, a better man by far, and much more valiant than thyself. Surely (quoth Flaccus) this fellow is lunatic and not well in his wits: and again, were I minded to take his life from him, I am inhibited by virtue of the act of the Senate. Then (quoth jubellus) since that my country is forced and lost, my kinsfolk & friends made away: seeing also that I have with mine own hand murdered my wife and children, because they should suffer no villainous indignity; and may not myself so much as die this death which my countrymen here have suffered before my face, I will seek by virtue & manhood to ease myself of this life, so tedious, so irksome, and odious unto me: and with that, 
jubellius killeth himself.  he drew forth the skein which he had hidden under his garment, & stabbed himself in the breast quite through his body, & there at the feet of the L. General, fell down ready to die in the place. For as much as both the execution of the Campanes, & also the most part of other matters were performed according to the will of Flaccus alone: some there be, that write how Appius Claudius died about the time that Capua was yielded. And that this very same Taurea, neither came to Cales of his own accord, nor killed himself: but that as he was a binding to the stake, because the words which he uttered, could not be heard for the confused noise of the people, therefore Flaccus commanded silence, & then Taurea spoke those words before rehearsed, namely, That himself a right valiant & hardy man, was put to death by a meaner person than himself, and much inferior to him in valour and virtue. Whereat by the commandment of the Proconsul, the crier pronounced & said: Go to Ser●ant, let this brave & valiant man have the more store of rods bestowed upon him, let him have good scourging, lay on load, & set the lashes surely on, & let him be the first that you proceed against, let him have the law to the full. Some there be that have written, how the act of the Senate was read before he proceeded to the beheading: but because there was this branch or clause within the act, That if he thought so good, he should reserve the whole deciding of the matter unto the Senate: he construed it thus, that it was put to his discretion, for to weigh and consider what was more profitable to the Commonweal. This don, he returned from Cales to Capua. Atella & Calatia were both surrendered into his hands; where they also who were the chief heads of those states, suffered the like punishment. Thus there were upon a fourscore of the Senators put to death: and to the number well near of three hundred Capuans (borne of noble blood) committed to prison. Others of them were bestowed in safe custody within divers cities of the Latins, and came to sundry unhappy ends. The multitude besides of the Campane citizens, were sold outright.  
It remained now to put to question and debate, what was to be done with the city and the territory thereto belonging. And some were of mind, that a city so exceeding mighty, so near a neighbour, and so dangerous to Rome, should be utterly razed and destroyed. But the consideration of a present commodity and gain, took place and prevailed. For in regard of the territory and land lying about it (which was well known to be the most ferrile soil in all Italy, and yielded all manne● of fruit) the city was saved: whereinto those husbandmen that tilled the grounds, might retire themselves and dwell. And for the peopling and inhabiting thereof, there was a multitude reserved of the inhabitants which were there already, namely, of libertines and enfranchised bondslaves, merchants factors, retailers, artisanes, and craftsmen, who kept there still and remained. But the whole territory, and all the public edifices were seized to the use of the people of Rome. Moreover, order was taken, that Capua should be inhabited only, and replenished with people like a city; but no form of Commonweal, no corporation, no Senate, no assembly of Commons, nor magistrate of their own should be allowed there. For without a common counsel of State, without magistracy and government, without intelligences and reciprocal commerce, as in the body of a Commonalty, they supposed, that they would never agree together in any complot, but be far unmeet to contrive a conspiracy and compass alteration. As for a Provost or Governor to minister law, and execute justice among them, they purposed to send them one yearly from Rome. Thus were the affairs ordered and composed at Capua, by a good policy and commendable course every way. For those that were most in fault and guilty, were punished with rigour, and that speedily. The number of citizens were scattered and dispersed sundry ways, without all hope to return again. The bare houses and walls that had not offended, they were spared, and neither burned nor pulled down. And besides the commodity and gainthat accrued unto the Romans by this manner of proceeding, they won some name of clemency and mercy among their Confederates and Allies: in that they saved a most noble and wealthy city, at the ruins whereof, all Campane, and as many States as bordered about Campane, would have grieved much, and groaned again. By this means also the enemy was constrained now to confess, and could not otherwise choose, how powerful and mighty the Romans were to chastise and punish their faithless associates, yea, and how feeble Annibal was, and not able to defend and maintain those, whom he had received into his protection.  
The Roman Proconsuls, after they had finished and performed their charge at Capua, assigned unto Claudius Nero six thousand footmen out of those two legions which he had before Capua, and three hundred horsemen which he had chosen himself: also of Latin Allies as many foot in number, and 800 horse besides. This army Nero embarked at Puteoli, and transported into Spain. When he was arrived at Taracon, after he had there landed his soldiers, and laid up his ships in dock, and armed withal his mariners, (to make the greater number) he marched to the river Iberus, where he received the forces of T. Fonteius, and L. Martius, and from thence advanced toward the enemies.  
Asdrubal the son of Amilcar, lay encamped at a place called the Blackstones, in the Ausetanes country: it lieth between the towns Illyturgis and Mentissa. Now Nero kept the narrow straits of the forest there. Asdrubal because he would not be penned up in so straight a room, sent an herald or messenger of peace to him, who should make promise in his name, that if Nero would permit him to pass peaceably from thence, he would withdraw all his forces out of Spain. The Roman captain took this message joifully: and Asdrubal requested, That they might emparle the next day, and devise together how the Romans would set down conditions and articles in writing, as touching the rendrie and delivery of the fortresses in every city, and likewise of prefixing some day, by which time the garrisons should be removed and displaced, and the Carthaginians have away all their bag and baggage without fraud and covin. Asdrubal having obtained his request, presently commanded, that in the very evening, and all night long the heaviest and most cumbersome part of his whole army, should escape what way soever they could, out of the gullet of the forest. But he gave especial direction, that they should not over many of them, that night go forth, because their small number was not only fitter to deceive the enemy, and not so soon to be discovered, but also might more easily pass through those narrow and difficult passages. So the morrow they came to an interview & parley: where the time was spent of purpose in much needless talk, and drawing of books, more than cause was: whereupon the day being far gone, the business was put off unto the next day. And the night ensuing between, ministered Asdrubal more time to send others away. And yet could not they make an end that day neither. Thus there passed certain days, employed in open show about dispute and reasoning of the articles and conditions of agreement, and the nights were bestowed in letting out the Carthaginians closely out of their camp. Now, after that the greater part of his host was gone away clear, than he began to wrangle and frapple, yea, and to go from some offers that he had voluntarily made, & ever they were further and further off from agreement. For Asdrubal, the less that he feared, the less also was to be trusted. And by this time in manner all his Infantry were gotten out of the forest, and the next morning, not only the forest, but all the plains about were overcast, and covered with a thick and foggy mist. Which Asdrubal perceiving, he sent a messenger to Nero, requesting to defer their farther conference and communication to the morrow; pretending, that the present day was a festival holiday among the Carthaginians, and therefore they made scruple, upon it, to follow any other business, but serve God. All this while there was no fraud so much as once suspected. Asdrubal had no sooner obtained respite for that day, but forthwith he and all his cavalry, together with his Elephants, dislodged, and without any noise or stir recovered without any hanne, a place of security. By the fourth hour of the day the sun had dispatched and scattered the mist, and cleared the sky, and then the Romans might discover the camp of their enemies empty, and no creature left therein. Then at length, Claudius perceiving that Asdrubal had showed him a Carthaginian trick, and that he was at length thus over-raught by his falsehood and cunning practice, began to make out after him, minding to bid him battle. But the enemy would none of that, and fell off. Howbeit, there passed some dribbling skirmishes between the rearward of the Carthaginians, and the forlorn hope and vauntcourriers of the Romans. Amid these affairs (the States of Spain) neither they, who revolted after the overthrow of the Romans, returned again unto them; nor any new fell away, more than before.  
At Rome, the Senate and people after the recovery of Capua, took as great care for Spain now, as for Italy itself. And agreed they were in general, that the army there should be strengthened with new forces, and a General thither sent: but who should be the man, was not yet concluded. For as much as, they were to take some extraordinary care in the choosing of one to be sent thither, where two singular and renowned warriors were slain within the compass of thirty days, and to succeed in the room of those twain. Whiles some nominated one, and some another, at length they grew to this point, that the people should hold a solemn assembly (as it were, purchased) for election of a Proconsull to go over into Spain. And the Consuls accordingly proclaimed a set day for the said assembly. At first, there was great expectation, that those persons, who took themselves worthy of so great command, should put forth themselves, and prefer their own names beforehand. But when this expectation failed and came to nothing, every man began afresh to refricate and renew the former grief, and mourn again for the losses received, and to find the want and miss of so valorous captains whom they had lost. Whereupon the whole city being sad and pensive, & in manner destitute of all good counsel, and not resolved what to do in this hard case, came yet down into Mars field upon the day appointed for the election. Every man's cie was upon the Magistrates, and beheld the countenances of their great men and rulers, how they looked one upon another, grieving and grumbling, that the State was at so low an ebb, and the Commonweal grown to so desperate a case, that no man durst be seen to take upon him the government and province of Spain. Then all of a sudden, P. Cornelius (his sonee that was slain in Spain, a young gentleman, not fullyfoure and twenty years old) showed himself, and said, That he would undertake th' at charge upon him: and therewith stepped up into an higher place, from whence he might be seen, and there he stood. Upon whom, when all men had cast their eyes, and avised him well, in a general accord and favourable affection unto the man, they ossed unto him streightwaies, a happy and fortunate government. And when the assembly was willed to give their suffrages, and go to a scrutiny, there was not one century from the first to the last, nor one person from the highest to the lowest, but gave their voice with P. Scipio, for to take a voyage as L. deputy into Spain. But after the thing was passed, and their passionate heat of affection once allayed, they were on a sudden driven into a still silence and deep dump, to think what a strange and new deed they had done. And that which they bethought themselves most of, was this, that favour had carried them away in this action, more than the due consideration and regard of his age. Some there were that had in dread and horror the ominous fortune also of that family; and the name of him that out of two mournful houses was to go into those provinces, where he must fight amongst the Sepulchers both of father and uncle. When Scipio perceived, that presently upon the election passed in so hasty a fit, the people grew to be heavy and pensive; he called them to an open audience, and there before them all, discoursed of his young age, of the government committed unto him, and of the future war that he was to manage: and that with so noble courage and haughty spirit, that he renewed afresh and kindled again the former zeal and heat that was so cooled: and possessed men's minds with more assured hope, than usually man's faithful promise, or reason grounded upon the confidence of precedents past, or any earthly thing is wont to afford and warrant. For Scipio was a rare and wonderful man, not only in regard of those true virtues inherent in him: but also for that he had framed himself even from his young and tender years, by artificial means, to the better setting out of those inbred parts and qualities of his own: making show and semblant before the multitude, that the most things which he did, were either represented unto him by night-visions and apparitions, or else suggested, as it were, by revelation from the gods above; were it that he was superstitiously given, and his mind wholly possessed therewith, or that by his policy he might effect his designments, and have his commandments performed with more expedition, as if they were directions delivered from the oracles and the very mouth of the gods. Over and besides that, he made this overture to credit and reputation, and prepared men's minds in this sort from his very first beginning. From the very time that he once put on his man's gown, there was no day went over his head, but before he began his own private business, or enterprised any public affairs, he would go into the Capitol: and so soon as he was entered into the temple, there sit him down, & alone by himself bestow a good time in some secret isle and corner thereof. This ordinary manner of his, which he continued all his life long, (were it of purpose considerately, or by chance unadvisedly) made divers men believe verily, that it was a truth in deed, which was commonly supposed and reported, That the man had a god to his father. Which deep and settled imagination of the people, resembled and renewed again the like same (in all the world) to that which went before and was bruited abroad of Alexander the great, and for the vanity and fabulous speech of folk, was the very same and all one in every respect: namely, that his mother conceived him by a mighty great serpent: for that very often in her bedchamber there was seen some such prodigious and wonderful thing, and ever as any body came in, it would wind away of a sudden, and vanish out of sight. These strange and miraculous conceits he would never himself elevate and discredit as toys and vanities, but rather cherish and increase the opinion thereof, by a certain cunning cast of his own, in that he would neither deny and disavowany such matter, nor yet affirm plainly and verify the same. Many other devises he had of like sort, partly true indeed, partly feigned and counterfeit, which caused men beyond all measure to have this young man in wonderful admiration. Upon the strong and grounded presumption whereof, the city at that time conferred upon him (far unmeet iwis, in regard of his unripe years) so great a government, and a world withal of weighty and important affairs.  
Besides the forces which remained in Spain of the old army, and those which were transported over from Putcoli with Claudius Nero, he had a supplement also of ten thousand foot, and one thousand horsemen: and to assist him in the conduct of his wars, he had as coadjutor appointed unto him M. junius Syllanus the Pro-pretor. Thus with a sleet of thirty ships, (and Galleys they were all of five banks of oars) he took theseas and set sail from the mouth of Tybre, and coasting along the Tuskane seas under the Alps, and through the gulf of Gallia, he doubled at length the point and cape of Pyrene, and disbarked at Emporiae a city of greeks: (for descended they are also from Phocaea) and there he set his people a land. From thence, having taken order that his ships should follow after, he marched by land to Taracon, which he appointed for the Rendez vouz, where all his allies and confederates, (for at the rumour and same of his landing, there slocked ambassadors unto him from all parts of the province) should meet together at a general Diet. There he commanded that the ships should be bestowed in their docks, save only three galleys (of three ranks) which came from Massiles, and upon courresie and kindness accompanied him from home, and those were sent back again. Then he gave audience to the ambassadors, who hung in doubtful suspense by reason of the variety and of sundry changes and chances that lately had happened, and to them he began to return answer, and give them their several dispatches: but with such a spirit and boldness (upon confidence that he had in his own rare virtues) that he let not fall in all his speech, one word that might move quarrel, and savored of rigour, and yet whatsoever he spoke, it carried an exceeding majesty with it, and a singular credit. Being departed from Taracon, he visited both the States of the Allies, and also the standing wintering camps of the army: where he highly commended the soldiers, for that notwithstanding they had received two shrewd blows, upon two so great disfeatures one in the neck of another, yet they held the province still, and kept the field; and not suffering the enemies to reap and taste the fruit of their fortunate victories, had kept them out of all the countries lying within Iberus, and defended faith fully all their confederates according to the trust reposed in them. Martius' he had in his train always about him; whom he so highly honoured, that it was very well seen, he feared nothing less than that any other man should eclipse or shadow his glory. Then Syllanus succeeded in place of Nero, and the new soldiers were brought into the standing winter leaguers, and Scipio having revewed all the cities and the States that he was to survey, and performed all other affairs that were then to be done, retired and withdrew himself to Taracon.  
The same of Scipio was no less bruited among the enemies, than it was rise with his own citizens and loving allies: and a certain presage went withal of the future event, which carried (as good hap was) the greater fear and dread with it, as there was less reason that could be rendered and given thereof. They had betaken themselves into their wintering harbours far dissire and remote asunder. Asdrubal the son of Gisgo even as far as to the Ocean sea side unto Gades: Mago into the midland parts, and especially above the forest and chase of Castulo. And Asdrubal the son of Amilcar wintered nearest unto Iberus about Saguntum.  
In the very end of that summer, when Capua was won, and Scipio come into Spain, the Carthaginian Armada which was sent for out of Sicily to Tarentum, for to intercept the victuals, and impeach the same for coming to the Roman garrison that held the castle of Tarentum, had verily stopped all the passages from the sea to the said castle: but by their long abode in those parts, and keeping the seas so straightly, they had caused a greater dearth and scarcity of victuals among their own friends than their enemies: for there could not by the help of those Carthaginian ships so much come be along the river that was possessed by friends, nor from the open ports, for to furnish the townsmen of Tarentum, as the navy itself consumed and spent in maintenance of that table of seamen, sailors, and mariners, mingled of all sorts of people. So as the garrison of the castle being but few in number there, was able to be sustained by the provision they had aforehand, without the help of any new brought in unto them: whereas the Tarentines and the navy, could not have sufficient conveyed unto them: by reason whereof, at length the Armada had leave to depart thence with more thanks of the city, than they had for their first bien-venu thither. And yet victuals were not much cheaper, because when the help by sea was gone, there could no corn at all be brought from other parts abroad.  
At the end of the very same summer, when M. Marcellus was come to the city out of Sicily, his own province, C. Calpurnius the praetor assembled the Senate for his sake in the temple of Bellona. Where, after he had discoursed of the acts by him achieved, and complained after a mild and modest sort, laying open his griefs, not so much in the behalf of himself, as of his soldiers: in that when he had performed and accomplished his charge and commission in his province, he could not have licence to bring home his army with him he demanded that he might be allowed to ride in triumph into the city: but he could not obtain it. This matter was much canvased and debated, pro & contra, Whither it were less meet and convenient, to deny him triumph being now present, in whose name whiles be was absent, for the fortunate success & good speed of all affairs under his conduct and government, there was asolemne procession decreed, and sacrifices done to the honour of the immortal gods; or to grant him triumph (as if the war were fully finished) whom the Senate had commanded to make over his army to his successor; which surely they would never have decreed, but that the war remained still within the province: and especially seeing the army itself was away, the best witness sunply, whither he had deserved a triumph or no. At length, a middle and indifferent course between both, was agreed upon, namely that he should enter the city ovant in a petty triumph. And the Tribunes of the commons, by the approbation first of the Senate proposed unto the people, that M. Marcellus should the same day that he came ovant into the city, retain still his full authority and government. The day before he entered the city, he road in triumph upon the mount Albanus, and from thence, 
〈…〉  in ovant wise he sent a rich booty before him into the city. There was carried in this pomp, the counterfeit of the city Syracuse won, crossbows, brakes, standing slings, and all other warlike instruments: besides, the ornaments testifying long and continual peace, and the great wealth & treasure of the kings: as divers vessels of silver & brass curiously wrought; other household furniture also, rich hangings of tapistry, and garments of great price; many goodly images and right noble statues, wherewith Syracuse was adorned and beautified, even with the best and principal cities of Greece. In token also of a victory over the Carthaginians, there were eight Elephants brought in a show. And that which was not the least sight & spectacle to behold, Sosis the Syracusian, and Mericus the Spaniard went afore with crowns of gold upon their heads. The one of them was the guide when Saracose was entered in the night season: and the other betrayed Nasos, and the garrison there. Both these were enfranchised citizens of Rome, and had fifty akres of land a piece granted unto them for ever. Sosis had his land set out in the territory of Syracuse, which either belonged to the kings, or to the enemies of the people of Rome, and a dwelling house (choose where he would in Syracuse of all those that were seized upon by right of conquest.) As for Mericus and the Spaniards that with him fled from the enemies, & sided unto the Romans, they had assigned unto them, a city to inhabit, & land to occupy in Sicily, which sometime belonged to them that had revolted from the people of Rome. And order was given to M. Cornelius, for to appoint them the said city and land, wheresoever he thought good. And in the same territory, there were allotted and set out, four hundred acres of land unto Belligenes, by whose means Mericus was alured and induced to leave the adverse part and turn to the Romans.  
After that Marcellus was departed out of Sicily, the navy of the Carthaginians disbarked eight thousand footmen, & three thousand Numidian horsemen. Unto them revolted the Murgentine land, and Hybla, together with Magella; and other small piles of base account, took example by them and followed after. The Numidians with their captain Mutines, ranged over all Sicily, and fired the towns and villages belonging to the associates of the people of Rome. Over and besides all this, the Roman army there, being discontented and angry, partly for that together with their General, they were not licensed to go out of the province: and partly, for that they were forbidden and debarred, for wintering in any good towns; demeaned themselves slackly and lazily in their military service: in such sort, as if there had been a head to lead them, as they had a heart to move them, they would have mutined and rebelled. Among these troubles and difficulties, M. Cornelius the praetor, both appeased and mitigated the stomachs of the soldiers, as well by comfortable words, as by rebukes and checks: and also brought under his obedience and subjection, all those cities which had revolted. Of which he according to the former act of the Senate, allotted Murgantia to the Spaniards, unto whom both a city and la●d to it was by order aforesaid due. Both the Consuls who had the government of the province Apulia, seeing there was less cause of fear and terror now from the Carthaginians and Hannibal, were commanded to cast lost between them, for the provinces of Apulia and Macedonia. So Macedonia befell unto Sulpitius, and he succeeded there in stead of Levinus. Fulvius was sent for home to Rome, about the election of the Consuls. And when he held the solemn assembly of the people, for the choice and creation of the Coss. The century of the younger citizens, which had the prerogative to give their first voice, declared T. Manlius Torquatus, & T. Octacilius for Consuls. Manlius being there present in place, when the multitude came about him, to congratulate, with, God give you joy, etc. (for that there was no doubt, but the whole body of the people would approve this choice of the first century) came with a great company about him, to the tribunal seat of estate where the Consul sat: and made request unto him, that he would give him the hearing of some few words, and command that prerogative century which had given their voices to be called back again to a new scrutiny. And when every man was attentive, and expected what he would demand, he alleged for his excuse a pair of ill eyes. For a shameless Pilot of a ship is he, 
The Oration of T. Manlius to the Consul.  and as impudent a General of an army (quoth he) who having to do all by other men's eyes, would require to have the goods and lives of other men to be put into their hands. And therefore may it please your honour, to command this century of the younger sort to give their voices a new, and in creating Consuls, to remember the war that is in Italy, to consider of the troublesome state of the Commonweal, and to think of this, That scarcely yet, men's ears have had any rest, since they resounded and rung again, with the noises and alarms, that the enemies raised within these few months, when they lay in siege near unto the walls of Rome. But after these words, when the said century cried with one accord, that they were of the same mind still, and would nominate the same Consuls again, and none other; then Torquatus, Neither (qd. he) shall I be able, if I were Consul to bear with your fashions and conditions, nor you again, endure my rule and commandment. To the scrutiny therefore once again, and think how the Carthaginians war within Italy, and Hannibal is the General of the enemies. Then the century moved as well by the authority & reverence of the man's person, as by the applause and admiration of the people, who wondered at his virtue, besought the Consul, to call forth and cite a century of the elder bands: for that they would willingly confer with more ancient men than themselves, and by their sage advice & good direction nominate the Consuls. When those elders were called to this century, there was some time allowed for to commune apart secretly with them, within the place railed in, called Ovile. These ancients said unto them, that they were to consult of three persons, whereof two already were full of honourable dignities, which they had borne, to wit, Q. Fabius and M. Marcellus. But verily, (say they) in case ye would have some new Cos. to be chosen, for to be opposed against the Carthaginians, ye have M. Valerius Laevinus, a notable man, one who hath performed singular good service, & achieved many noble deeds, both by sea & land against king Philip. So when they had three propounded unto them, the elder were dismissed, and the younger entered into a second scrutiny; and declared for Consuls, M. Claudius Marcellus (glittering then in the prime of his glory, for the late subduing and conquest of Sicily) and M. Valerius, who was absent. This foredome & choice of the prerogative century, all the rest followed after, and by their suffrages confirmed. Let them mock on now and scoff hereat, all they, that have nothing in admiration, but antiquity and things done in alder time. For mine own part, if there be any such city and commonwealth at all, consisting of wise men and Philosophers, as some great Clerks have rather imagined in their fancies, than found in effect; I dare be bold to think and say, that in it there could not possibly be, either rulers and magistrates more grave and temperate in their desire of dignity & government, or a people better mannered, nuttered, and instructed. But that it should be thought an unlikely matter and scarce credible, that a century of younger persons, were willing to consult with the elder, & be advised by them, to whom they should give their voices, for to be created the chief magistrates; it is the corruption of this our age, that is the cause: wherein we see how small reverence and authority, even parents themselves have, and of how slender & base account they be amongst their own natural children.  
After this, followed the Election of Pretours, wherein were created P. Manlius Volso, and L. Manlius Acidinus, C. Lectorius, & L. Cincius Alimentus. When this Election was finished, it fortuned, that news came, how T. Octacilius (whom the people, as it seemed, would have chosen in his absence, to match T. Manlius in the Consulship, but that the ordinary course of the election was disturbed and stopped) departed this life in Sicily. The Apollinare games in the former year had been exhibited: and when Calpurnius the praetor put up a bill, and moved the Senate, that they might be celebrated again that year also, there passed a decree, That they should be vowed to continue from time to time for ever.  
The same year certain prodigious tokens were seen and reported. In the temple of Concordia the Image of Victory, which stood upon the lantern and top thereof, was smitten with lightning, and being shaken and driven from the own place, tested fast upon those other Images of Victory, that were fixed in the forefront of the said temple, and fell not down from thence. Word also was brought, That in Anagnia and Fregellae, the wall and the gates were likewise blasted and strucken with fire from heaven: and that in the market place of Sudertum, there ran streams of blood a whole day together: That in Eretum it reigned stones: and that in Reate a female mule brought forth a sole. These strange and wonderful signs were purged and expiate with greater sacrifices: and a solemn supplication proclaimed; wherein for one day the people should wholly attend their devotions, and pray unto the gods: and likewise a Novendiall sacrifice. In that year died certain public Priests of State, and new were chosen in their steed. Caius L●vius in the room of M. Pomponius Matho the High priest: and M. Servilius, to supply the place of Sp. Carvilius Maximus, the Arch-Augur. And for as much as T. Octacilius Maximus, the Prelate or Bishop, died when the year was expired, there was none nominated for to succeed him. C. Claudius the Arch-flamine of jupiter, lost his Flamineship, and was deprived of that Sacerdotal dignity, because he had committed an error in sacrificing, when he should minister and distribute the inwards of the beast.  
About the same time, M. Aemylius Levinus (after he had by secret conferences founded aforehand and solicited the minds of the Aetolian Princes and great LL.) came with a small fleet of ships lightly appointed, to their general Diet or council, summoned before for that purpose only. In which solemn assembly, after he had made declaration, That Syracuse and Capua were won, and under the protection of the people of Rome, and what good success they had in the affairs and wars of Italy: and discoursed besides, That the Romans, according to their ancient custom, received by tradition from their fore fathers, used to respect and make much of their Allies: and namely, That either they received them into the city of Rome, and endued them with the same franchises that they themselves enjoyed, or else dealt so liberally with them otherwise, that they liked of their condition so well, as they chose rather to be allies than citizens; he protested and said, That the Aetolians should be much more honoured amongst them, than all others, for that they were the first, that of all foreign nations beyond sea, entertained league and amity with them. As for king Philip and the Macedonians, their heavy friends, & dangerous neighbours, he had so daunted their courages, abated their forces, and driven them to that pass, that not only they were forced to abandon those towns, which by violence they had taken wrongfully from the Aetolians, but also had much ado themselves to keep Macedon itself quiet, and without peril of hostility: promising withal, That he would bring and reduce the Acarnanians (for whom the Aetolians were so discontented & grieved, that they were dismembered from the body of their State) under their ancient form of jurisdiction & signory again. These relations & promises made by the Roman General, were confirmed & assured unto them by the authority and countenance of Scopas (who for the time was the Praetor or head Magistrate of that State) and of Dorimachus a prince of the Aetolians, who with less modesty & greater asseveration and confidency, extolled and magnified the greatness, power, and majesty of the people of Rome. The principal matter that induced and moved them, was the hope of recovering & keeping Acarnania. Whereupon, there were conditions drawn and engrossed, under which they should join in league and friendship with the people of Rome. And this branch was added to the rest of the defeazances, That if they were so pleased, and liked well of it, there should be comprised in the same league and privileges, the Eleans and Lacedæmonians, together with Attalus, Pleuratus, and Scerdiletuss of which three, Attalus was king of Asia the less, the other were Princes and Potentates of 
* 〈◊〉.  Illyricum. The articles ran in this form. Imprimis, That the Aetolians should immediately make war by land with king Philip. Item, That the Romans at sea should help with 20 galiaces at the least, bearing 5 ranks of oars. Item, As touching all the cities that should be conquered (beginning from Aetolia, so far as to 
* Corphu.  Corcyra) that the ground whereon the cities were seated, the edifices, the walls, and the lands thereto belonging, should be seized to the use of the Aetolians: all other goods and chattels else, should be a prize for the people of Rome. Item, That if the Aetolians happened to make peace with Philip, it must pass with this clause & proviso, that the peace should stand good upon this condition, That Philip abstain to make war upon the Romans and their Allies, and all those that lived under their dominions. Item, In case the people of Rome fortuned to piece again, and be confederate with the king, they should put in a caveat and proviso, that he might have no liberty to war upon the Aetolians, or their associates. These were the covenants agreed upon: and being fair engrossed two years after into a pair of indentures, the one of them remained for the Aetolians in Olympia, the other for the Romans in their Capitol, among other sacred records and monuments, for a perpetual memorial to all posterity. The occasion of so great delay, was because the Ambassadors of the Aetolians, were stayed and kept very long at Rome. But that was no let nor hindrance at all to the proceedings in the wars. For the Aetolians presently made war upon Philip: and Levinus conquered 
* 〈◊〉.  Zacynthus (a little ●and near to Aetolia, having a city within it of the same name, which he forced by assault, all save the castle) likewise 
* Dragame●ts.  Oeniadae and 
* Nicsia.  Naxus, which he won from the Acarnanians before: and all these he gave to the Aetolians. And supposing that Philip having his hands full of the war upon his own frontiers, had no time to think upon Italy, and the Carthaginians, and to mind the covenants that passed between Hannibal and him, he retired himself into Corcyra.  
Philip lying in winter harbour within Pella, was advertised of the 
* jeniza. Sophi●no, or, Zi●chia. Nigro.  Aetolians revolt. Therefore because he minded at the prime of the Spring to conduct an army into Greece, to the end that Macedon and the cities bordering thereupon, should not be molested by the Illyrians, whom he supposed would be at quiet and not stir, if they were once frighted with the harms of others, he made a sudden road and expedition into the marches of the Oricines and Apolloniates: and when the Appolloniates issued forth against him, he repelled them, and with great fear and terror drove them within their walls. After he had wasted the confines next to the Illyrians, he turned his forces with like celerity and speed into Pelagonia: and then won by assault a city of the Dardanians, situate in the frontiers of Macedonia, through which the Dardanians meant to have their passage. And when he had performed these exploits in great haste, not forgetting how the Aetolians & Romans both maintained war against him jointly, he descended through Pelagonia, Nympheum, and Bolea, into Thessaly: supposing verily that the people of those countries might be incited to wage war together with him against the Aetolians. And leaving there behind him (at the straight of Thessaly) Perseus four thousand strong, for to debar the Aetolians entrance that way: himself in person, before that he should be occupied in greater affairs, led forth his army into Macedon, and from thence into Thracia, and so forward against the Medians. That nation was wont to make incursions, and to invade Macedon, whensoever they could perceive that the king was either busied in other wars, or his realm disfurnished and slenderly provided of good guard and strong garrisons. He began therefore to foray and spoil the territories about Phragandae, and to assault jamphorina, the principal city and chief strength of that region Medica.  
Scopas having intelligence that the king was gone into Thracia, and kept there occupied in the wars, put all the serviceable young men of Aetolia in arms, and prepared war against Acarnania. The nation of the Acarnanians, albeit they were both in strength unequal, and also saw already, that they had lost the walled city of the Oniades, & Naxus: & knowing well, that the Roman forces would come upon them besides: rather upon anger, than any good counsel and advisement, made preparation for war, and resolved to meet them. Their wives and children, and elder persons, such as were above forty years of age, they sent away into Epirus, adjoining near unto them. Of all that were fifteen years old and upward unto three score, they took a solemn oath, that they would never return back without victory. They laid also a heavy curse and cruel malediction upon all those of their own nation: and framed a most humble request, in as effectual terms as they could devise, unto all their friends, that none of them should entertain within their cities, their doors & houses, nor admit to their table, any one of them that were vanquished, & fled out of the field: yea, & besought withal the Epirones, to gather together the dead bodies of as many of them as should chance to be slain in battle, and to enterre them all in one grave, and erect a tomb and monument over them, with an Epitaph and inscription to this effect. Here lie buried and entombed the Acarnanians, who fight in defence of their country, against the violence and injuries of the Aetolians, lost their lives manfully in the field. By this means, when their courages were enkindled and incensed, they encamped themselves in their utmost frontiers, abiding the coming of their enemies. And having dispatched messengers to Philip, to give notice unto him in what jeopardy they stood, they constrained him to give over that war which he had in hand, considering, that jamphornia was surrendered up into his hands, and that he had sped well otherwise in the rest of his affairs. The Aetolians, upon the first fame that was blown abroad of that solemn oath, taken by the Acarnanians, were well cooled, and not so hasty to set forward: but hearing once of Philip his coming, they were driven to retire again as far as possibly they could within their own confines. Neither Philip for his part marched on further than to Cline (notwithstanding, that he made great speed afore, and took long journeys; for fear that the Acarnanians should be surprised, before he could reach unto them) for so soon as he heard, that the Aetolians were retired, he himself also returned unto Pella.  
Levinus in the beginning of the spring, took the sea, and loosed from Corcyra, and having doubled the point of Leucates, and sailed as far as Naupactum, there he published and gave knowledge, That he would shape his course from thence for Anticyra: and that Scopas and the Aetolians should there meet him, and be in readiness. This Anticyra is situate in Locris, on the left hand, as ye enter into the gulf of Corinth. By land it is a small journey thither from Naupactum, and as short a cut by sea. So within three days after they began to assail the city on both sides. The fiercer assault was from the sea side, both because they had in their ships engines of battery, and other ordinance and artillery of all sorts; and also, for that the assailants from that part, were Romans. So within few days the city was yielded up, and delivered again unto the Aetolians, the pillage thereof fell to the Romans share, according to covenant. There Laevinus received letters from Rome, specifying thus much, That he was declared Consul in his absence, and P. Sulpitius was coming to succeed him in the province: but by occasion that he lay there sick of a long disease, he came to Rome later than all men expected.  
M. Marcellus entering his Consulship upon the Ides of March, assembled the Senate that day, only for form and order sake: for he made open profession there, that during the absence of his Colleague, he would treat of no matters, either concerning the state of the city, or the provinces. But this protestation he uttered withal and said: That he knew full well that there were many Sicilians in the towns and villages near unto the city, backbiters and slanderers of him, whom for his own part he was so far off from hindering, but that they might freely for all him, divulgate and publish abroad in Rome, all those crimes which were devised and spoken against him by his adversaries, that were it not that they pretended some fear forsooth, to charge the Consul with any matters, in the absence of his colleague, he would straightways give them audience in the Senate: but so soon verily as my brother Consul is come home, I will not quoth he, I assure you, suffer any one matter to be debated here, before that those Sicilians be sent for into the Senate house. And I understand that M. Cornelius hath taken general search like a muster over all Sicily, to the end there might come a number to Rome with complaints of me: he also with letters full of untruths, hath buzzed into all men's ears, and borne the whole city in hand, that the war continueth still in Sicily, and all to diminish and abridge my glory. The Consul having that day won the commendation and name of one, that knew how to rule and govern his affections, dismissed the Senate: and it seemed that there would be a general vacation not of law matters only, but of all other things, and as it were holiday still, until the other Consul came unto the city. This rest and idleness (as the wont manner is) set the commons having nothing else to do, a talking: and now their tongues walked apace, ceasing not to spread rumours, That by this long and continual war, not only the lands and territory about the city of Rome (especially where Hannibal had marched with his cruel army) were wasted, but also Italy was in manner dispeopled and laid desolate, by reason of so many musters and levies: complaining, that whole armies were diffeated and put to the sword at Cannae in defence of the Common wealth: and that there were two Consuls created, both martial men, and warriors, over-fierce and eager of fight, such as in time of peace and quietness, were able to find occasions of war: so little was it to be looked for at their hands, that in time of war, they would seek for peace, and suffer the city to have any breathing time and intermission. These speeches rumoured among the common people, were interrupted and stayed by occasion of a Scare-fire, that began in sundry places together about the Forum, in the night of that day, which was immediately before the festival days of Minerva, called Quinquatrus. At one and the selfsame time, the seven merchants shops and warehouses, which afterwards were turned into five, and the shops of the Bankers and money changers which now are called Nova (or the new shops) were on fire. Divers private men's houses also the fire caught, for as then there were no stately halls and palaces of the city there built. Likewise the fire took hold of the common prison called Latumtae, the Fish-marker hall likewise, and the royal gallery or walking place. Hardly could the chapel of Vesta be saved, & that by the good help & pains taking especially of 13 bondslaves; whose bondage was bought out at the cities charges, and they made freemen. The fire continued one night and a day: and no man made doubt, but it came by man's hand, and was the practice of some lewd persons; for that the fires began in many places at once, and those far distant asunder. Whereupon the Consul by the advice and direction of the Senate, made proclamation in a solemn ass embly of the people, that whosoever would come forth and give notice, by whose means that fire was procured, he should be well rewarded: if he were a freeman with a piece of money; if bond, with freedom. In hope of which recompense, a certain slave belonging to the Calavijs the Campanes, (his name was Mannus) was induced to bewray the masters whom he served, and five other young gentlemen of Capua, whose fathers had lost their heads by the commandment of Q. Fulvius. Those he appeached to have made the said fires: and he gave them a warning besides, that they intended to do more mischief about the city, if they were let alone, and not apprehended: so they were attached, and their household servants. At the first, these persons made light account both of the informer, and the information they made, and elevated the credit that was given thereto: alleging, that the day before, the party himself being chastised and scourged by his masters, ran away, and so upon an anger and giddy sit, devised (by occasion of this misfortune which was mere casual) to frame an accusation against his masters. But when the matter was averred to their teeth in open place, and that they, by whose ministery the feat was done, were in the mids of the Forum put to the rack, for to utter a truth, than they all made confession of the fact. So as well the masters that were the setters thereof, as the servants that were privy and accessary thereto, had their deserts, and suffered for it. The informer who disclosed the villainy, was made free, and had 
* 62 pound. 10 shil. sterl.  20000 asses for his labour.  
As the Consul Laevinus passed by Capua in his journey [homeward,] there flocked about him a number of Campanes, and besought him with tears, that they might have leave to go to Rome, and present themselves before the Senate, there to make suit (if haply there were any pity & commiseration in them) not to destroy them utterly, nor suffer Q. Flaccus to consume the name & generation of the Campanes from off the face of the earth. Now Flaccus for his part, denied flatly that he bore them any private grudge by malice: but only hated the Campanes as the common enemies to the state, and so he would do ever, so long as he knew them so ill affected as they were to the people of Rome: for there was not a nation upon earth, nor a people under heaven more spitefully & deadly bend against the Roman name than they were. And that was the cause (saith he) that he penned them up within their walls. For who soever of them chanced any way to make an escape, they ranged about the country like brute and savage beasts, renting, tearing and killing whosoever came in their way. Some of them are fled to the adverse side unto Annibal: other are gone to Rome to set fire on the city, and there (quoth he) shall the Consul find the market place half burned, and the very prints and tokens remaining fresh of the Campanes mischevous practices. There should he see that they minded to have done violence upon the chapel of Vesla, and to have put out those eternal fires, and utterly defaced the fatal pledge of the Roman empire, bestowed and laid up sure in the most secret place of the chapel. Neither thought he it was safe for the city, to permit the Campanes to come within the walls thereof. Then Laevinus having caused the Capuans to take a corporal oath, and swear unto Flaccus, that they would make return to Capua before five days were expired, after they had their answer and dispatch from the Senate; commanded them to come after him to Rome. Attended thus as he was with this company, he encountered the Sicilians also, who came forth to meet him: and with this multitude he entered the city, accompanied (I say) with the Campanes and Sicilians, both vanquished and subdued by war, as accusers of two most famous persons, Marcellus, and Fulvius, who had conquered two most noble and renowned Cities, Saracose, and Capua.  
But both the Coss. treated and consulted first with the Senate, about the state of the commonweal, and the government of the provinces. There Levinus related in what terms stood Macedon and Greece: the Aetolians also, with the Acarnanians and Locrians: likewise what acts he had achieved in those parts both by sea and land; and how he had repulsed Philip back into Macedonia, when he began to make war upon the Aetolians, who now was retired and gone into the utmost parts of his kingdom: so as the legion might be withdrawn from thence, for that the armada was sufficient to keep the king forth of Italy. Thus much spoke he of himself, and of the province whereof he had been governor. Then both Consuls in common, proposed unto the Senate, concerning the province. And the LL. decreed that one of the Consuls should take the charge of Italy, and of the war with Hannibal: and the other should have under his hand the armada, whereof T. Octacilius was the Admiral; & together with L. Cincius the praetor, govern the province of Sicily. They were allowed the two armies which were in Tuskane and in France, consisting of four legions: whereof two of the former year, that were of citizens, should be sent into Tuskane, and those two which the Consul Sulpittus had conducted, should be led into France. Moreover, that he should have the government of France, and the leading of the legions there, whom that Cos. would appoint, whose lot it was to have Italy for his province. Into Tuskane was C. Calpurnius sent, with commission after the term of the Pretourship expired, to have his full jurisdiction to continue for a year. Likewise to Q. Fulvius was assigned the keeping of Capua, and his rule prorogued for another year. The armies, as well of citizens as of allies, were by commandment of the Senate abridged and made less: so that for two legions there should be but one, & that, consisting of five thousand footmen, & three hundred horsemen: that they should be discharged of soldiery, who had served longest: that of allies there should be left seven thousand foot; and three hundred horse: with the same respect and consideration of service, in dismissing the old soldiers. As for Cn. Fulvius the Consul of the former year, he ruled the same province of Apulia still, without any alteration of his forces: only his government was continued unto him another year. And P. Sulpitius his Colleague, was commanded to send away all his army, only the mariners and sailors excepted. Likewise order was given, that so soon as the new Consul was arrived and landed in the province of Sicily, the army there, which was commanded by M. Cornelius, should be sent out of Sicily. Unto L. Cincius the praetor, were assigned the soldiers that remained after the defeature at Cannae, for to keep Sicily in order, and those arose to two legions. And as many legions were appointed for P. Manlius V●lso the praetor, for to go into Sardinia, even those whereof L. Cornelius had the leading in the same province the former year. As for the legions of citizens, the Consuls were enjoined to levy and enrol them so, as they entertained no soldier of all those who had served in the army, either of M. Claudius or M. Valerius, or Fulvius: nor exceeded the number that year of one and twenty legions of Romans. When these Acts were passed in the Senate-house, the Consuls cast lots for their several provinces. Sicily and the armada fell to Marcellus: Italy and the war against Hannibal, to Levinus.  
This lot that fell to Marcellus, so struck the Sicilians dead, (who stood in the presence of the Consuls, looking for the event of the lottery) as if Saracose had been lost again: in such sort, as their pitiful lamentations, and their woeful plaints, for the present turned all men's eyes upon them, and anon after, ministered cause of much speech and talk. For they went about to all the Senators from one to another, in poor and vile array, protesting that if Marcellus came amongst them again as L. deputy, they would not only forsake every man his own country where he was borne, but also abandon the whole Island of Sicily: complaining, that without any desert of their parts, heretofore he had been cruelly bend against them, and his hatred was irreconcilable: and what would he now do in his choler, and knowing that the Sicilians came to Rome of purpose to make complaints of him? The Island were better (say they) to be on a light fire to burn with Aetna; or to be all a very sea, than thus to be exposed as a prey unto a mortal enemy, for to be devoured. These grievous moans and piteous complaints of the Sicilians, first carried to the houses of the Nobes and great men of the city, and there taken up & much talked of by many, whiles some pitied the Sicilians, others envied Marcellus, spread abroad at lengthso far, until they came to the Counsel-table. And the Consuls were dealt withal, to propose unto the Senate, that they might exchange their provinces one for another. Then Marcellus stood up and said, That in case audience had been given to the Sicilians already in the Senate house, peradventure he would deliver his opinion to another purpose: but now lest any man might say, that they were bridled for fear, & durst not speak their minds freely, nor complain as they would of him, at whose command, & under whose obedience, they were to be within a while: he was for his part, ready to make change of his province, if his colleague were as well content, & made no greater scruple of the matter. Only he requested that the Senate would not prejudice his cause. For if at the first (quoth he) it had been hard and unjust, extraordinarily and without casting lots, to give my colleague the free choice of his own province, how much greater wrong than should I have, nay what disgrace were offered unto me, if my lot should be taken from me and transferred upon him. So for that time, the Senate having made an overture unto Marcellus, what they would have done, rather than by any decree prejudiced the matter, broke up. And the Consuls between themselves privately made exchange one with the other. See the fortune and fatal destiny of Marcellus, that haled him, as it were, to be matched with Hannibal, and to fall into his hands: to the end that the same man, who of all the Romans, was the first that vanquished Hannibal in fight, and won the honour from him: should now in the mids of prosperity & happy success of war, 
The complaints of the Sicilians against Marcellus.  be the last Roman General that was slain by Hannibal, and yielded the glory of giving him the overthrow. After the provinces were thus interchangeably shifted, the Sicilians were brought into the Senat. Where they made a long speech as touching the perpetual & constant faithfulness unto the end, of K. Hiero, towards the people of Rome; & all to curry favour & gain thanks unto the whole nation of Sicily. Recounting, that Hieronymus first, and after him Hypocrates and Epicides, as, for other things, so especially for their revolting from the Romans, and turning to Hannibal, were odious and hateful unto them. For which cause and nothing else, Hieronymus was by the hands of the chieftains of their young gallants, as it were by a public decree of the state, made away and killed, and the noblest of their young gentlemen, to the number of seventy, conspired to murder Hypocrates and Epicides: who being disappointed and put by the effecting of their designment, through the delay of Marcellus, (who at the time before appointed, came not with his power to Saracose) were appeached, their intended plot revealed, and they all by those tyrants put to death. And yet, to speak a truth, Marcellus himself was he that gave the first occasion of the tyrannising of Hypocrates and Epicides, in that most cruelly he sacked and rifled the Leontines. But from that time forward, the Nobles of Saracose never ceased to come in unto Marcellus, and promised to deliver the city into his hands, whensoever he pleased. But he, forsooth, at first, stood upon these terms, that he would rather force it by assault: but afterwards, seeing he could not effect that his purpose, notwithstanding he had wrought all the devises he could, both by sea & land, he made choice of one Sosis acopper-smith, & Mericus a Spaniard, to have them to work & contrive the betraying of the city, rather than of the principal of the Syracusian nobility, who had so often offered that service, & never yet would it be accepted: & al●ywis, because he might pretend some colourable cause of justice, to proceed in all rigour against the most ancient allies of the people of Rome, for to massacre them, and make spoil of all that they had. Set case that Hieronymus had not revolted and gone to Hannibal, but the whole people and Senate of Syracuse: Suppose, that the Syracusians in general, by public consent had shut the gates against Marcellus, and not their Tyrants Hypocrates and Epicides, when they had the Syracusians sure enough under their own hands: Say they had warred against the people of Rome with as spiteful & cankered malice as the Carthaginians do, and ever did: what greater hostility could Marcellus possibly, have exercised against them more than he hath, unless he would destroy & raze the city to the very ground? Surely he hath left nothing in Syracuse but the bare walls, the naked & empty houses of the city, the temples & chapples of the gods defaced & broke open, for the gods themselves, with all the rich & gorgeous ornaments are carried away. Many a man is spoiled & robbed of his goods, in such sort, as having nothing left him but the bare soil, they are not able when all is gone, with his leave to maintain themselves, and sustain their wives and children. They were humble petitioners therefore, & suppliant suitors unto the LL. of the Senate, to take order, that restitution might be made unto the rightful owners, if not of all (for that is impossible) yet of so much at least, as was to be found, and might be truly owned again.  
After these and such like complaints, Levinus the Consul commanded them to go forth of the counsel house, to the end, that the LL. might be consulted with, and deliver their opinions concerning their demands. Nay marry (quoth Marcellus) let them stay still rather, that I may answer to their very faces: seeing, my LL. our case and condition is so hard, who war and fight for you, that we must have those to inform against us, and be our accusers, whom we have conquered and subdued by martial arms. Let it even be so, that two cities, to wit, Capua and Syracuse, won this year, may convent judicially both their conquerors, the one Fulvius, the other Marcellus. When the Ambassadors were brought back again into the Senate house, than began Marcellus the Consul, and spoke in this wise.  
I am not so far overseen, 
Marcellus his defence against the Syracusians.  and forgetful, my Lords, either of the majesty of the people of Rome, or of this place of command which I now hold, that I would plead mine own cause, Consul as I am, against these Grecians, my accusers, in case the question were of any crime or fault of mine own. But all the controversy to be discussed, standeth not upon these terms, to examine what I have done, whom the right of war will justify and bear out, howsoever I have proceeded against enemies: but what these men have deserved to suffer. If they were not enemies, nor so to be reputed, than it mattered not, and it had been all one, either now or in the life time of king Hiero, to have forced Syracuse. But if it appear, that they have revolted, that they have evil entreated our Ambassadors, threatened to lay violent hands, & to run upon them with sword and force of arms; that they have manned their walls, and shut their gates upon us; that they have maintained the army of the Carthaginians against us: who can be grieved and offended, if they have suffered as enemies, who stuck not first to offer all hostility whatsoever? Rejected I the Nobles of Syracuse when they would have delivered the city into my hands? And made I more account of Sosis, and Mericus the Spaniard, and thought them worthy to be trusted in so important a matter? Ye are not, I am sure, the meanest of the Syracusians, that thus reproach others with baseness of estate. Who was it of all you here, that promised to open me the gates? that undertook to receive my armed soldiers into the city? Nay, nay, ye hate and curse them in your heart, who have so done; and even in this place cannot forbear to give them hard terms, & revile them: so unlike it is, that you yourselves ever meant to have done any such thing. Even this abject condition and base calling of theirs, my LL. which these men twit them with, is a manifest token, and a most evident argument, that I refused none, that was willing to do good service unto our state and Commonweal. At the very first, before I laid siege unto Syracuse, I assayed by all means to have peace; one while sending Ambassadors unto them, otherwhiles going in person to parley with them. Afterwards, seeing that without all reverence of Ambassadors, they shamed not to offer them abuse; without regard of myself, they deigned meno answer when I came to the gates, and conferred with their chief Nobility: after much travel, toil, and infinite pains, sustained both by land and sea, at length by fine force and hot assault, I became master and Lord of Syracuse. Now as touching that which hath befallen unto them, since they were overcome, and lost their city, I would suppose they had more reason, and juster cause to make their moan, and complain unto Hannibal and the Carthaginians, those that are likewise conquered, than before the Senate of the people of Rome their conqueror. For mine own part, my LL. if I had ever meant to deny and disavow the spoiling and sacking of Syracuse, and not to stand to it when I had done, I would never have been so ill advised, as to beautify and adorn the city of Rome with the spoils thereof. And what I have given or forgiven unto any particular person, I am assured that I may well justify and avow the same, both by the law of war, and also by the desert of every one. Now, my LL. whether ye will approve and ratify my doings or no, it concerneth and toucheth the Commonweal rather than myself. My part I have done, and discharged my duty faithfully. It much importeth now the State, that by reversing (as it were) and disannulling mine actions, ye make not your other Generals from henceforth, to be more slack and backward in the like employment. To conclude my LL. since that ye have heard both myself and the Sicilians speak our mind's face to face, we will all together go out of this temple, that in my absence the Senate may more frankly speak to the point, and deliver their opinions. Thus the Sicilians were dismissed, and he himself went forth also to the Capitol, for to take a levy of soldiers.  
The other Consul in the mean time, put to question the demands of the Sicilians before the LL. Much canvasing a long while, and discussing there was of the matter, and divers opinions passed. Many of the Senators following T. Manlius Torquatus the head and principal man, that maintained a side, were of this mind, That they should have made war against the tyrants, the common enemies as well to the Syracusians, as to the State of Rome. And as for the city, it was (say they) rather recovered and received, than won by force: and being so received, it was to be reestablished in her own ancient laws and freedom, and not after it was so wearied with miserable servitude, to be scourged and afflicted with war upon it. But between the warring of the tyrants of the one side, and the Roman General of the other, a most beautiful and noble city, standing in the midst (as a prize and reward for the winner) is undone by the means; even that city which sometime had been the garnet (as it were) & the treasurehouse of the people of Rome: by the munificent liberality and bounty whereof, by whose rich presents and goodly gifts our city many a time and oft, yea & but of late days in this Punic war, hath been relieved & adorned. If king Hiero should arise again from the dead & come among us, Hiero (I say) the most faithful maintainer of the Roman state, with what face could we show unto him, either Saracose or Rome? When he should see of one side, his own native country, half razed and wholly spoiled: and on the other side, coming to Rome, in the very entering of the city, and hard at the gate, should behold the spoils of his own city? Notwithstanding these & such like speeches cast out among them, to procure ill will and hatred to the Consul, and to move pity and compassion to the Sicilians, yet the LL. of the Senate in favour of Marcellus, agreed upon a milder decree, and enacted, That whatsoever he had done, either during the war, or after conquest, should be ratified and allowed for good: Item, for the time to come, the Senate would take order and provide for the good of the Syracusians, and give the Consul Levinus a special charge, to have regard of the welfare of that city, so far forth, as might not be prejudicial to the state of Rome. Then were two Senators sent into the capitol to the Consul, to request him to repair again unto the assembly of the Senate: and after the Sicilians also were admitted into the place, their act and decree aforesaid was openly read. The Ambassadors had good words given them, and were dismissed: whereupon they fell down prostrate at the feet of Marcellus the Consul, beseeching him to pardon that which they had spoken, either to bewail, or to ease their calamity; and to receive both them in particular, and the city of Saracose in general, unto his merciful protection. After this, the Consul with gracious words licensed them to depart.  
When the Sicilians had their dispatch, the Campanes had audience given them in the Senate: and as their speech was more lamentable, so the cause was heavier, and harder to be digested: for neither could they themselves deny, but that they deserved condign punishment: nor Tyrants had they any, upon whom they might lay the blame. But they thought they had suffered enough for their sins already, in that so many of their Senators died by poison, and so many lost their heads. Some few of their nobility and but a few remained yet alive, who as they were not touched in conscience, nor so faulty, as to lay violent hands upon themselves, so the Conqueror in his furious wrath, adjudged them not worthy of death: they therefore made humble suit for themselves, their wives and children, to obtain freedom, and to enjoy some part of their own goods, being, as they were, mere citizens of Rome, and most of them by affinity and near kindred, upon mutual and cross marriages, linked in alliance and blood to the Romans. After that they also were willed to void out of the Senate house: for a while, there grew some question and doubt, whether Q. Fulvius should be sent for from Capua (for presently upon the taking of the city, Claudius the Consul died) that this matter might be argued and discussed in presence of the General himself, like as the other had been reasoned of and debated between Marcellus and the Sicilians. But afterwards when they saw in the Senate house M. Attilius, and C. Fulvius, the brother of Flaccus, both his Lieutenants: likewise Q. Minutius, and L. Veturius Philo, Lieutenants unto Claudius, who had been present in all actions, and were eye-witnesses of everything: and besides, were unwilling that either Fulvius should be called away from Capua, or the Campanes longer delayed: M. Attilius Regulus, who of all them that had been at the service of Capua, was of greatest authority and reputation, being demanded his opinion, spoke in this wise.  
I take it (quoth he) when Capua was newly won, I was one of counsel with the Consuls there, when question was asked, and enquiry made, Whether any one Campane had deserved well of us and our Commonweal. And found it was, that two women only, to wit, Vesta Oppia, borne in Atellae, but dwelling then at Capua, & Faucula Cluvia, sometime a common strumpet and curtizane, were well willers unto us. The former of these twain daily sacrificed for the welfare, life, and victory of the Romans; the other, secretly sustained the poor and needy Roman captives with food and victuals. As for all other Campanes, from the highest to the lowest, they we no better affected unto us, than the Carthaginians. And even those, who were beheaded by Quintus Fulvius, suffered death, not because they were more faulty than others, but for that they were of greater mark and calling than the rest. Now, that the Senate should decide the cause of any Campanes, who are enfranchised denizens of Rome, without a grant from the people, I see not how it can be. For in our forefather's time the like case was of the Satricanes that rebelled: and then M. Antistius, a Tribune of the Commons, first put up a bill, & the Commons afterwards passed it, namely, That the Senate might have power and and authority, to give their opinion, and determine of the Satricanes. Therefore I am of mind, that we deal with the Tribunes of the Commons, that one or more of them, prefer a bill unto the Commons, by virtue whereof we may be authorised to set down some order for the Campanes. Then L. Attilius, a Tribune of the Commons, by leave and advise of the Senate, proposed unto the Commons a bill in this form and manner. WHEREAS THE CAMPANES, ATELLANES, CALATINES, AND SABATINES, WHO HAVE YIELDED THEMSELVES UNTO FULVIUS THE PROCONSULL, TO BE AT THE PLEASURE AND DEVOTION OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME: ALICE THAT ALSO, WHICH THEY HAVE SURRENDERED TOGETHER WITH THEMSELVES, AS WELL THEIR TERRITORY AS THEIR CITY, AS ALL utensils, BOTH SACRED AND PROFANE, THEIR NECESSARY IMPLEMENTS, AND ALL OTHER THINGS WHATSOEVER, I DEMAND YOUR WILL AND PLEASURE, o QUIRITES, WHAT SHALL BE DONE WITH THE PREMISES? The Commons after deliberation, gave their voices to the said bill in this form. OUR WILL AND PLEASURE IS, THAT WHATSOEVER YE THE SENATORS, WHO NOW ARE SET IN COUNSEL, OR THE MOST PART OF YOU THINK GOOD AND DETERMINE, SHALL STAND FOR JUST AND LAWFUL. Upon this grant or Act of the Commons, the Senate by a decree awarded unto Oppia and Cluvia, first their own goods and liberty: and moreover if they were desirous to crave farther reward at the Senate's hand, they were best to repair unto Rome. For every family and several house of the Campanes, there were special acts and decrees made, all which to repeat and rehearse, would not quit the labour. Some had their goods confiscate: themselves, their children and wives were to be sold, excepting those their daughters which were wedded, before that they came under the subjection of the people of Rome. Others were to be clapped up in prison, until farther order were taken for them hereafter. Moreover, of some Campanes they made distinction by valuation of their wealth, whether their goods were to be confiscate or no. All their beasts and cat-tail which were taken, save horses; all their bondslaves, but males fourteen years of age and upward, all movable goods also which were not annexed and fastened to the soil, they awarded for to be restored to the true owners. All Campanes, Arellanes, Calatines, Sabellanes, excepting those, who either themselves, or whose parents took part and sided with the enemies, they judged to be free: provided always, that none of them were either Free-denizens of Rome, or of Latium. Item it was enacted, that none of all them who had been at Capua whiles the gates were shut, should remain either in the city or territory of Capua, within a certain day prefixed: but should have a place set out unto them for to dwell in, on the farther side of Tyberis, so it were not upon the very bank close unto Tiber. As for those that during the time of war had been neither at Capua nor in any other city of Campane, which revolted from the people of Rome, they should be removed to inhabit on this side the river Lyris between it and Rome: but such as were turned and passed to the Romans side, before that Hannibal came unto Capua, they should be transplanted on the hither side of Vulturnus the river: provided, that none of them should possess either house or land within fifteen miles of the sea. As concerning them who were displaced and confined to inhabit beyond the Tybre, neither they nor their heirs and successors for ever, should purchase and hold house or land in any place, but in the territory either of Veij, Sutrium, or Nepesium: but so, as they exceeded not the stint of five hundred Acres of ground. As touching the goods and chattels of all the Senators, or such as had borne Magistracy in Capua, Atella, or Calatia, they awarded that sale should be made thereof in Capua. As for those that were free borne, and whose bodies were to be sold, they should be sent to Rome, and there set asale. Finally, the Images and Statues of brass, which were said to have been won and taken from the enemies, whither they were sacred or profane, they referred to the College of the Priests and Prelates, to determine thereof at their discretion. Thus they gave the Campanes their dispatch, and sent them away much worse apaied for these decrees, than they were when they came first to Rome. And now they complained no more of the cruel proceedings of Q. Fulvius against them, but blamed the iniquity and unjust dealing of the very gods, and their own cursed fortune together.  
After the Sicilians and Campanes were dismissed, there was a muster taken: and when an army was levied and enroled, there began some question and reasoning about the mariners and rowers to furnish the galleys. For the accomplishment whereof, when the Consuls could neither raise men enough, nor yet find money at that time in the chamber of the city, for to press and hire them, and pay their wages with all: they published an edict, that private men according to the rate and proportion in the Subsidy book, out of all orders, degrees, and companies, should as aforetime find rowers at their own charges, and maintain them with meat and money for thirty days. Upon which edict and proclamation, all men so grumbled and muttered, and were so highly discontented and angered, that they wanted an head and captain, rather than matter and occasion of a mutiny and insurrection: geving out, That the Consuls had taken a course, and were in the very train to plague, undo, and destroy the Commons of Rome, like as they had already the Sicilians and the Campanes. For thus many years they have been peeled, polled, clean spent and consumed with exaction of tributes, and had nothing left them but the bare ground, and the same lying waist and untilled. As for their houses upon their lands, the enemies had burned: their servants and hines, such as should husband and all their grounds, the commonwealth had bereft them of: one whiles buying them up to the war, for some small piece of money: otherwhiles levying and presting them to the seas to be gallie-slaves, for a thing of nothing. A man could not so soon get one brass farthing, or single silver denere before hand, but it went by and by either for gallie-pay, or for yearly tribute. And to give that now which they had not, they might never be brought by any force or for any man's commandment whatsoever. Let them sell and make an hand of their goods, imprison and punish their bodies too, when all is gone besides; seeing there is nothing left them to ransom and redeem the same again. These and such like words were not only muttred in huggermugger, but uttered also and given out in broad terms even in the market place and before the Consuls, by the multitude that flocked and gathered together in exceeding great numbers: in such sort, as the Consuls were not able with all thatever they could do, to appease the mutiny, neither by sharp rebukes, nor fair words and comfortable speeches. Then they said, that they would give and allow them three days respite for to think and consider of these matters: which they themselves bestowed wholly and employed in taking a view and survey of their goods, and making dispatch and riddance thereof out of the way. The next day the Consuls called the Senate together to consult about the supply of rowers and gallie-slaves: where, after much debating and arguing, that the Commons had good reason to make denial; at length the drift of all their speech was this, That whether it were right or wrong, the burden must lie on private men's shoulders, there was no remedy: for seeing there was no money in the common chest, how should mariners and rowers else be gotten and levied? And without Armadaes', how possibly should either Sicily be held still in possession, or Philip be kept out of Italy? or the sea coasts of Italy remain in safety and security? In these distresses and difficulties the Counsel being perplexed, and to seek for remedy; and whiles every man's wits were in the wain and so confused, 
The speech of Levinus the Consul.  as if they were benumbed and stone cold: Then Laevinus the Consul, As the Magistrate (qd. he) goeth before the Senate in place of honour, and the Senate likewise before the common people in worth & dignity: so they ought in all difficulties & hard occurrences to undergo the weightiest burdens first, and be the foremen and leaders in all dangerous adventures whatsoever. For if a man would enjoin his inferiors to bear some grievous and heavy load, let him first take it up himself, yea and impose the same upon his own train and company: all the rest then, will be more willing and obedient to follow after, and do the semblable. And never will they grudge at any cost or charges, when they see their leaders and rulers take more upon themselves, than they are well able to wield and sustain. To the end therefore that the people of Rome may be provided and furnished of a steer rigged and trimmed, as our desire is, and that private persons may not think much, nor refuse to find rowers thereunto; let us first that are here command our own selves: let us, I say, that be Senators, bring abroad in common all the gold, all the silver, all the brazen coin that we have, so as every man reserve rings only for himself, his wife and children: and a little tablet or jewel for his son, as a pendant to hang about his neck. Also let all them that have wives or daughters, retain still one ounce weight of 
* 3 pound. shil.  gold, and 
* 3 pound. shil. and two shil. over, if libra be centen●●a  one pound of silver: And as many as have borne office of State, and sitten in the ivory chair, keep still the trappings and caparison of their horses, and two pound weight a piece, the one of gold, the other of silver; for to have a saltcellar, and a little bowl or cup, to sacrifice & offer unto the gods withal. As for the rest of the Senators, let us leave them but one pound weight of silver, and no gold at all, and five thousand 
* 15 pound, 12 shil. 6 ponce sterl.  Asses in coin, to every householder a piece. All other gold, silver, and brazen money besides, let us forthwith bring abroad and present unto the Triumvirs or public bankers, before that we make or enact any decree of Senate: to the end, that our good example in this voluntary benevolence and contribution, and our earnest endeavour to help the Commonweal, may stir up and provoke the hearts and affections, first of those that are by calling gentlemen and knights of Rome, and then forward the rest of the commons, to imitate and follow us with some emulation. This is the only means which we that are Consuls have thought upon and divised, after much talk and conference together. Set to therefore, my masters, in the name of God, and lead the way: God will bless your good beginnings. So long as the city standeth on foot, and holdeth up the head, no man need to fear his private state; but it shall do well enough. Go the weal public to wreck once, and decay, let no man ever think to save his own. All the whole house liked so well of these motions, that not only they gave their accord and consent thereto, but over and besides, yielded hearty thanks unto the Consuls for their good advice and counsel. When the Senate was dismissed, every man for himself brought forth his gold, his silver, and brass money, and laid all together in common; & that with such speed, striving a vie who could go before another, and have his name entered first in the public rolls and registers: as neither the foresaid Triumvirs were able to receive it fast enough, as it was tendered unto them; nor the ordinary Clerks and Notaries to set it down in writing, & take note there of accordingly. This consent and agreement of the Senators, the knights & gentlemen of Rome in their place and calling seconded; and the commons for their parts were not behind. So without any constraint of law, without edict, without any exhortation made by the magistrate, the commonweal wanted neither rowers for to furnish the armadaes, nor money to pay the rowers. And thus when all things were provided necessary for the wars, the Consuls went forth to their several provinces.  
Never was there any time of this war, wherein Carthaginians and Romans together, had more trial of the alternative & variable change of fortune: never hung they more in equal balance, between fair hope and fearful danger. The Romans, in their provinces tasted both of sweet and sour. In Spain on the one side, they sped ill and lost: in Sicily on the other side, they sped well and won: so as their sorrow was interlaced still and meddled with joy. Also in Italy, the lost of Tarentum turned to their woe and damage: but the keeping of the castle there with the garrison, beyond all their hope and expectation, brought them meed and comfort for their sorrow. Also, their sudden fright and fear, for the siege and assault of the city of Rome, was salved and cured again within a few days after, by the forcing and winning of Capua; and all that heaviness and mourning turned into mirth and gladness. The affairs also beyond sea; were checked with interchangeable turns and courses. Philip became their enemy in an ill time, and when they had little need thereof. chose, the Aetolians and Attalus the king of Asia the less, proved to be their new friends and loving allies: whereby even then fortune, seemed to smile on the Romans, and by that overture, promised as it were, unto them the Empire of the East. Semblably the Carthaginians, as they lost Capua, so they won Tarentum, and made a saving game of it. In like manner, as they took no small pride and glory, in coming to the walls of Rome without resistance; so they were daunted & dismayed again, that this their enterprise took no better effect in the end: and held themselves much disgraced and dishonoured, that whiles they sat themselves before one gate of Rome, there was an army of Romans led forth at another, and sent into Spain. And even in Spain also, the greater hope men had there, that upon the death of two so noble and valiant Generals, and the defeature of two as puissant armies, the war was come to a final end, and the Romans driven from thence for ever: the more spite it was, and the greater grief and vexation they conceived again, when by the valour of L. Martius a tumultuary captain, chosen in haste they knew not how, those former victories turned to vanities, and came to just nothing. Thus fortune was indifferent, & all things doubtful & wavering in suspense, both on the one side and the other. Their hope all one as it was at first: their fear, the same still, neither more nor less: So as between hope and fear, they fared, as if the war at this time were new to begin.  
Hannibal above all other things, was vexed to the heart, that Capua being more hotly and eagerly assaulted by the Romans, than manfully and faithfully defended by him, had diverted & turned away the hearts of many States of Italy from him. For neither was he able to hold them all with sufficient garrisons, unless he would dismember into many small portions, and mangle by piece-meal his army; which to do then, was no good policy: nor he thought it safe & good, to withdraw his garrisons from thence, & leave the fidelity of his allies at liberty, either to depend upon fickle hope, or to sway with sudden fear. And (as he was by nature covetous and cruelly minded) he resolved at length upon this course, to make spoil of those cities which he was not able to keep, and so to leave them waste and empty for the enemy. This designment was not so dishonest and shameful in the first enterprise, but it proved as bad & hurtful to himself in the effect and conclusion. For he lost the hearts clean, not only of those that were the parties grieved, and suffered these indignities, but also of all others besides. The present calamity and loss touched but some few: but the precedent and example reached to many more. Neither was the Roman Consul behind hand for his part, to solicit and sound those cities, from whence he saw some light appear, and any hope to gain them unto him.  
There were in Salapia two noble men above the rest, Dasius and Blasius. Dasius was friend to Hannibal, Blasius (so far as he might with safety) affected and favoured the Romans. And by intercourse of secret messengers, had put Marcellus in some good hope of betraing the city; but without the help of Dasius the plot could not be compassed and effected. Wherefore, after much musing and long deliberation, after many stays & delays, at length he resolved (for want rather of better counsel, than upon any hope to speed) to address himself to Dasius, & acquaint him with the matter. But Dasius not only misliking utterly & abhorring the thing, but also carrying a secret enmity to the party himself, the only eyesore and concurrent that he had, striving to be greater than he, disclosed all to Hannibal. Whereupon, both were sent for, and convented peremptorily before him. As Hannibal was sitting upon the Tribunal seat, giving audience and dispatch to certain other matters; and that he might anon the better attend unto Blasius and the action intended against him: whiles the plaintiff & defendant stood apart by themselves from the rest of the people a good way, Blasius went in hand again with Dasius, and solicited him for to deliver the city to the Romans. With that, Dasius (as if the matter had been too too apparent) cried out and said, That he bashed not to break unto him and move him, even in the presence and sight of Hannibal, for to practise treason & betray the city. Hannibal and all they that were there present, gave little credit unto Dasius: and the more audacious the thing itself was, the less likelihood it carried with it of a truth. Every man supposed verily, it was nothing but emulation, envy, and cankered malice, that caused Dasius to charge upon him that crime, which because there was no witness to the contrary, he might untruly devise and more freely enforce against him. And so for that time, they were both discharged the court. But Blasius never gave over to follow still this bold enterprise, but beat still upon this one point, showing how good and commodious the thing would be, both to themselves in private, and to their country in common, until he had wrought him so, and won him to grant, that the Carthaginian garrison, (& those were Numidians) together with the city Salapia, should be rendered unto Marcellus. But without much bloodshed they could not possibly be thus betrayed & delivered: for they were the most hardy and valiant horsemen by far, of all the Carthaginian army. Wherefore, albeit they were taken on a sudden unprovided, and had no use of horses within the city, yet with such weapons, as in such a sudden tumult and uproar they could catch and come by, first they assayed and gave the venture to break through and escape away: and when they saw that they could by no means save themselves and get forth, they fought it out to the last manfully, even unto death: so as there were not of them above fifty left alive, and came into the hands of the enemies. And surely, the loss of this cornet of horsemen, was a greater damage unto Hannibal, than the foregoing of Salapia: for never from that day forward, had Hannibal the upper hand in cavalry, which was the only service whereby ever before he most prevailed.  
Much about the same time the castle of Tarentum was straightly distressed for want of victuals, and hardly could endure and hold out any longer. The only hope that the Roman garrison had, which lay there, and the captain thereof M. Livius the Constable of the castle, was in the provision sent out of Sicily. For the safe convoy whereof, along the coast of Italy, there rid at anchor a fleet well-near of twenty sail before Rhegium. The Admiral of this fleet appointed to waste these victuals from time to time, was one Decius Quintius, a man of obscure birth and base parentage, howbeit, for many worthy acts and feats of arms, much renowned in martial glory.  
At the first he had the charge but of five ships, whereof two of the greatest, which were three banked galleys, were allowed him by Marcellus: afterwards, upon his good service, when he had born himself bravely in many conflicts, he had three more committed unto him, & those were of five banks of oars, until at last himself, by calling upon the confederate cities, as Rhegium, Velia, and Pastum, for the ships due by covenant unto the people of Rome, he had made a pretty Armada, as is abovesaid, of twenty sail. As this fleet had disankered and was gone from Rhegium, Democrates with the like Armada for number of Tarentine ships, encountered almost five leagues from the city of Tarentum, at a port called Sacriportus. It fortuned at that time, that the Roman Admiral, little looking for any battle, came forth under sail only, but about Crotone and Sibaris, he had furnished his ships with rowers also, and so his fleet for the bigness & tallness of the vessels, was well appointed, and sufficiently armed & manned. And even then it happened at one time, that both the boisterous wind lay, and the enemies also were within kenning, so as they had scarce time enough to fit their tackling, to make ready their rowers, and to set in order their fight men, against a skirmish that was so near toward. There was not lightly seen a greater conflict, taught more hotly and fiercely between two royal Armadaes that affronted one another, than between these small fleets. For why, the battle was for a greater matter, than all their ships came to. The Tarentines maintained the fight more eagrely, because they were desirous to recover their castle out of the Romans hands, as they had done their city, after one 100 years almost, during which time, they had been out of the possession thereof: hoping thereby, if they could be masters of the sea once by some fortunate and victorious battle, to cut off and intercept all hope of victuals from the enemies. The Romans on the other side bestirred themselves as lustily, that by keeping the possession of the castle, all the world might see, that Tarentum was not lost by force, clean strength and valour, but betrayed by stealth and treachery. So they sounded the battle from both parts, and ran affront one at another, with the beaks and stems of their prows, and neither stayed rowing amain forward, nor suffered their enemy to part or go aside from them, until they closed and grappled their ships together, by the means of iron hooks like hands. And so near they buckled, in hot and furious medley, that not only they discharged shot aloof one against another, but also they coped together (as it were) foot to foot, at hand strokes with sword fight. Their prows and for-ships stuck grappled together, while the poups and hin-deckes were driven about with contrary oars of the adverse part. So near and so thick withal stood the ships, and within so narrow a room, that scarce one dart light into the water in vain, and did no harm. With their beake-heads they assailed one another, as it had been on land fight, and so close they were, that the soldiers might pass out of one ship into another, as they fought. Howbeit, two ships there were above all the rest, that maintained a notable fight, and in the vanguard and forefront of the battle, invested one another most furiously. In that of the Romans was Quintius himself in person, & in the other of the Tarentines, was one Nico, surnamed Perco, a man not only odious unto the Romans, for the public quarrel between both states, but also maliciously bend, upon a private spite and rancour, as banding with that faction, which had betrayed Tarentum to Hannibal. This Nico espying Quintius both fight & also encouraging his men withal, charged him at unwares; & ran him quite through with a partuisane: who was not so soon fallen forward headlong upon the fore-deck, armour and all, but the Tarentine following the train of his victory, and seeing the ship disordered & troubled for the loss of their leader, lustily came forward, and boarded her; laid about him manfully, and put by the enemies out of his way, until the Tarentines were masters of the prow and forecastle. Whiles the Romans had much ado (so thrumbled they were and thrust together disorderly) to defend and keep the poop and hind-decke; with that, another galley of the enemies appeared on a sudden, and charged the hind-part. So the Roman ship in the midst between both, was boarded on every side, and taken. Whereupon all the rest were greatly terrified, seeing the Admirall-ship was won by the enemy: and they fled on all hands. Some were sunk in the deepesea, some made haste with their oars, and scudded to the land, but anon were a prize and prey to the Thurines and Metapontines. But of the hulks and Carickes, which were fraught with victual, and followed after, very few there were that fell into the hands of the enemies: the rest shifting and turning their sails cross, this ways and that ways, according to the inconstancy of the wind, recovered the main sea.  
But about Tarentum at the same time, their fortune was nothing so good. For whereas there went out of the town, upon a four thousand men a foraging, for to purvey corn, Livius, Constable of the castle and captain of the garrison, spying his time (as he waited ever for all opportunities) made out of the said castle 2000 armed soldiers, under the leading of C. Persius a valorous and industrious man: who set upon the Tarentines straggling out of order, and dispersed in wandering wise over the fields; and after he had followed a long time the execution, killing them here and there as he encountered them; the rest, which were but few left of so many, he chased to the town: for they made haste in great fear thither, & were let in at the gates standing half shut, for fear least at the same random the town should have been lost. So the Tarentines and Romans, when they had made the reckoning, put up all on even hand. For the Romans were winners by land, the Tarentines at sea: and both of them disappointed alike of their hope of corn, which was presented to their eyes, but they never tasted thereof.  
At the same time Levinus the Consul, after a good part of the year was gone about, arrived in Sicily, greatly expected and looked for, as well by the old allies as the new: and the first thing of all other and most important, he supposed, was together with this new peace, to settle & compose the State of Syracuse, so much disordered and out of frame. After that, he led his legions to Agrigentum, where only there remained the relics of war; which city was kept by a strong garrison of Carthaginians. There fortune favoured his first designs. Hanno chanced to be the general over the Carthaginians, but he wholly relied and reposed all his hope in Mutines and the Numidians. This Mutines had ranged all over Sicily at his pleasure, and raised booties out of the territories and lands of the Roman associates, & by no force or policy could he be intercepted of his passage back to Agrigentum, nor yet be pinned within the city, but that he would issue forth whensoever he listed. This glory of his, because now it checked (as it were) the fame and honour of the General, turned the man at length to displeasure and danger: so as, what good service soever was achieved, it was never well taken by Hanno, nor joyously accepted, in regard of the person, who was a prick always in his eye. Whereupon in the end he gave away the captainship of Mutines from himself, and bestowed it upon his own son: thinking, that together with his government and command, he should lose all his authority and reputation also among the Numidians. But it fell out far otherwise. For the more that he was in disgrace and disfavour with Hanno, the greater grew the old favour and love of the Numidians toward him. Neither could he himself endure any longer the unworthy wrong and indignity offered unto him: and therefore in revenge he presently dispatched certain secret messengers unto Levinus, with credence, that he would betray and deliver Agrigentum into his hands. By the mediation of these intercourriers, there passed sufficient security and assurance between them: and the matter being concluded, the manner also of contriving the plot, was agreed upon. Whereas therefore the Numidians were possessed, and had the guard of that gate that openeth toward the sea: after they had either driven out the old warders from thence, or killed them, they let in the Romans at the same gate into the city, who were sent of purpose, according to the former agreement. And when they marched up into the midst of the city, even to the market place, with banner displayed, & with great tumult and noise; Hanno supposing it was nothing else, but a seditious uprising of the Numidians (like as they had done sometimes before) came forth as to appease and stay a mutiny and commotion. But discovering a greater multitude a far off, than the Numidians were: and hearing withal the Romans to shout, with the manner whereof his ears had been well acquainted before time, he took him to his heels ere he came within the dartshot. And being let out at a back postern gate, taking with him Epicides, he recovered with some few other the sea side, where, as good hap was, they light upon a small bark or pinnase: and so leaving Sicily to the enemies, for which there had been much strife so many years together, they passed over into Affrick●. The multitude besides both of Carthaginians and Sicilians, without any skirmish either begun or intended, fled like blind men they wist not whether: and finding all ways made up, and no passage forth, they were miserably slain and hewn apieces about the gates. Laevinus being possessed of the town, caused all the chief men and rulers of the city, to be beaten with rods, and to lose their heads: all the rest together with the pillage he sold in port-sale, and the money that was raised thereof, he sent to Rome.  
When the news of this misfortune of the Agrigentines was blown over Sicily, all at once turned Roman, and Hannibal lost all. For in short space there were 20 towns betrayed and yielded, six forced by assault, and to the number of 40 voluntarily surrendered to the devotion and protection of the Romans. The principal noble men of which States, after that the Consuls had either rewarded or punished according to their several demerits, and compelled the Sicilians generally to lay by arms and weapons, and to take themselves to the plough, for to ear, till, and sow their grounds; to the end that the Island might bring forth fruit, not only to sustain and maintain the natural inhabitants thereof, but also to ease the price of corn and victuals in the city of Rome, and throughout all Italy, like as it had done many times before: he transported over with him into Italy a rabble and damned crew of unruly people from Agatirna. Some four thousand there were of them, a confused multitude of all sorts, a very mish mash and sink of vile and wretched persons, most of them Outlaws, Bankrupts, and notorious male factors, in danger of death by the laws of their cities where they lived. And being fled their countries, some for one fact, some for another, they chanced all upon like fortune to sort themselves (as commonly birds of a feather will fly together.) and at Agatirna, they made choice like outlaws, to live by robbing and spoiling: and this was their only profession and trade. Laevinus thought it no good policy to leave behind him these good fellows in an Island, which began but now upon new peace to knit and unite again; for fear lest they would minister matter of innovation and change; and besides, there was some good use of them among the Rhegines, for to foray and rove about the Brutians country: for such they stood in need of, and had laid for a company which were acquainted with thieving and stealing. And so this year made an end of the war in Sicily.  
P. Scipio L. deputy and General in Spain, having in the prime and beginning of Spring put his ships to sea and set them afloat, and by an edict summoned all the aides of the allies to repair to the Rendez vous at Taracon; gave order and commandment, that as well the ships of war as of charge and burden, should from thence set forward, and show themselves at the mouth of the river Iberus. And after he had given direction and charge, that the legions from out of their winter harboroughs, should there mere together, himself accompanied with five thousand of his allies put himself on his journey to his main army. Being thither come, he thought it good to make some speech to the old soldiers especially, 
〈…〉  as many as remained alive after so great disfeatures and overthrows, and when he had assembled them all together to an audience, in this wise he spoke unto them. Never was there new General before myself, that could by good right, and in regard of desert, render thanks unto his soldiers, before he had employed them, and made trial of their good service. But as for me, before I ever came within sight of this province, before I entered my government and saw the camp, fortune hath obliged me, and made me behoulden unto you. First, for your kindness and zealous affection to my father and to mine uncle, both while they lived, and when they were dead. Secondly, in that when the possession of this province was lost; after so great foils and overthrows, ye have by your virtue and valour recovered the same again, and kept it entire to the behoof of the people of Rome, and myself, the next successor in place of sovereign rule and command. But for as much as our full purpose and present resolution is, by the leave, favour, and power of the gods, not so much to hold the possession ourselves and abide in Spain, but to dispossess the Carthaginians that they may have no footing nor abode at all there: and since the thing that we go about, is not to stand keeping the bank of Iberus, for to stop the passage of the enemy; but to give the attempt to pass over ourselves by force: yea and there withal to transport the war over with us into his own country, and to come home unto him. I fear me greatly, lest this will seem unto some of you a greater designment, and more audacious enterprise of mine, than may either suit and sort with the fresh remembrance of those late defeatures, or stand well with my young and unripe age. The soils and unfortunate fought fields in Spain, can be of no man in the world forgotten later than of myself, whose father, whose uncle, were within the space of 30 days there slain, to the end that sorrow upon sorrow, funeral upon funeral, one mournful death after another, should infortunately be heaped upon our house & family. But as this desolate estate and defect almost of all my house and name (wherein I only, in manner, am left alive of my race) woundeth my heart and make it bleed, as often as I think of it: so the public fortune and virtue of the Commonweal, reviveth my spirit again, and will not suffer me to despair totally of the state of this Empire: considering the destiny and providence of the gods, whereby it is a thing given unto us, and our luck hath ever been, that howsoever we have received overthrows in all great wars and dangerous battles, yet in the end, we have gone away with the victory. I omit to speak of old examples, of Porsena, of the Gauls, & Samnites: and I will begin at the Punic wars. How many armadaes and fleets, how many brave captains, how many valiant and puissant armies were there lost & miscarried, during the former? And what should I say of this in our days? In all the defeatures and overthrows, I was either present myself in person; or if I were not in any of them, yet I am sure, I was he that felt the smart of them, more than any man else whatsoever. The river Trebia, the mere Thrasymenus, the town Cannae, what are they else, but the very sepulchers and tombs of the Roman armies there hewn in pieces, and of their Consuls slain. And thereto, the general revolt of Italy, the rebellion of Sicily, the falling away of the greater part of Sardi●ia. Moreover and besides, this last affright and terror, namely the Carthaginians camp pitched between Anio and the walls of Rome, and Hannibal seen well near, as conqueror at the very gates of our city. In these so great ruins and adverse distresses of our state, yet the virtue alone and valour of the people of Rome hath stood upright, sound, and immutable: yea and hath raised up again and set on foot, all that which lay along on the ground. You only, my valorous soldiers, were the first, that after the discomfiture of Cannae, under the leading & good fortune of my father, withstood Asdrubal in his journey and expedition toward the Alpes, purposing to go down into Italy; who if he had joined with his brother Hannibal, certainly by this day, there had remained no memory of the Roman name. And in very truth, these affairs falling out so prosperously, made a mends and recompense for all the former losses. But now through the goodness of the gods, all things prosper and go well forward: and the affairs of Italy and Sicily both, mend daily, & are every day better than other. In Sicily, Saracose & Agrigentum are won and wholly ours: the enemies be driven out of all the Island, & the state is reduced into the form of a province, subject to the people of Rome, & under their obeisance. In Italy, the town of Arpi is recovered by surrender, the city of Capua is forced by assault. Hannibal himself, having measured all the way, (but in fearful haste and in manner of a flight) as long as it is from Rome to the Brutiens country (in high Calabria), is there driven up into the furthest angle and corner thereof, nothing more wishing and praying for at gods hands now, than to be able to retire and get away safe out of his enemy's land. What thing then were less beseeming, my hardy soldiers, than this, If you who have sustained and upheld the decaying and down-falling estate of the Roman Empire in this province, you (I say) together with my two parents (whom for the reverence that I owe to them, give me leave to make equal, and to honour with that name) at what time as calamities and losses, happened huddle one in the neck of another, and the gods themselves seemed to take part and stand with Hannibal; should now let fall your courages and be faint hearted, because in those provinces aforesaid, all things go well to our heart's desire and great contentment. As for the late misfortunes & adversities which have happened here, would to God they had passed over without sorrow, as well of my part, as of yours. But for the present, the immortal gods, protectors and governors of the Roman Empire, who inspired into the minds & hearts of all the Centuries, to wish and choose me to this place of sovereign honour, even the same gods by auguries and auspexes, by all tokens of the birds either by flight or sight, yea and by visions also in the night season, do portend, signify and promise unto me, all good speed and happy success: yea and mine own mind giveth me, (which ever hitherto, hath been to me the truest prophet, and never deceived me) that all Spain is ours: and that within short time, the whole Punic name and nation, being expelled & driven out from hence, shall fill all seas & lands with their shameful and dishonourable flight. That which my spirit and soul of itself presageth, the same doth reason also conclude by most certain and infallible demonstration. The allies and subjects here of the Carthaginians, oppressed and wronged by them, have humbly by their ambassadors craved our aid and succour. The captains General of their forces, being at difference and odds all three among themselves, in so much as they had like to have departed and revolted one from the other, have distracted and dismembered their forces into three parts, and bestowed them in three several countries, most removed and distant asunder. And no doubt, the like fortune is ready to fall upon their heads, which lately was our undoing and overthrow, upon the same occasion. For even as we before were forsaken of the Celtiberians, so are they now abandoned of their allies. Besides, they parted & divided their armies asunder: which was the only cause, that brought the utter ruin and destruction upon my father and uncle. And be ye sure, that their intestine discord and dissension, will never suffer them to join friendly and unite again in one. And thus singled as they are, they cannot possibly withstand our puissance. Now my soldiers, for your part, do but favour the name of the Scipions: do but affect and love me, the issue and offpring of your noble Generals, budding forth again (as it were) out of the old stock, cut down to the roots. Go to, old soldiers, & redoubted servitors, with bon-courage set over the river Iberus a new army and a new captain: pass over with them into those lands, which ye have often conquered, and wherein ye have achieved, many valiant and memorable acts. And for myself, I will so endeavour and effect, that as ye now agnize in me, the resemblance of my fathers and uncle's visage and countenance, the same feature, proportion, and lineaments of the body: so I will show and represent unto you, the true pattern and portraiture of their spirit, wit, faithfulness, & virtue, even as the express and lively image taken and drawn from their own selves: in such sort, as every man may say, That captain Scipio is either risen from the dead, or new borne again. Having by this oration, incensed and inflamed the courages of his soldiers, and left Syllanus with a guard of three thousand foot, and three hundred horse, for the defence of that coast; he transported over the river Iberus, all the rest of his forces, amounting to the number of five and twenty thousand foot, and 25 hundred horsemen. There he was advised by some about him, seeing the Punic armies were departed into three countries so far remote and dissue asunder, to set upon and assail that which was next: but he doubting and fearing least by that means he should draw them altogether, and knowing that he was not able alone, to match & make his part good with so many hosts at once, determined in the mean while, to be doing with new Carthage, and to besiege and assault it. This city, as it was rich and wealthy in itself, so it was full of all the enemy's furniture and provision for war. There was their armour kept, there was their money laid up, there remained the hostages of all Spain. Besides, as it was seated commodiously, to cross over from thence into Africa: so it stood upon a convenient and large haven, able to receive and harbour the greatest navy at sea, and the only haven (if I be not deceived) of all that coast and tract of Spain, which boundeth next upon our sea. But no man was made privy to his determination, not knew whither they should take their journey, save only Laelius. He being sent about with the armada, had direction so to temporise & guide his course by sail and ore, that at one and the self same instant, both Scipio might present his land forces in the view of Carthage, and the fleet enter the haven. So they depated from Iberus, and within seven days came before the city of Carthage, both by sea and land. His camp he pitched on the north side of the city: which he entrenched and fortified on that outward backpart, that stood farthest from the city: as for the forefront, it was by natural situation of the ground, defended surely enough. 
The firmation of 〈◊〉 Carthage.  For the site of Carthage is in this sort. There is a gulf or creak of the sea, in the middle coast and river well near of Spain, opposite most to the southwest wind, running and retiring in length within the land half a mile, but lying out in breedth somewhat more. In the very mouth of this creak, there is a little Island from the open sea; which saveth, sheltereth, and defendeth the haven from all other winds, but only the South-west. From the in most nook of this bay, there beareth out a promontory like a demie Island, which is the very hill or cape whereupon the city is built. The same on the East side and the South, is compassed with the sea: from the West, it is enclosed with a lake or standing mere, which also spreadeth somewhat toward the North, of an uncerteine depth; which altereth according to the tide, and as the sea either ebbeth or sloweth. Now, there is an elbow or bank of firm ground, somewhat less than a quarter of a mile over, that joineth the city with the main or continent. To that side (notwithstanding it had been no great piece of work there to fortify) the Roman General cast no trench, nor raised any rampire: either upon a brave & haughty mind, to show the enemy how confidently he trusted in his own strength; or because, whensoever he advanced to the walls of the city (as often times he took occasion so to do) he might have open recourse and regress again into the camp. But when the utter side, which required fortifications, was finished, he set the ships in order within the haven, making a show, as if he would besiege them also on the waterside. And when he had gone through all his armada, and given the captains of the ships in charge, to look well to their sentinels and watches in the night (for that commonly enemies at their first besieging, make what attempts and adventures they can in every place) he returned into his camp. And because he would not only yield his soldiers good reason of this his designment, in that he began war first and principally with the besieging of that city; but also encourage them, and put them in good hope of the winning and conquest thereof, he assembled them together, and discoursed before them in this manner.  
My valiant soldiers and trusty friends, 
The Oration of Scipio to his soldiers.  If any man here thinketh, that ye are brought hither to assail a city only, and there an end: he rather maketh reckoning of your present pain and travel, than casteth the profit and commodity thereof ensuing. For ye shall in very truth give the assault to the walls but of one city: but in that one city ye shall be masters and conquerors of all Spain. Here lieth hostages of all their Nobles, their Princes, and States. And no sooner shall ye be lords of them, and have them in your rule and custody, but presently, all that now is under the hands of the Carthaginians in Spain, will be surrendered unto you, and at your devotion. Here is all the money that the enemies have: without which, like as they are not able to maintain war, (as who wage and entertain all their armies for pay) so it will mightily steed us (if we light upon it) in gaining the hearts of the barbarous people. Here are their engines and artillery, here is their armour, here is their tackling and provision for their navy, and all other munition and furniture for war: wherewith we shall both furnish ourselves, and disfurnish the enemy. gain we shall over and besides, not only right fair and beautiful, but also a most rich and wealthy city: yea, and more than that, of right great importance and consequence, in regard of a goodly and surpassing commodious haven: by means whereof, we may be provided both from sea and land, of all things needful and requisite for the wars. Which, as they will be of great moment to us that shall have them, so they will be the greater loss to the enemy that shall forego them. This is their castle for strength, their garner for come, their treasury for money, their armoury, their arsenal: and in one word, their very storehouse of all things whatsoever. Hither is the direct passage and straight cut out of Africa, here is the only port & harbour for shipping, between the Islands of Gades, or Gebraltar, and the mountains Pyrenaei: from whence all Spain overlooketh (as it were) and commandeth Africa. But knowing that you are well appointed already, and prepared to the service, I will say no more but this: Now for the honour of the Romans, let us go courageously to it, and with all our might and main assault new Carthage. And when they all with one accord cried unto him, so to do indeed, and that no other thing was first to be done; then he advanced before Carthage, than he gave commandment to assail it at once, by land and sea. Mago the captain of the Carthaginians on the other side, when he saw preparation made by water and land to give the assault; for his part ordered his forces and disposed them in this manner. To make head against the Romans on that side where they lay encamped, he opposed two thousand townsmen: with a guard of five hundred soldiers he kept the citadel: other five hundred he placed upon a little hill belonging to the city which looketh to the East: all the other multitude whatsoever, he appointed to make resistance in other places, where any outcries, shouts, or sudden al'armes should be given. Then having set open a gate, he sendeth those forth, whom he had arraunged in that street which leadeth directly to the camp of the enemies. The Romans (according as they were commanded by their leader himself) in the beginning gave ground a little & recoiled, to the end, that during the time of skirmish & conflict, they might be nearer to the supply of succours, which were to be sent to second them from behind. And verily at the first they stood to it stoutly on both parts, & there was no odds perceived. But afterwards, the Romans being still freshly reenforced from out of the camp, not only discomfited the enemies, & put them to flight, but pressed on them so hard, as they fled disordered and out of array, that if Scipio had not sounded the retreat, it seemed, that they would have intermingled themselves pelmell with those that ran away, and rushed into the city with them. Within the city throughout there was no less fear than in the battle. Many courts of guard and other places were abandoned, the courtein of the walls was left naked, & every man made what shift he could to leap down & escape. Which when Scipio perceived (who now was turned to a mount which they call Mercurius Teutates) and namely, that the walls were void of all the defendants, he commanded all his soldiers to issue forth of the camp, to set forward to the assault, and to bring ladders to scale. Himself in person, defended with the shields of 3 tall lusty young men going before him (for by this time they let fly afresh from the walls a mighty volley of shot of all sorts) approached the city. There he exhorted, encouraged, & commanded them to do what was requisite in this service. And that which made most to enkindle the courages of the soldiers, he was there personally as an eye-witness and beholder of each man's valour or cowardice. Whereupon, they stuck not to run upon the very shot, and to receive many a wound: and now nothing could keep them back; neither the strength of the walls, nor the armed men that stood thereupon, but they scaled a-vie, who could mount upon the walls first. At the same time, that part of the city also which the sea beat upon, began to be assailed by the ships. But from thence, it should seem, they made more ado with houting and hurrying, than effected aught by any forcible assault. For whiles they came close to the walls with their ships; whiles they put forth their ladders and their soldiers; whiles every man laboured to gain the land, the nearest way he could: what with their striving and hast-making, they hindered one another. And by that time Mago had filled the walls full of armed men, who let fly arrows, javelines, darts, and all kind of shot, whereof they had gathered together exceeding great store. But neither men, nor arrows and darts, nor anythings else defended the wall so much as the very wall itself. For few ladders they had that could reach up to the top: and the longer any of them were, the more weaker also they were. Whereupon, by reason that they who were climbed up to the highest rounds, could not gain the parapet and discharge the ladder, & yet some or other still clambered up after, the ladders being overcharged with the weight, broke in pieces. Some again there were, that notwithstanding the ladders under them held still and stood unbroken, yet when they looked down from on high, their eyes so dazzled, and were overcast with a mist, that they lost their sight, and fell from the top to the ground. Thus when ladders here, and men there, came tumbling down, and the enemies upon their good speed grew to be more hearty and hardy, the retreat was sounded: which gave to the besieged within the town not hope only of present rest and intermission of so great labour and toil, but also assured them in manner, for the time to come, that the city was tenable against all skalades, although it were invested therewith round about. And as for fabrics and mounts to be raised and planted against it, they were not only difficult and hard to be performed, but also would ask some long time: and minister in the mean while, space sufficient for the other Generals of their own to come to the rescue. But scarce was the first assault fully ceased, when Scipio commanded other fresh and unfoiled soldiers, to take the ladders of them that were wearied already and wounded, and with greater violence to give a new Camisado. Himself, so soon as he understood that it was ebb and low water, having been advertised by certain fishermen of Taracon (who sometimes with light boats used to row, and otherwhiles when their vessels touched the ground, to wade all over the lake upon firm ground) that men might easily pass to the walls on foot: thither to that place he brought all his soldiers to the assault. It was now almost noontide of the day; and besides that the water of itself naturally fell with the ebb into the sea, there was a good round northern wind arose, which drove the water out of the lake (which now was well fallen) after the tide, and discovered such shallows, that whereas in some places thereof they went up to the navel, in some again they waded scarce knee deep. Which albeit Scipio knew well to be an ordinary thing in natural reason, and therefore with good forecast had made provision accordingly to take that advantage, yet he turned it to a miraculous and prodigious accident, attributing all to the immediate handie-worke of the gods: as who to give passage and footing to the Romans, had turned back the course and current of the sea, discharged lakes of their water, and opened ways unto them, that never before were trodden with the sole of man's foot: and therewith he willed his soldiers to follow Neptune, the guide and leader of the way, and to pass boldly through the mids of the lake close to the very walls. On the land side the assailants had exceeding trouble in standing under the walls: for not only they were hindered by reason that the curtain was so high; but also as they went, they lay open and under their shot, and were wounded both ways, so as their flanks and sides were more annoyed as they approached under, than their faces and forefront of their bodies. But on the other part, as they went quietly and easily through the mere to the wall, so they climbed forward as securely to the very top thereof. For neither was it strongly fortified with bulwarks, nor raised to any height by industry and art of man, as being supposed by natural situation of the place, and the standing lake besides, strong enough and sufficiently defended: nor any guard of armed men were there in watch and ward, opposed against the assailants: whiles every man was busy, and wholly intended to help there, from whence some danger was seen. The Romans being thus entered the city over the walls without any skirmish, marched from thence with what speed they could, unto that gate, about which all the fight and hot medley was already begun: for there not only all their minds were bend and amused, but also their eyes and ears were occupied and possessed; whiles some fought, others looked on & encouraged the fighters: in such sort, that there was none of them all once perceived or knew, that the city was taken & surprised behind them, before the darts flew about their ears & light upon their back parts, and until they had the enemies both before & behind. Than not only the walls were taken (when the defendants upon a twofold fear, 
New Carthage forced by Scipio.  were driven to abandon them) but also the gate from withinforth and without, began to be broken down: and anon, after continual running and beating against it, the leaves thereof perforce flew apieces, because there might be nothing to impeach or let them in their entrance: then the armed soldiers broke in most furiously. Many already had scaled the walls, and gotten over, but they turned and betook themselves every where to massacre and make havoc of the townsmen. But the main battle, which entered in at the gate with their captains, orderly by companies and ranks in their array, marched forward through the midst of the city to the market place. From whence Sci●io might see the enemies fly two ways, some to the fortress upon the hill aforesaid, which standeth to the East, and was kept with a guard of five hundred soldiers: others into the citadel, into which Mago himself, with all the armed men in a manner, who were driven from the walls, had retired and fled for to save himself. Whereupon he sent a part of his forces to win the said hill, and himself in person led the rest to the castle. And as the fort upon the hill was taken at the first assault and onset given, so Mago, after he had a while made some means to defend the castle, seeing all places full of enemies, swarming every where, & no other hope, yielded himself, the citadel, and the garrison. Until the castle was surrendered and given up, there was nothing but murdering and killing all over the city, and not one spared that seemed to be fourteen years old and upward, if they came in their way. But then, upon the sound of trumpet the execution ceased, and the Conquerors fell to saccage and pillage, which of all sorts rose to a mighty thing. Of free borne, such as were of male sex, there were taken prisoners upon 10000 Then, somany of them as he found to be natural citizens of Carthage, he dismissed and let go free, and restored unto them not only the city, but also their own goods, which the fi●●t fury and rage of warriors had left untouched. There were of Artisanes and handicraftmen, some two thousand: those by an edict he pronounced to be bond, and adjudged them as confiscate, to serve the Commonweal of the people of Rome: yet with some hope, that shortly they might obtain their freedom again, in case they performed good service, and showed themselves diligent in all ministries and offices of war. The rest of the multitude of inhabitants, such as were able and young lusty men, as also the stout and sturdy bondmen, he awarded them to the ships, for to furnish up the number of galley-slaves and rowers, and with the eight ships of war, which he took captive in the haven, he increased his own Armada. Besides all this multitude, there were also the hostages of the Spaniards above written, of whom he took as great care, and as good regard, as if they had been the children of Allies and associates. A mighty deal of warlike artillery and ordinance was there found and seized on● Of Catapults of the greatest size 120, of a lesser sort 281. Balists some greater, some small; of them 33, of these 52. Of Scorpions and Crossbows to shoot quarrels as well great as small, and likewise of defensive armour, and offensive weapons, a huge deal, and a marvelous quantity. Military ensigns 74. Of gold and silver there was a mighty mass brought unto the General. Golden cups or bolls there were 276, every one weighing almost one pound. Of silver tried, wrought, and coined, 18300 pound weight: and much plate and vessel of silver. All this C. Flaminius the Treasurer, received either by weight or tall. Of wheat there was 40000 Modij, of barley 270000. Of barks and ships of burden, there were in the haven won by force, and taken, 113. Some were fraught with corn, armour, brass besides, and iron, saile-cloth, and hemp, or spart for cables and ropes, also with timber for shipwrights. Carthage the town itself, in so great store of wealth and warlike provision, was the least of all other.  
That day Scipio, having committed the charge of guarding and keeping the city, unto Laelius and the mariners, brought back the legions into the camp, & commanded the soldiers to refresh their bodies with food and rest, wearied as they were, and over-laboured in one day with all manner of toil and work that belongeth to war-service: as who, had both fought a battle in the field, and also taken so great pains, and undergone so much hazard and danger, in assaulting and forcing the city, yea and after it was won, had fought with disadvantage of ground, with those that were fled into the castle.  
The next day, after he had called both soldiers and mariners together, first he rendered laud and praise, yea, and thanks unto the immortal gods, who in one day had not only made him lord of the most mighty and wealthy city in all Spain, but also had laid up for him there against his coming, all the riches well-near of afric and Spain: whereby as the enemies now had nothing left them, so he & his had all things plentiful. Then he commended the virtue and valour of his soldiers, whom neither the falying out of the enemies could fright, nor the mighty height of the walls scare, nor the blind and untried fourds of the lake could once dismay, nor the situation of the castle seated upon an high cliff terrify, ne yet the castle itself most strongly built and fortified, was able to daunt and make afraid, but that they would pass over all and break through all. And therefore albeit every one of them deserved at his hands all rewards, yet the principal honour of a mural crown and garland, belonged properly unto him that first scaled and mounted over the wall, Come he forth therefore (quoth he) and show himself, who taketh himself worthy of that gift, and let him claim his due. Whereupon there were two that put in for it, and demanded the same, Q. Trebellius, a Centurion of the fourth Legion, and Sext. Digitus, a servitor at the sea. Neither strove these parties themselves so hotly about the matter, as the love and favour of them set all the whole army divided into legionary soldiers, and servitors at sea, in an heat of contention, to labour for him that belonged to their side, and was a member as it were of their body. C. Laelius Admiral of the fleet, went with the sailors and sea men. M. Sempronius Tuditanus was altogether for the legionary land-souldiours. This debate was like to breed a scab, and to raise a very mutiny in the host. Whereupon Scipio pronounced that he would appoint as Delegates three Commissioners, to sit upon the cause who should take the depositions of witnesses, and give their verduict accordingly, whether of these two persons entered over the wall first into the town. Now because C. Laelius and M. Sempronius were advocates to the one party and the other, he therefore adjoined unto them a third person, one P. Cornelius Caudinus, to go as an indifferent mediator between them two: and gave order and commandment, that those other three commissioners abovesaid should sit together, and hear and determine the controversy. When as the matter grew to a greater hear of contention, by reason that men of such mark and worth, were acquainted with the action, and had their hand in it, who were not so much advocates to plead, but moderators and judges to bear down a side; C. Laelius, rising out from the court, came to the tribunal seat unto Scipio: and informed him that the manner of proceeding in this matter in question, was without all good order, modesty and reverence; and so handled, that they were like to go together by the ears, and try it out by knocks. But, be it quoth he, that no blows be dealt, yet it is a most shameful example and detestable precedent, that the honour & guerdon due to virtue, should be carried by fraudulent coven and ungodly perjury. For quoth he the legionary soldiers stand of the one hand, the sea servitors on the other, and ready they be to swear on both sides all the oaths of God, and to that rather which their will and affection carrieth them to, than which in their conscience they know to be true. By which guilt of forswearing and perjury, they will not only bring a curse and vengeance upon themselves and their own lives, but also upon the ensigns, standards, and very Aegle, yea and their religious military oath and sacrament. Thus much I thought good to give you advertisement of aforehand, & that by the advice of P. Cornelius, and M. Sempronius. Scipio after he had highly praised Laelius, called the soldiers to an assembly, and there with a loud voice pronounced and said thus; I am sufficiently informed upon certain relation, that Q. Trebellius, and Sex. Digitus scaled the wall both together, and therefore I award as well to the one as to the other a mural garland, in token and testimony of their singular virtue. Then he rewarded the rest also, according to every man's desert and valorous service. But above all other, he honoured C. Laelius Admiral of the fleet, not only in matching him equally with himself in all commendable parts and qualities, but also in presenting him with a coronet of beaten gold, and thirty oxen. Then he gave commandment that the hostages of the cities and States of Spain should be called forth. What a number were of them, I am abashed and loath to set down in writing: for as much as I find in some Chronicles, that they were upon some three hundred, in others 725. The like variety there is of other matters, amongst sundry writers. One writeth that the Punic garrison were ten thousand: another 7000: and a third comes with his two thousand, and no more. I meet with one record which reporteth, that there were 10000 taken prisoners: and another, that there were above 25000. Of Scorpions or Crossbows, great and small, I should say there were gained some 60, if I would take for mine author Silenus, a greek writer: but if I follow Valerius Antias and go by him, I should tell you a tale of six thousand of the greater sort, and thirteen thousand of the smaller. See how little rule they had of their tongues to overreach, or stay of their pens to set down so loud lies upon record. Nay, they are not well agreed so much as upon this point, who were the great Captains and commanders. Most of them say that Laelius was L. Admiral: there be again that would have M. junius Syllanus to be the man. And Arms was captain of the Punic garrison, and yielded to the Romans, if ye list to believe Valerius Antias: but by the testimony and credit of others, it was Mago. Moreover, the records accord not about the number of ships that were taken, nor of the weight of gold and silver, ne yet of the sum of money that was raised of the pillage. To conclude, if we must needs believe some one or other, the mean between is the best, and carrieth most likelihood of the truth.  
But to return again to Scipio: When he had called forth the hostages into his presence, first he bade them all in general to be of good cheer: for why they were now in the hands of the people of Rome, who ever desired to bind men unto them by favours and good turns, more than to awe them with fear and dread: and to have foreign nations knit and joined in faithful amity, rather than held in subjection by heavy servitude. Then after he had taken the names in writing of their several cities, he also revewed the number of the prisoners, and counted just how many belonged to every State. Which done, he dispatched messengers home into their countries, willing their parents & friends to come and receive every man their own. If haply any ambassadors of their cities were present, he restored unto them their own hostages without delay: for all the rest, he gave express charge to C. Flaminius the treasurer, to see unto them in all kind, courteous, and liberal usage. Whiles he was busy in taking this order, there happened to come from among the hostages, even out of the mids of the company, an aged gentlewoman, the wife of Mandonius, brother to Indibilis, a Prince and great lord of the Ilergetes. She shed tears, and fell down prostrate at the feet of the L. General: and withal began to beseech him most instantly, to give a more special charge, concerning the custody of the women-sex: and to recommend them to their keepers, for to be regarded with a careful eye, and to be kept and attended on more tenderly. Why? quoth Scipio, I warrant thee good woman, they shall want for nothing that is meet for them. Then replieth this Dame again, We stand not so much (qd. she) upon these terms; for a little thing God wot may serve and content them in this poor estate and low condition: my care is for another matter, when I consider and behold the young and tender age of these maidens here. As for myself, I am now past date, and without danger of that injury, which our sex is subject and exposed unto. Now there stood about her, the daughters of Indibilis, virgins in the fresh prime and flower of their age, and passing fair and beautiful withal; besides some other ladies as nobly borne as they: who all, honoured her as their natural mother that bore them. Then Scipio, I would (quoth he) in the ordinary course as well of mine own discipline, as of that which is established by the people of Rome, have a respective consideration, that no one thing among us should suffer abuse, which elsewhere in any place of the world is held inviolable: this would I do, I say, for mine own credit, and for the honour of Rome: but to have a more special eye that way, your own virtue also & worthiness bindeth me: who in the mids of these your calamities and miseries, have not forgotten your womanly carriage & the honour of your sex. And thereupon he delivered them over to the custody of a man of approved honesty & integrity, commanding him to guard them with no less reverence, modesty, & continency, than if they were the wives or mothers of their nearest friends that gave them entertainment. After this, there was presented unto him by his soldiers, a damosel & virgin of ripe years, taken also prisoner: but so well favoured & surpassing in beauty, that wheresoever she went, every man's eye was upon her, in admiration of so rare and perfect a creature. Scipio having inquired of her country where she was borne, and likewise of what parents she was descended; among other things learned, that she was espoused & affianced to a young Prince of the Celtiberians, whose name was Allucius. Forthwith he sent home to her parents and foresaid spouse, for to repair unto him: and in the mean time, he understood that her husband that should be, was wonderfully enamoured of her, and ready to die for her love. So soon as the young gentleman was come, Scipio entered into more familiar speech with him, than he did either with the father or mother of the maiden, and in these terms he entertained him. I am a young man (quoth he) as well as yourself. 
The rare continence and courtesy of Scipio.  Come on therefore, let us young men both, devise and common together more freely, and not be too nice, coy, and bashful one to the other. After that your espoused wife taken captive by our soldiers, was brought unto me, and that I heard of the exceeding fancy and affection that you cast unto her, I believed it full well: for her singular beauty deserveth no less. Now, for as much as myself, if I might be allowed to use the pastimes of youth (I mean no otherwise than in honest & lawful love) & were not called away by the commonweal, & employed wholly in other affairs of state, I would think to be pardoned and held excused, if I had an extraordinary liking to a spouse of mine own, and loved her extremely. I must therefore needs favour and tender your love, which is the thing I can, considerng that I may not the other in any wise. Your sweetheart and best beloved I have entertained, as well, and as respectively, as she should have been with your father and mother in law, who are her own kind and natural parents. Reserved she hath been & kept for you alone, that you might receive her at my hands, unspotted and untouched, and a present beseeming me and you both. In am and recompense therefore, of this boon and gift which I now bestow upon you, I require at your hands again this only promise and faithful covenant, that you will be a friend and well-willer to the state of Rome. And if you take me in deed to be a good and honest man, such, as these nations and people here, have known my father and uncle to have been before me: know you thus much, that in the city of Rome there are many more like unto us: and that there cannot at this day, a nation in the world be named, which you would wish less to be an enemy to you and yours, or desire more to entertain as your friend. The young gentleman being abashed for very modesty, and yet right glad and joyful withal, held Scipio by the hand, called upon all the gods, and besought them in his behalf, to thank and recompense him therefore, since it lay not in his own proper power, in any proportion or measure to be thankful and make requital, either as himself could with, or as Scipio had deserved. Then were the parents & kinsfolk of the maid called for: who seeing the damosel freely rendered and given them again, for whose ransom and redemption they had brought with them a sufficient sum of gold: fell to entreating and requesting Scipio, to vouchsafe for to accept the same at their hands, as a gift and token of their good will: assuring him, that in so doing, they should take themselves no less bound and beholden unto him, than for the restoring and delivering of the virgin untouched and undefiled. Scipio seeing them so earnest and importunate, promised for to receive it, and withal, commanded that it should be laid down at his feet: and calling Allucius unto him, Here (quoth he) over and besides all your other dowry which your father in law must pay you, have from me thus much more money to mend your marriage with, take this gold therefore to yourself, and keep it for your own use. And so after this rich reward given, and great honour done unto him, he was dismissed, and departed home with much joy and hearts content: where he made report unto his countrymen and people, of the praiseworthy virtues of Scipio, and the favours from him received. Saying moreover, there was come into Spain, a young man resembling the immortal gods in all respects; who as well by bounty, liberality, and bestowing benefits, as by martial prows and force of arms, is in the very way to win and conquer all. So when he had assembled and mustered all his vassals and tenants, he returned within few days, accompanied with a train of fourteen hundred of the best and most choice horsemen of his country.  
Scipio keeping Laelius still with him, until by his advice and counsel, he had disposed of the captives, hostages, and other prizes and pillage: after he had settled all in good order, appointed a Galeace of five banks of oars, wherein he embarked the prisoners, with Mago and some fifteen Senators besides, who together with him were taken, & sent them to Rome with a messenger, to carry tidings of this victory. Himself determined to sojourn a few days in Carthage, which time he spent in training and exercising his soldiers, as well of land service as at sea. The fir●t day, he caused the legions to run too and fro in their armour, four mile out in length. The second day, he commanded them to scour and furbush their harness & weapons before their tents. Upon the third day, they joined & encountered in battle wise, & practised to fight with blunt wasters and bastons; yea and lanced one at another darts & javelens, rounded at the point end with balls, in manner of foils. The fourth day they rested and reposed themselves. On the fifth day, again they ran at tournament, as before, armed. This order they kept, exercising, labouring, and resting by turns, so long as they abode at Carthage. And thus much for the legionary soldiers. The sea servitors and mariners used in calm water and still weather, to row up into the sea, and there to make trial of the nimbleness and agility of their ships, representing shows of sea-fight and skirmish. Thus without the city, they enured their bodies, & quickened their spirits and courages, both on land and water. Within the town, there was nothing heard but preparation of war furniture. All the public shops and work houses, full of smiths, engineers, and all other artificers for the purpose, plying their work, and never going from it. The General himself, as supervisor, with equal and indifferent care oversaw all. One while he would be with the armada in the harbour: another while, he conversed among the legions, and turnoied with them. A time he would set by, for to visit the works about the walls, & see how they went forward. Otherwiles he would be in the shops aforesaid, among the multitude of the carpenters and smiths, and other artisanes, viewing what they did there; and in the arsenal and ship-docks, observing and marking how much they went forward, day by day, striving a vie as they did, who could do most and quit himself best. Having thus set them awork, repaired the walls which he had battered and shaken, and placed certain guards there, for the defence of the city; he took his journey to Taracon: and all the way he was visited and plied with sundry embassages. Some of them he answered and dispatched as he was in his journey: others he put off, to give their attendance at Taracon: for thither he had summoned all the allies and confederates, both new and old, to meet him. And in manner, all the cities and States on this side Iberus, and many also of the farther province of Spain there assembled.  
The Carthaginian captains and commanders at the first for the nonce, suppressed & stopped the rumour of the winning of Carthage. But when the thing was too too apparent, & could not be hidden and smothered, they used all the words they could to elevate it, and make the matter less than it was. To wit, that by a sudden invasion and expedition of the Romans in one day (as it were) by stealth, it chanced that one of the cities of Spain was surprised; that the insolent and foolish young man bearing himself prodigally proud, & jocund beyond all measure, would seem to make up the measure of so small a catch that he hath gotten, with a great show of a brave victory: but when he shall hear once, that there are three Generals coming toward him, and three victorious armies of enemies, he will soon pull in his horns: he will then tell us another tale, when presently he shall call to remembrance with grief of every vain in his heart, the death of father, of uncle, and other progenitors. These and such like speeches, they gave out among the people and common sort, knowing in their own conscience what a blow they had caught, and how much their strength was decayed by the loss of new Carthage.   

THE XXVII BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the seven and twentieth Book.  
CNeus, Fulvius the Proconsul was slain, and with his army utterly deffeated by Hannibal at Herdonea. But Cl. Marcellus the Consul had better fortune in a battle against him, before Numistro. From whence Annibal dislodged and departed by night. Marcellus pursued after him, and ever as he fell off, followed him hard still, until he gave him battle. In the former fight Hannibal had the better, but Marcellus in the latter. Fabius Maximus the father being Consul, had the Tarentines yielded up unto him by treason. In Spain, Scipio fought a battle with Asdrubal the son of Amilcar, at Batula, and won the field. Among others there was a boy taken prisoner of royal blood, and of incomparable beautie● whom he sent with rich gifts unto Masanissa his uncle by the mother. Clau. Marcellus; and T. Quintius Crispinus the Consuls, who chanced to go out of their camp, to discover as espials the country, were forel aid by an ambush of Hannibal, and entrapped. Where Marcellus was slain: Crispinus fled. This book containeth also the wars and exploits achieved by P. Sulpitius the praetor, against Philip and the Achaeans. The Censors held a solemn survey and numbering of citizens, and purged the city. In which survey there were found of Roman citizens 137108. By which account it was seen, how many the people of Rome had lost, by the adverse fortune of so many battles. Asdrubal, who with an army had passed over the Alpes for to join with Hannibal, was slain, and with him 56000 men besides, by the conduct of M. Livius the Consul, but not without the equal good service of Cl. Nero the other Consul: who being appointed to make bead against Hannibal, left the camp so, as the enemy was not ware thereof, and with an elect power of bardie men, environned and enclosed Asdrubal about, and so diffeated him.  
THus stood the affairs in Spain. In Italy the Consul Marcellus having recovered Salapia by composition, wan by force two towns from the Samnites, Maronea and Meles. Where there were slain three thousand of Hannibal his soldiers, who had been left there in garrison. Some good portion of the pillage was shared amongst the soldiers. Of wheat besides, there was found there 240000 measures called Modij, & of barley 110000. But the joy from hence was not so great, as the loss and damage received within few days after, not far from the city Herdonea. Cn. Fulvius the Proconsull lay there encamped upon hope to regain that city, which after the defeature at Cannae, had revolted from the Romans: a town neither seated in a place of surety, nor yet well furnished and manned for defence. The captain thereof (Cn. Fulvius aforesaid) was by nature ever negligent, but grown much more reckless now, presuming upon a vain hope that he had of them within, in that he perceived how the townsmen already began to fail in their devotion & faithful allegiance to the Carthaginians, especially, after they heard, that upon the loss of Salapia, Hannibal was departed out of those parts into the Brutians country. Hannibal had intelligence of all this brought unto him from Herdonea by secret messengers, which, as it caused him to have a careful eic to the saving and keeping of a friend city, so it ministered good hope unto him for to surprise his enemy at unwares and unprovided. Whereupon with his army lightly appointed, he took long journeys, and made haste to Herdonea, so as he prevented almost the fame and bruit of his coming. And to strike the more terror into his enemy, he thither marched in battle array. The Roman General; as adventurous and bold as he every way, but nothing at all so politic nor so strong, brought his forces forth in more haste than good speed, and gave him battle. His fifth legion, and the left wing or cornet of cavalry, began the skirmish, & charged hotly. But Hannibal had given his horsemen direction, that when the Infantry was in the midst of skirmish, with mind and eye wholly occupied that way, they should wheel about and fetch a compass, and whiles some of them assailed the camp, the rest should play upon the back of their enemies: himself iterating eftsoons unto his men the name of Cn. Fulvius, for likeness sake, because two years before in the very same quarters, he had vanquished another Cn. Fulvius who was praetor also, assured them of the like success now in this conflict. And verily this conceit and hope of his, proved not vain and frustrate. For when as in close fight and skirmish of the footmen, many of the Romans were fallen down and slain, but so, as yet the ranks stood unbroken, and the ensigns upright, behold, a sudden fresh charge of the horsemen on their back, and a great shout of the enemies withal descried and heard from the camp, first discomfited the sixth legion, which being marshaled in the second battaillon, had been put in disarray before by the Numidians, and then the fifth, and so consequently, even those that fought in the forefront of the vaward before the ensigns. Some fled amain, others were killed in the midst between, where Cn. Fulvius himself with twelve Tribunes or knight marshals were left dead in the place. Of Romans and Allies how many died in that medley, who is able to set down for certain; seeing in some records I find the number fifteen thousand, and in others not above seven thousand?  
The conqueror Hannibal, was master likewise of the camp and all the pillage there. As for the town Herdonea, because he understood for truth, that it minded to have revolted unto the Romans, and would not continue fast in their fidelity, if his back were once turned: after he had conveyed away the multitude of the inhabitants to Metapontum & the Thurians, he set it on fire and burned it quite. The nobles and principal citizens, who were known to have had secret talk and conference with Fulvius, he put to death. The Romans, who out of so great an overthrow escaped, made shift by divers and sundry ways to fly, half naked as they were, to Marcellus the Cos. into Samnium. But Marcellus nothing dismayed and affrighted at this so great defeature, addresseth his letters to the Senate at Rome, with advertisement of the loss of the captain general, and the army at Herdonea: giving them yet to understand, how himself, even he who after the Cannian field had tamed and daunted Annibal, as lusty and proud as he was upon that victory, was minded presently to encounter him, and make him take no long joy and pleasure, wherein now he so vaunted and exalted himself.  
And at Rome verily, as they mourned much for the loss past, so they feared as greatly the future dangers. The Consul having passed out of Samnium into the Lucanes country, sat down before Numistro, in the very sight of Hannibal, & there in a plain encamped himself, notwithstanding the enemy was possessed before of the hill, and had the vantage of the ground. And for to make more show of his own confidence, and how little he feared, he first brought forth his men, and marshaled them in order ready to bid battle. Hannibal so soon as he saw the ensigns advanced forth of the gates, stayed not behind. And they arraunged their battles in such manner, as that the Carthaginians with the right wing took up part of the hill, & the Romans displayed their left wing in length, to the very walls of the town. After they had continued fight from the third hour of the day unto night, and that the vauntguards on both sides were weary with maintaining of skirmish so long: then the first legion of the Romans, with the right wing of their horsemen; the Spanish soldiers also of Hannibal his part, the Balearian slingers likewise, together with the Elephants, began to fight, whiles the rest were already in hot conflict, and close together. For a long time the medley shrunk not of any hand. The first legion of the Romans was seconded with the coming in of the third: & among the enemies likewise, there came in new soldiers that were lusty, in place of the foiled and wearied. Whereby, of a lingering and long skirmish, there began all on a sudden, a new, hot, and cruel battle, by reason that their courages were fresh, and their bodies in heart. But the night parted the fray, and left the victory doubtful in the midst. The morrow after, the Romans from sunrising stood arraunged in the field until it was far day: and seeing none of the enemies appear and show themselves, they fell to gather up the spoils by leisure, & heaped up in one place all the bodies of their own men that were slain, and made one great fire, and burned them to ashes. The night ensuing, Annibal dislodged secretly without any noise, and departed into Apulia. And Marcellus, so soon as daylight discovered the flight of his enemy (leaving his hurt & wounded people at Numistro with a small guard, and L. Furius Purpurio a Colonel to be their captain) followed him by his steps, and at Venusia overtook him. There for certain days, passed some sallies from the guards of both armies, whiles both horse and foot one with another, rather made slight skirmishes, than any set battles; and lightly the Romans had always the better hand. From thence the armies were conducted through Apulia, without any memorable fight at all, by reason that Hannibal in the night season ever set forward, seeking some opportunity of forelaying & entrapping his enemy; and Marcellus never followed but in broad day light, and sent out his espials before to clear the coasts.  
In this mean while Flaccus spending the time at Capua, in making port-sale of the noblemen's goods, and in setting and letting out to farm, the land which was confiscate and forfeit to the common wealth of Rome (and all for a rent of corn) there happened a new complot and practise which lay hidden for the time, to be detected and come to light, to the end that he might never want one matter or other to take occasion for to plague and torment the Campanes. He had taken order that his soldiers should remove out of the houses within the town, partly for that as well the tenements of the said town within as the lands without, should be rent forth: and partly for fear lest the exceeding pleasantness and delectable seat of that city should effeminate his army, as it had done the host of Hannibal before time: and commanded them to build themselves about the gates and along the walls, cottages and sheds in warlike fashion, and only to serve for soldiers. These were most of them made of hurdles and bourds, some watteled and wound with reeds, and all of them thatched with straw and stubble, as it were of purpose to minister fuel for fire. Now there were some hundred and seventy Campanes had conspired at one certain hour of the night to set all a fire: and the principal heads and chieftains were certain brethren of the Blosij: and it fortuned that by some of the same house and family the conspiracy was disclosed. Whereupon at once the gates were made fast by the commandment of the Proconsul: and the alarm being stricken up and sounded, all the soldiers ran together. All those that were party or privy to the intended treason, were apprehended, and after rigorous examination had by torture, they were condemned and executed: the informers were made free, and had each one a reward of 
* 31 li. 5 sh. sierl.  10000 pieces of brass called Asses.  
When the Nucerines and Acerranes made moon that they wanted place of habitation, for as much as Acerrae was in part burnt, and Nuceria utterly razed and destroyed: Marcellus referred them over to the Senate of Rome, and sent them thither. The men of Acerrae had leave granted to re-edify again their own edifices which were burned: But they of Nuceria, according to their own desire, were translated to Atella, and the Atellanes commanded to remove unto Calatia, there to dwell.  
Amids the managing of many and weighty affairs, which falling our variably one while well, another while ill, busied and amused the minds of men; yet the Romans forgot not the castle of Tarentum: for M. Ogulnius and P. Aquilius, went as ambassadors into 
* ● Heiruria.  Aetolia, for to buy up corn, to be conveyed and brought to Tarentum: and a thousand soldiers out of the city army, whereof the number of Romans and Allies was all one, were sent with the said corn thither to lie in garrison.  
Now was the summer at an end, and the time drew near of the Consul's election. But the letters of Marcellus unto the Senate (wherein he signified that it was not for the good of the Commonwealth to depart one foot from Hannibal, whom he himself pursued still at heels, and so much the more hotly, because he fell off and forbore to fight:) set the LL. of the Senate into a great perplexity, for fear either to call away the Consul from the wars, especially now in the mids of his best service, or to be without Consuls the next year. But it was thought in the end the best course, that Valerius the Consul, although he were not in Italy, but beyond sea, should rather be sent for, and called forth of Sicily. So by order from the Senate, there were letters dispatched unto him, from L. Manlius the praetor of the city, together with those other letters of M. Marcellus the Consul: to give him to understand, what the reason was, why the LL. called him rather out of his Province, than his colleague and companion in government.  
At the same time there fortuned Ambassadors to come unto Rome from King Syphax, recounting what prosperous wars their king had fought with the Carthaginians, assuring the Senate, that their lord and master, as he was not a greater enemy to any nation than to the Carthaginians, so he was not more ready to friend any state than the Romans: saying moreover, that he had sent aforetime his Ambassadors into Spain unto the Roman Generals Cn. and P. Scipions, and now was most willing to seek for the amity and friendship of the Romans even at the very fountain and well head. The Senate not only returned answer to those ambassadors in most gracious & courteous terms, but also addressed ambassadors of their own with rich gifts unto the king, and by name, L. Genutius, P. Petellius, and P. Popilius. The presents which they carried, were a side rob, and a kirtle of purple, an ivory chair, a bowl or cup of beaten gold, weighing five pound. These Ambassadors had in commission and charge, presently after they had dispatched with the king, to visit other princes and great lords of Africa: and for to bestow on them also, they carried robes purfled and embroidered with purple, and golden bowls of three pound weight. Likewise there were sent as far as Alexandria (in Egypt) unto K. Ptolomeus and Cleopatra the queen, M. Attilius, and M. Acilius as ambassadors, for to call to remembrance, and renew the old friendship: and to them also they presented gifts, namely unto the king a long rob and a kirtle of purple, with an ivory chair: unto the queen a rich mantle of Baudkin, wrought with sundry colours, with a vail of purple.  
In this summer time, whiles these foresaid matters passed, there were from out of the cities and country towns adjoining, many prodigious sights, and fearful tokens reported. At Tusculum, there fell a lamb, having an udder yielding milk: the louvre or lantern of the temple of jupiter was stricken with lightning, and in manner all the rouse uncovered. And much about those days at Anagnia, the very soil and ground before the gate thereof, caught fire with lightning, and for one day and night burned so, without any matter of fuel: and the fowls and birds of the air forsook their nests which they had built in trees of the grove consecrated to Diana, near unto the carrefour or cross way of Anagnia. near unto Tarracina there were seen in the sea not far from the haven, serpents of an huge and wonderful bigness, to leap up above the water, and to disport and play like fishes. At Tarquinij, a swine farrowed a pig with a man's face. Also in the territory of Capena, about the grove and temple of Feronia, there were four statues sweat much blood a day and a night. These fearful tokens were by a decree of the Prelates purged and expiate, by greater sacrifices. And a solemn Supplication proclaimed one day at Rome in every church and chapel before all the shrines of the gods: and another day in the territory of Capena, at the said grove and chapel of Feronia.  
M. Valerius the Consul, called by the foresaid letters of the Senate, after he had recommended the charge of the province and the army, unto Cincius the praetor; and sent M. Valerius Messala the Admiral of the navy, with a certain number of ships into Africa, as well to fetch in prizes, as to espy and learn what the people of Carthage did and went about: himself with ten sail took the seas, and having a prosperous forewind arrived at Rome. And being come, presently he assembled the Senate, where he declared what acts and deeds he had performed in his province, namely, Whereas for the space almost of three score years there had been war in Sicily both by land and sea, and the same oftentimes fought with great loss and many deffeatures; that he now had brought those troubles to an happy end, and set the province in quiet. That there was not in all Sicily one Carthaginian left; nor one Sicilian, of all them that for fear had been chased and driven out from thence, but was returned and there replanted; that they were all brought home again to their own cities to inhabit, to their own lands, to plough and sow; that now at last, the fore-let and waste ground was husbanded again, and made fruitful, not only for the profit and commodity of the occupiers and tenants thereof, but also for the most assured relief and sustentation of the people of Rome, both in war and peace. After this, Mutines, and the rest who had deserved any thing well of the city of Rome, were brought into the Senate: unto whom, both all and some (for the credit of the Consul, and to discharge him of his promise unto them) there were rendered all sorts of honourable recompense. Mutines also was enfranchised citizen of Rome, and a Bill was preferred in that behalf to the people, by the Tribune of the Commons, and with the grant and authority of the Senate.  
During these affairs at Rome, M. Valerius Messala arrived in Africa with a fleet of 50 fail, and being landed one morning before day, suddenly and unwares to the people of the country, made a road into the territory about Utica: and having forraid it far and near, taken many men and women prisoners, and raised a great booty of all sorts of things besides, returned to the Armada, and crossed the seas back for Sicily, and arrived again at Lilybaeum upon the thirteenth day after he loosed from thence, and took the seas first. Of the captives (after straight examination) he learned thus much (which also he set down orderly in writing, and sent unto the Consul Laevinus, that he might be acquainted likewise with the state of the affairs in Africa) namely, that there were in Carthage five thousand Numidians, under the conduct of Masanissa the son of Gala, a most forward young man, and a right valiant warrior; that there were other soldiers also throughout all Africa waged and levied for money, ready to be transported and sent over into Spain unto Asdrubal, to the end that he with a most puissant power, might with all speed pass over into Italy, and join his forces with Hannibal: that in the effecting of this designment, the Carthaginians were assuredly persuaded of the victory. Moreover that there was a mighty navy a rigging and decking for to recover Sicily again, and as they verily thought, it should pass the seas very shortly.  
These news being red by the Consul, so troubled and disquieted the Senate, that they thought there was no tarrying for the ordinary election of Magistrates, summoned and called by the Consul, but that they should nominate a dictator of purpose to assemble that solemn Session, and the Consul immediately to return again into his province. But hereupon grew some debate and question for a time, while the Consul said, that he would nominate and create Dictator M. Valerius Messala, who was then in Sicily, and Admiral of the fleet: but the LL. replied again and said, that a Dictator might not be elected or declared without the territories of Rome, and those were all within the limits and marches of Italy. But after that M. Lucretius (a Tribune of the Commons) had put this controversy to question before the Senate for to be cast and decided by their opinions; then the Senate granted out a decree, That the Consul before he departed from the city, should put up a bill or supplication unto the body of the people, that it would please them to elect a dictator: and whom soever they by their suffrages chose, him should he pronounce and declare for the dictator: and in case the Consul refused so to do, than the praetor of the city should propose the same unto the people: and if not he neither, than the Tribunes should propound it unto the Commons. But when the Consul denied flatly to put it unto the people, being a thing merely belonging to his authority and place, and likewise expressly for bad the praetor to do it: then the Tribunes of the Commons took the matter upon them, whereupon the commons granted, that Q. Fulvius who then was in Capua, should be nominated Dictator. But the night before that very day that this assembly of the commons was to be holden, the Consul departed privily, and took his journey toward Sicily. The Nobles thus being disappointed and destitute, thought good to send letters unto Marcellus, for to lend his helping hand now unto the Commonweal, thus forsaken and abandoned by his colleague, and to declare him for dictator, whom the people had by their voices elected. So Q. Fulvius was pronounced Dictator by Marcellus the Consul: & by virtue of the said act of the commons, P. Licinius Crass●s the Archprelat, was by Q. Fulvius nominated General of the cavalry.  
The dictator after he was come to Rome, sent Cn. Sempronius Blaesus his Lieutenant, whom he had at Capua, to the army into the province of Hetruria, in stead of C. Calpurnius the praetor: whom by his letters he moved to take the government of Capua, and his army there. And himself sent out precepts for the solemn elections of Consuls, against the first Comitial day that he might by law. But by reason of a contention that grew between the Tribunes of the Commons & the dictator, it could not pass & be performed. For the century Galeria of the younger sort, which by lot had the prerogative of giving their first voises, elected for Consuls Q. Fulvius, and Q. Fabius: unto whose election no doubt, the rest of the Tribes called forth in right course and lawful order would have inclined, but that C. and L. Ariani, the Trib. of the Com. came between with their negative voice: who said, it stood not well with civility, that one man should continue ever still in magistracy, and besides, that it was a more shameful example and foul precedent, that himself should be created Consul, who assembled the election: & therefore, if the dictator would admit of his own name, and allow himself eligible, they would not suffer the assembly to continue any longer: but if there might be some other propounded besides him, they would not hinder the proceedings thereof, until all was finished. The dictator alleged in the behalf of the election, & maintained the cause by the authority of the Senate, by the grant and act of the Commons, and by sundry examples of former times. For when Cn. Servilius was Consul, at what time as Flaminius the other Consul, was slain at Thrasymenus; by order granted out of the Senate, there was a bill preferred to the Commons, and the same passed by their voises, That so long as the war continued in Italy, it might be lawful for the people to choose and create Consuls again, as often as they pleased, whom soever they would, out of the number of them that had been Consuls. And as for examples (quoth he) in this case, I can allege both old and new: to wit, long ago L. Posthumius Megillus being Interrex, was even in that very election which he called and held, created Consul himself, with Cn. jun. Bubulcus: and of later days Q. Fabius likewise, who verily would never have accepted of the Consulship, and suffered it to be hung upon him so continually, if he had deemed it to be against the good of the commonweal. After much debate and long alteration, entertained with sundry like speeches, at length the dictator and the Tribunes agreed to this point, and agreed of this issue, That they would stand to the award & judgement of the Senat. The LL. of the Senate were all of this mind, that the present condition of the commonweal, required no less, but that the state and the affairs thereof, should be managed by old & experienced captains and Generals, and such as were skilful in feats of arms. And therefore they utterly misliked, that the election should be hindered and disturbed. Thus the Tribunes relented, and the election went forward and was finished. So there were declared Consuls, Q. Fabius Max. the fifth time, Q. Fulvius Flaccus the third time. Then were created Pretours, L. Veturius Philo, T. Quintius Crispinus, C. Hostilius Tubulus, and C. Aurunculeius. When the magistrates were once elected for the year, Q. Fulvius resigned up his dictators room.  
In the very end of this summer, a Carthagian fleet of forty sail, under the conduct of Amilcar the Admiral, passed over into Sardinia, and at first invaded and wasted the territory of Olbia: then, after that P. Manlius Volso the praetor there, showed himself with an army, they fet a compass about, and sailed to the other side of the Island, and foraied the lands about Caralita: and so returned again into Africa, enriched with prizes and booties of all sorts.  
In that year, divers priests died at Rome, and new substituted in their rooms. C. Servilius the Prelate or Pontifex, was invested and installed in stead of T. Octacilius Crassus. In like manner T. Sempronius Longus, the son of Caius, was chosen Decemvir, deputed for holy ceremonies, in place of T. Sempronius Longus, the son of Titus. M. Martius the K. of Sacrificers departed this life: and M. Aemylias Pappus likewise the grand-Curio or Priest of the Curiae: but to succeed them, were no priests deputed that year. In this year also were Censors created, to wit, L. Veturius Phil●, & P. Licinius Crassus, the Highpriest. As for Crassus Licinius, had neither been Consul nor praetor, before he was made Censor, but stepped straight from his Aediles room, into the place of Censor. But these Censors neither made choice of new Senators, nor yet did any public act: the reason was, because L. Veturius died, whereupon Licinius also gave over the Censureship. The Aediles of the chair L. Veturius, & P. Licinius Varus, exhibited the Roman games, and renewed them again one day more than ordinary. The Aediles of the Commons, Q. Catius, and L. Porcius Licinius, set up in the temple of Ceres, the molten images of brass, which were made of the money taken for fines and amercements; and represented the plays and pastimes to their office belonging, right stately and with great furniture and preparation, as the wealth and plenty of those times would afford.  
In the end of this year, C. Laelius the Lieutenant of Scipio, arrived at Rome, the four and thirtieth day after that he loosed and took sea at Taracon. And as he entered the city with a mighty train of captives, he set the people on running out of all parts, to see that sight. The morrow after, he was admitted into the Senate-house: where he related, that new Carthage the head city of Spain, was forced and won in one day; that divers cities which had revolted, were received upon surrender; and other new entered into society & friendship with the people of Rome. And by enquiry of the captives, they found their intelligences to agree in manner with the advertisements & tidings contained in the letters of M. Valerius Massala. But the thing that troubled the lords most, was the voyage of Asdrubal into Italy, which hardly was able to withstand the forces of him and Hannibal together. Laelius being brought into the general assembly of the people, discoursed of the same points which he had related in the Senate-house. And the Senate, in regard of the happy success of P. Scipio, granted by a decree, a solemn procession for one day; and gave order that C. Laelius with all convenient speed should make haste again, & repair into Spain with the very same ships that he brought from thence.  
The winning of Carthage I have set down in this year, having the warrant of many writers: and yet I am not ignorant, that some there be, who have affirmed that it happened the next year following. But me seems, it was an unlikely matter, that Scipio should spend one whole year in Spain, in doing just nothing.  
Now when Q. Fabius Max. was Consul the fifth time, & Q. Fulvius Flaccus the third time, on that very day upon which they entered their office (which was in the Ides of March) both of them by decree of the Senate, had the government of the province Italy: but so, as their jurisdiction was set out by the countries: so as Fabius should war about Tarentum, and Fulvius in the Lucanes and Brutiens countries. M. Claudius continued still in government one year longer. The Pretours had their provinces parted between them by lot: unto Caius Hostilius Tubulus, fell the jurisdiction over the citizens, but to L. Veturius Philo, over foreigners, together with Gallia. Titus Quintius Crispinus ruled Capua, and C. Aurunculeius governed Sardinia. The armies were divided among the provinces in this wise: Unto Fulvius were assigned the two legions which M. Valerius Levinus had in Sicily: Unto Q. Fabius, those in Hetruria, which were commanded by C. Calpurnius. The city army was appointed to succeed those legions in Hetruria: & C. Calpurnius was ordained to sit in the government of that province, & to have the leading of that army which Q. Fulvius had. It was agreed moreover, that T. Quintius should be lord Precedent of Capua, and have the charge of the army there. And that C. Hostilius should receive the jurisdiction of C. Lectorius the Propretour, over the province at Ariminum, and likewise his army. Unto M. Marcellus the same legions were allowed, wherewith he had warred so fortunately when he was Consul. Unto M. Valerius and L. Cincius (for they also continued one year more, governors in Sicily) was the army remaining after the battle at Cannae, granted: and they were commanded to supply and make up all the companies thereof, out of those soldiers that were left of the legions of Cn. Fulvius. For the Consuls caused them to be sought out and gathered together, and sent them into Sicily: and disgraced them with the very same kind of ignominious soldiery, in which the Cannians served: as also those, who remaining of the army of Cn. Fulvius the praetor, had been thither sent by order from the Senate, for anger and despite that they fled like as the other. Unto C. Aurunculeius, the same legions were given by decree in Sardinia, wherewith P. Manlius Volso had ruled & governed that province. And P. Sulpitius having his government prorogued for one year longer, was commanded to rule Macedonia with the same legion and armada still. Thirty Galleaces of five banks of oars, were appointed to be sent out of Sicily unto Tarentum, to Q. Fabius the Consul. With the rest of the navy, it was agreed and order set down, that M. Valerius Levinus, should either himself pass over into Africa, for to forey & spoil the country, or send L. Cincius, or M. Valerius Messala, whither of them he would. For the government of Spain there was no alteration, save only this, that Scipio and Syllanus had their commission continued, not for a year as the rest, but until such time as they should be called from thence by order from the Senate. Thus were the provinces divided, and thus were the forces bestowed for this year.  
Among other affairs of greater importance, the Election of the high Curio, or chief parish priest, who was to be elected in the roum of M. Aemylius late deceased, renewed & set on foot again an old contention [between Commons and Nobles.] For the Patrity denied, That C. Manilius Attilius (who was the only man of the Commons that stood for it) was eligible, and therefore not to be pricked; for as much as never any before him, obtained that sacerdotal dignity, but one of Senators calling. The Tribunes being called unto for their assistance, referred the matter to the Senate. And the Senate put it unto the people, for to be decided by them. So C. Manilius Attilius, was the first Commoner that ever was created Maximus Curio, [i. the Grand-superintendent over all the Curiae in matters of religion.] And P. Licinius the Archbishop, constrained C. Valerius Flaccus to be installed and inaugurate the flamine of jupiter, against his will. And C. Lectorius was created Decemvir for holy rites and ceremonies, and for sacrifices, in steed of Q. Mutius Scavola late deceased. The cause and occasion of inaugurating that Flamen by constraint and compulsion, I would willingly have concealed and smothered in silence, but that the ill name, wherein he was, turned afterwards to good fame and reputation. This Flaccus for his careless, loose, and roiotous demeanour in his youth, in regard of which vicious course of life, he was odious to his own natural brother L. Flaccus, and other his kinsfolk, was for the same cause chosen Flamen, by P. Licinius the said Archbishop. This man, so soon as his mind was employed about church-matters and religious ceremonies, so suddenly all at once altered his life, and cast off his old behaviour, that there was not one of all the young men in Rome in more account and credit, nor better liked of the chief of the Nobility and LL. of the Senate, as well those of his own house and lineage, as others that were strangers unto him. And when he saw himself grown generally into this good opinion and reputation among men, he began to have a very great conceit of his own parts and worthiness, insomuch, as he brought up an old custom again, and was so bold as to take his place in the Senate house (a thing, that for many years space had been intermitted and discontinued, in regard of the base unworthiness and insufficiency of the former Flamines.) When he was entered into the Senate chamber, C. Licinius the praetor willed him to go forth, as being no place for him, and therewith drew him out: whereupon the Flamine called for help of the Tribunes of the Commons, pleading the ancient right and pre-eminence of that priestly dignity, and alleging, that C. Flaminius in times past enjoyed that place, together with the pall, or embroidered rich rob, and the ivory chair. The praetor on the other side came upon him again and said, That right was not grounded upon old examples past all date, fet out of Chronicles time out of mind: but he would needs have it to be carried by the most fresh practise of the newest and latest custom, affirming, That by prescription of the time, either of our fathers or grandfathers days, there was no Flamine of jupiter usurped that privilege. The Tribunes, who were to moderate this question, gave their judgement thus, That if a thing were forelet, and discontinued through the supine negligence of some Flamens, it was worst for themselves; & they deemed it no reason, that it should hurt or prejudice the whole Priesthood. Whereupon, the Praetor himself forced not greatly upon the point, nor stood much with him, and so they admitted the Flamine into the house, with great consent of the Nobles, as well as of the Commons. And all men thus conceived of it, That the Flamine had obtained the thing, rather in regard of his sanctimony and holiness of life, than in the right of his sacerdotal dignity.  
The Consuls before that they went into their provinces, enroled two legions of citizens, for to supply and make up sufficiently the defect of all the other forces. The old city army, Fulvius the Consul committed unto C. Fulvius Flaccus his Lieutenant, (and brother he was besides to the Consul) for to be led into Hetruria; with direction, that the Legions already in Hetruria should be brought to Rome. And Fabius the Consul caused the residue of the army of Fulvius to be sought up and rallied, which arose to the number of 3336: and commanded his son Q. Maximus to lead them into Sicily, unto M. Valerius the Proconsull, and of him to receive the charge of two Legions, and the thirty galliaces aforesaid bearing five ranks of oars. The withdrawing of these Legions out of the Island, nothing diminished nor abridged the garrisons of that province, either in strength or show. For besides the two old legions, well and sufficiently fulfilled and furnished, he had a great power as well horse as foot, of Numidians, such as were fled from the adverse part unto the Romans: and took up and levied besides for new soldiers, even those Sicilians also, who had been of the army of Epicides and the Carthaginians, men of approved valour, and skilful warriors. These foreign aids, when he had put to each of the Roman legions, he kept still the form of two complete armies. With the one he gave order to L. Cincius to defend that part of the island, which had been the realm of king Hiero ● with the other, he maintained the rest of the Island, divided sometimes by the confines of the Roman and Punic dominions. There was a fleet also rigged and trimmed, consisting of seventy ships, for to guard and defend all the maritine coasts, along the tract of the sea side. Himself in person, with the horsemen of Mutines, rode about all the province, for to visit the lands and grounds, and to take note which were tilled & well husbanded, which lay forelet and untilled, and to commend or chastise and rebuke the landlords and owners thereof accordingly. The care and regard of corn, thus far forth did good, that the province was able both to send good store to Rome, and also to convey unto Catana sufficient to maintain the army, that was to lie in standing camp that summer about Tarentum.  
But the soldiers who were transported over into Sicily (and for the better part they were Latins and other Associates) were like to cause a great rising and commotion: whereby we may see, that of small occasions and beginnings often times, arise great matters of important consequence. For the Latins and Allies in all their Diets and counsels at home, began to mutter and grumble, That now for ten years space they were with continual muster and payments of soldiers wages consumed and spent, that there was not a year in manner went over their heads, but it cost them some great loss and overthrow in battle. Many were slain in the wars, other died of diseases. So that a citizen of theirs, if he were taken and priest ones by the Romans, for to be a soldier, was more sure to perish, than if he were taken prisoner by the Carthaginians: for the enemy sent their captives back again gratis and without ransom, home into their country; the Romans posted and packed them away out of Italy, as confined to a place of banishment (to speak truly) rather than appointed to serve in warfare. For, see how the soldiers, remaining after the field of Cannae, have continued there, and waxen old these eight years already, and no doubt, there were they like to lay their bones, before that the enemy (who never so flourished, nor was so strong as now) would depart from thence. In case then that old soldiers return not into their country, and new still be chosen, within a while there would be none left behind. And therefore best it were for them, before they were come to extreme poverty & desolation, presently to deny the people of Rome that, whiles somewhat is left, which shortly they must be driven to do of very necessity when all is gone. And if the Romans see their Allies once agree together, and take this course, they will then verily bethink themselves, and grow to some terms of making peace with the Carthaginians. For otherwise, be sure as long as Hannibal hath a day to live, Italy will never be clear of wars. These and such like speeches passed in their Diets abovesaid. There were at that time thirty Colonies of the people of Rome: and whiles the Embassages from them all were at Rome, twelve of them denied the Consuls flatly, and said they were not able any longer to find either men or money. And those were these, Ardea, Nepet, Sutrium, Circeij, Alba, Carseoli, Suessa, Sora, Setia, Cales, Narnia, Interamna. The Consuls amazed at this strange and unexpected accident, being desirous to drive them out of that mind, and to scare them from so detestable a resolution, supposed they should prevail more by chastising and rebuking, than by fair and gentle dealing: and therefore told them again, That they had presumed to speak that unto the Consuls, which they again were abashed and could not find in their hearts, to deliver and relate in the Senate house. For surely (say they) this is not a refusal of soldiery and war service, but a very mere revolting from the people of Rome, and no better than an open rebellion. Therefore, they were best to return again speedily into their several Colonies, & to consult with their neighbours and countrymen, whiles the matter remained yet all whole, as men who had rather let fall some words rashly at aventure, than resolved indeed to attempt & commit so heinous an act: yea, and to tell them, and put them in mind, that they themselves were neither Campanes nor Tarentines, but mere Romans, from them descended, and of their race; from thence sent as Colonies, into the lands that were won by conquest, for to breed increase and multiply; and to admonish them, That whatsoever duties children owe to their parents, the same they owed unto the Romans, if there remained in them any kind and natural affection, any remembrance of their ancient native country: and to exhort them to consider better of the matter, & to lay their heads together a new. For as much as those dessignements of theirs, tended to betray the State and Empire of Rome, and to deliver the victory of all unto Hannibal. When the Consuls one after another had dealt and been in hand with them a long time in this manner: and the ambassadors nothing moved with their words, made answer again, That neither they knew what other message to bring home; nor their Senate what new counsel to take: since that they had not any more men to be mustered for soldiers, nor money to be pa●ed for wages: the Consuls seeing them so stiffly and obstinately bend, made relation thereof before the Senate, whereupon every man was stricken into so great fear and trouble of mind, that many of them gave out, that the empire of Rome was come to an end. The like, say they, will the rest of the Colonies do, and surely all our confederates and allies are combined and agreed to betray the city of Rome unto Hannibal. But the Consuls comforted the Senate, and bade them be of good cheer, saying, That all the other Colonies besides, would continue loyal and fast in their duty and allegiance: and even those also which had failed in their obedience, if there might be ambassadors sent amongst them, to rebuke and chastise them, and not to speak them fair and entreat them by way of prayer, would no doubt have a respective reverence of the majesty of the Roman empire. Now when the LL. of the Senate had committed the ordering c. ● this matter wholly unto them for to manage and handle, according as they should think good for the weal public: after they had thoroughly sounded the hearts and minds of all the rest of the Colonies, they called and cited all the ambassadors, and demanded of them whither their soldiers were in readiness, according to the capitulations of the covenant. Then M. Sextilius of Fregellae, made answer in the behalf of eighteen of them, That not only their soldiers were ready according to the form of the covenant, but also if more were needful, more they would allow, and whatsoever else the people of Rome imposed upon them, and wished them to perform, the same would they strain themselves to do, to the utmost: for, as yet they had people store, and a purse good enough: and as for their heart, it was much better than their ability. The Consuls after they had made a short speech unto them by way of a preamble, saying that they thought it not sufficient for their desert to be commended from their mouth only, unless all the LL. generally in the Senate house, gave them condign thanks with one voice and common accord, willed them to follow after them thither. The Senate having thanked them, in as honourable terms as they could possibly devise, and entertained them with most gracious words, gave order to the Consuls, to bring them forth also in the face of the whole people of the city: and before them, among other singular favours and kindnesses which they had showed both unto them and also unto their ancestors, to make rehearsal of this late good desert of others, which they afforded unto the Commonwealth: to the end, that now also, after so many ages and lives of men past they should not be forgotten and buried in silence, nor defrauded of their just praise and due commendation. And these were they that remained true hearted and fast unto the city of Rome: The Signines, Nolanes, and Norbanes; the Satriculanes, Brundusines, and Fregellanes; the Lucerines, Venusines, and Adrian's; the Firmanes, and inhabitants of Ariminum. And from the other sea side the Pontianes', Pestanes, and Costanes: and of midlanders, the Beneventines, Essernines, Spoletines, Placentines, and the inhabitants of Cremona. Upon the aid and succour of these Colonies, the Roman state at this time rested and stood maintained: and these all were highly thanked both in the Senate, and in the assembly of the people. As for the other twelve Colonies, which had refused to do their obedience, the LL. of the Senate gave express commandment that they should not be so much as once minded or named: and that the Consuls should neither give them their dispatch, nor retain them still, nor so much as speak unto them. This silent kind of rebuke without word geving, seemed to stand most with the majesty and grandeur of the people of Rome.  
Whiles the Consuls were diligent in providing and making ready all other things requisite and meet for the wars, it was thought good to bring abroad the vicesimarie gold [to wit, the twentieth part of all their tributes and revenues] which had been laid up and reserved apart in a more secret closet of the citie-chamber, against an hard winter (as they say) to serve for what need soever the commonwealth should stand in. So there was taken forth four thousand pound weight of gold, whereof three hundred pound was given to the two Consuls apiece, and so likewise to M. Marcellus, and P. Sulpitius the Proconsul's: and to L. Veturnus the praetor, unto whose lot the province of France befell. And Fabius the Consul had an addition besides himself above the rest of one hundred pound weight of gold, for to be carried into the castle of Tarentum. The rest of the gold they disbursed for to make ready payment down upon the nail, unto them that undertook to provide apparel for the army in Spain, which to their own fame and the honour of their General, served there in the wars.  
Moreover it was thought good that before the Consuls departed into their Provinces, the prodigious tokens should be purged and expiate. On the Alban mount there were smitten with fire from heaven the image of jupiter, and a tree standing near unto the temple: likewise the lake at Hostia, the w●ll at Capua, and the church of Fortune: and at Sinuessa, the wall and gate of the town. These I say were blasted with lightning, and smitten with thunderbolts. There were some also brought word, that the water at Alba ran blood. And at Rome within the sanctuary of the chapel of for'rs Fortuna, a little image that stood upon her coronet, fell of it own accord from the head of the goddess into her hands. And at Privernum, it was for certain reported and known of a truth, that an Ox spoke, and that a Vulture or Gripe flew into a shop in the market place, when it was full of people. And at Sinuessa there was an infant borne of doubtful sex, between male and female, (which the common sort call Androgynos, as for the most part greek names, admit more easy composition of two words than the latin) and there it reigned milk, and a man child was borne with an Eliphants head. These strange and fearful signs were expiate, and satisfaction made for them with greater sacrifices: and a solemn procession in all the churches and chapels, with prayers and supplications, was proclaimed for one day. Besides, a decree was granted, that C. Hostilius the praetor should vow and set out the games and plays of Apollo, in such manner as of late years they had been vowed and set forth.  
About the same time Q. Fulvius the Consul held an assembly for the creation of Censors, and elected Censors were M. Cornel. Cethegus, and P. Sempronius Tuditanus, who neither of them had ever been Coss. And by a grant or commission from the Senate, there was a bill preferred unto the Commons, and the same passed, that these Censors should set and to farm let the territory of Capua. The revew of the Senate and choice of new Senators was hindered and stayed, by reason of a contention between the two censors, who should be the precedent of the Senat. Now the choosing of him lay in Sempronius his hand. Howbeit Cornelius alleged, that the custom and tradition of forefathers should be followed, namely, to elect him for Precedent, who of all them that were now living, had borne first the office of Censor. And that was T. Manlius Torquatus. Sempronius replied again and said, that as the gods had given him by lot the first place, so they had granted him free liberty to choose whom he would. And therefore he would elect● Q. Fabius Max. whom at that time he was able to prove to be the principal man of all the city, without exception, and take Hannibal himself for the judge. After much variance and contesting of words, at length Sempronius by relenting and permission of his colleague, elected Q. Fabius Max. the chief Senator. Then the Senate was changed, and new Senators chosen, and eight were overpassed and left out, among whom was L. Caecilius Metellus, he that gave the infamous and shameful counsel, to abandon Italy after the deffeature at Cannae. In noting likewise and disgracing the knights and gentlemen, the same cause was considered of, and took effect, but very few there were of them, that were touched with that infamy: but all those horsemen belonging to the Cannian legions who were in Sicily (and no small number there was of them) had their horses taken from them: And to aggravate this sharp punishment and note of disgrace, they were plagued also with time of long warfare: for so many of them as had served with horse allowed by the city, should not reckon upon the years passed already, but were to follow warfare to year forward, and find themselves horses. Moreover these censors after diligent search & survey, found out and met with a great number of those that aught to have served on horseback: and look how many of them were sixteen years old & upward at the beginning of the war, and had not been employed in the wars, those all they disfranchised, & made Aerarij, or contributaries. After this, they bargained by the great, for the repairing and re-edifying again of those edifices which had been consumed by 〈◊〉 about the Forum, [or market place] namely, the seven shops, the [fish] shambles, and the king's hall, or royal gallery.  
Thus when all things were finished which were to be done at Rome, the Consuls set forward to the wars. And first Fulvius went before to Capua: and some few days after, Fabius followed: who besought both his own colleague by word of mouth most earnestly, and also Marcellus by effectual letters, to make sharp war upon Hannibal, and to keep him occupied, while he assailed Tarentum: which city, if it were once taken from the enemy, he were then driven out of all, and having no place to put his head in, nor which he might make account to stand fast & trusty unto him, he should have no reason at all, once to stay in Italy. He dispatched also a messenger to Rhegium unto the captain of the fort and garrison, which by Laevinus the Consul was there placed against the Brutij: and those were eight thousand men. The greatest part of them, was of those good fellows, and that damned crew, whereof we spoke before, who used to live by robbing & stealing, & were brought thither from Agatirna out of Sicily. Unto whom there were adjoined many of the Brutij also fugitives from thence, and as good as themselves every way, both for audaciousness, & also, for neediness, to set upon any bold adventure whatsoever. This power of men he commanded should be lead to waste and spoil the Brutiens country first, and then to lie against the city Caulonia, and to assault it. They having performed this service, not only willingly and cheerfully, but also with greediness; having also chased away and rifled the husbandmen and peasants of the country, assailed the city with all forcible means. Marcellus stirred up and provoked by those letters of the Consul: and having a good opinion of his own, that of all the Roman captains, there was not one so able to match Hannibal as himself, left his wintering standing camp, so soon as ever there was forage and grass in the country, took the field, and encountered Hannibal at Cannusium. Now was Hannibal in hand with the Cannusines, and solicited them to revolt. But hearing once that Marcellus approached, he dislodged from thence. The country thereabout was plain and open, without any covert places to bestow an ambush, and to lay trains in, therefore he began to retire himself from thence, into the woodland parts. Marcellus tracked him still, and followed him hard at heels, and encamped close unto him: and ever as he had fortified and entrenched himself, he brought forth his men into the field, ready for battle. Hannibal entertaining small skirmishes, with certain comets and troops of horsemen, and with light appointed footmen, that lanced darts and javelines, thought it not necessary yet, to come unto a pight set battle, and venture all upon one throw. Howbeit he was drawn to a fight, maugre his head, howsoever he laboured to avoid it. For being gone afore one night, Marcellus overtook him upon a plain and open ground: and as he was pitching his tents, he kept him from fortifying, by charging his pioneers and labourers on every side. Whereupon they came to a very battle, & fought with all the forces they had on both sides: and when it grew toward night, they depatted asunder on even hand: but before it was dark they had encamped not far one from another, and in great haste made shift to fortify themselves. The next morning by day light, Marcellus came forth into the field with all his power: neither refused Hannibal the challenge, having with many words comforted and encouraged his soldiers, to remember Thrasymenus & Cannae, to cut the comb & beat down & tame this fell stomach and lusty courage of the enemy: who presseth still (qd. he) and seeketh upon us, not suffering us to march on quietly in our journey, nor to pitch our tents: giving us no leave to breath ourselves, nor time to look about us. There is not a morning, but so soon as the sun is up in the horizon to give light to the world, the Roman army is out in the field, to give us battle. If we could draw blood of him once, and set him out of the field with blood about his ears, he would for ever after, fight more quietly, and take better leisure with him. With these and such like comfortable words and effectual remonstrances, they were well animated; as also provoked seeing themselves thus molested by the enemy, who day by day, never ceased to challenge, and brave them still: whereupon they began a fierce and cruel battle. They had now continued fight above two hours; and then began the Roman cavalry from the right wing, and the extraordinary soldiers that flanked the main battle, to give ground and dismarch. Which Marcellus perceiving, he brought forward the eighteenth legion in the vaward. And whiles some recoil back fearfully, others come forward but slowly, the whole battle was put out of order; and disarrayed; and so at length it was discomfited: and for that fear surmounted shame, they turned their backs and fled away a good. Slain there were in the conflict and in the rout together, some 2700 citizens and allies one with another: among whom, there were four Roman Centurians, and two Colonels, Marcus Licinius, & Marcus Fulvius. Of military ensigns, there were four lost of that right wing which first shrunk & lost ground: and two others of that legion which came to succour their fellows that gave back and recoiled. Marcellus after that he was returned into the camp, welcomed his soldiers with such a bitter & sharp Oration, that the very words of the General in his angel and wrath, were more heavy & grievous unto them, than the medley itself, 
The Oration of Marcelius to his soldiers.  which they had unfortunately endured all the day long before. I yield praise yet, and render thanks to the immortal gods, (quoth he) as I may in such a case, that our enemies having vanquished & conquered you in the field, and driven you in so great fear to run headlong within your trenches & gates, came not with all at once to assail the camp. For surely in the same fearful fright that you forsook battle, you would likewise have abandoned your tents & pavilions. What fearfulness is this? Whence cometh this terror? What means this oblivion of yours? How cometh it to pass, that ye should so forger all on a sudden, both your own selves, & them with whom ye have to fight? Why surely, they are the same enemies and no other, whom the summer past, you did nothing but either vanquish & overcome, or else pursue and follow in chase: whom for these certain days past, ye have been ready to tread on their heels as they fled and ran away before you both by day & night; whom in light skirmishes ye have discomfited; whom no longer ago than yesterday, you suffered neither to march forward, nor to pitch their camp. I forbear to speak, & I pass in silence those things which in good right ye may stand upon and make your boast. I say nothing of that whereof ye ought to be ashamed and displeased with yourselves, namely, how but even yesterday, ye broke off the fight on even hand, and retired out of the field, when the enemy had gotten no advantage? What hath this one night, or what hath one day cut you off? Are either your forces in this mean time abridged & diminished, or your enemies augmented & increased? Now surely, me thinks, I speak not to mine own army, nor to Roman soldiers. Only ye carry about you the same bodies and armour, that ye were wont. For if ye had born the same minds and hearts with you, should the enemies ever have seen your backs? should they have taken either banner from any company, or ensign from cohort and squadron? As yet the enemy never vaunted and made boast of the defeature of our Roman legions. You are the very first, that this day have given him the honour of discomfiting and putting to flight our army. Then they all cried out, and besought him to pardon that days default, and to make trial once again of his soldiers courages, when and wheresoever he would. Mary and that I will (quoth he) my soldiers: I will put you to it: even to morrow I will bring you abroad into the field, and after ye have gotten the victory, ye shall obtain that pardon which now ye crave. So he gave order that those cohorts which had lost their ensigns, should have their allowance of barley in stead of wheat: and as for those Centurions of the bands or companies, whose banners were lost, them he degraded in this manner: He caused them to be disarmed, and their skeines to be drawn naked and taken from them, and so let them go & shake their ears. And withal, he made proclamation, that the next day they should all present themselves in readiness, as well footmen as horsemen. Which done, he dismissed the audience, and they all confessed and acknowledged, that they were justly and worthily thus checked and rebuked: and that there was not that day one man in the Roman army, setting aside the General himself only, but he was bound to make amends and satisfaction, either with spending heart-blood, or achieving a noble victory. The morrow after, they all showed themselves unto him in their armour, & well appointed, according to his commandment. The General commended them for their forwardness: and gave them to understand, that he would set those in the forefront of the vaward, which the day before began to run away, as also those cohorts likewise that lost their ensigns. And now he gave them warning, & charged them all to fight it out lustily, to win the field: & to endeavour & strain themselves, both all and some, that the news of yesterdays flight came not to Rome before, & prevented the fame of this days victory. Then he willed them to go to their meat, & to strengthen their bodies: that in case the fight should hold long, they might be able to endure to the end. Now when all was said & done, that might encourage & stir up the hearts of soldiers, they went out & advanced their ensigns into the field. Annibal being advertised hereof, Now believe me (qd. he) we have to deal with an enemy indeed, who is of that nature, that he can neither brook his good fortune, nor away with bad. If he hath won at any time, he pursueth those whom he hath vanquished, cruelly. chose if he have lost, he beginneth to fight with the conquerors again right freshly. Then he commanded the trumpets to sound, & brought forth his power in battle array. A field was fought there on both hands more sharply a good deal, than the day before. The Carthaginians strove to keep the honour and reputation of yesterdays service: the Romans strained to wipe away the ignominy and shame of that days foil. On the Romans fi●e, the cavalry of the left wing, and those cohorts which had lost their ensigns, fought in the vanguard, and the twentieth legion was marshaled and ranged in the right point of the battle. L. Cornelius Lentulus, & C. Claudius Nero had the leading of both these wings. M. Marcellus himself commanded the main battle, and withal his personal presence encouraged them, as a witness of their valour and courage. Now, when as the fight had continued long, and the victory inclined no way, Hannibal commanded the Elephants to be put forth upon the very forefront of the battle, to see if that object might possibly work some terror and confusion among the Romans. And at the first they disordered the ensignes● and troubled the ranks: so as partly by treading under foot, and partly by scattering them for fear, that were all about, they had laid naked & open the battle in one part; and inmore places than so had the Romans fled, but that C. Decinius Flavus, a Colonel, having from the first band of the Hastati, caught up the banner in his hand, commanded the company thereto belonging to follow him; and thither he led them where the foresaid Elephants were gathered round, and made foulest work, and charged them to fling their darts and javelines at them. All this shot light sure, and miss them not, yea, and some stuck in them: and no marvel, for the beasts were near at hand, the bodies great and standing thick in a plump together. But as they were not all wounded, so they that had the darts set fast in their backs and sides, were as ready (such is their nature, dangerous to meddle withal) for to hurt their own masters, as the enemies: and all turned upon their fellows that were unhurt, and drove them back. So as now, not that entire band only, but every soldier else for his own part, who was able to reach the heard (as it were) of the Elephants as they fled, did his best to lance javelins and short darts at them. And so much the more furiously ran the beasts upon their own, and made a far greater havoc there, than they had done among the enemies; by how much more fiercely fear and fright set them agate, and sent them forward, than the will of their masters that sat upon them, was able to rule and restrain them. The Roman footmen espying this advantage, came forward with their ensigns and banners upon that battaillon, which was put in disarray by the running to and fro of these unruly dumb creatures, and without much ado and farther skirmish, put them to flight, after they were once broken out of their ranks, and set in a fright. Then Marcellus sent his cavalry after them, to pursue them as they fled, and to follow the chase, and never gave they over hunting and coursing them, until they had lodged them in great fear within their camp. For besides all other things, which made them thus scared and affrighted, there chanced two Elephants to fall down in the very gate and entrance thereof, so that the soldiers were forced to rush into it over the trench and rampire. In that place was the greatest slaughter made of the enemies. For there were slain eight thousand men, and five Elephants. Neither had the Romans a bloodless victory of it: for of the two legions, there died fast upon 1700, and of the Allies more than 1400. Besides, many a citizen and confederate sore wounded. And Hannibal the next night dislodged and departed. Marcellus although he was desirous to follow upon him, yet he could not for the multitude of his hurt men. The espials that were sent out to pursue him in his march, brought word back the next day, that Hannibal took his way into the Brutians country.  
near about the same time, the Hirpines', Lucanes, and Volscentes, after they had delivered up the garrisons of Hannibal, which they had in their cities, yielded themselves also to Q. Fulvius the Consul, & were received to mereie with great clemency by the said Consul, after some rebuke given them in words only for their trespass and error past. The Brutians also had the like hope of pardon, when as Vibius and Pactius, two brethren, of the noblest house of that nation, came from them to sue for the same condition of yielding and surrendering themselves, which was granted unto the Lucanes.  
Q. Fabius the Consul, won by assault a town in the Salentines' country called Manduria. Prisoners were taken there, 4000, and some good store of other pillage. From thence he went to Tarentum, and in the very mouth of the haven, lay against the city. Those ships which Livius had for to waste the convoy of victuals, he partly charged with engines, and other ordinance to assault towns withal, and partly furnished with artillery, with stones, and shot of all sorts: the ships of burden likewise, and not the galleys only which were guided by oars; to the end, that some might bring engines and ladders unto the walls, and others aloof from out of the ships, wound and hurt those that defended the city. These ships were ordained and appointed from the open sea to assault the city. And clear was the sea of all danger from the Punic navy, which was sent unto Corcyra, at what time as Philip minded to assail the Aetolians. In this mean while, the assailants of Caulonia, a little before the coming of Hannibal, for fear lest they should be surprised, be took themselves to a little hill; which as it was (for the present danger) a place of safety, so it wanted all things else. Fabius, as he lay at siege about Tarentum, was much helped to the achieving of a matter of great importance, by a trifling thing to speak of, and of small moment in itself. The Tarentines had a garrison of the Brutians, sent from Hannibal to defend the city. The captain of this garrison was greatly enamoured and ready to die for the love of a woman, who had a brother that served in the army of Fabius the Consul. He being certified by letters from his sister, of this new acquaintance that she had with that foreigner and stranger, so wealthy and so honourable a person among his countrymen; conceived some hope by means of his sister, that her lover might be brought to any thing, & wrought as they would: and so acquainted the Consul with his conceited hope. And this seemed no vain imagination. Whereupon the young man was sent to Tarentum in habit and quality of a fugitive, and by the mediation of his sister, grew into some favour with the captain aforesaid: and at first practised secretly to underfeele and found his mind, and afterwards seeing the weakness and inconstancy of the man, he prevailed with him so much, through the flattering speeches and allurements of the woman, as to betray the keeping and guard of that place whereof he had the charge. After that the manner how, and the time when this plot should be put in execution, was agreed upon, the said soldier was let out of the city closely by night in a place between the corpse de guard, and informed the Consul what was done already, and in what sort every thing was to be done. Fabius at the first watch, after he had given a token and watchword to them in the castle, and to those likewise that had the keeping of the haven, himself fet a compass about the said haven, and lay as closely as he could to that part of the city which lieth to the East. Then all at once the trumpets sounded from the castle, from the haven and ships, which in the open sea rid near at hand. Great houting there was, and much ado for the nonce from all these quarters, whereas indeed there was least danger or none at all there. In the mean season the Consul kept his men in. Whereupon Democrates, who had beforetime been Admiral of the Armada, and whose chance it was to have the guarding of that place, against which the Consul lay close, seeing all thereabout quiet enough, and no stirring at all, and hearing all other parts to ring again and resound with such al'armes as otherwiles it seemed the city was taken and won, and fearing lest if he sat still and bestirred not himself, the Consul would make some Camisado, and give the assay to enter the city with banner displayed; withdrew his guard toward the castle, from whence was heard the greatest and most terrible noise. Fabius, when he perceived once by guessing at the time, as also by the silence itself in that place (for where but a while before they kept much ado, raising up one another, & calling to arm, there now all was hushed, and not a word) that the guards were had away from thence, he commanded that the ladders should be brought to that side of the wall, where the broacher and broker both of the treason, had brought word that the cohorts of the Brutians were quartered & kept their guard. Thus on that part was the wall won, by the means of the Brutij, who were ready to help and take them up, & so they got over into the city. Then was the next gate broken open, that the army might come by companies under their several colours. Whereupon they set up a shout, and a little before break of day, they marched as far as into the market stead, and met with none to make head against them, & caused all them that fought at the castle and the haven, to turn upon them. There, in the very entrance of the market place, began a great skirmish, rather fought hotly than maintained thoroughly. For the Tarentine soldiers were nothing comparable to the Romans, either in courage of heart, or goodness of armour; in skill and knowledge of war, or in lustiness and strength of body. And therefore when they had only shot their darts, even before they came to handstrokes, they turned back and slunk away through the lanes of the city, wherewith they were well acquainted, some to their own home, and some to their friends houses. Two of their captains, Nico and Democrates, fought manfully, and were slain. Philomenes, who was the principal head that wrought the revolt unto Hannibal, fled out of the skirmish as fast as ever his horse would carry him: but a while after his empty horse was seen and known wandering astray in the city, but his body could never be found. It was commonly believed, that he flung himself headlong from his horseback, into a certain open pit. As for Carthalon, captain of the Punic garrison, he cast away his armour and weapon, and as he was coming to the Consul with a goodly tale, recounting and remembering his father's friendship and entertainment to the Romans, there happened a soldier to meet him and strike off his head. Then by some or other in every place, the Carthaginians and Tarentines both went to wrack, and were killed without mercy and regard, as well unarmed as armed. Yea, there were many of the Brutians also fell upon the edge of the sword, were it that they were mistaken, or for an old grudge and in-set hatred; or to suppress and extinguish the bruit and rumour that went of betraying the town: to the end that Tarentum might seem the rather won by assault and force of arms. Then from murder and slaughter, they fell to sack and spoil the city. There were taken prisoners by report thirty thousand head of slaves: a mighty mass of silver tried and coined: of gold 87000 pound weight. Images and painted tables or pictures, so many, as very near amounted to the number of the ornamentsof Syracuse. But Fabius of a braver mind, abstained from that kind of prize & pillage, which Marcellus forbore not. For when his Scribe or Secretary asked him, what his pleasure was, should be done with the images (and the Statues they were of the gods, of a mighty bigness and proportion, portrayed every one in their own habit like warriors:) Mary (quoth he) let the Tarentines have their angry gods still among them, for me. After this, the wall which divided the city from the castle, was dismantled, razed down, and laid even with the ground.  
Whiles these things happened at Tarentum, Hannibal (after they had yielded themselves unto him that besieged Caulonia) hearing of the siege and assault of Tarentum, went night and day and made all the hast he could, with a running march, to rescue and succour the city: but hearing by the way that it was forced and gone, Ah, I see well, quoth he, the Romans also are not without their Hannibal. In good faith, so was Tarentum won, and so lost again, by treachery and treason. But because he would not be thought to turn back and fly, in the very same place where he made stay he sat down, and encamped almost five miles from the city: and after he had abode there some few days, he retired himself to Metapontum. From thence he suborned two Metapontines, and sent them to Fabius at Tarentum, with letters devised from certain principal men of that city, wherein they promised to betray Metapontum and the Punic garrison into the Consul his hands, upon assurance made unto them, that all former trespasses and offences should be forgiven and forgotten. Fabius supposing all was truth and plain-dealing, appointed a certain day when he would come to Metapontum, and sent his letters also to those principal citizens, which letters were brought unto Hannibal: whereat he was right glad and took great contentment that his fraud sped so well, and that Fabius also might be entrapped, caught, and overtaken by his wily fetches as well as others: and thereupon laid an ambush for him in the way not far from Metapontum. As Fabius (before he should go out of Tarentum) attended to know what the birds signified, he observed once or twice that they approved not his journey. And when he killed a sacrifice, thereby to know the will of the gods, the Soothsayer, or bowell-prier gave him warning, to take heed of the deceit of his enemies, and beware of wait-laying. The Metapontines, seeing that he came not at the day appointed, were sent again to hasten him forward, and to encourage him to come: who were all suddenly at once apprehended, and for fear of farther torture, disclosed the practice of the ambush.  
In the beginning of that summer wherein these occurrents happened, after that Scipio had bestowed the whole winter, in winning and reconciling the hearts of the barbarous people, partly with gifts and rewards, and partly with enlarging and sending back their hostages, and the prisoners: there came unto him one Edesco, a noble and famous captain of the Spaniards. His wife and children were in custody with the Romans: but besides that occasion which brought him to Scipio, there was another cause, even a general inclination of all their minds, that chanced I wot not how, which withdrew and estranged whole Spain from the Carthaginian empire, unto the Roman. The same reason moved Indibilis also and Mandonius, the greatest LL. and Princes no doubt of all Spain, to leave Asdrubal, and with all the power they could make of their followers and vassals, to depart into the mountains standing just over his camp, from whence they might from hill to hill continually retire themselves in safety to the Romans. Asdrubal perceiving the puissance of his enemies to grow and increase still more and more by little and little, and his own to diminish; and foreseeing, that unless he made some hardy adventure and prevailed that way, all would be nought, and fall to the ground, as it was beginning already to reel, determined to put it to a battle with all speed possible. Scipio also was sharp set, and the more desirous of fight, as well for the good hope, which the success of his former affairs confirmed and increased; as also because, before the armies of his enemies should join together, he was more willing to fight with one General and one army, than with all them jointly at once: and yet he had well amended and increased his forces politicly of purpose, against the worst, in case he should be driven to fight with many of them together. For, seeing there was no use of ships, because all the river & seas along Spain, were cleared of the Carthaginian navy, he withdrew his fleet up into the harbour at Taracon, and joined his sea-servitours to his land soldiers. For armour he had store enough, which was either taken in the pillage of Carthage, or newly made after the winning of the town, by so many Artificers and Craftsmen that he kept there hard and close at work. With this power, Scipio in the beginning of spring departed from Taracon (for now by this time was Laelius returned from Rome, without whose company he was not willing to enterprise any service of great moment and importance) and led forward against the enemies. As he journeyed peaceably all over the country, and passed through the territories and confines of every city and State, his Allies were ready to entertain and accompany him. Indibilis also and Mandonius among the rest, with all their power met him. Then Indibilis in the name of them both, spoke, not like a sottish barbarian foolishly and inconsiderately, but rather with a modest kind of gravity: more like one that excused his revolt & running from the adverse part upon constraint and necessity, than made boast of catching and embracing the vantage thereof upon the first opportunity presented. I know full well (quoth he) that the very name of a fugitive revolt, as it is odious & detestable to old Allies, so it is suspicious to new. And I cannot greatly blame the manner of men in so doing, in case it be not the bare name, but the double dealing that causeth the hatred. Then he reckoned up his own good turns and deserts done unto the Carthaginians on the one side: and recounted their covetousness and pride on the other side, together with their injurious dealings with himself and his people. And therefore quoth he, this body of mine only hath conversed among them until this day, but my hart & affection hath long since been with them, where I believe verily, that right, justice and religion is regarded and maintained: for even so do we fly as suppliants in humble manner to the gods also, when we can no longer endure the violence and wrongful outrages of men. Beseeching Scipio this one thing withal, that this his starting from the enemy, and ranging with him, he would neither blame and condemn presently as a transgression, nor honour and commend as a good desert of his: but as he should find both him and the rest, by good proof from that day forward, even so to make reckoning of them accordingly, and not otherwise. Scipio made answer again, That in truth he would so do: neither would he take them for fugitives and runaways, who judged that they were not bound in conscience to maintain the society and alliance with them as good & lawful, who made no count at all to observe inviolable, any promise or duty to God or man. Then were their two wives & children brought forth into their sight, and delivered unto them, whom they received, and shed tears abundantly for joy, and so for that day they were had to their lodgings. The morrow after, faith was plight and contracted between them, and the same confirmed by covenant; and they were dismissed to bring their forces, and to show them before him: and so they quartered and lodged in the same camp with the Romans, until by their guidance & direction they came unto the enemy. The army of the Carthaginians next unto them was under the conduct of Asdrubal, near unto the city Baetula. Before his camp, he kept certain standing guards of horsemen. Upon them the light armed forlorn hope of archers and dartars of the Roman host which went before the battle to skirmish, likewise they of the forefront and vaward, charged forcibly with their shot; yet so contemptuously, and in scornful wise, even presently upon their travail in journey, and before they had chosen a piece of ground to encamp in, that it was soon seen what hart there was in both parts. For, the cavalry of the enemies fearfully fled, and were driven into the camp: but the Romans advanced with banners displayed, hard to the very gates: and so for that day their stomachs were only up and provoked to a fight, and then the Romans pitched their tents. Asdrubal in the night retired his army to a mount, which in the top had a broad plain. Behind this hill there ran a river, the forefront thereof, and the sides all about the skirts were compassed as it were with a steep bank standing plumb upright. There lay under this hill top another plain, lower than the other, which also was enclosed round about with the like bank, as difficult for ascent as the former. The next day Asdrubal, after he saw the enemies standing arraunged before their camp, sent down his Numidian horsemen, the light armed Islanders also of the Baleares, and likewise the Africanes. Then Scipio road about all the regiments, ensigns, and ranks of his army, marshaled as they stood in battle wise, and showed unto them their enemies, how they despaired aforehand to fight on equal and even ground, how they taking the vantage of the hills, braved and showed themselves, presuming and trusting upon the place, and not upon their own valour and strength of arms. Howbeit (quoth he) Carthage had higher walls, and yet the Roman soldiers were able to scale and get over: neither hills nor castle, no nor the very sea, stood in their way then, nor stopped them of their entry. And as for these high places which the enemies are possessed of, they happily may serve their turns well, when they shall take their flight, and leap from off the steep banks, and run downhill apace, and so get away. But I trow, I shall debat them there, and lay a block in their way on every side. Whereupon he commanded two squadrons, the one to keep the straits of the valley, through which the river runneth: the other to beset the passage that leadeth from the city into the fields, and crosseth overthwart the hill side abovesaid. Himself led the light appointed vantcurriers, who the day before had discomfited the guards and wards of the enemies, to affront the light armed soldiers, that were quartered in the neither brow of the hill. And first they passed through the roughes, & were not impeached nor hindered otherwise than by the difficult avenues. But afterward, when they were come within shot, at the very first, they were welcomed with a mighty volley of all sorts, pouring (as it were) like hail upon them. Himself answered them again, and recharged upon them, letting drive and discharging the stones which lay strewed all over the ground, and were such in manner all, as might be wielded and flung from them with ease. And not only the soldiers, but lackeys & horseboys, & such as followed the camp, were intermingled amongst the armed companies. And albeit the ascent up the hill was hard, and they were pelted and almost overwhelmed with darts and s●ones, yet being so enured as they were to climb walls, and resolute withal, they mounted up first to t●e top: and so soon as they had gotten some even ground, where they might have sure footing, they found the enemy, (who was light and nimble, and able to run to and fro, and to save himself, and shift well when he was far off, all the time that they skirmished aloufe, and played upon one another with light shot) now that they came to close fight, and to handstrokes, not able to stand his ground: and so they drove him from his place, and with great slaughter chased him and set him back to the very battle, that stood upon the higher hill. Then Scipio having given commandment to these, for to follow on the train of their victory, and to enter up still upon the main battle of the enemies, parted the rest of his forces, together with Laelius, willing him to coast along and wheel about on the right hand of the mount, until he found some way of easier ascent himself on the left hand, fetched no long circuit and compass, until he came cross overthwart the flank of the enemies. Hereupon first began their battle to be disordered, whiles they were desirous to turn their wings, & to oppose their ranks and squadrons against the noises and shouts which rung every where about them. In this tumultuous trouble, Lelius also was gotten up: and while the enemies drew backward and gave ground, because they would not be charged behind on their back, the vaward of their part was displayed and lay open: and so the Romans even of the middle battle also, had a lane and spacious room to get up and enter upon them: who never had been able to have gained the ground, and won the plain above, (considering the disadvantage of the steep bank) so long as the ranks had stood unbroken, and the elephants were opposed against them before the ensigns, in the forefront. down went the enemies now on every side, and were piteously killed: and Scipio, who with his left wing encountered the right, charged and played especially upon the naked sides of the enemies. And so by this means, they had no way left them to fly and escape clear. For the Roman guards on both hands, as well on the left as the right, had beset all the avenues. And as for the gate of the camp, the General himself, and the other captains and officers of the camp, had taken it up as they fled that way: besides the cumbersome trouble of the Elephants, whom being now affrighted, they feared no less than their enemies. So there died of them 8000. Asdrubal who before the conflict, had made sure work with all the money, and taken it with him, sent the elephants before, & having rallied as many as he could, of them that fled & escaped out of the camp, he made haste along the river Tagus, toward the mountain Pyrenaeus. Scipio being now master of the enemy's camp, after he had given to the soldiers all the pillage and spoil, but only the prisoners, such as were free men: when he came to take the number of the captives, found they were ten thousand foot, and two thousand horse. Of which number, as many as were Spaniards he set at liberty and sent them home without ransom. But as for all the Africanes, he commanded the Treasurer to make money of them. Then the whole multitude of the Spaniards, as well those that before had yielded themselves, as they that were taken prisoners the day before, saluted him with great consent and general voice, by the name and title of king. Whereupon Scipio, after silence made by the crier, said, That he took the name of 
* Imperator.  L. General or Commander, to be the greatest of all other names, by which his own soldiers used to call him. As for the title of King, howsoever in other places it was great and honourable, at Rome surely, it was odious and intolerable. For his own part, the mind indeed he carried of a king, and if they deemed it to be the highest honour that can fall to the nature of man, let them judge so in their own hearts secretly, and please themselves with that style: only he wished them to forbear the word and term thereof. These very Spaniards, as barbarous as they were, perceived by this speech how haughty and magnanimous he was, who in the height of spirit contemned that as a base thing, whereat in admiration only of the very title, all mortal men besides are amazed and astonished. After all this, he bestowed upon the Princes and great Potentates of the Spaniards, sundry gifts. And of the horses, whereof he had taken in the field and camp great store, he gave Indibilis the choice of three hundred where he would. When the treasurer was selling the Africans, according to the General his commandment, he happened upon a young springal and stripling, of rare and singular beauty: and hearing that he was of royal blood, he sent him to Scipio. And when Scipio demanded of him who he was, and what countryman, and wherefore at those years he was in camp among rude soldiers; I am (saith he) a Numidian borne, (and with that his eyes stood full of water) and in my country they call me Massiva. Being left an orphan and fatherless, I was brought up with my grandfather by the mother side, Gala the king of the Numidians. And with my uncle by the mother, Masanissa, who was lately come with a power of horsemen to aid the Carthaginians, it was my hap to sail over into Spain. And never to this day, have I been in any battle, by reason that Masanissa would not in regard of my tender age, suffer me in any hand to go to the wars. Howbeit that very day when the battle was fought with the Romans, unwares to my said uncle, I secretly got an horse under me, and armour upon my back, and went forth into the field; where my horse chanced to fall, and cast me down headlong on the ground: and so it was my fortune to be taken by the Romans. Scipio gave order that this Numidian youth should be kept safe, & so proceeded to finish matters that were brought before him, as he sat upon the Tribunal in marshal court. And after he was come back from thence into his royal pavilion, he called the party again before him, & asked him, whither he were willing to return again to Masanissa. Whereat the tears gushing out of his eyes for joy, yea full feign (quoth he) and with all my heart. Then after he had given the young gentleman a ring of gold, a coat embroidered with purple stud-wise, with a Spanish soldiers cape, a golden clasp or button, & a brave courser, with all the furniture and caparison thereto belonging, he sent him away, and commanded certain horsemen to safeconduct and accompany him, so far as he would himself.  
Then Scipio fell to consult about the war. Some there were that advised him, presently to pursue Asdrubal: but he supposing that to be a dangerous course, for fear lest Mago and the other Asdrubal should join their forces to his, he sent only a good guard to keep the passage of the hill Pyreneus, and employed the rest of the summer, in receiving homage and fealty of other States of Spain.  
Within few days after the battle at Boetula, when as Scipio in his return to Taracon, was gone past the chase or forest of Castulo: Asdrubal the son of Gisgo and Mago, the two Generals, arrived out of the farther province of Spain unto Asdrubal the son of Amilcar. But they came a day after the fair, and too late to help an overthrow past already: yet in very good time, to give counsel for the managing and executing of the war behind. There, as they conferred together, concerning the disposition of the Spaniards, and how they stood affected in the countries of each province, only Asdrubal the son of Gisgo was of opinion, and persuaded, That the utmost tract and coast of Spain, which lieth upon the Ocean and Gades, was hitherto unacquainted with the Romans, and therefore fast enough and sure to the Carthaginians. But the other Asdrubal and Mago, were of another mind, and agreed in this, That Scipio with his favours and benefits had possessed the affections & hearts of all men already, both in general, and also in particular, and that there would never be an end of sliding from them, and siding to the Romans, before that all the Spanish soldiers were either removed into the farthest parts of Spain, or conveyed over into France. And therefore, albeit the Senate of the Carthaginians had not granted out any such act and commission, yet there was no remedy, but that Asdrubal must go over into Italy, where Hannibal was the head of the war, & in whom lay the main chance of all: by which means also he might withdraw out of Spain all the Spaniards, far enough from the naming and hearing of Scipio. For Asdrubal his army, as well by daily falling away and revolting to Scipio, as also by the late defeature much impaired, was to be replenished again with new soldiers. Moreover, that Mago should deliver his army to Asdrubal the son of Gisgo, and himself in person cross over into the Baleare islands, with a great sum of money, to wage new aids and succours from thence. And that Asdrubal the son of Gisgo, with his army should retire farther up into Portugal, and not encounter the Romans at all in any hand. And that out of all the cavalry there should be chosen out the very flower and strength, to the full number of three thousand, for Masanissa, and that he should range and overrun all the hither province of Spain, partly to help the distressed Allies, and partly to spoil the enemy's towns, and forray their lands. After these orders and directions set down, the Generals departed asunder to the execution of these determined dessignements. Thus ye see what were the affairs and occurrences of Spain for that year.  
At Rome the fame of Scipio grew greater every day than other. Fabius for the winning of Tarentum, albeit he got it rather by craft and policy, than by force and virtue, was glorious therefore. The name of Fulvius began to age and decay. Marcellus grew also into an ill name & some obloquy, both for that at first he had a foil, and also because he suffered Hannibal to range over Italy at his pleasure, and himself at midsummer had retired his soldiers to Venusia to take up there (as it were) their winter harbour. He had a sore adversary in the city, one C. Publicius Bibulus, a Tribune of the Commons: who from the very first time of that discomfiture, with continual speeches and Orations brought Claudius into hatred and infamy with the common people, and now was in hand with them to deprive him of his government. Howbeit, the friends and kinsfolk of Claudius obtained thus much, That Marcellus leaving his lieutenant at Venusia, should repair to Rome for to make his purgation, & acquit himself of such crimes as his adversaries objected and laid against him: and that during his absence, they should not treat nor debate about his deprivation.  
It happened much about one time, that both Marcellus came to Rome (to meet with the shameful slander that ran on him, and to save his honour) and also Q. Fulvius the Consul, about the new election for the year following. The question touching the government of Marcellus, was debated and handled in the lists or Circus, called Flaminius; and a great assembly there was, and much concourse of the Commons, and of people of all degrees and calling. The Tribune accused not Marcellus only, but all the nobility: by whose fraudulent practice, and by whose cold and delayfull proceedings, it was come to pass, that Hannibal now these ten years had remained in Italy (as it were) in his province continually, where he had led a greater part of his life, than at Carthage in his native country. And now (quoth he) the people of Rome taste the fruit, proceeding of proroguing and continuing of government still in one person. For see what is come of it; Marcellus his army hath been twice defeated and fallen upon the enemy's sword, and now forsooth is housed in Venusia for sun-burning. But Marcellus so confuted this accusatory speech of the Tribune, by recounting his own worthy noble acts; that not only the bill preferred for the deposing him out of his room, was disannulled, and the neck of it broken, but also the next day after, all the Centuries with one general voice created him Consul. There was joined with him companion in government T. Quintius Crispinus, who then was praetor. The morrow after were the Praetors chosen, to wit, P. Licinius Crassus Dives, who was at that time the Archbishop, P. Licinius Varus, Sex. julius Caesar, and Q. Claudius' Flamen.  
During the time of this solemn parliament or session for the election of Magistrates, the city was much disquieted for the revolt of Hetruria: C. Calpurnius who ruled that province as Propretour, had by his letters given notice, that the beginning thereof arose from the Arretines': and therefore immediately M. Marcellus the Consul elect, was thither sent with commission to look into the matter, and (if he thought it requisite) to send for his forces, and to translate the war out of Apulia into Tuscan. For fear whereof, the Tuscans pulled in their heads, and were quiet.  
The Tarentine Ambassadors made suit for peace, and that together with their freedom they might enjoy their own laws. And this answer was returned by the Senate, That they should come again when Fabius the Consul was returned to Rome. The Roman Games, and also the plays called Plebeij, were exhibited that year, and renewed one day apiece more than ordinary. The Aediles of the chair were L. Cornelius Caudinus, and Servilius Sulpitius Galba: but those of the Commons were C. Servilius, and Q. Cecilius Metellus. As for Servilius, it was denied, that he had been Tribune of the Commons before, or now Aedile by right and order of law, because it was now for certain known, 
For none might be Tribune or Aedile, whose father was living.  that his father (of whom the opinion went currant for ten years that he was slain by the Boians about Mutina, at what time as he was Triumvir for the division of lands) was now living, and in the hands of the enemies in slavery and bondage.  
In the eleventh year of the Punic war, M. Marcellus entered his Consulship the fifth time (so you reckon upon that Consulship which he never bore through, because there was an error committed in his creation) and with him T. Quintius Crispinus. To both Consuls the province of Italy was assigned, and both armies of the Consuls the former year. There was a third army then at Venusia, whereof M. Marcellus had the conduct. Of these three, they were to choose two, which they would: and the third remaining, was to be committed unto him, who was by lot to have the government of Tarentum, and the Salentines. The rest of the provinces were thus divided amongst the Pretours. P. Licinius Varus had the jurisdiction civil, and P. Licinius Crassus, (than Pontifex Max.) that of the foreigners, & to go whether soever the Senate should think good to send him Unto Sex. julius Caesar befell Sicily, & to Q. Claudius' Flamen the city of Tarentum. Q. Fulvius Flaccus had his commission renewed, to continue in government for one year longer: and he was appointed to govern Capua, which had been the charge of T. Quintius the praetor, and to have under his hand the command of one legion. Likewise C. Hostilius Tubulus remained still in office, and that as Propretour he should succeed C. Calpurnius, and have the conduct of two legions. Moreover, L. Veturius Philo had his authority and government confirmed to him anew, that as Propretour he should sit L. Deputy in the same province of France, and have the same two legions as before, when he was praetor there. The like decree that was granted for L. Veturius, passed also in the Senate for C. Aurunculeius, and a bill was propounded unto the people for the proroguing and continuance of his office, who as praetor ruled the province Sardinia with the strength of two legions. And for the defence and guard of the said province he had an addition of fifty ships of war, which P. Scipio had sent out of Spain. P. Scipio likewise and M. Syllanus, held still, by virtue of a decree, their provinces of Spain, and commanded the same armies for one year longer. As for Scipio, he had direction to send over into Sardinia fifty ships, out of those eighty which he had under his hand, either taken with him out of Italy, or won from the enemy at Carthage, because there ran a rumour, that there was great preparation at Carthage, for a navy that year: and that the Carthaginians would take up, and fill all the sea coast of Italy, Sicily, and Sardinia, with an armada of two hundred sail. In Sicily the government was divided in this manner, Sextus Caesar had the leading of the Cannian army: M. Valerius Levinus (for his government also was confirmed for a year longer) the charge of that fleet of seventy ships, which rid about Sicily: with commission to add thereto, those thirty ships which the former year lay before Tarentum: & with this armada consisting of one hundred sail, to put over into Africa, if he thought so good, and there to forray and fetch booties. Over and besides, P. Sulpitius was for one year longer to continue in office, and to govern the provinces of Macedon and Greece, with the force of the said navy which he had before. As touching the two legions which remained about the city of Rome, there was no alteration. Only the Consuls were permitted to levy and enrol a new supply, as need should require. Thus the Empire and State of Rome for that year was maintained with the power of 21 legions. P. Licinius Varus the praetor of the city, was charged to repair those thirty old ships, which lay at Hostia, and to furnish twenty new built, with sailors and mariners, that with this armada of fifty sail he might be able to defend all the sea coast near unto the city of Rome. C. Calpurnius was forbidden to remove his forces from Arretium, be fore a successor came in his place. The same order was given to Tubulus, and to have especially a vigilant eye, that no commotion arose from thence. And then the Pretours went into their provinces.  
As for the Consuls they were troubled in mind and made some scruple of conscience to go to their provinces, upon the report of some prodigious and ominous signs, and also because in their sacrifices they found not the gods so propicious and favourable unto them. For out of Campania news came, that in Capua two temples, to wit, of Fortune and Mars, and also some tombs and sepulchers, were smitten with lightning: and besides (see how vain and preposterous superstition, imputeth even the least trifling things to the hand of God) that certain mice forsooth, in a chapel of jupiter gnawed the gold. Also that in Casinum, a great swarm of bees settled in the very market place. Moreover, that the wall and one of the gates at Hostia was blasted and stricken with lightning. That in Caere, a gripe fled into the church of jupiter. That at Volsinij, there was a pool flowed with blood. In regard of these strange and wondrous tokens, there was a devout supplication for one day. And for certain days together, greater beasts were killed for sacrifices, without any good token: and for a long time the grace and favour of the gods could not be obtained. But yet the fortune of the Commonweal stood still upright, and all this anger and mischief portended by those wonders, light upon the head of the Consuls alone, and their death excused all the rest. The Plays called Apollinares, in the year of Q. Fulvius and Ap. Claud. Consuls, had been by P. Cornel. Silvius praetor of the city, first exhibited: after whom all the Pretours ever after did the like. But they vowed them a year before, and performed them upon a day uncertain. The same year happened a grievous plague both in the city and in the countries about, which yet in the end turned rather to long and chronic diseases, than to sharp and deadly maladies. For this pestilence there was not only solemn going in procession, in all the high streets, carrefours, and cross ways throughout the city: but also P. Licinius Varus Praetor of the city, was commanded to propound unto the people, that the Plays abovesaid should be vowed for ever against a set and determinate day. Himself therefore was the first that vowed them, and exhibited them upon the 
* 5 day of july.  third day before the Nones of july, and the same day ever after was observed and kept holiday for that purpose.  
As the rumour of the Arretines' revolt increased daily greater, so the LL. of the Senate were careful about it every day more than other. Letters therefore were sent unto C. Hostilius, that he should without delay take pledges of the Arretines': and C. Terentius Varro was sent with commission, to receive the said hostages at his hands, and to bring them to Rome. He was no sooner come, but Hostilius presently commanded that one legion, which lay in camp before the town, should enter the city with banner displayed, and there he put sufficient guards in places convenient. Then having called and summoned the Senators to appear in the market place, he demanded of them hostages. And when the Senate requested but two days respite to consider of the matter, he made proclamation, that either they should deliver them presently, or else the next day he would seize upon all the Senators children every one. Then he commanded the Colonels, the captains of the Allies, and the Centurions, toward the gates, that none might go forth of the city by night. But this was slackly and negligently executed, for seven principal Senators, before the warders were set at the gates, escaped forth with their children before night. The morrow morning by break of day, when the Senate began to be cited into the Common hall, these parties were miss, and their goods confiscate and sold in port sale. Of the rest of the Senators, their children were taken hostages to the number of 120, and were delivered to C. Terentius, for to be conveyed to Rome: who when he was come into the Senate, made such relation of the matter, that the suspicion of their revolt was much more pregnant than before. And therefore, as if some insurrection had like presently to grow from Tuskane, C. Terentius himself was commanded to conduct one of the two legions about the city of Rome, unto Arretium, and there to lie in garrison with it for to keep the town in order. And it was thought meet that C. Hostilius with the army besides, should survey and visit the whole Province, and to be careful and circumspect, that no occasion nor opportunity might be given unto them, that were minded to seek alteration and to rebel. C. Terentius so soon as he was come to Arretium with the legion, when he called unto the Magistrates for the keys of the gates, and they made answer that they were but miscast aside and could not be found; supposing that they were rather cautelously laid out of the way for the nonce, than lost by negligence, caused other keys and locks to be made, and set upon every gate: and took as great heed and care as he could, to have all under his own hand. He gave especial warning also to Hostilius as touching the Tuskanes, and told him, that he should never hope to rest in security, that they would not rebel, unless he took order with them aforehand, that they possibly could not rebel.  
After this, there was much debate and contention in the Senate about the Tarentines, even before Fabius, whiles himself excused and defended them whom he had conquered and subdued by force and arms: but others were mightily offended with them, yea and most of them gave out plainly, that they were full as faulty as the Campanes, and deserved no less punishment. And so there was an Act of the Senate granted according to the opinion and advise of M. Acinius, that the town should be held with a garrison, and all the Tarentines kept from stirring out of the city: and that the matter should further be debated and decided afresh another time, when the state of Italy stood in better terms of peace and quietness. And the like contention and variance was among the LL. of the Senate touching M. Livius Constable and Captain of the Castle of Tarentum, whiles some were of mind to condemn him as in great fault, because through his carelessness and sloth, Tarentum the city was betrayed to the enemy: others again awarded him good consideration and reward, for that he kept the fort so well by the space of five years, and by his means especially and by none else Tarentum was recovered. But some were of opinion between these and said, that the discussing and determination of that matter pertained properly to the Censors and not to the Senate: of which judgement Fabius also himself was. And this moreover he said withal, that he must needs confess, that true it was, which Livius his friends in the Senate stood so much upon, and iterated so often, namely, that he was the only means that Tarentum was recovered: for in good faith, quoth he, it never could have been regained if it had not once been lost before.  
T. Quintius Crispinus one of the Consuls, went to the army which Q. Fulvius Flaccus had, with a new supply into the Lucanes country. But Marcellus still was stayed behind, upon occasion of new scruples of conscience, and sundry objects that troubled his mind, and kept a hammering in his head one after another. Amongst which, this was one, that having vowed in the Gauls war at Clastidium, a temple to Honour and Virtue: the dedication of the said church was hindered by the Bishops, who said, that one chapel, by right and according to their ceremonies, served but for one saint, and could not be consecrated unto more. For in case it should be blasted and smitten by fire from heaven, or otherwise some prodigious token happen therein, hardly could the right expiation and purging thereof be performed, because it might not be known, to which of the saints or gods the sacrifice should be done: for by order one sacrifice could not serve twain, unless they were some particular & especial gods named. So there was feign to be another chapel built for Virtue: and great haste there was made for the rearing thereof, and yet it was not his fortune ever to dedicate those chapels. So 〈◊〉 length he set forward and put himself on his journey with a supply, unto the army which he had left the year before at Venusia.  
When Crispinus minded to assault Locri in the country of the Brutiens, because there went a great name of Fabius for the assailing and winning of Tarentum, he sent for all kind of artillery and engines out of Sicily, and ships also were brought from thence, for to batter that part of the city that lieth to the sea side. But the enterprise went not forward, because Hannibal had removed, with all his forces to Lacinium. And besides, the news went that his colleague had already brought out his forces from Venusia, with whom he was desirous to join. And therefore he returned out of the Brutiens country into Apulia: and so between Venusia and Brutia, the Consuls encamped severally, within three miles one from the other. Hannibal likewise was retired into the same country, considering that the war was turned from Locri. There the Consuls (hot men of nature both) almost every day led forth their men into the field, not doubting but if Hannibal once met them (having two Consular armies joined together) to make a dispatch of the war once for all. Hannibal because the year before, he had twice affronted Marcell●s, and both given and taken the foil: like as he had great reason, as well to fear as to hope, if he were to encounter and fight with him alone: so he thought verily, that he was never able to make his part good with both the Consuls together. And therefore laying off his lions skin, he took himself wholly to his old fox's coat, and sought all means and opportunities to lay a train for to entrap them. Howbeit there passed some light skirmishes between both their camps, with variety of fortune and interchangeable success. By which, the Consuls thinking that they should hold out and keep the enemies play, during the summer season, and yet nevertheless be able to assault Locri, wrote unto L. Cincius, that he should take the seas, and cross over with his fleet out of Sicily to the city of Locri. And to the end that the town might be likewise assailed from the land side, they commanded part of the army which lay in garrison at Tarentum, to be conducted thither. Hannibal having intelligence aforehand of these things, by certain Thurines, sent forth certain of his forces to beset the ways from Tarentum. And there under the side of the Petellian mount, he bestowed secretly in ambush two thousand horse, and three thousand foot. Upon whom the Romans (marching without their espials sent afore them) chanced to light, and were slain to the number of two thousand, and upon twelve hundred taken alive: the rest were scattered and fled over the fields and forests back to Tarentum. Now there was a little hill between both the camps of the Carthaginians and Romans, and the same all overgrown with wood, which at first was possessed and kept, neither by one nor other: because the Romans knew not the situation of that side which lay toward the enemy's camp: and Hannibal supposed verily that it was a place fitter for to lay an ambush, than to encamp in: and therefore he sent by night for that purpose, certain troops of Numidians, and bestowed them closely in the mids of the wood, and not one of them stirred all the day long out of their standings, for fear lest either their armour or themselves might be espied a far off. In the Roman camp, every man generally was of mind, and let not to say, that the said hill was to be seized and fortified for their use, with a good fortress built upon it, for fear lest if it were first gained by Hannibal, they should have the enemy as it were over there heads ready to annoy them. And Marcellus himself was of the same opinion: whereupon, Why go not we ourselves in person (quoth he to his colleague) with some few horsemen, to view and consider the place, where our eyes shall be our judges; and seeing the ground once, we shall resolve more certainly what course to take? Crispinus liked well of the motion: and so they went forward accompanied with two hundred and twenty horsemen; of which, forty were Fregellanes, the rest all Tuskans. There followed after them, M. Marcellus, the Consul his son and Aulus Manlius, two Colonels: also L. Arennius and M. Aulius, two captains of the allies. Some authors have set down in writing, that Marcellus the Cos. sacrificed that day; and when the first beast was killed, the liver was found without an head: howbeit in the second, all things appeared that were wont to be seen. But in the head of that liver there showed I wot not how, a kind of extraordinary excrescence: which the soothsayer had no liking to, because after those innards which seemed before short, unperfect, & misliking; now those again were seen too well fed and overgrown. But the Consul Marcellus was so hot and desirous to fight with Hannibal, that he thought himself never encamped near enough unto him. And even then also as he went forth out of the camp, he gave order to his soldiers to be ready at a short warning, & have their eye upon the place; that presently, if he liked the hill, for which they went to view, they should dislodge, truss up bag and baggage & follow presently. Now there was a little flat and plain ground before the camp, from whence the way that led unto the said hill, was on every side very open and evident to the eye: where there lay a scout or spy, set of purpose to discover any of the enemies gone far from the camp, straggling & ranging abroad, either for fuel or forage, that they might be intercepted: & not for any hope of so great effect as fallen out. This fellow gave a sign unto the Numidians, that all at once they should arise out of their lurking and starting holes. And they that from the top and ridge of the hill, were to rise and show themselves affront, never appeared & made head, before that they had fet a compass about, for to shut up the passage at the back of the Romans. And then from all parts they began to start up, and with a main shout charged and ran upon them. The Consuls now were in that valley, from whence they neither could possibly get up to the pitch of the hill, possessed aforehand by the enemy: nor had any place of safe retreat behind, for that they were invironned and hemmed in on every side. Howbeit they might have maintained skirmish and held out a good while, but that the Tuskanes began to run away, and put all the rest in a bodily fright. Yet the Fregellanes, forsaken as they were of the Tuskanes, gave not over, but fought manfully, (so long as the Consuls stood on foot unhurt) and received the charge of the enemies, encouraging their people, and fight themselves right valiantly. But when they saw once both their Consuls wounded, and Marcellus also run through with the push of a lance, and falling from his horse ready to die: then they also (and few of them God wot remained alive) together with the Consul Crispinus (who was wounded with two javelines) and young Marcellus, who was himself also sore hurt, fled away and escaped. There were slain in this skirmish, A. Manlius a Colonel, of the two captains of allies, M. Aulus was killed outright, and L. Arenius taken prisoner. As for the Lictours' belonging to the Consuls, five of them then fell alive into the hands of the enemies: the rest were put to the sword, or escaped with the Consul. So there were three and forty horsemen died either in the conflict, or in the flight, and eighteen taken prisoners. In the camp there was much ado, and crying out for to go and succour the Consuls, when they saw one of them, and the other his son grievously hurt, and the poor remnant of that unfortunate expedition, coming toward the camp. The death of Marcellus was much pitied and lamented in many other respects, but for this especially: that he, a man of that age (for he was now above threescore years old) and who should have had more wit: an old captain & leader (I say) that should have had more wisdom & forecast, so unadvisedly had brought both his colleague together with himself, and also in manner the whole commonwealth into so desperate a danger. I should make much circumstance, and fetch many turns and compasses about one point, if I would rehearse all that writers have diversely set down, as touching the death of Marcellus. But to let all others go, L. Caelius delivereth the thing three manner of ways: the one by hearsay only, and a general report: the other, extant in an Oration of the praise of Marcellus, penned by his own son, that was himself present at the action: the third, which Caelius himself allegeth upon his own knowledge, and after diligent enquiry into the matter. But howsoever the voice and fame varieth in some circumstances, most of them jump in the occasion, That he went forth of the camp to view the place: and all agree of the event, That he was entrapped and so slain. Hannibal supposing that the enemies were mightily terrified, as well by the death of the one Consul, as the hurt of the other: because he would take all advantage, & omit no good opportunity offered, forthwith removeth his camp, and pitcheth upon the very hill where he had fought. There he found the corpse of Marcellus, and caused it to be interred.  
Crispinus' affrighted both at the death of his companion in government, and also at his own hurt received, dislodged in the dead time of the night following, and in the very next mountains that he could come unto, encamped and fortified himself upon an high ground, and surely fenced on every side. There the two Generals of both parts, beat their brains, and occupied all their wits, contriving the one to lay trains, and the other to avoid them. Hannibal together with the body of Marcellus, had gotten his ring or sign manuel. Crispinus fearing that Hannibal might practise some crafty fetch, and beguile some body by the means of that signet, sent messengers to all the cities next adjoining, giving them notice, that his brother Consul was slain, and that the enemy had gotten his seal ring, and warning them, that they should give no credit to any letters written in his name, or signed with his seal. This message was not so soon brought to Salapia, but straight after there came letters thither from Hannibal, framed & indited in the name of Marcellus to this effect, That he would the next night that immediately followed that present day, be in person at Salapia; willing the garrison soldiers to be in readiness, for to be employed in some service that should be thought needful. The Salapians perceived whereabout he went, and supposing that it was a perilous plot, whereby Hannibal sought some opportunity to be revenged of them and to punish them, for anger, not only that they were revolted from him, but because they had killed his horsemen: they therefore sending the messenger back again, (who was a Roman fugitive and renegade, and had fled from them to Hannibal) to the end, that their soldiers might effect that which they were minded to do, without the knowledge of the messenger, and not be espied by him; bestowed all the townsmen along the walls and in sundry convenient places of the town, to keep a standing corpse de guard. The watch and ward they tended the next night very carefully, and about that gate where they supposed the enemy would come, they opposed the strength and most able men of all the garrison. Hannibal near about the time of the relief of the fourth watch came to the city. In the vaward marched certain Roman rebels and renegates, with Roman armour upon them: who when they were come to the gate, called up the watch, and spoke all in Latin unto them, willing them to set the gates open, for that the Cos. was come. The watchmen making semblant as if they were roused & awakened at their call, began to bestir themselves, to make haste with much ado, as busy as ever they might be. The Portcullis which had been let down, stood yet shut. Then they began, some to heave & to weigh it from the ground with levers & coleweighes, others to draw it up with ropes unto that height, that men might go upright under it. The passage was scarcely made open, and set wide enough, when the fugitive traitors, came rushing in at the gate av●e, striving who might enter first. And when there were almost six hundred of them gotten in, the rope was let go, at which the portcullies hung, and it fell down with a mighty noise. The Salapians then, some ran upon the fugitive Romans abovesaid, carrying their armour loosely & recklessly, hanging upon their shoulders, as travelers and wayfaring soldiers in a peaceable country of their friends: others from the turrets of the gate pelted the enemies with stones, and pushed at them with punchion poles, or with darts and javelines maskared them. So Hannibal caught in his own snares, was feign to depart.  
He went from thence to levy and raise the siege before Locri, which town Cincius beleaguered straightly, and assaulted most forcibly, having raised fabrics about it, and planted all kind of engines, artillery, and ordinance against it, which were brought thither out of Sicily. Mago who began already to distrust that he should not be able to defend and keep the city, conceived now the first hope of better, when he heard once of the death of Marcellus. And then there came also a messenger with news, That Hannibal having sent afore him the horsemen of the Numidians, followed after himself in person, as fast as he could, with the power of the footmen. And therefore so soon as he perceived, by a sign given from the hill tops, that the Numidians approached, himself at once set the gate open, and suddenly sallied forth upon the enemy with great violence. At the first the skirmish was doubtful, more because he came upon them at unwares, than for that he was equal to match them in strength: but afterwards, when the Numidians charged them besides, the Romans were so terrified, that they fled here and there in every place to the sea and their ships, leaving their fabrics & engines wherewith they had shake●●nd battered the walls. So by the coming of Hannibal the siege broke up before Locri.  
Crispinus, after he was advertised, that Hannibal was gone into the Brutians country, commanded Marcus Marcellus a Colonel or knight marshal, to lead away unto Venusia, the army which had been commanded by his Colleague new deceased. Himself went to Capua with the legions, scarce able to endure the shogging and shaking of the horselitter, for pain & grief of his wounds. From whence he wrote letters to Rome, giving notice, That his brother Consul was dead, and in what danger himself was. Signifying also, that he could not himself come unto Rome against the election, because he thought he should not be able to endure the travel of the journey: and besides, he was in great care for Tarentum, lest Hannibal from out of the Brutians country would turn thither with all his power. Moreover, he gave the Senate to understand, that it was requisite there should be sent as Ambassadors or Agents unto him, men of wisdom and discretion, whom he might confer with, and acquaint with his will and mind, as touching State-matters. The reading of these letters, caused them much to lament and mourn for the death of the one Consul, and greatly to fear what would become of the other. Therefore they not only dispatched Q. Fabius the son, unto the army in Venusia, but also sent unto the Consul three commissioners, Sex. julius Caesar, L. Licinius Pollio, and L. Cincius Alimentus who but a few days before was returned out of Sicily. These had in commission to signify unto the Consul from the Senate, that in case he were not able himself to come to Rome against the election, he should nominate within the Roman territory a dictator for to assemble the people for the said election: also that their pleasure was, in case the Consul went to Tarentum, that Q. Claudius the praetor should withdraw his legions from thence into those parts, whereas he might defend most cities of the Allies.  
In the same summer M. Valerius took the seas, with a fleet of a hundred sail, and from Sicily passed over into Africa: and having disbarked and landed his men near the city Clupea, wasted the country all about, and met no armed men, to speak of, to make head & withstand his invasion. Then these rovers and forraiers retired in haste unto their ships, because on a sudden there was a rumour blown abroad, That the punic Armada was coming, consisting of 83 sail. The Roman Admiral fought fortunately with them not far from Clupea. And after he had bourded and taken eighteen of their ships, and put the rest to flight, he returned to Lilybaeum, with a rich land-bootie, and much pillage found in the ships.  
The same summer Philip also sent aid to the Achaei, that earnestly besought his help: whom not only Machanidas the tyrant of the Lacedæmonians, greevously afflicted with warring upon their confines, but also the Aetolians, who having crossed the straits or narrow sea, between Naupactum and Patrae (which the inhabitants there call Rhios) and set over a power of armed men, had spoiled their territory. Moreover; there went a great rumour and speech, that Attalus king of Asia the less, would sail over into Europe, because the Aetolians in their last parliament or general Diet had conferred upon him the sovereign magistracy and rule of their nation. For these causes Philip came down with a power into Greece, and at the city Lamia, the Aetolians encountered him with their captain Physias, who for that year was created praetor together with king Attalus in his absence. They had in their army certain aids from Attalus, and almost a thousand Romans out of the Roman Armada, sent from P. Sulpitius. Against this captain and these forces Philip fought two battles with prosperous success, and in both slew very many of his enemies: and when the Aetolians were driven for fear from thence, into the city of Lamia, and within the walls thereof saved themselves, Philip retired his army into Phalera. This is a place situate in the gulf of Malea, sometimes much peopled and frequented for the passing fair haven, andmany good harboroughs, and safe roads for ships, besides other special commodities as well of sea as land. Thither repaired sundry Ambassadors from divers parts, to wit, from Ptolomaeus king of Egypt, from the Rhodians, the Athenians, and inhabitants of Chios, and all to treat about a pacification, to take up the war between Philip and the Aetolians. And of neighbor-borderers there was in the behalf of the Aetolians as peacemaker, Aminander king of the Athamanes. All of them were not so careful and earnest for the Aetolians, who were more fierce, stout and imperious than the nation of Grecians naturally is: as they laboured this point, that Philip with his kingly soveragntie, to the prejudice of their liberty hereafter, should not be interessed, nor meddle in the affairs and state of Greece. As concerning a peace, the consultation was put off and referred to the general counsel of the Achaei: and for the said Diet or counsel, was a place appointed, and a certain day set down and published. And in the mean space, a truce obtained for thirty days.  
Then the king departed from thence, and through Thessaly and Boeotia, came to Chalcis in Euboea, for to put by Attalus (whom he heard say to be coming with a navy for Euboea) from arriving in any havens, or landing in any place on the sea coast. Then leaving a guard behind for to withstand Attalus, (if happily in the mean season he should chance to pass over) he marched himself forward with some few horsemen, and light armed footmen, and came to Argos. There by the suffrages and voices of the people, the honour of exhibiting and celebrating the solemn games, called Heraei and Nemei, was recommended unto him, because the Macedonian kings give out and say, that they are descended from that city. After he had performed the solemnity of the Heraei, presently he went from the very games and pastimes, to the counsel of his allies long before proclaimed, as is abovesaid. Much debate there was for a final end of the Aetolians war, that neither the Romans nor Attalus might have any occasion to come into Greece. But the Aetolians marred all this before the time of the truce was well expired: by occasion that they heard, that Attalus both was come to Aegina, and the Roman navy anckered at Naupactum. For being called into the counsel of the Achaei, in which the same Embassies were, who before at Phalera had treated for peace, first they complained, that some things had been done, during the time of the truce, against the faith of the covenant and accord. But at last they flatly denied and said, That there could not possibly be an end of wars, unless the Achaei rendered Pylos unto the Messenians; and peace were granted and restored to the Romans, and likewise to the Athamanes, to Scerdiletus, Pleuratus, and Archides. Whereat Philip was very wroth, and thought it a foul indignity, that conquered persons should take upon them to article and capitulate with him their conqueror. But neither heretofore (quoth he) gave I audience to the treaty of peace, nor yielded consent to truce upon any hope I had, that the Aetolians would ever be quiet: but to this end, that all confederate friends might bear witness that I sought means of peace, and they sought occasions and picked quarrels for war. So without conclusion of any peace, he dissolved the Diet; leaving four thousand soldiers for the defence and guard of the Achaeans, and receiving of them five ships of war, (which if he had joined to the armada of the Carthaginians, lately sent unto him, and also to those ships which were coming out of Bythinia from king Prusias, he determined to assail the Romans with ship-fight, who had a long time been mighty masters of the seas) himself presently from that counsel departed back to Argos: for now the time drew near of the games Nemei, which he was desirous to celebrate and honour with his presence. Whiles the king was occupied in the preparation of these games and pastimes, and solaced himself during these festival holidays, with more liberty of mind and repose, than he should, in time of war; P. Sulpitius having loosed from Naupactum, arrived with his fleet between Sicyone and Corinth, and wasted that goodly territory, most renowned of all other for fruitfulness of all things. The noise and rumour of this occurrence awakened Philip, and caused him to leave his disports: and so he took his cavalry with him in haste, & set forward, having given order that the Infantry should follow straight after: where he found the Romans straggling here and there all over the country, laden with booty and prizes, (as who feared nothing in the world less) set upon them, and drove them to their ships. Thus the Roman fleet nothing well appaied for the booty they had gotten, returned to Naupactum. And Philip greatly augmented the solemnity & magnificence of the games that were behind, by the fame of a victory over the Romans at that time, how much or little soever it was. And with great joy & mirth were those holidays kept: and so much the more, because the king for to please the people withal, laid aside the diadem of his head, put off his purple robes and other princely & royal habit, and in outward port bore himself equal to others, and no better: a thing right acceptable and pleasing to free States, as nothing can be more. By which deed of his, he had given great and undoubted hope unto all men, of liberty and freedom; but that he steined and marred all again with his intolerable lust and looseness of life. For he used to go ranging up and down with one or two of his favourites in company, and did nothing else but haunt suspected houses by the sea side day & night in disguised manner: and thus by debasing himself to the mean estate of a private person, the less he was suspected and known, the more dissolute he was: and whiles he pretended unto others a vain show of freedom, he abused all to his own licentiousness. Neither paid his purse for all his pleasures, nor with flattering persuasions and fair speeches obtained he his disires: but to accomplish his wickedness, he used oftentimes forcible violence: and dangerous it was both to husbands and parents, to be any thing streight-laced, and make it goodly by tedious delay and unseasonable severity, to seem but to stay the unbridled lust and appetite of the king. From one of the Princes also of the Achei named Aratus, he took his wife away called Polycratia, and upon hope and colour of marriage with the king, drew her away with him into Macedon. Having thus with these lewd & wicked pranks passed the time of the solemnity of the Nemean games, and some few days over and above; he went to Dymae for to disseizen the garrison of the Aetolians, which they had sent for and received into the city [of Dymae] from the Eleans. Cycliades (who was the sovereign or chief magistrate of that state) and the Achei, met the king at Dymae: who as they hated the Eleans, because they dissented from the rest of the Acheans, so they were maliciously bend against the Aetolians, whom they were persuaded, to have stirred the Romans to levy war upon them. So from Dymae they departed, and with joint armies passed over the river Larissus, which devideth the country of the Eleans from the territory of Dymae. The first day after they were entered the confines of their enemies, they spent in forraying. The morrow after, in battle array, they presented themselves before the city, having sent out their horsemen before them to make bravadoes before their gates, and all to provoke the Aetolians; a kind of people full of stomach, & ready enough to sally forth & make excursions. Now were they not aware all this while, that Sulpitius with fifteen ships had crossed over from Naupactum to Cyllene: nor that he had landed four thousand soldiers in the still time of the night (because they might not be seen to march) and entered Elis. And therefore, this sudden and unexpected object put them in a terrible fear, when they saw & knew once among the Aetolians and the Eleans, the Roman ensigns and their armour. At the first, the king would have had his men to retire: but afterwards seeing the skirmish was begun already between the Aetolians and Triballi, (a kind of Illyrians) and perceiving that his soldiers also were put to it and charged, than the king also himself with his horsemen assailed the Cohort or Squadron of the Romans. There his horse was with a dart shot through: and when he had once flung and cast the king forward over his head, there was a cruel and deadly fight on both sides, whiles the Romans laid hard at the king, and the king's men protected and guarded his person. Himself fought tied manfully above the rest, considering he was forced on foot, to maintain skirmish among the horsemen. But afterwards, by reason of the great disadvantage, and seeing many about him stricken down and wounded, he was caught away by his guard, mounted upon another horse, and so he fled and escaped. And the same day he encamped 5 miles from the city of the Eleans. The next morrow he led all his whole power to a castle of the Eleans situate near at hand, called Pyrgos: into which he had intelligence that a multitude of the country peisants for fear of being spoiled, were with their cat-tail driven and retired. This confused, disordered, and naked company he took captive at his coming, presently upon the first charge and onset that he gave: and with that booty he licked himself whole again, and salved the shameful diffeature that he had received at Elis. As he was busy in sharing the prizes, and dealing abroad the prisoners (and there were of men some four thousand, and of cat-tail of all kinds one with another twenty thousand head) there came a post out of Macedon with news, that one Eropus had surprised Lychnidum, by corrupting for a piece of money the constable of the Castle, and captain of the garrison there: and that he held in possession certain borough towns of the Dassaretians, and still raised the Dardanians to rebellion. The king therefore gave over the Achaean and the Aetolian wars: yet leaving two thousand five hundred armed soldiers of all sorts, under the leading of Menippus and Polyphantes for to defend his Allies, he went from Dymae through Achaia, Boeotia, and Beboeis; and upon the tenth day came to Demetrias in Thessalia. Where other messengers also encountered him, bringing tidings of a greater insurrection: namely, that the Dardanians had invaded Macedon, and were masters of Orestis, and came down into the plains of Aestraeum: and that the rumour was rise and went currant among the barbarous people that Philip was slain. The truth is, in that expedition wherein he fought at Sicyon with those that preyed and made spoil in the country, he was carried by his hot and stomachful horse under a tree, and there against a bough or arm thereof that stood out, he chanced to break a corner of the crest of his helmet at one end. That piece chanced to be found by a certain Aetolian, and was brought into Aetolia unto Scerdiletus, who knew by the mark that it was the king's helmet: whereupon the fame of the king's death was divulged commonly abroad. After the departure of Philip out of Achaea, Sulpitius who was arrived with his navy at Aegina, went forward, and joined with Astalus. The Achaei, not far from Messene struck a fortunate battle with the Aetolians and the Eleans. Attalus the king, and P. Sulpitius wintered in Aegina.  
In the end of this year, T. Quintius Crispinus the Consul, when he had nominated for Dictator, L. Marcellus Torquatus, for to hold the solemn election of magistrates, & to set out the games, died of his hurt aforesaid. Some say he left his life at Tarentum: others in Campane. Thus both Coss. being slain without any memorable battle, (a thing never seen afore in any other war) left the commonwealth desolate, and as it were clean fatherless. Manlius the dictator chose for his General of the horse, C. Servilius, at that time Aedile curule. The Senate upon the very first day that the LL. were assembled, gave order to the dictator, to exhibit the great Roman games, which M. Aemylius the praetor of the city, whiles C. Flaminius and Cn. Servillius were Coss. had represented & vowed for 5 years. Then the Dictator, both set them forth & also vowed them for the next five years. But considering there were two Consular armies without their Generals, so near unto the enemies: the LL. of the Senate & the people set all other matters aside, and had a principal care above all things, to create Consuls as soon as possibly they could: and such especially, whose virtue and valour should be thought secured and safe enough, from Punic craftiness and deceitful trains. For whereas during the time of all these wars, the overhasty heads and hot spirits of the Leaders, had been ever dangerous and hurtful to the state: so in this very year, the Consuls upon immoderate desire to fight with the enemy, was fallen and plunged into a jeopardy and mischief ere they were aware. Howbeit the immortal gods had mercy and pity upon the Roman name, in sparing the guiltless armies, and punishing the inconsiderate rashness of the Consuls, with the loss only of their own lives. And when the LL. of the Senate looked about every way, to see if they could spy out any to make Consuls of: above all others by many degrees, C. Claudius Nero excelled and was the only Paragon. But a companion with him in the government they were likewise to seek for. As for him, no doubt, they deemed him a singular man and a brave captain: but yet more forward and eager, than the quality and occasions of this war required, or to be matched with such an enemy as Hannibal was. And therefore they thought good to join with him for his colleague, a sober, wise, & prudent man, who might temper and qualify that fierce nature and disposition of his. Now M. Livius, many years ago had been upon his Consulship condemned by the judgement of the people. Which ignominy and reproach he took so grievously to the heart, that he departed into the country, and for many years together, forbore not only the city, but to converse and keep company with men. And almost eight years after his condemnation aforesaid, M. Claudius Marcellus, and M. Valerius Laevinus the Consuls, reduced him again into the city. But he used to go in old and worn apparel, letting the hair of his head and beard grow long, carrying in his very countenance and array, the fresh & notable remembrance of the disgrace before received. But L. Veturius and P. Licinius the Censors, compelled him to cut his hair, and lay away his vile and unseemly weed, to come into the Senate, and to meddle again in civil matters and affairs of State. And yet in so doing, he would never proceed farther, than to say Amen to other men's opinions, and speak but one word, yea and nay: or else nothing at all, but show his mind by passing on his feet to one side or other. Until such time as a kinsman of his own, M. Livius Macatus, being in trouble, and his name and honour called in question, caused him to stand up in the Counsel-house and deliver his opinion. And when after so long discontinuance, he was seen and heard, once to speak, he turned every man his eye upon him, and ministered occasion also of speech in these terms, namely, That the people had done the man exceeding great wrong, yea and hurt the commonweal much, in that during the time of so dangerous a war, there had been no employment of so worthy a person, either for his travail and pains, or his advice and counsel. But to return again to the lords of the Senate: they knew well, that neither Q. Fabius, nor M. Valerius Laevinus, could possibly be joined as companion in government to C. Nero: for as much as it was not lawful that both should be chosen out of the Nobles or Patritij. And the same was T. Manlius his case also. Besides that, as he once refused the Consul's room, when it was offered unto him, so no doubt he would not accept thereof the second time if it were tendered upon him. But if they should sort Marcus Livius and C. Claudius together, there would be an excellent couple of Consuls in deed. Neither stood the people against this overture, thus moved first by the lords of the Senate. The only man in the whole city, that denied it, was the very party himself, unto whom this dignity and honourable place was presented. Who much blamed the levity & inconstancy of the city: saying, that they had no pity of him, when it was: namely, whiles he was in question & accused, & during the time of his trouble ware poor & simple garments: but now against his will, they offered him a glittering white rob to stand for a Consulship. Thus (quoth he) they punish and depress, thus they honour and advance the same persons. If they took me for a good & honest man, why condemned they me as they did, for a wicked one and a guilty? If they found me nought and faulty, what cause have they to trust me with a second Consulship, who used the former so badly, which was committed unto me? As he argued and made complaints in this wise, the lords of the Senate reproved him, and replied again: setting before his eyes the example of M. Furius, who in times past was called home our of exile: & when the state was decayed & lying along, set it upright again in her former place and pristine glory. And like as the curstness and rigour of parents, is to be mollified by patience, even so the hard & shrewd dealings of a man's country, is to be dulced & mitigated by bearing and sufferance. So they all stuck close together, and chose M. Livius Consul, with C. Claudius. Three days after, they went to the election of the Pretours. And there were created Pretours, L. Porcius Licinius, Caius Manlius, A. Hostilius, and C. Hostilius, both Cato's. When the election was finished, and the games celebrated, the dictator and General of the cavalry surrendered their places. C. Terentius Varro was sent into Hetruria as Pro-pretor, to the end that out of that province, C. Hostilius should go to Tarentum, unto that army which T. Quintius the Cos. had. That L. Manlius should go beyond sea as ambassador, to see how the world went there: And withal, considering that in summer, there were to be solemnised the famous games at Olympia, which were celebrated with a most frequent resort and meeting of all Greece, in case he might safely & without impeachment of the enemy, he should visit that great assembly: to the end that if he could light upon any Sicilians, who were fled and banished their country, or any citizens of Tarentum, confined thither & sent away by Hannibal, they should repair home again into their own countries, and know, that whatsoever they were possessed of, before the wars began, the people of Rome would restore the same, and make good again unto them.  
Because it was like to be a right dangerous year, and no Consuls were invested fully in the commonweal, all men depended upon the Consuls elect, and were desirous that they should with all speed, cast lots for their provinces: and every man was willing to know aforehand, what province each one should rule, & what enemy he was to deal withal. Moreover, a motion and speech there was in the Senate-house, that the Consuls should be reconciled and made friends, and Q. Fabius Max. propounded that first. For there had been notorious enmity and variance between them aforetime and the calamity of Livius made the same more grievous and unsupportable unto himself; in regard that he was persuaded, how in that misery of his, he was despised of his adversary. Whereupon he grew to be more implacable of the twain, and worse to be entreated. There needs (quoth he) no reconciliation, neither is it material & to any purpose. For they will do all with more diligence and better spirit, who ever stand in fear that their adversary and concurrent shall grow great and be advanced by their default. Yet the authority of the Senate bore such a stroke with them, that they laid aside all malice and old grudge, & with one mind, consent, and counsel, administered the affairs of commonweal. Their provinces were not intermingled, nor their government extended into one another's country, as in former years, but distant asunder and divided by the remote frontiers and farthest marches of Italy. For unto one of them were assigned the Brutians & Lucan's country against Hannibal: unto the other, Gallia against Asdrubal; who as the rumour and bruit went, was come forward near unto the Alpes. Of those two armies which were in Gallia and in Hetruria, he whose fortune was to go into Gallia, was to choose which army he would, and have besides, that other of the city. And he whose lot should be to go into the Brutians country, besides the new legions enroled of citizens, was to take unto him, the army of whether Consul he list, of the former year. Also Quintius Fabius the Proconsull, had the charge of that army which the Consul refused: and his authority was renewed for one year longer. As for C. Hostilius, whose province Tarentum they exchanged for Hetruria, they altered his province again, to wit, Capua in stead of Tarentum. Unto him was allowed that one legion which Fulvius the last year commanded.  
Now increased their care every day more than other, concerning the coming of Asdrubal into Italy. And the Ambassadors of the Massilians had brought news first, that he was passed over into Gallia: and that the minds of the Gauls were mightily cheered up by his coming, because the speech went, that he had brought a huge deal of gold with him, for to hire & wage soldiers for aid in the wars. Then afterwards, Sex. Antistius, and M. Retius, who were sent Ambassadors back with them from Rome, for to see whether it were so indeed, had made relation unto the Senate, that they had sent certain of purpose guided by the Massilians, who by means of their especial friends, the princes and lords of the Gauls, might learn the truth, and bring word back accordingly. By whose report it was for certain known, that Asdrubal having levied already a puissant army, was minded the next spring to pass over the Alpes: and that there was nothing else stayed him, but that it had been done already, saving only the avenues of the Alps which were closed up with the winter snow.  
In the room of M. Marcellus, L. Aquilius Paetus was created Augur, and so consecrated. And likewise Cn. Cornelius Dolabella was inaugurat or installed king of the sacrifices, in steed of Marcus Martius, who died two years before. In this very same year the city was purged, and there was a general survey and numbering of the people, by the Censors taken, P. Sempronius Tuditanus, and M. Cornelius Cethegus. There were reckoned and entered into the censors books of citizens, 137108. A smaller number by much odds, than before the war. It is recorded in the Annals, that this year first after that Hannibal came into Italy, the Comitium was built over head and covered. And that the Roman Games were once renewed by the Aediles of the chair, Q. Metellus, and C. Servilius: and that the other Games called Plebeij, were renewed two days by Q. Manlius, and M. Caecilius Metellus, Aediles of the Commons: who also offered three images, and set them up in the chapel of Ceres. And the solemn festival dinner of jupiter was celebrated by occasion of those Games.  
Then C. Claudius Nero, and M. Livius the second time, entered their Consulship: who (because whiles they were but Coss. elect, they had cast lots for their provinces) commanded the Praetors to do the like. And to C. Hostilius fell the jurisdiction over the citizens, who had that likewise over strangers and foreigners; to the end, that the other three might go forth into their provinces. To A. Hostilius, was allotted Sardinia; to C. Manlius, Sicilia; and to L. Porcius France. In sum, the legions were in number three and twenty, divided into the provinces in this sort: to wit, the Consuls had two apiece, Spain four. The three Pretours for Sicily, Sardinia, and France each of them twain. C. Terentius in Hetruria commanded two. Q. Fulvius in the Brutians country, other two. Q. Claudius about Tarentum, and the Salentines conducted twain: and Caius Hostilius Tubulus at Capua, one. Last of all, two were enroled for the city. In the four first legions, the people chose all the Colonels or Marshals, but to all the rest the Consuls sent new to make up the defect.  
Before the Consuls went forth, there was a Novendiall sacrifice celebrated, because at Veij it had reigned stones from heaven. And after one prodigious sight was once minded and spoken of, there were (as it is commonly seen) others also reported: namely, that in Minturnae the temple of jupiter, and the sacred grove of 
* The same that 〈◊〉.  Marica was smitten with lightning: and at Atellae the wall and gate likewise, was blasted with fire from heaven. The men of Minturnae spoke also of a more fearful and terrible thing than that, to wit, that there ran a river of blood in their very gate. Last of all, at Capua a Wolf entered the gate at night, and wearied and dismembered one of the watchmen.  
These wonderful signs were expiate with sacrificing of greater beasts, and a supplication was holden for one day, by virtue of a decree from the Prelates. Then was the Novendiall sacrifice once again renewed, because it was seen, that in Armilustrum it reigned stones. And men's minds were no sooner freed of one religious scruple, but they were troubled again with another. For word was brought, that at Frusino there was an infant borne, as big as ordinary a child is at four years of age. And the thing was not so strange for the bigness of the body, as for that it was borne doubtful, whether it were male or female, like as two years before, at Sinuessa. The wizards that were sent for out of Hetruria, said, that this of all other was a foul and filthy monster, and that it should be had forth of the dominion of Rome, and drowned in the deep, so as it might touch no ground. Whereupon they put it alive into a coffer, and when they had carried it a good way into the sea, they flung it in. Moreover the Prelates made a decree, that certain virgins in three companies, having nine apiece, should go through the city, & sing certain canticles. And whiles in the temple of jupiter Stator, the maidens were a learning their song by heart, devised and framed in verse by Livius the Poet, the temple of queen juno in the Aventine hill, was stricken with lightning from heaven. And when the Aruspices had declared that this prodigious token touched the matrons and dames of the city, and that the goddess was to be pacified with an oblation; they were (by virtue of an edict granted out by the Aediles of the chair) called all into the Capitol, as many as had any house, either in the city of Rome, or within ten miles every way. And they among themselves chose five and twenty, into whose hands all the rest should put some small portion of their dowry. Of which there was made a fair and large golden basin, for to be presented unto juno: and it was brought into the Aventine: and withal, the dames offered unto her purely and chastened their sacrifices. And straight after the Decemvirs proclaimed a day for another sacrifice of the same goddess, the manner and order where of was this: There were two white heifers led from the temple of Apollo into the city, through the gate Carmentalis: after them were carried two Images, representing juno, made of Cypress wood: then went there seven and twenty virgins in long side garments, chanting hymns and songs to the honour of juno. These songs in verse were peradventure commendable, and passed for good with those rude and gross wits then living: but if they should be rehearsed now adays to our fine heads, they would seem but simple stuff, and composed without rhyme or reason. After this row of maidens, followed the Decemvirs deputed for sacred ceremonies, with chaplets & garlands of bay, clothed in vesture & robes embroidered with purple. From the gate above named, they passed by the street jugarius into the Grand place, & there rested this solemn pomp & train. Then these virgins taking hold of a cord, which went through all their hands, sung a song, and danced the measures, footing it artificially according to the note. From thence they went by the Tuscan street & Velabrum through the beasts market, & so forward into the Clivus Publicus, until they came to the temple of juno. There the Decemvirs sacrificed two beasts, and the Images of Cypress wood were offered and set up in the temple. When the gods and goddesses were duly pacified, the Consuls took musters more straightly and with greater preciseness, than any man could remember in former years. For both the fear of the war was twofold, by reason of a newcome enemy into Italy, and also there was less store of youth, out of which the soldiers should be enroled. Whereupon they compelled the inhabitants of the Colonies by the side, who were said to have an especial immunity of warfare (by a sacred law) for to find soldiers: and when they denied, and stood upon their privilege of exemption, they set them down a certain day, upon which every man should repair into the Senate, & show what cards they had for their immunity & vacation. Upon the day appointed there presented themselves before the Senate these Commonalties following, to wit, of Hostia, Alsia, Antium, Anxur, Minturnae Sinuessa, and Sena, from the upper sea. When every one of these States exhibited and read their charter of immunity, there was none of all them dispensed with, but they of Antium & Hostia, in regard the enemy abode in Italy: and so the young & serviceable men of those Colonies, were put to their oath and swore, that not above forty of them should lie one night forth of the walls of their Colony, so long as the enemy continued in Italy.  
When all the LL. of the Senate were of opinion, that the Consuls were to go forth to the wars with all speed possible (for that both Asdrubal was to be encountered coming down the Alpes, for fear he should solicit the Gauls on this side the Alpes; and the Tuscans likewise who hoped and looked every day for a change and alteration; and also Hannibal was to be kept occupied in his own war, that he might not go forth of the Brutians country, and meet with his brother) only Livius made some stay and drew back, as reposing but small trust in the armies belonging to his own provinces. And as for his Colleague, well he wist, that he had the choice of two notable Consular armies, and of a third, whereof Q. Claudius had the charge at Tarentum. Whereupon he had made some motion of calling the Volones [or voluntaries] again to their colours, and to serve in the wars. The Senate granted the Consuls a large and free commission, both to make supply from whence soever they would, by choosing out of all the armies whom they pleased, and to make exchange with whom they would, yea, and to draw out of the provinces whomsoever, according as they should think it good for the Commonweal. And all this was executed with the exceeding concord and unity of the Consuls. The Volones were enroled into the nineteenth and twentieth legions. Some authors have written, that Scipio sent unto Livius from out of Spain, a strong power of auxiliaries for that war, to wit, eight thousand of Spaniards and Frenchmen, two thousand legionary footmen, and eighteen hundred men of arms, partly Numidians, and partly Spaniards: and that Marcus Lucretius brought these forces by sea: also that C. Manlius sent out of Sicily four thousand archers and flingers.  
The fear and troubles in Rome were much increased, by occasion of letters sent out of Gallia from L. Porcius the praetor: pourporting thus much, That Asdrubal was removed out of his wintering harbours, and was passing over the Alpes: that there were eight thousand Ligurians levied and ready in arms, to join with him so soon as ever he was come into Italy, unless some one were sent against the Ligurians, to prevent and keep them otherwise busied with war. As for himself, he would with that weak army that he had, go forward, as far as he thought he might with safety. These letters caused the Consuls to dispatch the musters in great haste, and to go forth into their provinces, sooner than they had purposed: with this intent, that both of them as well the one as the other, might in his several province keep the enemies occupied, and suffer them not to join, and lay their forces together. And verily the thing that helped them most in this their designment, was an opinion and persuasion that Hannibal had: For albeit he was assured that his brother would that summer pass over into Italy, yet when he called to remembrance what a toil he had himself, and how much trouble and travail he endured in the passage, one while of the river Rhodanus, another while of the mountains of the Alpes, and how for the space of five months together, he was forced not only to fight with the people, but to struggle also with the difficulties of the places; he never looked that Asdrubal could so easily and so speedily pass over as he did: which was the cause that he dislodged out of his wintering places so much the latter. But Asdrubal found better expedition, and all things more easy and speedy than either himself hoped for, or others expected. For the Arverni, and other nations (by their example) both of France and also about the Alpes, not only received and entertained him, but also accompanied him to the war. Over and besides, as he conducted his army by those avenues which were prepared and made open by his brother's journey, and had been aforetime unpassable wild's and craggy rags: so against his coming, the Alpes were much more easy, by reason of twelve years continual passage too and fro those ways: and the nature of the paisants more civil and tractable. For the people before, being not used to any strangers and aliens, nor accustomed to see passengers or travellers coming into those parts, were in manner unsociable, savage and wild, and could not away with the society of men. And at the first not knowing whither Hannibal intended to go, they supposed that he came for to surprise their holds in caves and rocks, to take their fortresses, and to drive away their people and cat-tail as booties. But afterwards, the fame that went of the Punic war (wherewith now twelve years Italy was plagued and vexed) had taught them sufficiently, that the Alpes were nothing but the way for the Carthaginians to travail through. And by this time well they knew, that two most puissant Cities and States, divided and removed one from another by a great space of land and sea between, strove together and warred for their greatness and Sovereignty. Upon these occasions, I say, the Alpes were open and passable to Asdrubal with ease. But look what time he gained by speedy journeys, the same he lost again by stay about Placentia, whiles he lay there in vain, rather besieging than assailing it. He was carried away with a persuasion, that the town seated upon a plain and champain country, might soon be forced and won: and the great name that went of that noble Colony, induced him to believe, that by the overthrow and rasing of that city, he should strike a terror to all the rest. But in lying against that town, he not only hindered himself much, but also stayed Hannibal: who having heard that he was passed over the Alpes, and come down into Italy, so much sooner than he looked for, was upon the point to dislodge out of his standing wintering camp. For he considered & cast in his mind, not only what a long & tedious piece of work it is to besiege and assault cities, but also well remembered how himself after his victory at Trebia, assayed to force that colony in his return from thence, but might not prevail.  
The Consuls being departed from the city, and gone divers ways as it were for two sundry wars at once, distracted men's minds with many cares and troublous imaginations, as well in remembrance of those losses and overthrows, which they had received at Hannibal his first coming: as also in thinking, what gods should be so propitious and favourable to the city and empire of Rome, as to prosper the affairs of the State and Commonweal, at one time in both places. For until then, their success had been variable & alternative; and their prosperity always dilaied with semblable adversity: and again, their losses were recompensed with equal gains. For when in Italy the Commonwealth of Rome went one way downward headlong to the ground at Thrasymenus and Cannae; the fortunate wars another way in Spain, set it upright again. Afterwards, when in Spain one overthrow and deffeature happened in the neck of another, at what time as two noble Captains were slain, and two valiant armies in part destroyed; the happy and lucky hand in Sicily and Italy, made up those breaches, and set the reeling state on foot again. For why? the very distance of the place so far remote (because one of the wars was maintained in the farthest part of the world) yielded time and respite to breath themselves and gather new strength. But now, two wars at once are entertained within Italy, two most brave warriors and renowned Captains enclose between them the city of Rome: all dangers come huddle together: all the heavy load and whole burden beareth upon one and the selfsame place: and no doubt, but whither of those two Captains first shall get a victory, he will within few days after join his forces to the other. The fresh and lamentable remembrance also of the very last year, wherein two Consuls lost their lives, mightily affrighted the hearts of the people. So as, in these perplexities and troubles of mind, they accompanied the Consuls as they departed and went into their several provinces. It is moreover in some records found, that when Q. Fabius advised and warned M. Livinus being upon his journey toward the wars, not rashly and hand over head to give battle to the enemy, before he knew his nature and qualities, he full of anger still and discontentments with his fellow citizens, made this answer, That so soon as ever he could have a sight of his enemy's army, he would fight: and being asked again, why he would make such haste? Mary (quoth he) either shall I by victory of mine enemies win singular honour and renown: or by the overthrow of my fellow citizens gain some hearts-ease and contentment, if not honest in all respects, yet at leastwise such as they have deserved.  
Before that Claudius the Consul was come into his province, C. Hostilius Tubulus accompanied with certain cohorts lightly appointed, encountered Hannibal as he led his army and marched by the utter confines and marches of the territory of Larinum, which leadeth to the Salentines: and charging upon his disordered army, put them to great trouble, slew four thousand of his men, and carried away nine ensigns. Q. Claudius who had certain garizons planted in all the cities of the Salentines' country, hearing of the enemies coming, had removed out of his wintering camp: and therefore Hannibal, because he would not fight with two armies at once, by night dislodged out of the territory of Tarentum, and withdrew himself into the Brutians country: and Claudius turned with his army to the Salentines again. Hostilius in the way to Capua, met with the Consul Claudius at Venusia. There, out of both armies, the Consul picked forth forty thousand choice footmen, and 2500 horsemen, for to war with Hannibal. The rest of the forces Hostilius was commanded to lead unto Capua, and to deliver them to Q. Fulvius the Proconsul.  
Hannibal having assembled his forces from all parts, as well those which he had in camp during winter time, as those that lay in garrison in the Brutians country, came as far as Grumentum in the territory of the Lucanes, upon hope to recover the towns, which for fear, had revolted to the Romans. Unto the same place the Roman Cos. making out his espials before to discover and clear the ways, marched from Venusia, and about a mile and half from the enemy, encamped himself. The Carthaginians had fortified themselves, and cast a trench close in a manner to the walls of Grumentum: and between the camp and the Romans was some half mile. A plain lay in the midst: and on the left hand of the Carthaginians, and the right hand of the Romans all along between, the hills overlooked them, bare and naked, and of neither part suspected, by reason that they had no wood growing upon them, nor any lurking places to hide an ambush in. Into the plain between they used to put out certain bands and companies from the Corpse de guard of both sides, and made light skirmishes not worth the talking of. And it seemed that the drift of the Roman Consul was to keep the enemy in, and not to suffer him to go his ways. But Hannibal desirous to be gone, entered the field with all his power in order of battle. Then the Consul borrowing a little of his enemies cunning, for that in so open hills there was less fear and suspicion of ambush, gave order that five Cohorts of horsemen, reenforced with as many bands of footmen, should by night get over those hills, and in the valleys behind, sit down closely: with direction to T. Claudius Asellus a colonel of footmen, and P. Claudius a captain of allies whom he sent to conduct them, at a certain time to arise out of ambush, and to charge the enemy: himself by day light led forth all his whole power as well foot as horse into the field. Within a while after, Hannibal likewise put forth the signal of battle: and all the camp over they set up a cry, running all about to their armour and weapons. Then footmen and horsemen both rushed a-vie out of the gates who could be soon forth; and scattered as they were all over the plain, made haste to the enemies. Whom when the Consul saw thus disordered, he commanded C. Aurunculeius a Tribune or Colonel of the third legion, to put out the cavalry belonging to that legion, for to charge the enemy with all the violence he could: for that like sheep they were so spread over the plain without all form and fashion, and might be surprised, discomfited, and beaten down, before they could be brought into array and set in order of battle. Hannibal himself was not come forth of the camp, when he might hear the noise of them fight together and hard at it: and excited with this tumult, he led in great haste all the rest of his forces against the enemy. By this, the vaward and forefront of his battle was frighted with the horsemen of the enemies: yea and the first legion of the Infantry and the cavalry of the right wing began to charge. The Carthaginians disordered as they were, fought at a venture, as they chanced to meet either with footmen or horsemen. The conflict grew hotter, by reason of new supplies and fresh succours, and increased still by the number of them that continually ran out to the medley. And surely Hannibal, notwithstanding this tumult and troublesome fear, had set and marshaled his men in good order as they were fight (which had been no easy thing to do, but that the army was of old soldiers, and their captain well experienced and beaten to it) if it had not been for the shout of the cohorts and bands abovesaid, which they heard at their backs, as they from the hills behind ran down upon them; and set them in great fear, lest that they would thrust in between them and home, and so shut them out of their camp. Hereupon I say they were affrighted, and began to fly here and there. But the slaughter was the less, because the camp was near, and far they had not to run thither and save themselves in this their fearful fright. For the horsemen played upon their backs still, and gave not over: the cohorts from the open mountains ran easily down the hill, and charged cross upon their sides and flanks. Howbeit, there were slain more than eight thousand men, and above 700 taken prisoners: nine ensigns won and carried away: of Elephants also (whereof there was little or no use) in a sudden and tumultuary skirmish four were killed, and two gotten alive. Of Roman and Allies, there died two hundred. The next day after, Hannibal stirred not. The Roman Consul having brought his army forth into the field, and seeing none to come abroad and make head against him, commanded the slain enemies to be disarmed and despoiled, the spoils to be gathered up, and the bodies of his own men to be brought together into a place and buried. For certain days after continually, he pressed so hard at the camp gates, that he wanted but little of entering thither with banner displayed. In so much as Hannibal at the third watch of the night, leaving behind him many fires burning, and divers tents standing, on that side especially which looked toward the enemies, and some few Numidians, to make a show upon the Rampiar and at the gates; dislodged, and purposed to go into Apulia. The next morning by day light, the Roman army embatrailed, approached the trench and rampiar. The Numidians of set purpose showed themselves in the gates and upon the rampiar: and when they had a good while dallied thus and played with the enemy, they mounted on horseback, and spared no horseflesh until they had overtook their fellows. The Consul perceiving that all was quiet within the camp, and seeing not so much as those few appear any where, who in the morning betimes had walked their stations, sent forth two horsemeninto the camp as espials. After he understood for certain that all was safe, and the coasts clear, he commanded his ensigns to make an entry. And staying no longer there, than whiles his souldionrs ran up and down to pill and spoil, he sounded the retreat: and long before night, brought his army back again. The next morrow after, he set forward by the dawning of the day, & with long journeys, following his enemies by the voice of the country, & tracing them by their footsteps, he overtook them not far from Venusia. There also was a skufling skirmish between them, and not so few as two thousand Carthaginians slain. From thence Hannibal ever marched by night, and journeyed through the mountains, because he would give his enemy no vantage of fight, until he came to Metapontum. From whence Hanno (for he was captain of the garrison there) was sent with some few in his train into the Brutians country, to levy a newarmie. And Hannibal after he had joined those forces to his own, returned again to Venusia, by the same way that he came from thence; and so forward he marched to Cannusium. Nero never left the enemy, but was ready to tread on his heels, and as he marched himself toward Merapontum, he had sent for Q. Fulvius to repair into the Lucanes country, because those parts should not be disfurnished of defence.  
In this mean space, there were four French horsemen, and two Numidians, sent to Hannibal with letters from Asdrubal, after he was removed from the siege of Placentia: who having travailled in manner all the length of Italy, through the mids of the enemies, whiles they follow after Hannibal in his retire unto Metapontum, miss of their way, and light upon Tarentum: where they were encountered by the foragers of the Romans that ranged about the fields, & by them were brought before Q. Claudius the Propretor. At the first they entertained him with flim flams, with doubtful and intricate answers: but when the fear of the rack and other tortures, had forced them to tell a truth, they confessed, that they had letters about them to deliver from Asdrubal to Hannibal. With those letters sealed as they were, they were committed unto L. Virginius a Colonel, for to be conveyed unto Claudius the Consul. And two troops or Corners besides of Samnite horsemen were sent to guard them. So soon as they were come unto the Consul, and the letters read by an enterpretour, and some examination taken of these captives: then Claudius considering that the commonweal was not now in that good case, nor the occasion such, that each governor needed no more, but to make war by the ordinary course of commission, within the compass and limits of his own province, with the help of his own army alone, and against an enemy assigned unto him by the Senate: but that some unlookedfor adventures must be enterprised, some new designments and unexpected put in execution, which when they are begun and attempted, might make no less wonder and fear among their own friends, than terror among the enemies: & being once performed and done, might turn the former fear into as great joy and gladness; sent the letters of Asdrubal to the Senate at Rome: & withal, himself acquainted the lords of the Senate what he intended to do. And forasmuch as Asdrubal wrote unto his brother to meet him in Vmbria, he advised them to send for the legion at Capua to Rome, to take musters also at Rome, and to oppose that army of the city, against the enemy at Narnia. Those were the contents of his letters to the Senate. He dispatched likewise messengers before, through the territories of the Larinates, Marrucines, Ferentines, and Pretutians, (by whom he meant to lead his army) for to give notice, that all the inhabitants of those parts, should out of their villages and good towns, provide and bring forth victuals into the high ways, for to refresh his soldiers; also to come with their cart-horses, draught-oxens, and other beasts for carriage, together with wanes and carts, that the wearied soldiers might ease themselves thereby. Himself out of his whole army, as well of citizens as allies, chose forth the flower and most picked men of all, to the number of fix thousand foot, & one thousand horse, and gave it out openly, that he minded to surprise the first city that he came next unto in the Lucanes country, and withal, the garrison of Carthaginians that lay there: and therefore commanded them to be ready for the journey and expedition. Thus when he had set forward in the night, he turned his way into Picenum. And the Consul made no more ado, but with long journeys highed him as fast as he could, and led his army directly to his colleague, leaving Q. Tatius his Lieutenant, to guard and command the camp.  
At Rome, they were no less terrified and troubled, than they were two year before, at what time as the Carthaginians were encamped before the walls and gates of the city. And men wist not well, what to make of this adventurous and audacious journey of the Consul, whether they should praise or dispraise it. And it seemed that they would measure it and report thereof according to the event, than which surely, there is nothing more unjust and unequal. But thus they whispered, That the camp was left with an army, and without their General, near unto the enemy Hannibal, yea and the same gelded of all the strength and flower thereof: that the Consul pretended an expedition into the Lucanes country, when indeed he went toward Picenum and Gallia; leaving the camp by no one thing more safe and secure, than by the error and mistaking of the enemy, who is altogether ignorant, that the General is gone from thence, and part of the forces with him. But where would they be then, and in what taking should the camp be, in case that were known abroad; or if Hannibal would either with his whole army follow after Nero, being gone with no more than fix thousand? or assault the camp, left as it were for a prey unto him, without forces, without conduct, and without the fortune and good luck of the General to protect it? The old defeatures received in this war, the fresh remembrance of two Consuls slain but the last year, increased men's fear. All which misfortunes happened, when there was in Italy but one captain General, and one Angle army of the enemies. Now, of one war of the Carthaginians there are made twain: and two Annibals (as a man would say) be both at once in Italy, right valorous and renowned warriors. For even Asdrubal also, was Amilear his son as well as Hannibal, as valiant and redoubted a captain every way: as who for so many years together in Spain, hath been exercised in the Roman wars, and borne the name of achieving a twofold victory, and diffeating two armies, with two most noble and famous commanders: and as for expedition and speed in his voyage out of Spain, and for raising the nations of France up in arms, he may make his boast much more truly than Annibal himself. For even in those very places, where Hannibal had lost the greater part of his soldiers, with hunger and cold, (which kind of death of all others is most miserable) this Asdrubal hath levied a power of armed men. Moreover, they that knew Spain well, and the affairs which had passed there, said besides, That he had not to deal with Nero, as with a warrior whom he knew not already; for why? he had when it was, made a child of Nero, by a good token, That when Asdrubal was by chance in a wood, and could not get out, was put to his shifts; but whiles he trifled out the time with Nero in booking deceitful conditions and capitulations of peace, he showed him a cozening Carthaginian cast, gave him the fair slip, & escaped out of his hands. And to conclude, in all their discourses at Rome, they magnified every thing on the enemy's part above all truth, and debased all their own means of help beneath all reason: such was their fear, which interpreteth and construeth all to the worst.  
Nero, 
The speech of Nero to his soldiers.  when he had now gained so much ground, and was gone so far from the enemy, as it had not mattered much if his designs had been revealealed and made known unto him, for any danger that might ensue thereof; called his soldiers before him, & spoke some few words to this or the like effect. Never was there designment (quoth he) of any General in the field, in outward show more dangerous, in deed & truth more safe & secure, than this of mine. I lead you to a certain and assured victory, even to that war, unto which my colleague would not go before the Senate had allowed him to his full contentment, a greater power both of foot and horse, and the same better set out and more furnished, than if he should have gone against Hannibal himself: and therefore whatsoever small poise and addition of forces you bring thereto, you shall sway thereby the whole, and as it were weigh down the balance. For when the enemies ready embattled to fight, shall hear (and before that time, I will take order I trow, that they shall not hear) that another Consul and another army is come, no doubt the day will be ours, and they shall yield us the victory. For it is a fame and name only, that fighteth the field & determineth battles. And small matters many times carry away the game, and cause men's minds both to stoop for fear, and to rise with hope. And verily, of a well fought field you are they that shall reap the fruit and gain the glory. For always it is seen, that a little help that cometh last, is more than all besides, and seemeth to effect the whole. And you see yourselves, with what concourse, with what admiration, with what affectionate favour all men do entertain and regard you by the way. And in very truth, as they marched along in their journey, it was a world to see, how both men and women flocked out of all the villages of the country to see them, how they sorted themselves into companies and degrees to welcome them, and how as they passed as it were in a lane through them, they made vows in their name, they poured out their prayers in their behalf, and dealt praises among them: calling them the very guard & defence of the Commonweal, the saviours and redeemers of Rome and the Roman Empire: acknowledging that the lives and liberties of themselves and their children, lay in their right hands, and depended upon the force of their arms: praying to all the gods and goddesses, and to all the holy halows of heaven, to vouch safe them a lucky journey, a fortunate fight, & a speedy victory over their enemies: wishing heartily, that they might be bound and condemned (as it were) to pay & perform their vows, which in their name they had undertaken and promised: desiring earnestly, that as now they went along, & accompanied them with careful minds for fear of the peril which they went unto, so after few days they might meet with them upon the way with joyful hearts, as they return with triumph for their victory. Every man for himself in particular invited them friendly, offered them frankly, entreated and besought them importunately, that all things whatsoever they stood in need of, either for themselves or their beasts, they would receive at his hands especially, as being ready to afford them all most liberally, heapful, and with the better. The soldiers again, for very modesty strove to take no more than was very needful and necessary, no stay they would make with any, nor one jot depart from their colours. Their meat they took by the way as they went, journeying night and day, and scarce allowing their body's rest & sleep to content their weak nature that looked for it. Now had Nero sent aforehand to his brother Consul certain couriers, to give him advertisement of his coming, and to know again from him his mind, whether he should come openly or secretly, by day time or by night, and lodge in one camp with him, or in another apart by himself. Livius his advice was, and he thought it the better of the twain, to enter into his camp, closely in the night season, and had given a watchword, and made it known throughout all the camp, that every Marshal and Colonel should lodge a Marshal or Colonel, every Centurion entertain a Centurion, every knight or man of arms receive a knight or horseman, and every footman take unto him a footman into his pavilion and cabin. For it was not expedient that the camp should be enlarged and set out wider, for fear that the enemy might take knowledge of another Consuls coming: and so much the more easily might many of them be bestowed in the straight room of their pavilions, because the army of Claudius had brought in manner nothing with them in this expedition, save their armour only. Moreover, in the very way as they came, the company was well mended & much increased, by many voluntaries that offered themselves willingly of their own accord, as well old soldiers, such as had served out their years, as young and lusty men: whom Claudius perceiving so to strive for to have their names entre, if he saw them personable & strong of body, and like to do good service, had enroled into the muster book. The other Consul lay encamped before 
* 〈◊〉.  Sena, and Asdrubal some half mile from him. And therefore Nero, being now approached and come near, sat him down close among the mountains, because he would not put himself within camp before night. And when they were come thither, they were welcomed every man according to his degree, by them of their own place and calling, and brought into their tents and pavilions, & with a general joy of all, friendly entertained as their loving guests. The next day following they assembled together to counsel: at which meeting, L. Porcius Licinius the praetor was present: who was himself encamped close unto the Consul's leaguer. He before their coming, by leading his army over the high places, and one while keeping the narrow straits of the forest, to impeach and stop the passages, another while charging upon the flank and sides, or else upon the back and tail of the enemy, had by all the devises and policies of war, mocked him and kept him play. This man, I say, was at the foresaid counsel. Many men there were of opinion, that the day of battle should be deferred for a time, whiles Nero might have some few days respite, both to refresh his soldiers, wearied with long travail and much watching, and also to know the quality somewhat better of his enemy. Nero not only persisted still to persuade, but also began most earnestly to entreat, That they would not by long delay make that design of his to seem rash and dangerous, which speediness in execution had made safe and secure. Considering, that whiles Hannibal, upon ignorance and error (which is not like to continne long with him) lay still asleep and benumbed, neither once thought upon it, to assail the camp left without a General, nor put himself upon the way, to make pursuit after me; now before he once stir, I may (quoth he) defeat the army of Asdrubal, and return again into Apulia. But he that by deferring still, giveth the enemy time and respite, betrayeth as much as lieth in him, the camp unto Hannibal, and layeth the way open for him into Gallia, to join with Asdrubal at his good leisure and pleasure. Nay (quoth he) the signal of battle must be given forthwith, and we must into the field. We must, I say, take the vantage, and make the best of the error and ignorance of our enemies both absent there, and present here: that neither they with Hannibal may know that they are to deal with fewer; nor these again be ware, that they are to fight with more in number, and stronger in power. Thus the counsel broke up, and the signal of battle was put forth, and presently they went into the field. The enemies were already advanced in battle array, and stood with displayed ensigns. The only stay of joining in fight was this, That Asdrubal riding out with some few horsemen before the ensigns, chanced to mark some old targuets of his enemies which he had not as yet seen, and their horses more lank and lean, than erst before. And (as he guessed) the number also was greater than ordinary and usual. Suspecting therefore, that which was indeed, he sounded the retreat in all haste; and sent out presently to the river where they used to water, to see if they might either light upon some, and catch them prisoners, or at leastwise take good marks by their eye, whither any of them haply were higher coloured, or looked sunburnt, presently upon their late travel. Also he gave them commandment to ride aloof about their camp, and to spy whether the rampire were enlarged or set out farther in any place, and to listen attentively whether the trumpet sounded single or double within the camp. When all other circumstances besides were related in order affirmatively, only the not enlarging of the camp, put them by their hint, and gave the occasion that they were beguiled. Two several camps they were, like as before the coming of the Consul: the one belonging to M. Livius, the other to L. Porcius. And in neither of them were the rampires and trenches set out any jot, whereby they might put up more tents, & quarter themselves in larger room. But this one thing troubled this old experienced captain, & acquainted so well as he was with the Roman enemies, that his espials brought word, how in the praetors camp they sounded the trumpet once, and in the Consuls twice. For surely that was an evident argument, that two Consuls were there. And in thinking how the other Consul had departed from Hannibal, and given him the slip, he mightily tormented himself. And he could not once suspect and imagine that, which was indeed the truth, namely, that Hannibal was deluded and mocked in a matter of so great moment, as to be ignorant what was become of the General, or of the army, to which he lay so close and near encamped. Surely (thought he) and without all question, he hath received no small foil and overthrow, & in this fright dareth not make after and follow the enemy. Nay he feared much, lest all were lost and gone, and that he should not come time enough to help and succour him: and that the Romans had gotten already the same good hand in Italy, which they had before in Spain. Otherwhiles he was persuaded, that his letters never came to Hannibal his hands, that they were intercepted, and so the Consul made haste to prevent him, and give him the foil by the way. Being perplexed with these careful cogitations, he caused the fires to be put out, and at the signal given at the first watch, to truss up bag and baggage, and to dislodge, and be gone. In this fearful haste, and nightly tumult, the guides whiles they were slenderly looked unto, & small heed was taken of them, one of them sat down and rested close in a secret lurking hole which he had before destined in his mind; the other waded over the river Metaurus, through the sourds that he was well acquainted with, & so got away & made an escape. So the army left at random without their guides, first wandered over the fields, and then divers of them being weary & sleepy with overwatching, laid them down along here and there, and left their colours with few about them. Asdrubal commanded them to march along the bank of the river, and to follow it, until the daylight might direct them the right way: & so going a compass in and out according to the winding reaches & cranks of the river, wandered a great while, & gained but a small ground forward. Now when day light once appeared, he purposed to spy out the first place for convenient passage and there to get over. But finding no fourds, by reason that the farther it was from the sea, the higher were the banks from the water that kept in the river, he spent all the livelong day, and gave the enemy time to follow after him. And first Claudius Nero came with all the horsemen, than Porcius followed hard after with the vaunt-coutriers, and light armed footmen. Whiles they made offer to charge their enemies in their march, every way, and played still upon them, in so much as now Asdrubal leaving to journey forward (where in he seemed rather to flee than march) was desirous to take a little hill along the river side, and there to encamp and fortify: Livius was come also with all the main power of footmen, so armed and so orderly appointed and marshaled, as they were not only provided to march in journey, but ready also presently to give battle. But when they were all joined together, and aranged in battle array, Claudius had the leading of the right wing, Livius commanded the left, and the praetor took the charge and conduct of the main battle. Asdrubal seeing no other remedy but to fight, never fortified his camp; but in the forefront before the vaward, and in the very mids, placed his Elephants: about them in the left wing he opposeth the French against Claudius; not so much trusting upon them, as supposing verily that the enemy was afraid of them: and in proper person he took up the right wing against Livius for himself and the Spaniards, in whom (being old beaten soldiers) he reposed his most hope. The Ligurians in the mids were bestowed behind the Elephants. But the battle was rather drawn out in length, than stretched forth in breadth. The Frenchmen were defended with the hill that bore out over them. That front which the Spaniards kept, encountered with the left wing of the Romans. And all the battle of the right side, which bore out from the conflict, stood still and fought not. The hill that was opposite against them, was the cause that neither affront, nor aflanke, they could charge upon the enemy. But between Livius and Asdrubal there was an hot fight begun already, and cruel bloodshed on both sides. There were both the General captains: there was the greater part of the Romans, as well foot as horse: there were the Spaniards, old and experienced soldiers, skilful also in the Roman manner of fight: there were the Ligurians, a tough nation, and hardy in fight. Against this battailon were the Elephants turned, who at the first shock and onset troubled and disordered the vaward, yea and began to force the ensigns to give ground. But after upon the noise that grew greater, and the battle that waxed hotter, they began to be unruly, and travers between both battles, as it were doubtful to whether side they belonged, much like to ships left hulling and floating without their pilots and steeres-men. Then Claudius cried out eftsoons to his soldiers: To what end, quoth he, made we such post hast, and took so long a journey? But seeing that he laboured in vain to avance his banners and mount up against the hill opposite unto him, and perceiving that way how it was impossible to come unto the enemy and to enter upon him, he drew forth certain cohorts out of the right wing where he saw they were liker to stand still than to fight, and wheeled about behind the enemy's battle, and so unwares not only to the enemies, but also to his own men, he charged upon the left flank of the enemies: and he bestirred himself so nimbly, that when he had showed himself on the sides, presently he played upon their backs; in such sort, that now on all hands, affront, behind, and on their flanks, down went the Spaniards and Ligurians, and were hewn in pieces, yea and the execution reached to the very French. There, with them was least ado, and smallest fight of all: for a great many of their fellows had abandoned their colours, and being slipped away in the night, lay asleep all over the fields: and such as were there, weighed with travail and watching (as having bodies that of all things can not away with labour and pains taking) were scarce able to bear their corselets on their backs. Besides, now it was high noon: and what with drought and heat together, they stood gaping for air, and yielded their bodies agood either to be massacred, or taken captive. As for the Elephants, there were more of them killed by the hands of governors and guiders that sat upon them, than by the enemy that fought against them. For their manner was to have about them a carpenters chisel and a mallet, and when the beasts began once to rage and to run upon their own fellows, their masters would set the said chisel between their ears, even in the very joint where the nape of the neck and the head meet together, and with his mallet to drive it as hard as he could: this was found to be the readiest and most speedy way to kill so mighty and huge a beast, when they were past all hope to rule them and keep them in order. And the first inventor and practiser of this feat was Asdrubal, a famous and memorable captain, as in many other respects, so especially for this battle. He it was that held out to the end, exhorting his soldiers to fight, fight also himself, and adventuring all dangers: he it was, that when his men were weighed and drew back (by reason of long toil and labour) incensed them again, one while by fair words and entreaty, another while by sharp checks and rebukes: he reclaimed them again when they were running away: he renewed the medley in divers places when it slaked and gave over. And at the very last, when he saw evidently that the enemy had the honour of the day, because he would not remain alive after so great an army diffeated that followed his standard, and were induced by the reputation and name that went of him, he set spurs to his horse, and road among the Squadrons of the Roman horsemen; and there, as beseemed Hamilcar's son, and Annibals' brother, fight right manfully, was slain. Never during the time of this war in one field were there so many enemies killed: and it seemed now that for loss of captain and overthrow of army, they might well cry quittance with them for the diffeature at Cannae. Slain there were 56000 enemies, 6400 taken prisoners: and a rich booty and pillage gained of all sorts, besides gold and silver. Moreover, there were recovered of Roman citizens above four thousand, who had been taken prisoners, and were among the enemies. That comfort they had to make amends for the soldiers that died in this battle: for they won not the victory without bloodshed in this field, wherein to the number almost of eight thousand Romans and allies together, lost their lives. And the conquerors themselves had so much their fill of blood and slaughter, that the next morrow, when word was brought unto Livius the Consul, that divers Cisalpine Gauls, and Ligurians, which either were not at the battle, or escaped out of the execution, and were going away in one company all together, without a certain leader, without ensigns, without any order or command, and might all be put to the sword and utterly destroyed, if there were but one cornet of horsemen sent out after them, Nay quoth he, let some remain alive to tell the news both of our enemy's loss and ruin, and of our own virtue and valour. And Nero the very next night after the battle, marched with more speed backward, than he came thither, and within six days returned again so far as to his standing leaguer, and the enemies. All the way as he marched, he was not in deed so resorted unto and frequented by so many men, by reason that there went no harbingers or messengers before: but his coming was welcomed, with so great gladness and mirth, that for very joy, the people were well-near besides themselves. As for Rome, it cannot be uttered and expressed in words sufficiently, how men were affected the one way or the other: neither how pensive the city was in doubtful expectation of the event, nor how joyous and jocund again, upon the news and tidings of the victory. For never one day (after the rumour once was blown thither, that Claudius the Consul was gone forth in his expedition) from the sunrising unto the setting, departed either Senator out of the Counsel-chamber, from attendance upon the magistrates, or the people out of the common-hall. The dames of the city, because other help they could yield none, betook themselves to their beads and devotions, and in every Church went up and down, and plied all the gods with prayers, with vows, and humble supplications. As the city was thus perplexed & in suspense; first there came some flying news, that two horsemen of Narnia were come out of the battle, and returned to the camp which lay to guard and keep the straits and passages of Vmbria, who had brought word thither, that the enemies were defeated. At the first, they rather lent their ears to hear these tidings, than bent their minds to entertain the same; as being greater than they might in heart conceive, and more joyful than they could assuredly believe: & the exceeding swiftness of the rumour hindered the credit thereof, because it was reported withal, that the battle was fought but two days before. Then were letters brought from L. Manlius Acidmus, sent out of the camp, which confirmed the arrival of those horsemen of Narnia. Those letters were brought through the common place, unto the Tribunal of the praetor: whereupon the lords of the Senate were sent for out of the Council-house. But the people kept such a thrusting and thronging about the door of the Senate, that the messenger could not pass thither, but was haled and pulled by the people, questioning with him, and calling hard upon him, that the letters should be read at the market cross, and in the Rostra, before they were opened in the Senat. But at the last, they were restrained by the magistrates and caused to void, and hardly could the joy be conteived among so unruly people, who had no measure nor rule of their affections. Well, the letters were first read in the Senate, and then in the assembly of the people: and there, according to the divers dispositions of men, some took joy and contentment of mind, as upon a certainty: others would give no credit, before they either heard the messengers speak directly from the Consuls, or saw their letters. After this, word came, that there were Ambassadors themselves at hand. And then in deed, there ran to meet them, of all sorts, young and old, every one desired to be the first, to see and to hear these so glad tidings. And they went out so far as the bridge Milvius, & all the way along, was full of people. These ambassadors or messengers, were L. Veturius Philo, P. Licinius Varus, Q. Cecilius Metellus. Who being accompanied with people of all degrees and qualities, that flocked about them, came as far as to the common place: some questioned with themselves, others inquired of their train and retinue, what news, and how the world went. And as any one had caught an end from them, that the army and captain General of the enemies was slain, or the Roman legions safe, and the Consul's hail and well, he would immediately impart his joy unto others. Much ado had they to come into the Curia, and more ado there was, to keep out the multitude, that they were not mingled among the lords of the Senate. But at last the letters were red in the Senate. From thence were the Ambassadors brought into the general assembly of the people. And L. Veturius after he had read the letters, explained himself from point to point in order, how every thing was done, with great applause; and afterwards, with a general shout of all the assembly, who hardly could conceive in their minds so great joy. Then they ran divers ways, some to the temples of the gods to render thanks, others to their own houses, to communicate with their wives and children so lucky and fortunate tidings. And the Senate decreed a solemn procession for three days together, forasmuch as M. Livius and C. Claudius the Consuls, with the safety of the legions had vanquished the enemies, killed their General, and put their army to the sword. This procession C. Hostilius the praetor, published in the open assembly of the people: and it was celebrated and solemnised both by men and women. All the temples for three days fully, were likewise replenished with the one sex and the other. For the Matrons and Dames of the city, in their best apparel, together with their children, yielded praise and thanks to the immortal gods, as if now they had been freed from all fear, and the war come to a final end for ever. This victory altered the very slate and course of the commonweal, so as from that time forward, as in time of settled peace, men durst make contracts, buy and sell, borrow and lend, yea and pay debts to their creditors.  
C. Claudius the Consul, so soon as he was entered into the camp again, caused the head of Asdrubal (which he had preserved with great care and brought with him) to be thrown out before the Corpse de guard and stations of the enemies, and that the African captives, should be showed bound as they were in chains: and two of them to be sent loose unto Hannibal, to declare and recount in order, how everything happened. Hannibal having at once received this double blow, mourning as well for the public loss of the state, as for the calamity happened in his own house, fetched a deep sigh (by report) and said: Ah, I see well the hard fortune of Carthage. And dislodging from thence, because he would bring together all his forces (which being dispersed asunder, he was not able to hold and maintain) into the utmost angle of Italy, (the Brutiens country) he brought thither as well the Metapontines, even the whole state of them, who abandoned their own towns and cities, as also the Lucanes, as many as were subject unto him, and under his obedience.   

THE XXVIII. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the eight and twentieth Book.  
THE prosperous affairs in Spain, under the conduct of Syllanus the Lieutenant of Scipio, and L. Scipio his brother, achieved against the Carthaginians: as also the acts performed by Sulpitius the Proconsull, and Attalus the king of Asia [the less] in the quarrel and behalf of the Aetolians, against Philip king of the Macedonians, are reported and set down [in this book.] When there was a triumph decreed and granted unto M. Livius and C. Claudius Nero the Consuls: Livius, because he had performed the exploit in his own province, rode in a chariot drawn with four steeds: and Nero, because he came into the province of his colleague, to help forward the victory, rode after him mounted on horseback: Howbrit even thus, in this habit and manner of triumph, he carried the more glory, port, and reverence: for to say a truth, in this war he had done more good service than his brother Consul. The fire went out in the chapel of Vesta, by negligence of a virgin, that had the keepingand tending thereof, and looked no better unto it. The said virgin was well whipped. P. Scipio finished the war in Spain against the Carthaginians, when it had continued fourteen years: and in the fist year after that he went from the city of Rome. And having dizseized the enemies quite of the possession of Spain, he recovered it wholly for the Romans. From Taracon he loosed, with two barks, and sailed into Africa unto Syphax king of the Numidians, with whom he concluded a league. Asdrubal the son of Gisgo, sat there with him at one table, and they supped together. He exhibited a game and pastime of sword-playing at new-Carthage, in the honour of his father and uncle: and the same was not performed by common fencers and swordplaiers hired thereto, but by such as either for the honour of their captain, or to determine some controversy, gave defiance one to the other, and entered the lists in combat: Among whom, two great LL. of the country, who were brethren, sought at sharp for the sovereignty of the kingdom. When the city Astapa was besieged and assailed by the Romans, the townsmen caused a mighty pile of wood to be made, and set on fire, and when they had killed their wives and children, they threw themselves headlong into the fire after them. Scipio himself, whiles he lay grievously sick, and there happened by occasion thereof, a mutiny to arise in one part of his army, when he was amended once, made an end thereof: and compelled the states of Spain (that mutined) to come in and yield obedience again. There was likewise an amity and society concluded with Masanissa, king of the Numidians: who also promised him his aid, in case he would come over into Africa: With the Gaditanes also, after the departure of Mago from thence: who had received letters from Carthage, that he should pass the seas into Italy. Scipio after he was returned to Rome, was created Consul. And when he made suit to have the province of Africa, Q. Fabius Max. withstood him: and so he had the government of Sicily: but with commission to sail over into Africa, in case he thought it good for the Commonweal. Mago the son of Amilcar, from the lesser Balcare Island, where he had wintered, took the seas and sailed over into Italy.  
WHen it seemed that Spain was eased as much of war, as Italy charged therewith, by the voyage of Asdrubal thither: behold, all of a sudden there arose other troubles there, equal to the former. And as for the provinces of Spain at that time, they were possessed between Romans and Carthaginians in this manner. Asdrubal the son of Gisgo, was retired with his power far within the country, even to the Ocean and Gades. But the coasts bordering upon our sea, and in manner all Spain bending toward the East, was held by Scipio, and subject to the Roman empire. Hanno the new General, being passed out of Africa with a fresh army, & entered into the room of Asdrubal the Barchine, joined with Mago: and when he had put in arms within a short time, a great number of men in Celtiberia, which lieth in the midst between the two seas; Scipio sent forth against him M. Syllanus with ten thousand foot, and five hundred horsemen. This Syllanus made such speed by taking as long journeys as possibly he could (considering how much hindered and troubled he was, both by the roughness of the ways, and also by the straits, environned with thick woods, and forests, as most parts of Spain are) that notwithstanding all those difficulties, he prevented not only the messengers, but also the very same and rumour of his coming, and by the guidance of certain fugitive revolts out of Celtiberia, he passed forward from thence to the enemy. By the same guides he had intelligence, and was for certain advertised (being now some ten miles from the enemy) that about the very way where he should march, there were two camps: namely, on the left hand the new army abovesaid of Celtiberians to the number of more than nine thousand lay encamped, and the Carthaginians on the right. As for this leaguer, it was well defended and fortified with corpse de guards, with watch and ward both night and day, according to the good order and discipline of war. But the other was as much neglected, dissolute, loose, and out of order, like as commonly barbarous people and raw soldiers are, and such as fear the less, by reason they are at home within their own country. Syllanus thinking it good policy to set upon them first, gave commandment to march under their ensigns & colours, and bear toward their left hand as much as they could, for fear of being discovered in some place or other by the guards and sentinels of the Carthaginians. And himself in person, having sent before certain vauntcourriers & espials, with his army advanced apace directly toward his enemy. Now was he approached within three miles of them unespied, and not descried at all. For why? a mountain country it was, full of roughs and crags, overspread and covered with woods and thickets. There in a hollow valley between, and therefore secret for the purpose, he commanded his soldiers to sit them down and take their refection. In this mean time the espials came back and verified the words of the fugitives aforesaid. Then the Romans, after they had piled their packs, their trusses and baggage in the midst, armed themselves, and in order of battle set forward to fight. When they were come within a mile of the enemies, they were discovered by them, who began suddenly to be affrayed. Mago at the first outcry and alarm, set spurs to his horse, and road a gallop out of his camp to succour. Now there were in the army of the Celtiberians, four thousand footmen targeteers, & two hundred horse. This troop being in manner the flower and very strength of the whole army, & as it were, a full and complete legion, he placed in the vaward; all the rest, which were lightly armed, he bestowed in the rearward for to succour and rescue. As he led them forth thus ordered and arraunged, they were not well issued without the trench, but the Romans began to lance their javelines and darts against them. The Spaniards to avoid this volley of shot from the enemies, couched close under their shields, and defended themselves, & afterwards they rose up at once to charge again upon them. But the Romans standing thick as their manner is, received all their darts in their targuets, and then they closed man to man, and foot to foot, & began to fight at hand with their swords. Howbeit, the ruggedness of the ground, as it nothing availed the swiftness of the Celtiberians (whose guise is to run to and fro in skirmish and keep no ground) so the same was not hurtful at all to the Romans, who were used to a set battle, and to stand to their fight: only the straight room, and the trees and shrubs growing between, parted their ranks and files asunder, so as they were forced to maintain skirmish, either singly one to one, or two to two at the most, as if they had been matched to cope together even. And look what thing hindered the enemies in their flight, the same yielded them, as it were, bound hand and foot unto the Romans, for to be killed. Now when all these targeteers well-near, of the Celtiberians were slain; their light armed soldiers, and the Carthaginiaus also, who from the other camp ran to succour, were likewise disarraied discomfited, and hewn in pieces. So there were two thousand footmen, and not above, and all the horsemen (who scarce began battle) fled with Mago and escaped. As for Hanno the other General, together with them who came last, and to the very end of the fray, was taken alive. But Mago fled still: and all the cavalry, with as many as remained of the old footmen followed after, and by the tenth day arrived in the province of Gades, and came unto Asdrubal. The Celtiberians, that were but new soldiers, slipped into the next woods out of the way, and so from thence fled home.  
This fortunate victory happening in so good a time, not so much stifled the present war in the very birth, as it cut off the matter and maintenance of future troubles, in case the enemies had been let alone, and suffered to solicit and stir other nations to take arms, like as they raised the Celtiberians already. Whereupon, Scipio having highly commended Syllanus, and conceived great hope withal, to dispatch quite, and make an end of the wars, in case himself lingered not the matter, & made long stay; pursued the remnant behind, and set forward into the utmost province of Spain against Asdrubal. But Asdrubal, who happened then to lie encamped in 
* Andelusia.  Boetica for to keep his allies in obedience and faithful allegiance, all on a sudden dislodged, plucked up standards, and away; and more like one that fled than marched, led his army farther into the country, even as far as the Ocean, and to Gades. But supposing, that so long as he kept his forces altogether, himself was the only mark which the enemy would shoot at, before that he cut over the straits of Gibraltar to Gades, he broke up his whole army, & sent them away here and there to their several cities, both to save themselves within the walls, and to defend the walls by force of arms. Scipio, so soon as he perceived that the warn was thus divided into sundry parts, and that to lead about his forces from city to city, was rather a long and tedious piece of work, than either difficult or much available, retired back. But because he would not leave that country clear in the hands of the enemies, he sent his brother L. Scipio, with 10000 foot, and 1000 horsemen, to assail the mightiest and wealthiest city in those parts, which the barbarous people call Oringis. This city is seated in the confines of the Melessi (a nation mere Spaniards) the soil fruitful, and the inhabitants there find silver mines. This was the fortress of Asdrubal, and his place of safe retreat, when he made outrodes all abroad into the midland countries of the main and spoiled the people. Lucius Scipio having pight his camp under the said city; before that he entrenched and blocked the town, sent certain to the gates, who by parling near at hand, might feel and sound the dispositions of the citizens, and persuade with them to make trial of the Romans friendly alliance, rather than their forcible violence. But perceiving by their answers, no mind at all nor inclination to peace, he cast a trench, and raised a double rampiar about the town, and divided his army into three parts, to the end that one of them should ever follow the assault, whiles the other twain took rest and ease. And when the first troop and regiment of them began to give a camisado, there followed a fierce, cruel, and doubtful skirmish. For they could not easily either come under the walls, or bring scaling ladders to set to, by reason of the shot that light upon them. And such as already had reared up ladders to the wall, some of them were pushed off with certain forks provided for that purpose, others were caught hold of with iron hooks from above, and were in danger to be hung up in the air, hoist aloft, and fetched over the walls. Scipio seeing that the conflict was unequal, by reason of the small number of assailants, & that the enemies had the advantage besides, in that they fought from the wall top; caused that first regiment to retire, and with the other twain at once, gave a fresh assault to the town. This strake so great a fear into them who were already wearied with fight, that not only the townsmen suddenly abandoned the walls and fled, but also the Carthaginian garrison soldiers, for fear lest the city was betrayed, forsook also their stations and places of guard, and gathered themselves into one place. But then the townsmen were afraid, lest if the enemies put themselves within the city, they should be massacred every where as they came in their way, without respect and difference, who were Carthaginians, or who were Spaniards. Whereupon they set one gate open on a sudden, and in great numbers ran out of the town, bearing their targuets before them, against the darts that were shot a far off, and showing aloft their naked right hands, in token that they had laid aside their swords. But whether the enemy could not well discern them so far off, or whether they suspected some crafty and deceitful practice, I wot not, but they fell upon these that fled and yielded unto them, and flew them downright, as well as if they had affronted them in the face of a battle, and at the same gate entered the city with bloody banners. In other parts likewise they fell to hewing down the gates with axes, and to break them open with crows of iron. And as every horseman got into the city, he road amain (according to the direction given by the General) into the market place, to be possessed thereof. And to these horsemen were assigned the Triarij for aid and assistance. The legionary soldiers besides ran over all the other parts of the city, spoiling & killing all that ever they met, save such as defended themselves with their armour. All the Carthaginians were taken prisoners and committed to ward, likewise of townsmen about three hundred, such as had shut the gates; but unto all the rest the town was rendered again, and each man had his own goods delivered and restored unto him. There were slain at the assault of that city, of enemies almost two thousand: but of Romans not above foureskore and ten. As by the winning of the town, they that were employed there took great joy and contentment: so in their return to their General himself, and the rest of the main army, they made a goodly show as they marched with a mighty multitude of prisoners led before them. Scipio having praised his brother in the most honourable terms that he could devise, and namely for this exploit of forcing Orinx, making him equal in glory to himself for the conquest of Carthage: because winter drew on, that he could neither give the attempt upon Gades, nor yet follow at once upon the army of Asdrubal, so dispersed as it was in sundry parts over the province, conducted his forces back again into that province of Spain that lieth on this side Iberus: and when he had dismissed his legions into their several standing camps to winter in, and sent his brother L. Scipio to Rome, together with Hanno the General of the enemies, and other gentlemen prisoners, he withdrew himself to Taracon.  
In the same year the Roman Armada being set out under the conduct of the Admiral M. Valerius Lavinus the Proconsul, made a voyage from Sicily into afric, and forraied all over the territories of Utica and Carthage, in so much as they drove booties out of the very utmost confines of the Carthaginians, and even about the walls of Utica. As they sailed back for Sicily, they were encountered by the Carthaginian fleet, consisting of 70 long ships of war, whereof seventeen were bourded and taken, four sunk in the deepesea, the rest were put to flight and dispersed. Thus the Roman captain Valerius, after victories achieved both by sea and land, returned with rich prizes of al' sorts to Lilybaeum: and hereupon by reason that the seas were open and cleared of the enemy's ships, great store and abundance of grain was brought to Rome.  
In the beginning of that summer wherein these things happened, P. Sulpitius the Proconsul, and K. Attalus, after they had wintered in Aegina, as is above said, with a joint navy passed over from thence into the Island Lemnos. The Romans were 25 Galleaces of five ranks of oars, and the king had 35. Philip for his part because he would be ready at all affays to meet with the enemy either by land or sea, went himself in person down to the sea side, as far as Demetrias, and made proclamation, that all his forces should by a certain day mere together at Larissa. Upon the same that went of the kings coming, there repaired sundry Embassies from the confederate States of all parts, unto Demetias. For the Aetolians having taken hart unto them, as well for their society with the Romans, as upon the coming of Attalus, wasted and spoiled their borderers. And not only the Acamanians and Boeotians, and they that inhabit Euboea, were in great fear, but also the Achaeans; whom over and besides the war from the Aetolians, Machanidas also the Lacedaemonian tyrant terrified, who encamped himself not far from the confines of the Argives. All these States made report what perils were like to ensue both by sea and land to their several cities, and besought the king his aid. Moreover there came unto him out of his own realm no good tidings of peace and quietness, for that Scerdiletus and Pleuratus were gone out and rebelled: and of the nations of Thrace, the Medi especially were ready to invade the frontiers adjoining upon Macedon, in case the king should fortune to be busied and occupied otherwise in any long wars. The Boeotians likewise themselves, and other nations inhabiting the more inland parts of Greece, had given intelligence, that the avenues of the forest Thermopylae, where as the narrow gullet of the straits yieldeth small passage, were stopped up by the Aetolians with a trench and pallaisade, that it might give no access at all unto Philip, for to come and defend the cities of the Allies. Thus many troubles coming huddle and thick one upon another, had been able to have roused and awakened even a sleepy and slow captain, and made him to look about him. These Ambassadors he dispatched and sent away, promising every one of them help and succour, as time and occasion would permit: and willing them each one for the present, to provide those things that were most urgent and important. Then he sent a garrison unto that city, from whence news came, that Attalus having passed with a fleet from Lemnos, had wasted and forraied all the territory about it. And he sent Polyphantes with a small power into Boeotia, and Menippus likewise one of his own captains and Cavaliers, unto Chalcis, with a thousand targuartiers called Peltati, (now the Peltae, are certain small bucklers or targuets, nothing unlike unto the Spanish Cetrae) unto whom were joined five hundred Aenians, that they might be able to guard all the parts of the Island: himself in person went to Scotusa, and there he appointed the Rendezvous, that all the forces of the Macedonians should be brought thither from 
* Larizzo or Larzo.  Lariffa. News came unto him there that the Aetolians had summoned and proclaimed a general Diet or Council at Heraclea, and that K. Attalus would repair thither to consult about the managing of the whole war. And with an intent by his sudden coming to trouble this solemn assembly and meeting of the States, he took great journeys in his march, and led his army toward Heraclea: but the Council was newly dissolved when he arrived thither. Howbeit, he destroyed all the standing corn, which now was near-hand ripe, specially in the vale along the Gulf of the Aenianes, and so reduced his army back again to Scotusa: and there leaving his whole power, he retired himself to Demetrias, attended only with his royal guard. And because he might from thence be ready to meet withal sudden stirs and invasions of the enemies, he sent out men of purpose into Phocis, 
* Nigroporite.  Euboea, and 
* Lemene Nigra or Saraquino. Castaido.  Peparethus, to choose out certain high places for beacons, from whence the fires might be seen a far off. And himself set up one watchtowne upon Ciffaeos (a mountain, the top whereof is of an exceeding height) that upon the signal of the beacons on fire from a far, he might in the minute of an hour have intelligence, so soon as the enemies went about any trouble whatsoever. But the Roman General, and K. Attalus, passed the seas from Peparethus to Nicaea, and from thence failed with their Armada to Euboea, unto the city Oreum, which as a man beareth his course from the gulf of Demetrias to Chalcis and 
* Streccho de Nigroponte.  Euripus, is the first city of Euboea that showeth itself upon the left hand. And thus it was agreed between Attalus and Sulpitius, that the Romans should give the assault from the sea side, and the king with his forces on the land. Four days after the fleet was arrived, they presented themselves before the city to assail it. For, that time between was spent in secret talk and conference with Plator, who was appointed by Philip governor and provost of the city. The city had within it two Citadels, the one commanding the sea, the other situate in the very hart and mids of the town. From thence there is a way under the ground that leadeth to the sea: at the end whereof there stood a fabric or tower five stories high, a singular bulwark and place of defence. There at the first, began a most sharp and cruel conflict, by reason that the turret was well furnished with all kind of shot and artillery: and likewise from out of the ships, there was planted much ordinance, and many engines bend to impeach and assault the same. Now when every man's mind was amused, and eye fixed upon this hot and eager fight, Plator received and let in the Romans at the gate of the other citadel that stood over the sea, and so in the turning of an hand it was surprised and won. The townsmen being expelled and chased from thence, retired and betook themselves into the middle of the city unto the other fortress. But certain shoulders were set of purpose there, to shut the gate upon them: and so being excluded, they were killed and taken prisoners in the mids between. The garrison of the Macedonians stood round together under the castle wall, and neither fled openly a main, nor yet began to fight, as if they meant to stick to it unto the end. For whom, Plator obtained pardon of Sulpitius, and having embarked them, brought them to Demetrium of Phthiotis, and there set them ashore, and himself returned to Attalus.  
Sulpitius bearing himself bold for this so good and speedy success, immediately sailed with his victorious armada against Chalcis. Where the event in the end answered nothing unto his hope and expectation. The sea lying broad and large on both hands, gathereth in that place to a narrow room, so as at the first fight it maketh a show of a double peer or haven, opening upon two divers mouths, but in very truth, there is not lightly to be found a worse harborogh, & a more dangerous road for ships. For not only for the exceeding high hills on both sides of the main, the winds arise suddenly and blow blusterous, but also the very straight itself of Euripus ebbeth not and floweth, seven times in the day, as the voice goeth, at certain set and ordinary hours; but without all order, as the winds drive, the sea turneth and rolleth hither and thither, working up and down, & like a flowing stream runneth forcibly & with great violence, as it were, down a steep hill: so as neither night nor day, the ships there riding, have any rest & repose. As the Roman armada was thus engaged within so dangerous a road: so the town of the one part was environned with the sea, and on the landside surely fortified; besides the defence of a strong garrison there, and the assured loyalty of the captains and principal heads and rulers; whereby it was chiefly guarded, which at Oreum was but vain, fickle, and unsteadfast: by means whereof it was tenable and imprenable. The Roman General in this case, considering how he had begun a rash enterprise, & seeing many difficulties on every hand, wrought wisely yet in this one point, that he soon gave over, because he would spend no time in vain, & passed over with his fleet from thence to Cynus of Locris (a town of merchandise belonging to the city of Opus, situate a mile from the sea.) Philip had warning by the beacons on fire that appeared from Oreum: but by the fraud of Plator, the other were with the latest set a burning from the watchtower abovesaid. And forasmuch as he was not strong enough at sea, he could not with his navy have easy access into the Island. So that service was delayed and altogether neglected. But he bestirred himself quickly to the succour of Chalcis, so soon as ever he espied the fire from the beacon For albeit Chalcis itself be a city of the same Island, yet it is divided from the continent by so narrow an arm of the sea, that there is no more but a bridge between it and the land: and on that side it hath more easy access than by water. Philip having dizseized the garrison there, cast down the fort, and discomfited the Aetolians who kept the straight passage of Thermopyiae, came from Demetrias to Scotusa, from whence he departed at the third watch: and when he had driven and chased the enemies in great fear to Heraclea, himself in one day reached to Elatia in Phocis, a journey above 60 miles. The very same day in manner, the city of the Opuntij was taken by K. Attalus & put to the ransack. The whole pillage thereof, Sulpitius had granted to the king, in regard that Oreum a few days before was spoiled and rifled by the Roman soldiers, and the king's men had no share with them. Now was the Roman armada retired to Oreum: and Attalus not ware of Philip his coming, spent time in exacting moneys from the chief & principal citizens. But so sudden and unexpected was this accident of his approach, that had not certain Cretensians by good hap, gone forth a foraging far from the city, and descried the march of the enemies a great way off, he might have been overtaken and surprised. Attalus unarmed and out of order as he was, made haste & ran amain to the sea side, for to recover the ships. And even as he and his men were losing from the land and launching into the sea, Philip came, and from the very shore put the mariners and sailors in great fear. From thence he returned to Opus, crying out upon God and man, and blaming his ill luck, that he bade miss so narrowly the opportunity of so great an exploit, and let it go, as it were, snatched out of his very eye. In the same fit of anger, he reproved and rebuked the Opuntians, for that being able to hold out the siege until his coming, so soon as they saw the enemy, they presently had yielded themselves in a manner voluntary into his hands. When he had set things in order at Opus and thereabout, he took his journey to Torone. Attalus at first retired himself to Oreum: but upon the news arrived, how Prusias the king of Bythinia, had invaded the frontiers of his kingdom, he left the Roman affairs and the Aetolian war, and from thence sailed over directly into Asia. Sulpitius also retired his navy unto Aegina, from whence in the beginning of the spring he had departed & taken his voyage. And Philip forced and wan Torone, with as small ado as Attalus before had taken Opus. That foresaid city Torone, was inhabited by certain that were fled and driven out of Thebes in Phthiotis. For when the city was taken by Philip, and they fled for protection unto the Aetolians, (to whom they recommended and committed themselves) the Aetolians gave unto them that place to seat themselves in, being a city wasted and in manner desolate by the former war of Philip. Then Philip having recovered Torone again, as is aforesaid, departed from thence, and wan Tritonumand Dry mass, two small and base towns of no account in Doris. From whence he came to Elatia, where he had given commandment, that the ambassadors of Ptolomeus & the Rhodians, should give attendance until his coming. Where, as they were treating about the making an end of the Aetolian war (for as much as those Ambassadors to the same effect, had lately presented themselves at Heraclea, in the counsel and assembly of the Romans and Aetolians) tidings came, that Machanidas purposed and determined to let upon the Eleans, as they were preparing to exhibit the solemn Olympian games. Philip supposing it good to prevent that, courteously answered the Ambassadors and gave them their dispatch: saying, that as himself was not the cause of that war, so he would not hinder and stay the conclusion of peace, upon any equal & reasonable condition. And so with a power lightly appointed, he marched through Boeotia to Megara, & from thence went down to Corinth: where having furnished himself with victuals, he marched forward to Phlios & Phaneus. And being now come as far as to Erea, and hearing there, that Machanidas upon the rumour of his coming, for fear was fled back to Lacedaemon, he returned to Aegium, unto the general Diet and council of the Achaei: supposing withal, that he should find there the Punic armada, which he had sent for to come thither, because he might be able to do somewhat also by sea. But some few days before, the Carthaginians had sailed over into Phocaea, and from thence were gone to the havens of the Acarnanians, so soon as they heard once, that Attalus and the Romans were departed from Oreum, fearing that they would make out after them, and lest they should be overtaken and surprised within Rhium, which is the very mouth of the Corinthian gul●e. Philip verily grieved hereat, and was wonderfully troubled in mind, seeing what hast soever he made himself in all his emprises, yet he came too short and effected nothing in due time; as if fortune in taking all things out of his very eyesight, had deluded, disappointed, and mocked all his speediness and expedition. Howbeit in that solemn Diet and assembly, he dissimuled his grief, bit in his passionate affections, and thus with an hauhtie mind he spoke and said, That he called both God and man to witness, that he had forlet no opportunity of time nor vantage of place, but when and wheresoever he heard but any inkling of the enemy, and the least rustling of armour, thither he had made all haste that possibly he might: but he could hardly devise and conceive, whither himself were more venturous in seeking war, than the enemy nimble and quick in avoiding the same. So Attalus at Opus, so Sulpitius at Chalcis, and so the other day Machanidas escaped out of his hands and got away. But surely (quoth he) this running away will not always prosper and speed well: neither is that to be connted a dangerous war, wherein a man may be sure (if he but meet his enemy once) to have the upper hand. That which is the principal point of all, thus much have I gotten yet at the enemy's hands, that they confess thereby, how they are not able to make their parts good with us: and I doubt not, but shortly I shall achieve the victory of them, and the event and fortune of their fight with me, shall be no better than their present hope. The king's allies were glad to hear him speak thus. Then he retired unto the Achaeans, Erea, and Triphylia, and delivered again Aliphera unto the Megalopolitanes; for that they proved by good evidence, that it belonged by right to their territory & confines. Thus having received of the Achaeans certain ships, to wit, three Galleaces or Caravels of four banks of oars, and as many galleys of two rankss, from thence he cut over to Anticyrae. And then with seven Caravels of five ranks of oars, and more than twenty barks besides, which he had sent into the gulf of Corinth to join with the Carthaginian navy, he made sail to Erythrae in Aetolia, near unto Eupalium, and there disbarked and landed his men. But the Aetolians were advertised aforehand of his arrival and coming ashore: for all the people that inhabited either the country towns and villages, or the castles near to Potidania and Apollonia, were fled into the mountains and woods. As for the cat-tail, which in that hurry and haste that they made could not be driven away with them, those they preied upon and brought them to the ships. With these and all the rest of the booty, he sent Nicias the Praetor of the Achaeans to Aegium, & so went forward to Corinth: and from thence he commanded that the land forces should be conducted & march by land through Boeotia: whiles himself sailing from Cenchraea along the coast of Attica, above the point or cape of Sunium, passed even though the mids of his enemy's armadaes, and arrived at Chalcis. Then after he had commended the citizens there for their fidelity and virtue, in that neither fear nor hope was able to change and turn their resolute minds, and exhorted them for the time to come, to continue steadfast in their alliance and allegiance, if they made more reckoning of their own fortune, and loved it better than the condition of the Oritanes and the Opuntij; he sailed from Chalcis to Oreum. And when he had committed the government of the State, and the guard of the city, unto those principal citizens, who chose to fly when the city was lost, rather than to yield themselves unto the Romans, himself passed over from Euboea unto Demetrias, from whence at the first he took his voyage to the aid and succour of his friends and allies. After all this, having appointed and set out at Cassandraea keels for an hundred long ships of war, and taken up a number of shipwrights to finish out the rest of the work: seeing that all Greece was now in quiet, both because Attalus was departed from thence, and also for that himself had in good time succoured his allies and confederates, who were in some trouble and distress, he returned back again into his own realm, for to make war upon the Dardanians.  
In the latter end of that summer, wherein these affairs thus passed in Greece, when Q. Fabius Maximus the father, being sent as Ambassador from M. Livius the Consul unto the Senate at Rome, had brought word & made report, That the Consul judged L. Porcius with his legions to be sufficient for the province of France, and that himself might well be spared, and depart from thence, and the Consular army withdrawn out of those parts: the Lords of the Senate gave order and determined, that not only M. Livius, but C. Claudius also his Colleague, should return to the city. This difference only between the one and the other appeared in the decree, in that they gave direction, that the army of M. Livius should be brought home, but the Legions of Nero should remain still in the province, and be opposed against Hannibal. The Consuls by intercourse of their letters passing between, agreed thus together, That like as they had with one mind and consent made war and managed their affairs, so, albeit they were in divers parts far asunder, yet they should meet in one place, and at one time make repair to the city of Rome: & that whether of them twain came first to Preneste, he should there attend the coming of his Colleague. And it fortuned so, that they arrived both upon one & the same day at Preneste. From whence they sent an edict before, that the third day after the Senate should generally assemble together in the temple of Bellona: & so they were met upon the way with a multitude of people, who accompanied them as they returned into the city. And they were not content all of them in general to salute them and welcome them home, but every man was desirous particularly to take the Consuls by their victorious right hands: some with congratulations, wishing them joy, others with thanksgiving, acknowledging that by their good means and virtue, the Commonweal was preserved and set upright. Now when they had related in the Senate house (as the manner was of all Generals) what acts they had atcheeved, and withal demanded, that for their valiant and faithful service to the Commonweal, first, due honour should be rendered to the almighty gods, and then, they themselves allowed to enter the city in triumph: the LL. of the Senate made answer, That they for their parts were ready and willing to consider first and principally of the merits and goodness of the gods, and next and immediately of the good deserts of the Consuls: and as they decreed divine processions and supplications in the name of them both, so they granted triumph, as well to the one as to the other. But the Consuls, because they would not divide their triumph (since that they had managed the wars with one accord & common consent) thus agreed between themselves, That for as much as the battle was fought within the province of M. Livius, and the very day of the field fought, it fortuned to be his turn to take the sign of birds, & to have the entire rule; and besides, the army of Livius was brought back and came to Rome already, but that other of Nero could not be removed out of the province: therefore M. Livius should ride in a chariot drawn with four steeds into the city, with his soldiers following after, & C. Claudius presentlycome after mounted on horseback without his soldiers. Thus the triumph was communicate to the one & the other, & increased the glory of them both; but especially of him, who the more that he exceeded his Colleague in desert, the more he yielded and gave place unto him in honour. Lo, said every man, He there on horseback, travailed in six days space the whole length of Italy from one end to the other, & fought the very same day with banner displayed against Asdrubal in Gaul, when as Hannibal thought verily he lay encamped against him with his army in Apulia. See, how one and the same Consul, in the defence of the one part of Italy and the other, against two captains, nay, against two noble Generals of two armies, in one place employed his advice and counsel, and in another opposed his body and force of arms. Behold (say they) the very bare name of Nero was sufficient to keep Hannibal within his camp: and what was it else, that discomfited and defeated Asdrubal, but even his only coming? Let the other Consul therefore be set up on high, and ride in a chariot drawn with as many horses as he will; all while that the true triumph indeed passeth through the city upon one horse only. Nay, if Nero went but on foot, he would be memorable for ever hereafter, as well for the refusal of glory in that triumph, as for the winning of honour in that war. With these and such like speeches they entertained Nero as they beheld him, and so accompanied him even to the very Capitol. They brought into the Treasurehouse of the city in coin 
* 〈…〉.  thirty hundred thousand 
* Se●●●●●. A small piece of silver coin among the Romans, the fourth part of Denarius. cont●●ning 〈…〉 and a half, and is of English money three half pen●e 〈◊〉, cue.  Sestertij, & 80000 Asses. Among the soldiers, M. Livius divided 
* 3 〈…〉.  six and fifty Asses to them a piece. And C. Claudius promised as much to his soldiers that were absent, upon his return to the army. This was noted and observed in the triumph, that the soldiers uttered more ditties and rhymes full of pleasant conceits and jests (as their manner was) upon C. Claudius, than their own Consul: and that the gentlemen and horsemen highly extolled and magnified above all the rest, L. Veturius, and Q. Cecilius the two Lieutenants, and exhorted the Commons to create them Consuls against the next year: likewise, that the Consuls for the time being, confirmed this prerogative choice and election of those gentlemen, with their own assent and authority the morrow after, in a frequent assembly before the people, giving honourable testimony of the valiant and faithful service of those foresaid lieutenants in that war.  
Now the time drew near of election of new magistrates: and when it was thought good by the Senate, that a dictator should call that solemn assembly for the said election; C. Claudius the Consul nominated for Dictator his colleague M. Livius. And Livius named Q. Cecilius General of the horsemen. So there were created Consuls by M. Livius the dictator, L. Veturius, and Q. Cecilius, even he who then was General of the cavalry. After this, they went to the election of the Pretours, and chosen there were, C. Servilius, M. Cecilius Metellus, T. Claudius Asellus, and Q. Manlius Thurius, who then was Aedile of the Commons.  
When these elections were finished, the dictator having resigned up his office and dismissed the army, by virtue of an act of the Senate took his journey into the province of Tuscan, to sit in commission and make enquiry, what States either of the Tuscans or Vmbrians, intended and plotted to revolt from the Romans, and to turn unto Asdrubal at his coming into those parts: and who they were that had assisted him either with auxiliary soldiers, or with victuals, or with any aid and help whatsoever. And these were the acts for that year, as well at home as abroad in the wars.  
The great Roman Games were wholly renewed and set out again three times by the Aediles of the chair, Cn. Servilius Caepio, and Serv. Cornelius Lentulus. Likewise the pastimes and plays called Plebeij were once fully renewed and exhibited again by M. Sempronius Matho, & Q. Manlius Thurinus, Aediles of the Commons.  
In the thirteenth year of the second Punic war, when L. Veturius Philo, and Q. Caecilius Metellus were Consuls, both of them were appointed by the Senate to make war upon Hannibal in the province of the Brutij. Which done, the praetors cast lots: And to M. Caecilius Metellus fell the jurisdiction of the citizens; to Q. Manlius, of the foreigners. C. Servilius his lot was to govern Sicily, and T. Claudius Sardinia. As for the armies, they were divided in this manner: one of the Consuls had the conduct of that which was under C. Claudius the Consul of the year before. The other Consul had the leading of that (namely two full legions) which C. Claudius the Propretour before commanded. M. Livius as Proconsul, whose government was prorogued for another year, received the charge of the two legions of voluntaries in Hetruria, at the hand of C. Terentius the Propretour. And Q. Manlius was appointed by a decree of the Senate, to deliver over his jurisdiction to his Colleague, and to take the charge of Gallia with the forces there; whereof L. Percius the Propretour was captain: and he had in commission to waste the lands of those Gauls, who were revolted to the Carthaginians upon the coming of Asdrubal. C. Servilius was assigned with the power of the two Cannian legions, to defend Sicily, like as P. Manlius had before. Out of Sardinia the old army was withdrawn, which was under the governance of A. Hostilius: and the Consuls enroled one new legion, for T. Claudius to sail over with. Quintus Claudius, & C. Hostilius Tubulus, had both of them their commissions newly sealed for one year longer, the one to govern Tarentum, and the other to rule Capua. M. Valerius the Proconsul, who also was Admiral for the sea coast and river along Sicily, was commanded to give up thirty of his sail unto C. Servilius, and with all the rest of the navy to return to the city of Rome.  
As the city was in suspense and stood doubtful for the variable event of so great a war, attributing the causes of all weal and woe, of prosperity and adversity, to the gods; behold many prodigious tokens were reported to have happened. Namely, That in Tarracina the temple of jupiter, and at Satricum the chapel of the goddess Matuta, were blasted with lightning from heaven. And the inhabitants of Satricum were no less terrified, with two serpents that were crept into the temple of jupiter, at the very doors. From Antium there was word brought, that the harvest folk as they were reaping, spied certain ears of come bloody. At Caere there was a sow that farrowed a pig with two heads, and an eaw yeaned a lamb both male & female. It was reported also, that at Alba there were two suns seen: and at Fregellae by night, the daylight appeared. Also in the territory of Rome, by report, an Ox spoke: and the altar of Neptune within the Cirke Flaminia, broke out into much sweat: and the temples of Ceres, Salus, and Quirinus, were blasted and smitten from heaven. The Consuls were commanded to expiate & purge these fearful sights with sacrificing of greater beasts, and to make supplication one day. Which was done according to the decree of the Senate. But above all the wondrous signs, either reported from abroad, or seen at home, the minds of men were put in fear, for the going out of the fire in the chapel of Vesta. For which cause the Vestal virgin who had the charge that night to look unto it, was by the commandment of P. Licinius the Bishop well and thoroughly scourged. And albeit this happened by human negligence, and that the gods portended nothing thereby, yet it was thought good, that an expiation thereof should be made with greater sacrifices, and a solemn supplication held in the chapel of Vesta.  
Before that the Consuls went forth to the wars, they were put in mind by the Senate to take regard and order for the commons, and to procure their reducing again into the country, and placing them in their lands and fermes. For seeing that by God's goodness the war was removed far from Rome and Latium, the country towns might be without fear of danger inhabited and frequented again: neither was it a meet thing, that they should have more care to inhabit Sicily than Italy. But the matter was not easily to be compassed and effected by the people, for that many of the freeholders were consumed up in the wars: and great scarcity there was of servants and hines to till the ground: besides, the cat-tail was driven away in booties, and the manor houses were either ruinate or burned. Howbeit, a great sort were compelled by the authority of the Consuls to repair again into their country habitations. The motion hereof was first occasioned by the ambassadors of Placentia and Cremona; who made complaint, that their territories were much damnified and wasted, by the incursions and roads of the Gauls their next neighbours bordering upon them: and that many of their own natural inhabitants were fled and gone away, so as their cities were not well peopled, and their country lay waste and desert. Whereupon Manlius the praetor had commission to defend and guard the colonies from the enemy. And the Consuls by virtue of an Act of Senate made an edict and proclamation, that all citizens of Cremona and Placentia, should by a certain day return into their colonies. And then, they themselves in the beginning of Spring took their journey, and set forward to war.  
Q. Caecilius the Cos. received the army of Cl. Nero: and L. Veturius of Q. Claudius the Propretour, and made up the full number of all the companies with those new soldiers whom he himself had enroled. The Consuls led their army into the territory of Consentia, and having forraied and spoiled here and there, and being heavily laden with good booties, they were in a narrow and straight passage much troubled by the Brutij and the Numidian archers: in so much ●s not only their prizes were in danger to be lost, but they themselves that were armed, in some jeopardy. Howbeit, the alarm was greater than the skirmish, and the booty being sent before, the legions escaped safe into places of security. And so from thence they went into the Lucanes country. All that nation without any fight returned under the obedience of the Roman empire. With Hannibal that year was nothing done: for neither he himself made offer of war, upon the fresh hurt and loss received as well in public as private, nor the Romans provoked him as long as he was quiet. For they were all of this judgement, that there was such metal and valour in that one commander, although all things else about him went to wreck, that they held it no good policy to provoke him, and wake a sleeping dog. And verily I wot not what to make of him; whether he were more to be wondered at in adversity than in prosperity. For why? war●ing as he did in his enemy's land for the space of thirteen years, so far from home, in much variety of fortune, with an army not consisting of natural citizens and subjects, but mingled of a confused riff raff and medley of all nations, having neither the same laws nor manners and customs, nor language; differing in fashions, in habit, in apparel, in armour, in rites, in religion, nor serving as it were the same gods: he had so knit and united them in one link & strait band, that they mutined neither among themselves, nor against their General, notwithstanding oftentimes there wanted money for pay, and victuals in their enemy's country: for default whereof, in the former Punic war, many outrages were committed both among captains and soldiers. But when Asdrubal the Captain together with his army was diffeated and overthrown, in whom they reposed all their hopes of victory; and when they were feign to quit as it were all Italy besides, and to retire themselves into an angle and corner of Brutium; who would not think it a marvelous matter, that there was no stir nor commotion in his camp? considering that over and besides all other difficulties, he had no means nor hope else to maintain his army, but out of the Brutians country? And say, that it were all wholly tilled, sowed, and well husbanded, yet a final thing it was to find and feed so huge an host. Moreover, a great part of their youth was set away from the tillage of the fields and grounds, and wholly employed in warfare: to say nothing of the natural guise and corrupt usage of that nation, which in time of war was wont to live and maintain the same by robbing and thieving. Neither had he any succour at all sent from home out of Carthage: whiles they all there were studious and careful only to keep Spain, as if all had gone well with them in Italy.  
In Spain the fortune was in some respect all one and the same, in other far unlike and different: the same, in regard that the Carthaginians being diffeated in a fought field, and having lost their captain, were driven to the utmost coast of Spain, even as far as to the Ocean sea: different, in that Spain is a country more apt and commodious to the reparation of new war, not only than Italy, but also than any land in the world, as well for the site of the region, as for the nature of the people. For although it were the first nation of all the main and continent, that the Romans went first in hand withal to reduce into the nature of a province; yet it was the last of all others that was subdued, and but lately in our days even under the conduct and happy fortune of Augustus Caesar. There at that time Asdrubal the son of Gisgo, the greatest and noblest Captain in all these wars (next after the Barchine house) returned from Gades; and hoping by the help of Mago the son of Amilcar, to wage war afresh, took musters throughout the farther part of Spain, and armed to the number of fifty thousand foot, & 4500 horse. And as for the cavalry, all writers in manner do agree: but for the Infantry, some write, there were 70000 brought unto the city Silpia. There upon the open plains fate these two Carthaginian captains down, because they would not seem to fall off and refuse battle.  
Sci●io, when news came unto him of so puissant an army levied, supposed that neither with the Roman legions he was sufficient to march such a multitude, unless he opposed the aids of the Barbarous nations, if it were no more but for show and outward appearance: nor yet was to repose such assured confidence in them, as in the fundamental strength of his army, that in case they should give him the slip when the time came, (the only occasion of the overthrow of his father and uncle) they might do much hurt to the main chance and total sum of all. And therefore he sent Sylianus before, unto Colcas, (a lord over the signory of eight & twenty towns) for to receive of him those horse & foot which he had promised to levy in the winter time. Himself departed from Taracon, & gathered some small aids of his allies that inhabit along the way as he marched, and so came to Castulo. Thither Syllanus brought also certain auxiliaries, to the number of three thousand foot, and five hundred horse. From thence he went forward to the city Baetula, being in all of citizens and allies, with footmen and horsemen together, one with another, 45000 strong. As they were pitching their tents and encamping, Mago and Masanissa, with all their cavalry set upon them: and no doubt, had troubled them mightily as they were making their defences, but that certain troops of horsemen hidden behind an hill, whom Scipio fitly for the purpose had there bestowed, suddenly at unawares ran upon them and recharged them, as they were loosely ridden forward without order and array. These had not well begun skirmish with them, but they discomfited the forwardest of them, and such especially as engaged themselves near to the trench, to impeach and annoy the pioneers and laborours' at work: but with the rest that kept to their colours, and went orderly in their ranks, the fight was longer, and for a good while continued doubtful. But when the squadrons which stood ready appointed in their guards and stations, were first brought forth; and after them, the soldiers also from their work and fortifications, were willed to take arms; and still more and more continually came fresh and in hart, in place of those that were wearied, so as now from all parts of the camp, there was gathered together a full power, and ran to the battle; then the Carthaginians & Numidians turned their backs plain and fled. And at the first they went away by troops and companies, keeping their order and array still, and not disbanded for haste or fear. But afterwards, when the Romans began once more eagerly to play upon the hindmost of them, so as now their furious violence could no longer be resisted; then without all regard of ranks or files, they forgot their array, and ran on all hands by heaps, seeking every man the next way he could to escape. And albeit by this skirmish, the Romans were more encouraged a good deal, & the enemy's hearts much daunted: yet for certain days ensuing, there never ceased excursions and bicker maintained by the horsemen and those that were lightly armed. Now when by these small skufling they had made sufficient trial on both sides of their strength, Asdrubal first lead forth his forces into the field, & then the Romans likewise came forward ready to receive them. But when both armies stood without their camp, arranged in battle array, & neither of them gave the charge: when the day drew toward sunset, Asdrubal first retired with his men into the camp, and after him, the Roman General likewise. Thus continued they for certain days together. Astruball was evermore the first that came abroad, and the first again that sounded the retreat to his soldiers, wearied with long standing. But of neither side they made out to skirmish, or discharged any shot, or gave alarms, & set up a cry. Of the one part the Romans, on the other the Carthaginians together with the Africanes, stood in the main battle: & the allies of either side kept the wings, & those were Spaniards, as well in the one army as the other. But in the front of the Carthaginian battle, were the Elephants placed, who afar off made a show as if they had been castles. And throughout both armies this word went for currant, that when the time came, they would so fight as they stood day by day arranged: namely, that the main battles of the Romans and Carthaginians, between whom was the quarrel and occasion of the war, with like courage of heart and force of arms would encounter and cope together. Scipio perceiving this once to go for good, & to be stiffly settled in their opinions, altered all for the nonce against the day that he minded indeed to give battle. And overnight he gave a watchword and token throughout all the camp, that both horse and man should take their dinner before day, and that the horsemen in arms ready appointed, should hold their horses saddled and bridled. Now before it was broad day light, he sent out all the cavalry together with the light armour, to charge upon the Corpse de guard and standing watch of the enemies. And himself strait after, advanced forward with the whole strength of the legions armed at all pieces. And clean contrary to the conceived opinion & persuasion, both of his own men, and also of his enemies, he strengthened the wings with Romans, and marshaled the main battle with the allies. Asdrubal raised with the clamour and shout of the horsemen, leapt forth of his pavilion, and perceiving a tumultuous alarm & fearful stir of his own men before the rampiar and trench, and seeing afar off the glittering ensigns of the legions, and all the plains overspread with enemies, presently made forth all his cavalry against their foresaid horsemen. Himself with the battle of footmen issueth out of the camp, and made no change nor alteration at all in the marshalling of the battalions, otherwise than he had used the days past. The horsemen continued the fight along time doubtfully: neither could it be determined by itself, because evermore, as any of them were put back (which happened on both parts in manner by turns) they retired safely into the battle of footmen. Now when as the battles were not passed half a mile asunder one from another, Scipio sounded the retreat, and opened his ranks, & received all the horsemen and light armed soldiers within the middle ward: and having divided them in two regiments, he bestowed them for succours and supplies behind the wings. Now when the time was come to join in medley, he commanded the Spaniards (and those were the main battle) to take sure footing and go steedily together: fair and softly himself out of the right wing (for, that point he commanded) dispatched a messenger to Syllanus & Martius, willing them to stretch out that wing on the left hand, like as they saw him to draw it a length on the right: with direction also unto them, that they together with the light horsemen and light appointed footmen, should encounter and close with the enemy, before that both battles might meet and join together. Thus having enlarged out at full their wings, they with three squadrons of footmen, and as many cornets of horsemen, together with the light armed skirmishers, advanced with full pace directly affront the enemies, whiles the rest followed sidewaies a cross. Now there was a void piece of ground in the mids between, by reason that the Spaniards ensigns went but slowly forward: and the wings had been in conflict already, when the flower and strength of the enemy's battle, consisting of old beaten Carthaginian and African soldiers, were not yet come within the darts shot, neither durst they put in to succour them that were in fight, for fear they should open the main battle, for the enemy that came directly against them. Their wings were much distressed in the fight on every side. For the horsemen, the light armed soldiers, and the skirmishers, having wheeled about and set a compass to environ them, ran upon them on their flanks. The cohorts of footmen charged upon them affront, & all to break off their wings from the body of the battle. And as now in every respect the fight was unequal, so the rabble of camp-followers, Baleare Islanders, & raw untrained Spaniards, opposed against the approved Roman and Latin soldiers, pulled down a side. The day went on still, & Asdrubal his army began to faint: and no marvel, for they were surprised & taken of a sudden, betimes in the morning, & were forced in haste to enter into the field & go to battle, before they had refreshed & strengthened their bodies. And to that purpose Scipio had drawn the day on length, and trifled out the time, that the battle might be late. For it was the seventh hour [or one a clock after noon] before the ensign of footmen charged upon the side points. And a good deal later it was, ere the main battles fought and joined together: so that the heat of the noon sun, the pain of long standing in armour, and hunger and thirst came all together to enfeeble and spend their bodies, before that they came to handstrokes and to buckle with their enemies: which was the cause that they stood leaning and resting themselves upon their shields. And over and besides all other troubles, the Elephants also affrighted and madded with this tumultuous and disordered manner of fight of horsemen, skirmishers, and light armed soldiers together, ran from the wings, upon the main battle. The captains therefore themselves, being thus tainted, as well in courage of heart, as in bodily strength, gave ground and recoiled. Howbeit, they still kept their arrays, as if the whole battle had retired whole and sound by the commandment of their General. But when the winners and conquerors on the other part, were so much more forward to charge upon them more hotly on every side, because they saw them to lose their ground and shrink back, so as their violence could not well be endured; then albeit Asdrubal held them still together, and did what he could to stay their flight, crying eftsoons aloud unto them, that there were hills behind them, and places of safe retreat, if they would retire in good sort, moderately, and in orders; yet when they saw their enemies press so hard upon them, killing and hewing in pieces those that were next unto them, fear was above shame, and so immediately they showed their back parts, and ran away all at once as fast as they could. Yet at first, when they came to the root and foot of the hills, they began to make a stand, and rally the soldiers again into order of battle, seeing the Romans to make some stay of advancing their ensigns up the hill. But afterwards, when they perceived them to come lustily forward, they began again to fly afresh, and so in fear were forced to take their camp. Neither was Scipio himself far from their trench and rampire, but in that very brunt had been master thereof, but that immediately upon the hot gleams of the sun, when he shineth in a watery sky full of black and rainy clouds, there powered down such store of showers and tempests, that hardly could he himself after his victory, recover his own camp. And some there were also that made it a scruple and matter of conscience, to attempt any more for that day. The Carthaginians, although they had great reason to repose themselves, and take their necessary rest, so wearied as they were with travel, and sore wounded, especially seeing the night was come, and the stormy rain continued: yet, because their fear and present danger wherein they stood, gave them no time to loiter and slack their business, against the next morning that the enemies should early assail their camp, they gathered up stones from out of the valleys near about them, and piling them one upon another, amended the height of their rampire, purposing to defend themselves by the strength of their fence, seeing small help and remedy in force of arms. But the falling away of their Confederates, was the cause that their departure & flight from thence, seemed more safe, than their abode there, would have been. This revolt was begun by Altanes, a great lord of the Turdetanes: for he with a great power of his followers and retrainers fled from the Carthaginians to the adverse part. Whereupon two strong walled towns, together with their garrisons, were yielded by the captains unto Scipio. Asdrubal therefore, fearing lest this mischief might spread farther, now that their minds were once set upon rebellion, dislodged about the midnight following, and removed. Scipio so soon as he was advertised at the break of the day, by those that kept standing watch in their stations, that the enemies were gone; having sent his horsemen before, commanded the standards and ensigns to be advanced, and led so speedy a march, that if they had gone straight forward, and followed their tracks directly, they had no doubt overtaken them: but believing certain guides, that there was a shorter way to the river Baetis, they were advised to charge upon them as they passed over. But Asdrubal seeing the passage of the river stopped against him, turned to the Ocean: and even at the first they departed in great haste, as if they fled, which was the cause that they got the start of the Roman legionary footmen, and won a good space of ground before them. But the horsemen, and light appointed footmen, played one while upon their tails, flanked another whiles their sides, and by this means with charging & recharging, they wearied them and stayed their march. And when as upon many of these troubles by the way, their ensigns were feign to stand, and forced to maintain skirmish, some time with the horsemen; and sometimes with the light javelottiers and auxiliary footmen, behold the legions also came on apace and overtook them. Then there was not so much fight and resistance, as massacre and slaughter of them: down they went with them and killed them like sheep, so long, until their leader himself began to fly, and escaped into the next mountains, together with 7000 half naked and unarmed. All the rest were either slain or taken prisoners. Then the Carthaginians began to encamp & fortify in all haste & tumultuous sort, upon the highest mount they could find: from whence (by reason that the enemies had assayed in vain to get up the hill, having so difficult an ascent) they had not so much ado to defend themselves. But, the place being bare and naked, and disfurnished of all commodities for their relief, they were not able to hold out the siege for a few days. And thereupon the soldiers fell apace to forsake their own captain, and to go to the enemy. So that at the length the General himself, in the night season abandoned his army, and having got shipping (for the sea was not far off) he embarked and fled to Gades. Scipio being advertised that the captain of his enemies was fled, left with Syllanus ten thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen to continue the siege of the camp. Himself in person with the rest of his forces, within seventy days returned to Taracon, for to examine and hear incontinently upon his arrival, the causes of the princes and States: that upon the true estimate of their deserts, they might be rewarded or chastised accordingly.  
After his departure, Masanissa having had secret conference with Syllanus, about inducing his people also to be pliable and to hearken unto a change, passed over into Africa with some small retinue. At which present time verily, the occasion of his sudden alteration was not so evident and apparent as afterwards, his most constant truth and fast allegiance observed unto his dying day, was a good proof and argument, that even then he entered not into this designment and action, without good and important cause. Then Mago in those ships that Asdrubal had sent back, passed over to Gades. The remnant, thus forlorn of their captains, some by way of voluntary yielding and ranging themselves to the adverse part, others by flight, were scattered among the next cities, and no troop remained of them behind, of any mark and reckoning to speak of, either for number or strength. In this manner, and by these means especially were the Carthaginians driven all out of Spain, by the conduct and happy fortune of P. Scipio, in the thirteenth year of the war, and in the fixed of Scipio his government in that province & command of the army. And not long after Syllanus returned to Taracon unto Scipio, and brought word, that the war in Spain was fully ended. And L. Scipio was sent with many noble persons captives, as a messenger to carry tidings to Rome of the conquest of Spain. And when all other took full contentment and infinite joy at these news, and abroad in all places highly magnified the glory of this service, he alone who was the man that did the deed (as one who had an insatiable desire of virtue and true honour) made but small reckoning of the recovery and winning of Spain, in comparison of those matters that he hoped for, and conceived in that high and magnanimous spirit of his, which he carried with him. For now he cast in his mind and aimed at the conquest of Africa and great Carthage: and therewith, to make perfect and consummate that glorious war, to his own immortal honour and renown. And therefore, supposing it was now a good time to begin the way to those high exploits, and to lay plots, to prepare aforehand, yea, and to win unto him the hearts of the princes and nations, he determined first of all other to found and assay king Syphax. This Syphax was king of the Masaesyli, a people bordering upon the Moors, and abutting upon that part of Spain especially, where new-Carthage is situate. At the same time the king was in league with the Carthaginians: which Scipio supposing that he would observe no more surely and precisely, than commonly the Barbarians use, (whose fidelity dependeth upon Fortune) sent C. Laelius with rich gifts and presents, as an Orator to treat with him. The barbarous prince was glad hereof, both because the Romans than prospered every where; and also the Carthaginians in Italy, lived by the loss; and in Spain went down to the ground, where they had nothing left: and thereupon he condescended to entertain the friendship of the Romans. But for the confirmation of this amity, he neither would give nor take assurance, but only in the personal presence of the Roman General himself. So Laelius having obtained the king's royal word and warrant, that Scipio might come unto him with safe conduct and security, returned unto Scipio. Now for him that aspired to the conquest of Africa, it was a matter of great consequence and importance in all respects, to make himself sure of Syphax, the most mighty and puissant king of all that land, who had aforetime made proof what the Carthaginians could do in war, and the confines and marches of whose kingdom lay fitly upon Spain, and but a small arm of the sea between Scipio thinking it therefore to be a matter worth the adventure with great hazard, (for otherwise it might not be) leaving for the defence and guard of Spain L. Martius at Tarracon, and M. Syllanus at new-Carthage, (whether he had traveled by land from Tarracon, and taken great journeys) himself and Laelius together, loosed from Carthage with two great Caravels of five banks of oars, and passed over into afric, through the calm and still sea most-what rowing, and other while also making sail with a gentle gale of wind.  
Haply it so fell out that the very same time, Asdrubal driven out of Spain, was entered the haven with seven galleys of three course of oars, and rid at anchor near unto the shore for to be set a land. When he had a kenning of the two Carvels aforesaid, which albeit no man doubted but they were enemies, and might have been bourded by them being more in number, before they could gain the road; yet hereupon ensued nothing else but a tumult and hurry among the mariners and soldiers together, in vain preparation of their ships and their armour. For the wind being somewhat big and high, drove the Carvels with full sail out of the main sea into the haven, before that the Carthaginians had any time to weigh anchor: neither durst any of them proceed to further dealing within the kings Rode. So Asdrubal first set ashore, and within a while Scipio and Laelius landed, and went all to the court. Syphax took this for a great honour done unto him (as indeed it was no less) that there were come unto him at that time, and in one day two General Captains of two most mighty and puissant States, to sue for peace and amity with him. He invited both of them friendly, and gave them enterteinmet: and since that it was their fortune to enter under one rouse and the same house for to be lodged in, he indevoted to draw them to a parley, and to make an end of all quarrels, grudges, and controversies between them. But Scipio denied flatly, that either there was any private malice or hatred between him and Asdrubal, that should need an end with conference and speech: and as for State-matters, he might not treat with a professed enemy, as touching them, without express warrant and commission from the Senate. But when the king laboured greatly with him, that he would find in his hart and not think much to bear Asdrubal company at meat and meal (because he would not seem to exclude either of them from his board) he yielded thereunto, and was content. So they supped both twain together with the king, and Scipio and Asdrubal sat both at one table in one mesie, and upon one bed, for so it was the king's pleasure. But so courteously Scipio behaved himself (as he was a man that naturally knew how to carry himself with a grace and dexterity, in all things, and in every place wheresoever he came) that by his fair language and eloquent speech, he won not only the favour of the barbarous prince Syphax (who before was not acquainted with the Roman fashions) but also the goodwill and love of Asdrubal, a most malicious and mortal enemy: who seemed to have him in more admiration upon this one meeting and communication in presence personal, than for all his feats of arms achieved in war: and made no doubt but reckoned fully that king Syphax and his realm would presently be at the devotion of the empire of Rome. Such a singular gift had that man to win love and favour. And therefore the Carthaginians were not so much to seek how Spain was lost, as to consider and think, how they might keep and hold afric. For thus they conceived, That this noble knight and worthy Roman Captain was not come thither wandering at aventure, nor as a traveller to see countries, and to solace himself with walking along the pleasant and delectable coasts, leaving the province which he had newly subdued, leaving his armies which he commanded, sailing thus with two ships only into Africa, and committing himself unto an enemy country, and into a king's hands, of whose fidelity and protection he had no experience: but no doubt upon some great hopes to compass the conquest of Africa. And this was it that long since Scipio had in secret purpose and designment, this was it that openly he fretted & stormed at, namely, that he warred not himself as well in Spain, as Hannibal in Italy. Well, Scipio having concluded a league with Syphax, departed out of Africa; and notwithstanding he was tossed upon the sea with variable winds, and those for the most part boisterous and raging, yet upon the fourth day he arrived at new-Carthage.  
As Spain generally was at peace and rest, for any Carthaginian war, so it was well known, that certain particular States, in regard that they were touched with the guilt of trespasses committed, were quiet for fear, rather than for any loyal allegiance. Of which the most notorious, as well for their own greatness and power, as for their fault and transgression, were Illiturgum and Castulo. The Castulonians who had been Roman confederates in time of prosperity, were revolted unto the Carthaginians, upon the diffeature of the two Scipions and their armies. The Illiturgitanes besides their revolt and rebellion, added this wickedness, in that they betrayed and murdered the Romans who fled unto them for succour after that overthrow. These two nations, if Scipio at his first coming had proceeded in rigour to revenge (whiles the States of the country stood in suspense) he should have regarded their desert more than his own good & commodity. But when all troubles were composed & reduced to quietness, he thought it then a convenient time to punish and chastise them accordingly. And therefore he called L. Martius from Taracon, with a third part of his forces, and sent him to assail Castulo. Himself with the rest of the army, marched toward Illiturgum, and within five days presented himself before it. The gates he found shut against him, and all preparation and furniture for defence and to withstand the assault. For their conscience bore them witness what they had deserved, & there needed no other defiance or intimation of war against them, than the privity of their wicked fact. Hereupon Scipio took occasion to exhort his soldiers, 
Scipio to his soldiers.  and began in this wife, The very Spaniards themselves, quoth he, by shutting their gates, declare plainly what they justly are to fear: and therefore ye ought to war with them in more hostile malice and deadly hatred than with the Carthaginians. For with them the quarrel was maintained, as it were, without anger and rancour, only for sovereignty and glory: but of these men ye are to take vengeance for their disloyal treachery, for their cruelty and wicked villainy. And now the time is come, to revenge not only the unworthy death of your fellow soldiers, but also the like falsehood prepared for yourselves, in case your hap had been to have fled for refuge thither at any time: yea, and to show exemplatie justice, to reach all posterity, that no man hereafter be so hardy as to wrong any citizen or soldier of Rome, in what poor estate so ever he be, without fear of condign punishment. Upon this exhortation and comfortable words of the General, they bestirred themselves, and divided the scaling ladders amongst certain choice men out of every company. And having so parted the army between them, that Laelius the Lieutenant had the conduct of the one half, they gave assault with great terror unto the city in two places at once. But neither any one general captain, nor many principal citizens encouraged and harmed the townsmen manfully to defend their city, but only their own fearful and sinful conscience: for they wist well and remembered, yea and put one another in mind, that it was their punishment and not victory that the Romans fought for. And as for themselves, since they were to lose their lives, this was the only point that they were to consider upon, namely, where they were best to die, whether in fight and in the field (where the fortune of battle was common, and oftentimes lifted up the conquered, and put down the conqueror) or after their city burnt and razed, to yield up their breath in the sight of their wives and children taken captives, amid the torments of whipping and hard irons, when they had endured all villainies & indignities. Whereupon not only the serviceable youth for war, not only men I say, but women also and children, even above the bodily strength of that age, or courage of that sex, were ready and presented themselves to defend the walls. Some brought weapons to the defendants, others carried stones up to the walls unto them that were fortifying and repairing the breaches. For why? they stood not upon their liberty alone, which whetteth the stomachs of valiant & magnanimous men only, but they set before their eyes all extremities of torture and punishment, yea and the shamefullest death that could be devised: and their hearts were incensed to undergo all pains & peril, by striving a-vie together, and seeing one another to hazard themselves. Inso much as they stood to it, and fought so resolutely, that even that noble army which had subdued all Spain, took the repulse often times at the hands of the youth of one city, was driven from the walls, and smally to their honour received some soil in fight and began to fear. Scipio seeing that, and doubting least upon so many bootless attempts the enemies might take heart, and his own soldiers be tainted, thought good to enter himself personally into the action, and to take part in that dangerous service. Having rebuked therefore his men for their cowardice, he commanded the ladders to be brought and set to, threatening that himself would scale the walls, if the rest made hasting and thus drew back. With that he made no more ado, but approached under the walls in great peril of his person. Whereupon the soldiers respecting the dangerous state of their General, and fearing greatly on his behalf, set up a shout on all hands, and began to rear ladders in many places at once. Laelius likewise on the other side plied the assault and gave not over. Then at last the townsmen, for all their resolute resistance, were overcome; the defendants overthrown and beaten from their standing, and the walls possessed by the enemies. The castle also on that side which was thought imprenable, was in that brunt and tumult taken. For there were certain Africanes serving then among the Romans (fled before from the enemy) who whiles the townsmen were wholly turned to defend those places that seemed to be exposed unto danger, and the Romans climbing and entering where they could, espied one part of the city much higher than the rest; which because it was compassed about with an exceeding high rock, was neither fortified otherwise with bulwarks, nor manned with any defendants at all: and being men (as they all are) light and deliver of body, and nimble by reason of much practice and exercise, they climbed up the rock where they could meet with any crag thereof to bear out unequally from the rest, and to yield them hold and footing: but when they came to a plumb upright steep place, and where the cliff was even and smooth, they fastened certain great iron spikes and nails, which they carried about with them of purpose, and stuck them a pretty distance asunder, like greeces and stairs to climb upon: and ever the foremost plucked him up by the hand that followed next, and the hindmost heaved up those that went before them, until they were gotten up to the top: and then they ran down with an outcry into the city, which was already won by the Romans. Then it was well seen that they forced this city for very despiteous anger and deep hatred. There was not one that thought of taking any prisoners alive, there was none that once minded any pillage, notwithstanding all lay open unto them for to be ransacked and rifted. But down they went with the unarmed as well as the armed, killing men and women one with another: nay their cruel mood was such, as they spared not the sucking babes. Then they set fire on their houses; and what the fire saved they razed and pulled down: so cankered a mind they had, and so bent they were, to leave no monument and token of such a city, and utterly to abolish and root out the memorial of those enemies.  
After this, Scipio led his army against Castulo. This city was defended not only by Spaniards who thither were repaired out of other parts, but also by the relics of the Carthaginian army, which were scattered abroad in their flight, and thither fled. But ere Scipio was come before the town, they had heard the news of the woeful calamity and destruction of the Illiturgitanes; by reason whereof they were all terrified and in despair of themselves: and as it falleth out in such variety of causes and deserts, every man sought means to shift for himself the best he could, without regard of his neighbour. And at first they began to have a secret jealousy and suspicion one of another, but afterwards they broke out to open dissension: in so much as the Carthaginians and Spaniards divided themselves, and parted asunder. Cerdubellus openly advised the Spaniards, and persuaded with them, to yield. Himilco was the captain over the auxiliary Carthaginians, whom Cerdubellus (upon promise secretly before made, and protection granted) betrayed, together with the whole city besides, into the Romans hands. This victory was pursued with less cruelty: for neither was the offence on their behalf committed, so heinous; and the heat and choler of the Romans was well cooled and allayed, by reason of their voluntary surrender. From thence was Martius sent against other of the barbarous people, to reduce unto subjection and obedience, as many as yet were not fully subdued.  
Scipio returned to new Carthage to pay his vows unto the gods, and to exhibit and set out aspectacle of swordplaiers at sharp, which he had prepared for the honour of his father and uncle deceased. This pastime & solemn show was not performed by those kind of men, out of which masters offence use ordinarily to make choice, namely, such as were picked out of bondslaves and freed men, that use to make sale of their blood for money: but all those that he employed in combat, were such as offered themselves and their service voluntary and without hire. For some were sent unto him from the LL. of the country, to make show and proof of the valour engraffed naturally in that nation: others of their own accord professed to fight, for the love of the General himself, and to show him pleasure: And some there were again, who upon emulation of glory were drawn to make challenge, whiles others that were defied refused not, but strove to get the victory. There were also divers thatdetermined those controversies by the sword, which by arguing and pleading they either were not able or not willing to end: having agreed between themselves that the matter in suit should fall to him that chanced to have the upper hand. And those were no mean persons of base degree and parentage, but of noble descent and famous houses: as namely Corbis and Orsua, two 
* 〈…〉  [brethren] cousin germans by the father side; who differing and being at variance, about the principality of a city and State which they call Ibes, made profession to try the title at the utterance by dint of sword. Corbis was the elder of the twain; but Orsua his father had been the last Prince before, and received that signory after the death of his elder brother. And when Scipio was very desirous to debate and decide the matter with words, and to appease their anger and mood, they both made answer and said, That they had denied that to the common kinsfolk of either party, and that they would have no other god nor man to be their judge, but only Mars. Both of them were fierce; the elder presuming of his strength of body, the younger bearing himself upon the flower of his fresh youth: wishing rather to die both twain in fight, than the one to be subject to the dominion of the other. In conclusion, when by no means possible they could be reclaimed from this furious rage of theirs, they became a goodly show and pageant to the whole army, and a singular example to prove, what a mischievous malady among mortal men, the love of lordship is, & the desire of sovereignty. The elder, through practice of his weapons and cunning slight, soon overcame the fool hardiness and inconsiderate fierceness of the younger. After this pastime of swordfight, followed the funeral games and plays: which were set forth magnificently, according as either the wealth of the province, or the furniture of the army might afford.  
In this mean time, the Lieutenants plied and sped their business nevertheless, according to their commissions: for Martius having passed the river Baetis (which the paisants of that country call Cirtius) received two most rich and wealthy cities, surrendered into their hands by composition, without any assault. Now, there was another city called Astapa, which ever sided with the Carthaginians: and yet it deserved not so much anger and indignation in that regard, as for that, (setting aside the necessities that follow war) it ever bare a spiteful hatred against the Romans: neither was the town either for natural situation so strongly seated, or by man's hand to surely fortified, that the inhabitants therein should take more hart, or presume the rather to be lusty and bold. But the natural disposition of the people delighting in robberies, moved them to make roads and invade the territory of the allies of the people of Rome bordering upon them: and to catch and take prisoners any soldiers, scullion's, lackeys, and followers of the camp, or merchants of the Romans, whom they could light upon ranging abroad. Yea & when there happened a great company of them together, to pass through their marches and confines, (for in no wise might a few travail in safety) they were surprised by an ambushment laid for them, and being environned in a place of disadvantage, were slain every man. When the army was come before this town to assault 〈◊〉, the townsmen carrying a guilty conscience for offences committed, thought it not the safest course for themselves, to yield and give up the place to the enemies whom they had so much provoked against them: and seeing no hope at all to save their lives, either by the strength of their walls, or force of arms, they resolved to execute upon themselves, & those things that were nearest and dearest unto them, afoule, detestable, & cruel fact. They set out and appointed a compass of ground within the market place, where they bestowed and laid on an heap the most precious goods that they had. Upon which they commanded their wives and children to fit, and then they piled about them billets of wood, and laid faggots upon, of small young twigs. And after this they gave in charge to fifty lusty tall fellows armed, That so long as the battle continued doubtful, they should defend and guard all their goods, and the bodies of those persons more dear unto them, than all the goods in the world: but in case they perceived their own side to go down and have the worse, and the city at the point to be lost, they should then wot well and be assured, that all they whom they saw going forth to battle, would surely lose their lives in that very fight and medley. And herewith they besought them in the name of the gods both celestial and infernal, to be mindful of their liberty, which that day was to take an end, either by honourable death or shameful servitude: and to suffer nothing to remain, upon which the enemy in his furious anger might excercise his cruelty: and considering they had both fire and sword in their hands to do the deed, to let those friendly and faithful hands, consume and dispatch the things which were sure to be lost and perish, rather than the proud enemies insult over them, and make a scorn of them. To these exhortations they adjoined a fearful and horrible curse, to as many as either for hope of life, or upon timorousness of hart and fear of death, should alter their mind and resolution. Whereupon all at once they rushed out of the gates set wide open, and with a mighty tumult & shout, made a sally. Now there was no set guard and station of any force opposed to resist them, because the enemies feared nothing less, than that they durst once issue forth of the gates. Some few troops of horse and the light armour, of a sudden were sent out of the camp to make head, and they encountered them. Between whom there was a skirmish hotter and sharper in regard of courage and violence, than well ordered by any skill and good government. And therefore the horsemen were discomfited, that first pesented themselves against the enemy, yea and put the light armed footmen also in great fear. And surely they had proceeded to have fought even under the very rampiar, but that the main strength of the legions, who had but very small time to be marshaled and arraunged, put themselves in array & came into the field. And yet for all that, they were distressed for a while about the ensigns, by reason that they ran as blind as mad men in their furious fit, and as bold as witless fools for want offence, even upon the sword & their own deaths. But afterwards, the old experienced soldiers, having stiffly stood out against the first rash brunt and violent shock of the enemies, yea and killed the foremost, bridled & stayed the rage of those that seconded them: & when they assayed within a while after, to enter forward themselves & break in upon them, & saw none of them to give one foot of ground, but every one resolute to die in the very place where he stood, they opened their battle in the mids (a thing that they might easily do, considering the multitude of their soldiers) compassed and environned the wings of their enemies, who fight round in a ring, unto the last man were slain everyone. Thus were they that were in arms and made resistance manfully, dealt withal by their enemies according to the rigour of war, and in the angry mood of soldiers; and such was their end. But within the city there was fouler work, and a more cruel butchery & carnage committed, when the feeble unarmed and naked multitude of women and children were murdered by their own neighbours and citizens: who having set the foresaid pile of wood on fire, fell to massacre them, and flung their bodies when they were but half dead, into the light fire under them; so as their streams of blood gushing out of their veins, were ready to quench the flame beginning to break forth. And in the end, when they themselves were even wearied with the pitiful slaughter of their own friends, they cast themselves armour and all into the mids of the said fire. When this massacre was done and ended, the Romans entered the city with victory. And at the first sight of this monstrous object, they wondered for a while & stood astonished. But afterwards, when they saw the gold and silver glittering within the heap among other goods, they were ready and desirous (as the nature of man is greedy of such things) to rake and pull the same out of the fire: but some of them were caught with the flame and burnt; others flashed and half senged with the hot steem of the vapour and breath issuing from the light fire, such (I mean) as were foremost, and could not retire themselves back, by reason of the exceeding press behind, that thrust them still forward. Thus Astapa was destroyed by fire and sword, and yielded no pillage to the enemies. And when Martius had all the rest of that country yielded unto him for fear of force, he led back his victorious army to Carthage unto Scipio.  
About the very same time, there came from Gades certain fugitive runagates, promising to betray the garrison of the Carthaginians lying there, and likewise the captain of the garrison, together with the navy. Now had Mago rested there after his flight, and having gathered together the ships in the Ocean, levied and raised certain aids, as well beyond the narrow seas along the coast of Africa, as also out of the parts of Spain next adjoining unto him, and all by the means of captain Hanno. When as between the Romans and those fugitives, there had passed faithful promise and security to and fro, both Martius was sent thither with certain squadrons and companies lightly appointed; and also Laelius with 7 Triremes [of three banks of oars] and one great galiace of five, for to war jointly together by common counsel, as well by sea as land. Scipio himself lay sick of a grievous malady, but much worse by report than it was, by reason that every one (as men commonly have a desire and delight, to softer and multiply rumours for the nonce) made ever somewhat of his own head, and put it to the rest of the news that he heard: which brought the province out of frame and caused great disorder, especially in the most remote parts thereof: whereby it was well seen, what a world of troubles would have ensued upon some calamity indeed, when a vain rumour only, was able to raise such storms and tempests. For neither the Allies continued loyal in their allegiance, nor the army dutiful in their wont obedience. Mandonius and Indibilis, who made full account of the whole kingdom of Spain now that the Carthaginians were driven out and expelled, seeing nothing answerable to their hope and expectation, and themselves disappointed of their designments, raised the peasants and inhabitants of their own countries (and those were the Lacetanes) and solicited the youth of the Celtiberians: the country also of the Suessetanes and Sedetanes, that were confederate States with the people of Rome, they wasted in all manner of hostility. Besides, there arose a civil mutiny and dissension within the camp at Sucro; where there lay eight thousand soldiers, as a guard and garrison for all the nations that inhabit on this side Iberus. Whose heads were set awork, and began to be busy not at that time when doubtful and suspicious rumours were spread of their General, how he was in danger of death, but long before, upon a licentious course of life that they had taken to, (as commonly it falleth out upon long rest and case) and so much the rather, for that now in time of peace they were held in, more straightly and nearly, who before were used in their enemy's land, during the wars, to break out in a more loose manner, and to live upon rapine and robbery. At the first they began to mutter and whisper secretly these and such like speeches: If there be war still in the province of Spain, what do we here among peaceable people? And if the war be ended, and the time of the commission come out and expired, why are we not had again back into Italy? Then they proceeded to demand their pay very malapertly, and more saucily than might stand with the duty & modesty of soldiers: yea, and the Sentinels and corpse de guara would not stick to give reproachful terms and taunting words to the Tribunes or Marshals, when they went the round: and some of them made no bones to enter by night into the peaceable territory about them, for to fetch in booties and prizes; until at length openly at noon day, they departed from their colours without passport and licence. All things they did, as transported and carried away with lust and self will of soldiers, not guided by the order and discipline of warfare, nor directed by the commandment and government of their captains and rulers. Nevertheless, there was retained still a form of Roman camp among them: and that upon this only hope that the soldiers had of the Tribunes aforesaid; whom they supposed in time would come to the bent of their bow, enter into the same furious courses, and have their hand in their mutinies, & follow them in their rebellion: and therefore they were well content with them to fit judicially in marshal court, in the usual place of Principia, to minister law and execute justice: also to call for the watchword & signal ofthem, yea, and orderly to go to their watch and ward in their course and due times. And whereas in very deed they had cast off all reverence and obedience of government, yet they would seem to show a kind of loyal and dutiful diligence; in that (forsooth) they would be commanders of themselves, and keep some order without constraint. But in the end the mutiny broke out into open sedition: namely, when they perceived once, that the Tribunes misliked and reproved their doings, and endeavoured to cross their designs, yea, and denied flatly and openly to take part with them in their follies and furious outrages. Whereupon they dizseized the Tribunes of their judicial places in the Principia, yea, and dispossessed them quite of all room in the camp, and by a general consent conferred the sovereign rule upon two common soldiers, the cheefetains of this their seditious commotion, C. Albius Calenus, and C. Altrius Umber. Who not contented with the 
* Certain officers or sergeants going before them with 〈◊〉.  marks and ornaments of the Tribunes, were so bold as to handle the rods and axes, even the very royal ensigns of sovereign rule; never thinking how those knitches of rods, and axes sticking within them, which they caused to be borne afore them to the fear of others, were ready to light upon themselves, to scourge their backs and sides, and to chop off their own heads not long after. The supposed death of Scipio, whereupon they vainly built, was it that blinded their wits and minds: upon the rumour whereof, being already noised abroad, they had no doubt, but all Spain generally would be up in arms. In which garboil and hurly burly, they made reckoning, that they might levy moneys of the confederate States, and spoil and pill the cities near unto them. And amid these troubles, when all were in an uproar, and every man would venture to do every thing at his pleasure, than they supposed their own deeds and actions would be less espied and marked. Now when as they looked every day still to hear fresh news, not of his death only, but also of his funerals; and seeing there came none at all, but rather, that the former ridings were checked, and proved but a flying tale without head or foot, than they began to make semblance of inquiring after, and seeking out the first authors who raised those false reports: then they seemed to be angry also and offended with them, to the end, that they forsooth might be thought rather to have believed things inconsiderately, than to have devised such a matter themselves purposely. These leaders and captains thus disappointed and abandoned, began now to dread and stand in horror of their own ensigns of magistracy that were carried before them, and in steed of that imaginary rule which they usurped, they feared greatly, that the very edge indeed of the true and lawful power of authority would be shortly turned upon them. As the sedition was thus dashed, by occasion, that it was credibly and for certain reported, first, That Scipio was living; and within a while after, that he was recovered and in health: there came seven Tribunes or Colonels, sent from Scipio himself. At whose first arrival at the camp, the soldiers grew more angry and waspish than before: but anon upon fair words and speeches, wherewith the Colonels entertained those of their acquaintance, with whom they had communication, they were well contented and appeased. For first they went about to their pavilions from one to another, and afterwards to the Principia and the Pretorium, where they happened to spy some knots of soldiers met together and talking one with another; and so spoke unto them, as if they rather questioned with them what the cause should be of their anger and sudden commotion, than blamed them, or laid any action to their charge. The reason commonly pretended, was this, That their wages was not duly paid at the day. Besides they alleged, That whereas at the same time, when upon the treacherous fact of the Illiturgitanes, there followed the loss and death of two Generals, and the defeature of their two armies, they by their virtue had defended the Roman name and honour, and likewise kept the province to their behoof, the Illiturgitanes had indeed received condign guerdon for their offence and trespass, but there was none that had requited and recompensed them for their good service accordingly. Believe me (say they again) your complaints are just, and requests reasonable, and we will make relation thereof to the Lord General: and glad we are in our hearts, that it is no worse, and that the case is no more incurable than it is: for God be thanked, P. Scipio and the Commonweal, are both sufficient, and also willing to make you amends for all.  
But Scipio, a man though used to the wars, yet altogether unacquainted with storms of soldiers mutinies, was much troubled in spirit and perplexed, for fear the army might exceed measure in transgressing, or himself pass his bounds in punishing. For the present, he thought good to deal gently with them still, as he had begun, and sent abroad the collectors about the Tributary cities to gather up the revenues, thereby to put them in good hope of pay, and that with speed. And hereupon there went out an edict and proclamation, that they should repair to Carthage, there to call for their wages, either by companies apart one after another, or altogether in general, whether they would themselves.  
And now by this time, the sudden pacification of the Spaniards that were about to rebel, stilled the sedition of the soldiers quite, which of itself begun to cool and flake already. For Mandonius and Indibilis, after it was reported that Scipio was alive and livelike, gave over their enterprise, and were retired again within their confines. So as now the soldiers had neither citizen nor foreigner, to take part with them in their folly & furious rage. And when they had cast all about what course to take & what shift to make, they found no other evasion, but the most common refuge and retreat of all lewd counsels and bad designments, even to commit themselves either to the just wrath of their General, or else to his clemency and mercy, whereof they were not passed all hope, and in utter despair. For why? he had pardoned even the very enemies, with whom he had fought in battle. And as for their mutiny, it was as yet without bloodshed, and nohurt done: and as itself was not cruel and outrageous, so it had deserved no extreme & rigorous punishment: thus reasoned they and comforted themselves, as naturally men are too too prompt and eloquent, to extenuate, to palliate and cloak their own faults, more iwis than they should. This was their only doubt, whether they were better to go by cohorts and squadrons, or all at once to demand their pay. In the end they were of opinion, that the safer way was to go all in one train. At the very same time, whiles they among themselves laid their heads thus together in the camp, there was a Counsel held at new Carthage about them, and much dispute there was, and variety of opinions, whether they should proceed against the heads and chieftains only of the feditious (who were in number not above five and thirty) or by cutting off the greater sort, to punish this so odious example and precedent, of a rebellion rather than a mutiny. But the milder sentence took place, namely, that from whence the offence began, there the punishment should rest. And for the multitude, some chastisement and rebuke was sufficient for their correction. When the Counsel was dismissed and broken up, to the end that it might be thought abroad that they sat about nothing else but this which they pretended, they published an edict throughout all the army in Cartháge, for an expedition or journey against Manuonius and Indibilis; and gave commandment to make provision of victuals for certain days. And those seven Tribunes, who had before gone to Sucro for to appease the mutiny there, were now sent to meet that army again: and the names being given them of five of the principal authors of the foresaid tumult, they had a direction unto certain meet persons for the purpose, to show them good countenance, to speak fair unto them, and courteously to invite them home to their houses, and afford them kind and friendly entertainment; and after they had made them good cheer and brought them to bed, to take them being fast asleep upon their liberal drinking of wine, and to bind them sure hand and foot. Now when they were not fame off from Carthage, they understood by those whom they met and encountered upon the way, that all the whole army, was the next day following to setforth against the Lacetanes: which tidings not only rid them of all fear, which secretly surprised and possessed their minds, but also made them exceeding glad and joyous, for that they supposed their General being now left alone without the forces, they might do with him what they would themselves, rather than be at his commandment and devotion. And about sun-setting they entered the city, and perceived the other army providing and making all ready for the voyage above named. Received they were and welcomed with gentle words, devised and framed of purpose: namely, That the L. General took great joy and contentment for their coming, for that they were come so just before the setting out of the other army: and so they went to repose and make much of themselves. And without any stir and tumult at all, the ringleaders of the sedition, were by the means of those Tribunes entertained and lodged in the houses of certain persons of good behaviour, and meet for that purpose, and there apprehended and imprisoned. At the releese of the fourth watch, the carriages of that army, whose expedition was pretended, began to set forward on the journey: and somewhat before day the standards and ensigns advanced, but the whole army was detained and stayed at the gates, and certain warders sent to keep all the passages and ways, that man should go forth of the city. Then were those soldiers who came the day before summoned to an audience: and they ran boldly into the market place to the Tribunal of the General, as if with their outcries and clamours they would have put him in some fear anddread of them. And at one time, both the L. General himself in person ascended up the Tribunal, and with all the armed soldiers were brought again from the gate, and enclosed round about at their backs the unarmed multitude gathered together to hear an Oration. Then were they daunted, as lusty as they were before, and all their courage cooled: and (as they confessed afterwards themselves) nothing terrified them so much, as the healthful strength and fresh colour of the L. General, beyond all their expectation, whom they thought verily to have found sick and crazy: yea and his countenance and face so vigorous and courageous, as they never remembered to have seen him so lusty in any battle before. For a while he sat still and said never a word, until he was advertised that the chieftains of the mutiny were brought into the place, and all things else in readiness. Then after silence made by ari Oyez of the crier, in this wise he began and said.  

The Oration of P. Sestio to his mutinous s●ald●●●●s.  I would never have believed that I should have wanted words and proper language unto mine own army: not because I have exercised myself at any time rather to make eloquent speeches than to manage valiant actions, but for that being always from mine infancy almost trained up in the camp, I have been acquainted with the natures and humours of soldiers. But in what manner I should speak unto you, neither my wits will give me advise, nor my tongue afford me uttrance: you, I say, whom I wot not so much as by what name to call. Should I term you citizens, who have revolted from your native country? or soldiers, who have renounced your General, refused to be under his command, his charge and government, and made no conscience to break the oath of your allegiance? Last of all, should I give you the name of enemies? Now surely, me thinks I agnise the bodies, the faces, the apparel and habit of mine own natural citizens: but contrariwise, I see plainly the deeds, the words, the intents and minds of arrant enemies. For what have ye either wished or hoped for else, but the Ilergetes and the Lacetanes have done the like? And yet I must needs say, that they had to follow for their captains in their outrage, Mandonius and Indibilis, two Princes of royal blood: whereas you imposed the sovereign command & government upon Umber Atrius, & Calenus Albinus, two base companions. Deny now hardly if you will, that you all either were in the action, or willing in the intention. Verily I can easily believe you in so disavowing, and namely, that all this proceeded from the folly of some few brainsick fellows among you. For the trespasses committed are of that quality & consequence, that if the whole army were therein culpable, the expiation and purging thereof could not be procured without great sacrifices and exquisite punishments. Full against my will I touch these points, as sores and galls that will not abide the rubbing: but unless they be touched & handled too, they cannot possibly be cured and healed. I assure you, for mine own part, I thought verily that when the Carthaginians were driven out of Spain, there was neither place nor person throughout the whole province, that had envied my life and health: such hath been my carriage, and so have I demeaned myself not only with Allies, but also with enemies. But see, how much I have been deceived! Even in mine own camp, the news of my death was not only received with joy, but expected also with a longing desire. I speak not this, that I would have any man to imagine that I conceive, how all in general are guilty of this fact (for if I were persuaded in my mind, that my whole army wished my death, I would here die presently before your eyes; for what good would my life do me, repined of my soldiers and fellow citizens?) But the multitude of every people is like the seas in nature; which of themselves are unmovable and stir not: as the winds blow, as the gales go and come, so are they either calm or troublesome and unquiet: and even so the cause and source of all this fury and outrage, is in some few heads and leaders. As for you, ye have caught the infection from them, and played the fools with them for company. Cerresse, I am thus persuaded of you this day, that ye know not yet, to what enormous height of sollie ye have proceeded; what mischievous act ye were entered, into against mine own person; what you attempted against your native country, your wives and children; what you enterprised against the gods and witnesses of your loyal oath; what ye have done against the sacred auspexes and happy fortune, under which ye have served in warfare; what ye have committed against the custom and law of war, against the discipline of your ancestors; and finally, how prejudicial and offensive your designs have been against the sovereign majesty of the Roman empire. As for myself, I am willing to say nothing: content I am to think, that ye rather gave credit to my death rashly and inconsiderately, than harkened thereto willingly and greedily. And it may be, that I have so behaved myself, that no wonder it is, if mine army be weary of me and of my government. But what harm hath your country deserved at your hands, which to betray, ye should complot with Mandonius and Indibilis? How hath the people of Rome offended you, that you have deprived the Kn. Marshals and Colonels created by the voices of the people, of their lawful rule and authority, and conferred the same upon private persons? And being not therewith contented, to have and acknowledge them for your Colonels; you, even you the army of the Romans, have taken the knitches of rods belonging only to the General, and bestowed them upon those, that never kept so much as a bondslave of their own to command. Albius and Atrius forsooth, set up their pavilions in that chief place of State in the camp, where the sovereign magistrate ought to quarter: with them the trumpet founded: from them the signal and watchword was demanded: they sat as judges in the Tribunal seat of Scipio the Proconsull: upon them the lictours and Sergeants attended: for them they made way and voided the place, against they should go forth & march in their state: and before them were the rods borne, and the axes withal. When it raineth stones, when thunderbolts are shot, when lightnings flash from heaven, when beasts bring forth strange, uncouth, and monstrous young ones, contrary to the course of nature, you take them for prodigious signs and fearful tokens. Nay, this is a monstrous sight and wonder in deed, which by no sacrifices of beasts, by no supplications and prayers, can be purged and expiate, without the blood of them that have committed so heinous a fact. And albeit no wicked crime can be founded upon any reason, yet would I gladly know of you (as in a case that indeed should not be once named and remembered) what was in your mind? what imagined you? and what was your designment? There was in times past a legion sent to Rhegium, there to lie in garrison. Traitorously & villainously they murdered the principal citizens there, and for ten years space possessed and kept that wealthy town to their own behouse. For this notorious and beastly fact, the whole legion, even four thousand men and no fewer, were in the market place of Rome beheaded every one. And yet they at the first followed not for their captain, 
Atrius Umber , one little better than a launder, skullian, and follower of the camp, a man of an unlucky and unfortunate name, but Decius lubellrus a Tribune or Kn. Martial: neither joined they with Pyrrhus, nor with the Samnites & Lucanes, professed enemies of the people of Rom. Whereas ye, have plotted in counsel, and meant to have banded in arms together with Mandonius and Indibilis. Their purpose was to have seared themselves for ever in Rhegium, like as before them the Campanes, who took Capua from the Tuskanes, the old inhabitants: and the Mamertines likewise; who possessed themselves in Sicily of Messana, and never minded to molest and make war, either upon the people of Rome, or any of their allies and confederates. But tell me I pray you, intended ye to have made your continual residence, and to have dwelled at Sucro? where if I your General at my departure out of this province, when my time and commission was expired, should have left you behind me, ye might have cried out upon me, and called for vengeance to God and man, in regard of hard measure & wrong, offered unto you, in that ye might not be permitted to return home to your wives & children. Butalas, wife & children were clean excluded out of your mind: & ye thought no more upon them, than of me or of your native country. Well, I will follow on still, and discourse your plot and designs, wicked & ungracious though they were, yet haply not altogether so foolish & fottish in the highest degree as may be supposed. Imagined ye being eight thousand men in number, (and say that ye were all of better account and reckoning than Albius and Atrius are, under whom ye submitted yourselves) to have been able for to defeat the people of Rome of the province of Spain? so long as I lived, and the other army stood sound and strong: wherewith in one day I forced new Carthage; with which I discomfited, put to flight, and chased out of Spain, four brave Generals, and as many puissant armies of the Carthaginians? But let that go by, and to lay aside my name, and to speak of no more abuse but this, that ye were very credulous and quickly believed that I was dead. How then? what if I were departed, this life, and gone indeed? Had the commonwealth together with me yielded up her ghost? Would the main state & empire of Rome have fallen to the ground with me at once? Forfend (o jupiter, almighty and most gracious) that ever a city founded first most happily, with the approbation of the gods, built eternally for ever to endure, should be compared and made but equal with this frail and mortal body of mine. Flaminius, Paulus, Gracchus, Posthumius Albinus, M. Marcellus, T. Quintius Crispinus, Cn. Fulvius, two Scipios, my father and uncle both, so many noble warriors and captains, have been slain in this one war; and they are dead & gone: yet the people of Rome continueth on foot and overliveth them, yea and shall still, when a thousand more of them shall die, either upon the edge of the sword, or upon some sickness or other. How should then the state of the people of Rome be interred and buried with the dead corpse of me, but one man and no more? Even you yourselves (to go no farther to seek examples) here in Spain, when my father and uncle, two Generals, were killed, chose Septimius, Martius for your captain, to lead against the Carthaginians, being in the ruff and jollity upon their fresh late victory. I speak now, as though if I had miscarried, Spain had been left destitute and without a Commander and General. M. Syllanus who was sent with me into the province, joined in the same commission and of equal authority; L Scipro my brother, and C. Laelius, both Lieutenant's general: would these have sit still and done nothing? would these have failed to maintain & recover the majesty of our empire? What? could ye have compared army for army, captains for captains with them? was either your reputation and credit, or your quarrel and cause comparable? And suppose that in all these regards, ye had been superior and gotten the vantage, would ye indeed with the Carthaginians, have born arms against your native country? against your fellow citizens? would ye in very truth, that Africa should have commanded Italy; and Carthage the city of Rome? And for what demerit and great trespass, I pray you, that your country had committed? Coriolanus long ago, being wrongfully condemned and unworthily banished, seeing himself to live a miserable exiled man, was moved to take arms & to come against his country to assail it. A private regard of love and natural kindness, reclaimed him from public parricide. But what grief of heart, what fit of anger hath incited and provoked you? Set case your wages was paid later by some few days, whiles your General lay sick; was that a sufficient cause for you, to give defiance to your country, and proclaim open war against it? was that enough to cause you to revolt from the people of Rome, and turn to the Ilergetes? and to spare no law of God and man, but to break all: and make shipwreck of conscience and common honesty? Now surely, soldiers, ye were out of your wits, and fools ye were in the highest degree. I was not myself farther out of frame nor sicker in body, than ye were in your mind and understanding. I tremble to think upon it and to rehearse, what folk believed, what they hoped, what they wished. Let all be forgotten and buried in oblivion, if it be possible: if not, let us not speak of it yet, howsoever we do, but rake it up in deep silence. I cannot deny, but my words have seemed sharp and bitter unto you, and all this my speech very rigorous. But how much more cruel think ye are your deeds, than my words tart and sour? And if ye deem it reasonable, that I should bear and put up the things that ye have done; will ye not abide then, and take in good part, and patiently hear me to tell all that I can say? But these matters I will lay no more in your dish from henceforth; ye shall be checked no more for them. Would God ye could as soon forget them, as I will put them out of my remembrance. And therefore as touching you all in general, if ye repent and be displeased with yourselves for your fault and folly, I shall be content, and think you punished to the full. But as for Albius Calcnus and Atrius Umber, with the rest of the authors of this cursed and detestable mutiny, they shall make amends for their trespass and transgression, even with their heart-blood; and they shall surely die for it. The spectacle of their exemplary punishment ought not to seem unto you grievous and odious, but rather a pleasant and delectable sight, if ye have any grace in you, and become again to your right wits. For their intent was to hurt and do mischief to no man alive, more than to yourselves.  
He had scarce made an end of his speech, when all at once, according to the order given beforehand, there was presented to their eyes and ears a terrible and fearful object on all sides. For the army which had environned the assembly round about, clattered their & bucklers together. The common crier was heard to cite byname all those that were condemned there, in the presence of the whole audience. Stripped they were naked, and haled forth in the mids of them all, and every thing brought out at once for to accomplish the execution. Thus were they bound to the stake, whipped with rods, and their heads chopped off. So benumbed they were all and astonished for fear, that were present at the sight hereof, that there was not heard amongst them all one shrewd and hard word, in misliking the rigour of the punishment, no nor so much as one groan or secret sigh. Then their bodies were all drawn atone side, the place was made clean and purged, and all the soldiers were called by name, and before their Colonels and Kn. Marshals, swore allegiance, and to be true soldiers unto Scipio. And every one, according as he answered to his name, had his wages truly paid. This was the issue and final end of the soldiers mutiny, which began at Sucro.  
At the same time, captain Hanno sent by Mago from Gades with a small power of Africanes, solicited the Spaniards about the river, 
Guadalquivir.  Baetis for money, to rebel and put in arms upon a four thousand able men. But afterwards he was forced by L. Martius to quit his camp, and having lost the greatest part of his men in the very tumult of taking the camp, yea, and some in the flight, whom the horsemen pursued in chase and slew as they ran straggling, himself with few others escaped away. Whiles these things happened about the river Baetis, Laelius in the mean time having passed through the straits into the main Ocean, arrived with his navy at Carteia. This is a city standing on the sea coast bounding upon the Ocean, even in the mouth of the river, where it first openeth from the straits into the broad sea. Now there was some hope (as hath been aforesaid) to gain the city of Gades without any assault, by treason, for as much as there came some into the Roman camp, that of themselves made offer and promise thereof. But the treason broke forth too soon, and was revealed before it was ripe, the conspirators were all apprehended, and sent by Mago unto Adherball the praetor, for to be conveyed to Carthage. And Adherball having embarked those traitors in a Caravell or Gallion of five banks of oars, and sent her afore, because she was slower of sail than those of three banks; himself with eight three banked galleys, followed a pretty way after. The said Caravell of five course of oars, was not so soon entered the straits, but Scipio also being embarked in another Caravell of the same sort, made out of the haven of Carteia, with seven galleys of three ranks of oars, and invested Adherball and the foresaid galleys: supposing verily, that the enemies Caravell being taken tardy in the very current, was not able against the tide to retire. Adherball being thus surprised on a sudden, for a while stood in fear and doubt what to do; whether he had best to follow on after his own Caravell, or turn the prows and beaks of his galleys, and make head against the enemy. Thus whiles he stood at a bay linger, he lost the opportunity of shifting and avoiding a battle: for now they were come within the dart shot, and the enemies on every side were ready to charge. And the current was so strong, that they were not able to rule and manage their ships as they would. And the manner of fight was nothing at all like to a seabattell, for as much as they could do nothing to their mind, nothing by skill and dexeritie, nothing by counsel & advise. The nature only of the narrow sea, the violence of the current was all in all, and ruled the conflict, driving the ships one against another, as well upon their own fellows as upon their enemies, notwithstanding they rowed and laboured what they could to the contrary. So as, one while ye should see a ship that fled and scudded away, whirled about back again with a witness by the waves, upon those that had her in chase: and likewise another that seemed to follow and pursue after her enemy, if the happened once into a contrary course of billows, to turn top & tail, and seem to fly. And in the very conflict it so fell out, that when as one vessel ran with her beakehead full butt upon another, she was forced by waves to turn her side, and receive in her flank the push of her enemies. And chose, when as one lay with her flank opposite to the enemy, suddenly all at once she should wind and whirl again upon her prow. As the galleys fought thus doubtfully together, hap hazard, at the pleasure and will of Fortune; the Roman Caravell (were it because of her weight she was able to standmore steady against the surging billows, or by reason that she had more ranks of oars that cut the waves, and so was more easily ruled) chanced to sink two of the smaller galleys of the enemies; & running fast by one with a forcible violence, wiped away clean all the oars of one side, and had no doubt spoiled and marred all the rest that she would have invested and charged upon, but that Adherball, with the other five made sail, and got over into Africa. Laelius having failed back to Carteia with victory, and heard what had been done at Gades, namely, how the complot of betraying the island was disclosed, the conspirators sent bound unto Carthage, and consequently all their hope frustrate and turned to nothing upon which they came to Gades; dispatched messengers unto L. Martius, giving him to understand, That unless they meant still to lie before Gades, trifling out the time and doing no good, the best way was to return unto Scipio the lord General: and so with the consent of Martius both of them within few days repaired to Carthage. Upon whose departure Mago hadnot only a time to breath himself, being so frighted as he was with a duple fear both by land and sea; but also hearing that the Ilergetes were revolted, conceived some hope to recover Spain again, & addressed his couriers to the Senate at Carthage, who by relating not only the civil mutiny that arose in the Roman camp, but also the rebellion of the confederates (& all by way of amplification and enforcing every thing to the highest degree) should encourage and exhort them to send aids for to regain the dominion of Spain, lest unto them by descent from their ancestors. Mandonius and Indibilis who were retired for a time into their confines, until they knew how the sedition sped and what was the issue thereof, rested still in suspense. For if the natural citizens had their trespass forgiven, they made no doubt themselves but they might be pardoned also. But when it was published abroad how severely & sharply they were punished, they supposing their own transgression to deserve the like guerdon, solicited their own people again to take arms: and thus having levied and assembled the same power of aids which they had before, they passed into the Sédetanes country, where at the beginning they lay in standing camp, being in all 20000 foot, and 2500 horse strong.  
Scipio after he had soon reconciled and won again the hearts of his soldiers, as well by making true payment of their wages, to the faulty and innocent alike, as also by showing a loving countenance, and geving friendly words unto all indifferently; before that he dislodged and removed from Carthage, 
Scipio to his s●i●io●●s.  assembled them altogether to an audience. Where he inveighed bitterly and at large against the falsehood and treachery of the lords of the country that rebelled: and protested before them all, that he went not now to be revenged of them for their wickedness with the same mind, wherewith lately before he had cured the folly, and reform the error of his natural citizens: for than quoth he with heart's grief and groan, yea and with tears, like as one that rent and cut his own bowels, I expiated and purged either the inconsiderate folly, of the wilful malice of eight thousand men, with the heads of thirty persons: but now I go with joy andglad hart, yea and with a resolution to execute and massacre the Ilergetes. For neither are they borne in the same land with me, nor linked now in any society at all unto me: the only bond of faith and amity which was between us, that have they themselves first impiously broken. But in mine own army, besides that I see they all are either Roman citizens, or else allies, and those not aliens, but mere Latins: this doth me good, and moveth me much, that there is not amongst them so much as one soldier to speak of, but was brought out of Italy either by mine uncle Cn. Scipio (who was the first of the Roman name that came as L. deputy into this province) or else by my father who was Consul, or last of all by mine own self. They are every one of them well acquainted and enured with the name of the Scipios, and used to their fortune and government: whom I gladly would conduct home safe with me to deserved triumph; and whom I hope to find ready to assist me with their favour when I stand for a Consulship, as if it were a matter that concerned the honour of them all in general, as well as mine particular. And as for the expedition now in hand, whosoever taketh it to be a war, little remembreth the noble acts by me achieved: for surely I make more reckoning of Mago and his exploits, who is fled with a few ships as it were out of the compass of the world, into an Island environed with the Ocean sea, than I do of the Illergetes. For there in that place is not only a Carthaginian captain, but all the Carthaginian forces and strength that now remain. here are none but thieves and robbers, and their leader; who peradventure may be of some power and sufficiency to soray the fields, to burn the houses, to drive away some cat-tail of their neighbours, but to come to handstrokes in a setfight and ranged battle, they are of no valour and worth at all: who no doubt will come into the field, trusting upon their good footmanship to run away in the rout, more than upon any force of arms to maintain the medley. And therefore I have thought good to put down & suppress these Ilergetes, before I depart out of the province; not for any present dandanger at all, or fear of greater war that I see may spring from thence; but first and principally, that so ungracious and wicked a rebellion should not remain unpunished; and next, because it might not be said, that in a province so subdued, as well by singular prowess as rare felicity, there was left one enemy behind of the Romans. And therefore in the name of the gods follow after me, not so much to make just war (for ye are not to deal with enemies any way comparable unto you) as to take vengeance of wicked men, and to pusnish graceless persons. When he had finished his speech, he dismissed them, with commandment to be ready the next morrow, to put themselves in the journey: and after that he set once forward, by the tenth day he came to the river Iberús, and when he had passed over, within four days more, he encamped in the sight of his enemies. Now there was a plain there, environned round about with mountains: into which vale between, he caused the cat-tail (and those were for the most part driven out of the enemy's country) for to be put forth to grazing, and all to provoke the anger of the fierce and savage enemies: and sent out withal, the light appointed archers to guard them: he took order besides, that when these were once in skirmish with the vantcurriers of the enemies, Laelius with his cavalry should closely from some covert place give a sudden charge. And for this purpose, there was a hill that bore out handsomely to hide the ambush of those horsemen. And presently without any delay, they came to a skirmish: for the Spaniards made out to the cat-tail, so soon as ever they discovered them afar off: the archers again and darters of the Romans, ran upon the Spaniards as they were busy in their booty. And at first they terrified them, and skirmished with their shot: but afterward, when they had spent their arrows and darts, which were better to begin a fray, than determine a battle, they drew their naked swords, and began to fight close together foot to foot. And surely, the medley of the footmen had been doubtfully decided, but that the horsemen came upon them: who not only affronted the enemies in their face, and trampled them all under their horsefeets that came in their way, but also some of them having wheeled about & fet a compass along the hill foot, presented themselves at the back of the enemies, so as they enclosed and shut up the most part of them in the middle between. Insomuch as there ensued a greater slaughter, than commonly upon light skirmishes by way of such roads and excursions. But the barbarous people by this discomfiture were rather kindled and inflamed to anger, than daunted any way or discouraged. And therefore, because they would not seem to have been dismayed and affrighted, the morrow morning by daylight, they showed themselves in battle array. The straight and narrow valley, as is beforesaid, was not able to receive and contain all their power: for two third parts well-near of the infantry, and all the horse were come down into the plain field; the rest of their footmen besides, stood together quartered on the side of the hill. Scipio judged that the skantnesse of the ground made for him, both because it seemed that the Roman soldiers were more fitted to fight in a small room than the Spaniards: and also for that the enemies were engaged within that place, which was not able to contain the whole multitude: and therefore he devised a new stratagem besides. For considering that he could not in so narrow a space bring his own cavalry about to compass and charge the wings and points of their battle, and that the horsemen which the enemies had arranged together with their infantry, would serve them in no steed; he gave direction unto Laelius to conduct the horse as closely as he could about the hills, and to keep off the squadrons of the cavalry so far as possibly might be from the medley of the Infantry. Himself directly turned all the consignes of the footmen opposite against the enemies, and marshaled the forefront with four cohorts only, because he could not stretch out the battle any broader: and then without delay he made haste to begin the conflict, to the end, that while the enemies were amused and occupied in fight, they should be withdrawn from espying the horsemen as they traversed over the hills. Neither had they an eye of them at all, whiles they were brought about, before they heard the noise and tumult of them as they charged upon their backs. So they fought asunder in two several places: and two battles of foot, and as many of horse encountered and joined along the plain, because the straightness of the ground would not admit both horse and foot to fight together in one plot at once. Now when as the infantry of the Spaniards could not help the men of arms, and they again were as little succoured by the cavalry, but that the footmen trusting upon the cavalry, were without good direction put rashly to fight in the plain ground, and so beaten down and slain; and the horsemen being enclosed round, could neither abide the enemy's footmen affront them (for by this time their own infantry was overthrown and diffeated) nor yet endure behind them the hot assault of their horsemen; they left their horses, cast themselves into a ring, and after they had stood so at defence a long time, were slain every one to the last man: there was not I say one footman or horseman left of all those that fought in the valley. As for that third part which stood upon the hill side, rather to behold the fight in a place of security, than to take part with their fellows in the battle, they had both time and space to shift for themselves and escape. Among whom, were the Princes also themselves in person, Mandonius and Indibilis: who were slipped away in the first of the medley, before all the battalions were environed. The same day was the camp also of the Spaniards forced: and therein besides other pillage, were taken prisoners almost three thousand men. Of Romans and allies there died in that fight upon a 1200, and above three thousand were fore hurt. The victory no doubt had been obtained with less bloodshed, if they had fought in a more large and open piece of ground, where there had been better scope to fly away. Then Indibilis giving over clean to think any more of wars, and supposing nothing safer, than to have recourse to the approved goodness and clemency of Scipio, sent his brother Mandonius unto him: who fell prostrate down at his feet, blaming much (as the cause of their folly) the fatal rage and fury of the time; wherein not only the Illergetes getes and Lacetanes, but also the Roman camp, as it were by some contagious and pestilent infection, fection, became frantic and beside themselves: and said withal, that the condition of himself, his brother, and other their followers and subjects was such, as they were ready if it were so thought good, either to yield up their lively breath unto Scipio, at whose very hands they had once received the same; or else if they might now be pardoned and saved, to devote and employ their lives for ever hereafter wholly in his service, as being now twice due unto him alone, and no other. Once afore they presumed upon confidence in their innocent cause, when as yet they had no experience of his clemency: but now contrariwise they reposed all their full hope in the mercy of the conqueror, and nothing trusted in the goodness of the quarrel. Now it was an old custom among the Romans, not to exercise the absolute authority of their government upon any (as they did to peaceable subjects) with whom they were neither confedered in equal and reciprocal covenants, nor linked in the band of amity; before they surrendered up unto them all rights, as well divine as human: before I say they had received hostages of them, taken armour from them, and planted garrisons in their towns and cities. Scipio after he had sharply rebukedand roundly shaken up Mandonius there present, and likewise Indibilis that was absent, said, That for their wicked parts and lewd démeanor, they had worthily deserved death: but live they should by his goodness and the gracious favour of the people of Rome. And moreover he promised neither to despoil them of their armour and weapons (the seizing whereof was but a pawn and assurance unto such as feared rebellion; for as for him, he left unto them their armour freely to use at their pleasure, and their hearts and minds secured from fear) nor proceed in rigour and cruelty against the guiltesse hostages, but against their own persons, if they went out and revolted again: ne yet would he content himself to be revenged of disarmed and naked enemies, but the offenders and transgressors should in their arms suffer for their deserts. And now since they had tried both fortunes, as well the one as the other, he put unto their choice, whether they had leiffer have the Romans pacified or displeased, friends or enemies? So Mandonius had a fair delivery: only there was an imposition and fine laid and Indibilis, of a sum of money for soldiers pay. Scipio himself after he had sent Martius before into the farther part of Spain [beyond the river Iberus] and Syllanus back again to Tarracon, stayed some few days until the Illergetes had made payment of the moneys that they were charged with: and then with all his souldie is lightly appointed without carriages, marched in a running camp to overtake Martius, who by that time approached near unto the Ocean.  
The treaty which Masanissa began before time, was upon sundry occasions put off still and deferred. For the Numidian prince was very desirous to patley and common with Scipio himself in person, & in his right hand to assure him offealtie: which was the very then, that Scipio took so long a journey so far out of his way. Masanissa being now at Gades, and advertised by Martius that Scipio was coming & near at hand, showed false semblance to Mago, made many excuses, and found much fault, namely, that their horses being up and pestered within the Island, were welncere lost and spoiled: and by their long abode there, not only they made others feel the want and scarcity of all things, but also tasted thereof themselves: and besides that his men of arms for very case and idleness, became feeble and unlustie. By which suggestions he persuaded with Mago, and prevailed with him so much, as to suffer him to crosseover into the continent, under colour to waste and spoil the lands of Spain next adjoining. When he was passed over, he sent before him three principal Numidians, gentlemen of mark, to appoint both the time and the place of their meeting and conference, and gave order, that Scipio should detain two of them with him as pledges: the third was sent back, to conduct Masanissa to the appointed place, according as he was commanded, and so with a small company they met for to emparley and commune together.  
Now was Masanissa the Numidian king possessed before with a wonderful admiration of Scipio and his virtue, by reason of the same that was blazed abroad of his noble acts: and had conceived withal and imagined, that he was a man right personable, of a mighty, big, and goodly stature: but when he once saw him in place, he grew into a far greater reverence and honour of his person. For besides the exceeding majesty & port that naturally he carried with him, his goodly long bush of hair well became and graced him; the habit also and attire of his body, manly and souldiorlike, not brave nor tricked up daintily and delicately, much adorned and far him out, And for his age, he was in the best and height of his strength: which seemed upon his late sickness, more full, more smug and fresh, as if the very prime and flower of his youth had been renewed, and himself cast again in a newmould. The Numidian (at their first meeting) almost astonished, gave him thanks forsending back his brother's son unto him, saying, That ever since that time, he sought to espy some occasion and sit opportunity, which now at length by the goodness of the immortal gods being presented unto him, he had not neglected and let slip: Protesting, that he was most desirous both to do him savour, and to gratify the people of Rome in any kind of service: in so much, as there was no one foreigner more earnest and ready to advance and better the State of the Romans than himself: which (albeit he had been willing unto heretofore) he could not possibly show in effect, so long as he was in Spain, a strange country, and unknown unto him; but in that wherein he was borne and brought up in hope of succession in his father's kingdom, he would be most forward to perform. For, in case the Romans would send but Scipio as L. General into Africa, he made no doubt but hoped assuredly, that Carthage had not long to continue and stand, but soon would come to a final end. Scipio for his part was glad both to see him, and hear him so speak; knowing this full well, that of all the cavalry of the enemies, Masanissa and the Numidians went ever away with prick and price, and the young man himself in his very countenance carried with him a good show of a brave and haughty mind. So after faithful promise given and received on both parts, Scipio retired to Taracon: and Masanissa when he had by the permission of the Romans haried the coasts next adjoining, because he might not seem to have passed over into the main land for nothing, returned to Gades.  
When Mago now being in utter despair of Spain (whereof he had conceived great hopes, and bore himself so proudly; first upon the mutiny of the soldiers, and afterwards upon therevolt and rebellion of Indibilis) made preparation to sail over into Africa, there came a message unto him from Carthage, that the Senate there had given order and direction, That he should transport the armada which he had at Gades, and pass into Italy and there to take up and wage all the able men that possibly he could levy, either of Gauls or of Ligurians; and so to join with his power unto Hannibal: and not to suffer that war to quail and slake now, which was enterprised with greatest force and endeavour, and yet with greater favour of fortune. For this exploit, both treasure was brought from Carthage to Mago: and himself also raised as great sums as possibly he could of the Gaditanes, having not only emptied the common treasure of the island, but spoiled also their temples, yea and forced all private persons to bring abroad all their gold and silver whatsoever. As he sailed along the coast of Spain, he landed his soldiers not far from new Carthage: and after he had wasted and overrun the territories by the sea side, he approached near with his fleet, and rid at anchor before the city: where all the day long he kept his soldiers within their ships, and by night set them ashore, and led them toward that part of the wall, whereas Carthage was by the Romans won: supposing that the city was not sufficiently defended with a strong guard, and that some of the townsmen, upon hope of a change and alteration, would rise up in arms and rebel. But there were come posts out of the country in all haste beforehand, who had brought news, as well of the harrying of the country and fearful flight of the rustical peasants, as of the coming of the enemies. Moreover the armada was descried also in the day time, and it was apparent, that they made not choice to anchor even just in the road before the city, for nothing. And therefore the city soldiers stood ready, well appointed, and in arms, and kept within that gate, which turned toward the lake and the sea. And when the enemies, soldiers and mariners confusedly together, were come in great disorder under the walls, with more tumultuous noise than forcible violence: the Romans at once suddenly set open their gate, & with a great cry & shout, made a fallie upon them charged the enemies, troubled & disordered them, and at the first onset volie of shot discomfited and put them to flight, yea and with much slaughter chased them to the shore: and but that the vessels stood close to the strand, ready to receive them aboard as they fled so fearfully, there had not been one left alive, either in the flight or fight. Nay, they that were in the very ships were in great affright and peril, whiles for to prevent the enemies of breaking in upon them pel mel with their own company, they pulled up the ladders, drew in the planks, cut a two the ropes whereby the ships were fastened to the banks, yea and the very cables for haste, that they might have no hindrance by weighing anchor: so that many there were, who in swimming to the ships, because they knew not in the dark night, which way to go or what to avoid, perished miserably. The next day, when the armada was fled from thence back again into the Ocean from whence it came, there were found slain eight hundred men: and of armours and corslets between the city wall and the sea shore, two thousand.  
Mago being retired to Gades, was excluded from thence, and arrived with his fleet at Cimbis, a place not far from Gades. From whence he sent ambassadors, to complain that the gates were shut against him, being their ally and friend: and when the Gaditanes excused themselves and said, that it was long of an uproar of the multitude, who were offended and aggrieved for certain robberies committed, and spoil made by the soldiers at their departure, and when they were ready to be embarked; the trained forth to parley their head magistrates (whom the Carthaginians call Suffetes) together with the chief Treasurer: and after they were scourged & their skin piteously torn, he commanded them to be roundly trussed up and crucified. From thence he sailed to Pityusa, an island distant from the main an hundred miles, inhabited at that time by Carthaginians, where the fleet was friendly and peaceably received: and not only provided for liberally of store of victuals, but also furnished with lofty men, for mariners to serve at sea, yea and with armour and munition for soldiers. Upon which forces Mago bore himself confident and bold, and setting sail, fell with the Balear ylands, that were fifty miles off. Now there are two of these ylands called Baleares, the one greater than the other, and more mighty both in men and munition: having an haven and harbour where Mago supposed that he might commodiously winter in. But the Islanders withstood his navy with as great hostility, as if they had been Romans that had inhabited the island, they could not have done more. And as now adays they use for the most part slings, so at that time they practised no other kind of weapon at all. And in no nation besides, can ye find one special person, so much to excel in that seat, as all the Balears generally do exceed and surpass others in the cast and slight thereof. And therefore they discharged and leveled among them, as the armada approached the shore, such store of stones flying about their cares as thick as hail, that they durst not enter the haven, but turned their ships into the main sea again. Then they put over to the lesser, 
Minorique, as the greater is called Maiarique.  Island of the Balears, which as it was fertile in soil, so for men and armour it was nothing so strong. Whereupon they disbarked and came a land, and above the haven in a strong and well sensed place they encamped. And having gotten to be masters both of the city and the territory about it, without any force of arms and conflict, they levied & enroled there among them two thousand auxiliary soldiers, whom they sent to Carthage for to winter, and then they drew up their ships aland into the dock. When Mago was once departed from the Ocean sea-coast, the Gaditanes surrendered themselves to the Romans.  
These were the acts achieved in Spain, under the conduct and fortunate government of P. Scipio: who having delivered the charge of the province to L. Lentulus, and L. Manlius Acidinus, returned to Rome with a fleet of ten sail. He had audience given him in the Senate, assembled in the temple of Bellona, without the city: where he discoursed before them, in order from point to point, of all the affairs and exploits that he had done in Spain: Namely, how often he had fought in set and ranged battles; what a number of towns he had forced and won from the enemies; what nations he had subdued and brought in subjection under the state of Rome; how at first he passed into Spain, against four general captains and four victorious armies; and now had not left one Carthaginian in all those parts. Yet for all these noble deeds, he rather assayed what hope he might have of a triumph, than made any hot & earnest suit therefore: because it was never seen to that day, that any one had triumphed who made war, being himself no principal magistrate. After the Senate was risen and dismissed, he entered the city: and caused to be carried before him into the chamber of Rome, of silver in bullion, fourteen thousand three hundred & forty two pounds weight; & in coin besides, a great quantities. Then L. Veturius iPhilo, held the solemn assembly for creation of Consuls: and all the Centuries in general, with exceeding favour and affection, elected P. Scipio Consul: and for to be his companion in government, P. Licinius Crassus the Archbishop was joined unto him. But this assembly (as we find in records) was celebrated with more frequency of people, than ever any had been known during this war. For they repaired and met from all parts, not only to give their voices, but also to see Scipio: nay they ran in great numbers to his house, and into the Capitol, when he sacrificed and slew an hundred oxen insacrifice for the honour of jupiter, according to his vow which he had made in Spain. And all men's minds gave them, and they were assuredly persuaded in their hearts, that as C. Luctatius finished the former Punic war, so P Cornelius would make an end of that which was now in hand: and like as he had driven all the Carthaginians forth of Spain, so would Scipio hunt them out of talie: and every man in his conceit wished and assigned unto him the province of afric, as if the war in Italy had binfully brought to an end. Then ensued the election of the Praetors. And two were created that were then Aediles of the Commons, to wit, Sp. Lucretius, and Cn. Octavius: and of private persons, Cn. Servilius Cepio, and L. Armylius Pappus. In the fourteenth year of the Punic war, P. Cornelius Scipio, and P. Licinius Crassus entered their Consulship. And unto the Consuls were the provinces appointed: namely, unto Scipio was Sicily granted without casting lots, and that with the consent and good liking of his colleague, because he being the Archbishop, was by virtue of that dignity kept still in Italy, for to see to the sacrifices, divine service, and church matters: and unto Crassus the country of Brutij was assigned. Then the provinces for the Pretours were put to the lottery: and the civil jurisdiction within Rome sell to Cn. Servilius: Atiminum (for so they called Gallia) unto Sp. Lucretius: Sicily was allotted to L. Aemylius: and Sardinia to Cn. Octavius.  
The Senate assembled in the Capitol: where Publius Scipio propounded an Act, and it was confirmed by the authority of the house, That out of the money which himself brought into the common treasure, he might be allowed to defray the charges of those plays and games that he had vowed in Spain during the time of the soldiers mutiny. Then he called the Ambassadors of the Saguntines into the Senate house: and the most ancient man amongst them spoke in this wise:  
Although ●ight honourable, 
〈◊〉 of  it be not possible to find any more miseries and calamities, than we have endured already in the maintenance of our faithful allegiance unto you even to the end, yet such have your deserts been to us ward, and so many favours have we received of your captain Generals, that we think not much nor repent of any damage or loss whatsoever, that we have sustained in that behalte. For first, ye entered into the quarrel, and began the war for our sake; and having once begun it, ye have continued therein for the full space of fourteen years; and that with such resolution, that oftentimes as ye have plunged yourselves into extreme peril and danger, so ye have engaged no less the State of the Carthaginians. For at what time as ye had within Italy a cruel and bloody war, and Hannibal your mortal enemy, ye sent forth your Consuls with armies into Spain, as it were to gather up the broken relics of our shipwreck. Pub. and Cneus Corncly the two brethren, from the first time that they came into the province, never ceased to devise and do, whatsoever might either advantage us, or endamage our enemies. For first and foremost, ●hey restored unto us our town again: then having made enquiry throughout all Spain, where any one of our citizens were sold as slaves, they delivered and redeemed them out of miserable servitude, and recovered for them their former freedom. But see; When we were well near come to this good pass, that from our poor & pitiful estate we were raised up to a wished for and desirable fortune, then Pub. and Cn. Cornelij your Generals, suddenly died: whose death happened in manner more lamentable and dolorous unto us than unto you. For than we thought verily, thus of ourselves, That we were reduced from remote and distant places unto our ancient habitation, for this purpose, that we should perish once again, and see a second overthrow and destruction of our native country: knowing thus much, that for to work our utter confusion, there needed not a Carthaginian captain or army to be the instrument and the means; for even the Turdetanes alone, our most ancient enemies, who were the cause also of our former ruin and undoing, were able with their own forces to root us out clean, and extinguish our name. But behold, whiles we were in these perplexities, immediately beyond all our hope and expectation, ye sent among us this noble Scipio here in place. In whose behalf, we count ourselves of all Saguntines most happy, because we have seen him declared Consul already, and shall be able to report the news unto our neighbours and fellow citizens, that we have beheld with our own eyes, even our whole hope, our help, our health and safety. Who having forced and won very many cities and towns of your enemies in Spain, at all times and in all places set the Saguntines apart from out of other prisoners and captives, and sent them home again into their own country. Finally, as for Turdetania a nation so adverse, and so dangerous enemies unto us, that if it should continue still in prosperity, Saguntum could not possibly stand upright; he hath by force of arms so quelled and tamed it, that neither we ourselves, nor (be it spoken without arrogance) any of our posterity hereafter need stand in fear of any danger from thence. We see before our eyes their city razed, at whose instigation and whom for to gratify, Hannibal before had razed Saguntum: and out of their lands now, we gather rents and revenues: which contenteth our hearts, not so much for profit and gain, as for quittance and revenge. In consideration and regard of these benefits and good turns, which be such, as greater we cannot hope nor wish for at the hands of the immortal gods: the Senate and people of Saguntum hath sent us ten here in Embassy unto you, for to give you thanks in their name, and withal, to rejoice and congratulate in your behalf for the happy hand ye have made, and the fortunate exploits ye have achieved these last years past, as well in Spain as in Italy; namely, that ye have subdued, and do hold in possession all Spain; not only so far as to the river Iberus, but even to the lands end, & the utmost point lying upon the Ocean sea: And as for Italy, ye have left no more ground in it for Hannibal and the Carthaginians, than they impale within the compass of trench and rampire. Moreover, we have in special charge, not only to render thanksgiving therefore to almighty and most gracious ●upiter; the patron of the fortress and castle of the Capitol, but also to offer and present unto him (if it may stand with your good grace and liking) this golden crown; and to set it up●in the Capitol, in token and memorial of Victory. Which we humbly beseech your HH. or your favour to grant unto us: and moreover (if it please you) to ratify and confirm for ever by your authority and approbation, all those benefits, franchises, and privileges, which your Generals have of their goodness vouchsafed to endow us with.  
The Senate made this answer to the Saguntine Ambassadors, That both the rasing and also the rearing again of Saguntum, should be a memorable example to all nations, of the faithful society and alliance, observed both of the one part and the other inviolate. And whereas their Generals had re-edified the city of Saguntum, and delivered the citizens thereof from servitude and bondage, they had therein done well and truly, and by direction, according to the will and pleasure of the Senat. And whatsoever else was performed by them to the good & benefit of the Saguntines, the Senate stood willing and contented therewith, and gave order therefore. As for their present and oblation, good leave they had to bestow it solemnly in the temple of the Capitol. After this, order was given, That the Ambassadors should have their lodging appointed them, and presents sent unto them, and all other entertainment at the charges of the city, yea, and by way of a reward, an allowance of no less than ten thousand Asses apiece.  
Then were the other Ambassadors admitted into the Senate house, & audience given them. Also the request of the Saguntines was granted to go & see Italy for their pleasure, so far forth as they might with security of their persons: and certain guides were assigned to conduct and accompany them, with especial letters also directed unto all cities and towns, for to receive the Spaniards friendly, and give them courteous entertainment.  
These things done, the Senators sat in consultation about the state & commonweal, & treated concerning the levying of new armies, and the distribution of the provinces. Now when as the common brute went that P. Scipio was destined & named to a new province of Astick, & all men gave out with open voice, that he was the man to be sent thither directly, without casting oslots for the matter: and himself besides not resting content now with mean glory, said openly, that he was declared Consul, not only for to maintain war, but also to finish and make an end thereof once for all: which could not be effected by any other means, unless himself in person made a voyage with an army into Africa; protesting moreover, That if the Senate crossed and gainsaid this design of his, he would propound it to the people, and carry it away clear by their voices: whiles the principal LL. and ancients of the Senate were nothing pleased with this resolution of his, but durst not say a word and speak their minds, either for fear, or for courting of him, in hope of preferment; only Q. Fabius being demanded his opinion, spoke to the matter in question to this effect.  
Right honourable and my LL. 
The Ovation of Q. Fabius.  of the Senate, I know full well, that many of you here assembled are of this mind, & verily persuaded, That we are set this day to no purpose, but even to consult and debate of a matter clearly determined; and that in vain he shall spend words, who shall deliver his advice of the province of Africa, as of a point as yet doubtful and not resolved upon already. For mine own part, first and foremost I cannot conceive, neither will it enter into my head, how Africa can possibly now be accounted as a province, and assigned certainly unto your Consul (let him be a man right hardy, and of as much valour as may be) considering, that neither the Senate unto this day hath judged it, nor the people ordained and assigned it to any person in the nature and name of a province. Furthermore, if it were so indeed without all peradventure; then in my judgement, the Consul hath done amiss, who in making semblance to put a matter for to be debated, which is already agreed upon, hath deluded & mocked the whole Senate, and not the Senator, who in his course delivereth his opinion of the thing in question. But I am assured, that in gainsaying and crossing this hasty voyage into Africa, I shall incur the sinister opinion and surmise of two things: the one is, of my usual linger and slow proceeding in all mine actions (a course that naturally I am given unto) which young men may term at their pleasure, timourousnesse and laziness; but so long as I have no cause to repent therefore, I pass the less. For surely hitherto, the advises of others have ever at the first fight made a goodlier show, and seemed more honourable; but by experience, mine own ways have sped better, and been found in the end more effectual. The other is, of backbiting, detraction, and envying at the glory and reputation of the Consul, a man of singular prowess (I must confess) and whom I see to grow from day to day in greatness and honour. From which jealousy and suspicion, if neither my life passed and the carriage of myself; if neither my Dictatorship with five Consulships, nor so much glory which I have acquired, as well in managing the affairs of war abroad, as of civil policy at home (that a man would think I should rather be glutted therewith than desire any more) be able for to clear and assoil me; yet my years at leastwise, may free me very well. For what concurrence and emulation can there be between me and him, who is not of equal age with my very son? When I was dictator, in the vigour and flower of my strength, in the very course and train of my greatest and bravest exploits, no man either in Senate or in the assembly of the people, heard me to refuse and deny, That my own General of cavalry, who could not afford me a good word but ever railed at me, (a thing that was never heard before) should be made equal with myself in command and government. And yet by good deeds rather than by fair words, I effected and gained thus much in the end, that he, who in the judgement of others was matched with me and made my fellow, confessed within a while himself to be my inferior. Less reason have I then now, after I have gone through all degrees of honours and dignities, to enter into contention and emulation with a young gentleman, of all others at this day most flourishing in the eyes of the world: unless forsooth it be a likely matter that I (a man weary not only of managing affairs, but also of this world, and of this life) should look to have the province of Africa offered unto me, if it were once denied him. Nay verily, I have enough already: in that glory I am content to live and die, and seek for no more. It was sufficient for me to hinder Hannibal from atcheiving the victory; to the end that by you, who now are gallants in the best of your strength, he might be vanquished and overcome. Meet it is then and great reason, o P. Cornelius, that you should bear with me, and hold me excused, if I (who never in regard of mine own self set greater store by the fame and opinion of people, than of the good of the commonweal) prefer not now your glory before the weal-public. And yet I will not say, but in case there were no war at all in Italy; or the enemy of that quality, as by conquering of whom, there were no credit and honour to be gotten: then he that would seek to keep you still in Italy, were it never so much for the good of the State, might seem to go about to disappoint and frustrate you (in putting you by the charge of the war) of the very means and matter of your glory and renown. But seeing that Hannibal is your object, seeing he is our enemy, who with an entire army still holdeth Italy as it were besieged now these fourteen years; will you not, o P. Cornel. hold yourself well contented with this honour and reputation, That you being Consul, should drive that enemy out of Italy, who hath been the cause of the death of so many brave men of ours, and of so many foils and overthrows that we have received? that, like as C. Luctatius had the name of finishing the former Punic war, so you may win the title of ending this other also. Unless a man would say that Amilcar was a warrior and captain worthy to be preferred before Hannibal; or that war of more importance than this; or that victory greater and more honourable than this is like to be, in case it happen that we may be conquerors under your conduct, and whiles you are Consul. Whether would you choose rather to have drawn Amilcar away from Drepanum and the mountain of Eryx, than chased & hunted the Carthaginians and Annibal out of Italy? Nay surely even your own self (howsoever you embrace glory already won, than hoped for hereafter) would not take more joy and contentment, & triumph rather for freeing and delivering of Spain than Italy, from the wars. Hannibal iwis as yet is not come to that low ebb, nor so down the wind, but that he which hath made choice of another war, may seem well in so doing to stand as much in fear and dread, as in contempt of him. Why then address you not yourself to effect this imprese, and leave building these castles in the air, and hope by fetching these reaches and this compass, and going the longest way about, that when you are passed over into Africa, Hannibal will follow you thither; and not rather go the next way to work, and fight with Hannibal where he is, and make no more ado? Are you willing indeed and desirous to win this honour, of dispatching quite the Punic war? Why, it is the very course of nature to defend and make sure your own, before you go in hand to assail the dominions of others. Let us have peace first in Italy, before we make war in Africa: and let us first rid ourselves of fear, or ever we take occasion to put others in fear; unless we had some greater quarrel. And if by your conduct and fortunate government, both these may possibly be effected; conquer Hannibal here, and then go thither to assail Carthage a god's name. But if the one or the other of these victories must needs be left for new Consuls to achieve: as the former of the twain will be the greater and more memorable, so it will open the way, and give the overture unto the other ensuing upon it. For at this time, over and besides that our treasure, & all the revenues and finances of our state, are not able to maintain and wage two sundry armies both in Italy and in Africa: besides I say, that we want the means to keep two Armadacs afloat, and have nothing left sufficient wherewith to furnish them with victuals and munition: who seeth not I pray you, how far we engage ourselves in peril and danger by this enterprise? P. Licinius shall war in Italy, and P. Scipio in Africa. What will ye say if Hannibal, (which God forfend, and my heart even dreadeth to bode the osse, but that which once hath happened, may happen full well again) upon the train of some new victory, fortune to go forward & assault the city of Rome? Where are we then? Shall we have time then to send for you our Consul out of Africa, as we did for Q. Fulvius from Capua? And what say you to this besides, That the fortune of war is doubtful & uncertain even in Africa, as well as in other places? Call to mind, and be taught betimes by the examples of your own house and family, by your father and uncle; who within 30 days were slain, and their armies defeated; even there, whereas for certain years space they had performed both by sea and land most noble exploits: and highly renowned among foreign nations both the Roman people, and also your own name and family. The time will not serve, if I would all this day long do nothing else but reckon and recount unto you, how many Kings, Emperors, and General Captains there have been, who have entered rashly into their enemy's countries, and received many foils and overthrows thereby, as well in their own persons, as in their whole armies. The Athenians, a most prudent and politic State, having left the war at home in their own country, and following the counsel and suggestion of 
* He meaneth Alcibiades.  one young man, as hardy and valiant in arms, as noble in birth and parentage as yourself (none dispraised) sailed into Sicily with a brave and puissant navy; and there in one battle fought at sea, overturned and ruinated forever their most flowering city and commonweal. But why seek I foreign examples of strangers, and old stories of times too far passed, and overlong ago. Let even this same Africa (to go no farther) and M. Atilius, serve as a notable example of both fortunes, for our instruction and learning for ever. Now certes, P. Cornelius, when you shall once discover Africa within your kenning from the sea, you will think then that your provinces of Spain were matters of sport and pastime in comparison of it. For what semblable proportion or likeness is there between them? When you were in your voyage for Spain, you sailed in the calm sea peaceably along the coast of Italy and France, and arrived at Emporiae, a friend city and confederate: and when you had landed your men, you led them in security through all places to the friends and allies of the people of Rome, even as far as Tarracon. From thence, ye journeyed all the way by cities and towns, furnished with Roman garrisons. About the river Iberus, you found the armies of your father and uncle, which remained upon the loss of their Generals, more fierce and fell for the calamity that they had received, than before. You met there L. Martius their captain & leader, chosen (I must needs say) I know not how in a hurry, by the soldiers themselves for the time: but otherwise I assure you, if nobility of birth and the titles of dignities which he justly deserved had graced him, he was in all feats of arms and martial knowledge, comparable to the very best warriors and noblest Captains. After this you assaulted Carthage without any impeachment, and took your time at your own pleasure, even when there was not one of the three Carthaginian armies to aid and defend their associates. As for all the exploits besides (without offence be it spoken, and not to debase any good service there) they are in no respect to be compared with the African war: where we shall find no haven open to entertain our Armada, no country peaceable, no city confederate, no king friendly, no place at all either to sojourn and rest in, or to march forward and pass through with safety. Which way so ever you cast your eyes, nothing but hostilitic threating danger and peril unto us. Do you in deed trust Syphax, or rely upon the Numidians? Well, let it suffice that once ye trusted them. Rash adventures speed not always best. And oftentimes we see, that fraud seemeth faithful, and maketh way of credit in small things, that in matters of great importance, and when the time serveth, it may pay home and work a mischief with a witness. The enemies overcame not your father and uncle by force of arms, before that the Celtiberians our Allies overraught them by falsehood and treachery: neither were yourself in so much danger from Mago and Asdrubail the chief Captains of your enemies, as from Indibilis and Mandonius, your new friends and confederates. Can you repose any confidence in the Numidians? you, I say, that have experience of your own soldiers mutiny, and have seen them rise against you? As for Syphax and Masanissa, as they had rather themselves be the sovereign and most mighty in Africa, than the Carthaginians should; so surely they wish the Carthaginians to be the highest, above all others besides their owneselves. Now at this time there is some emulation and heartburning among them, and all occasions of quarrel whet them on to maintain sides and factions, so long as fear of foreign enemy is far enough off. Show them once the Roman arms and forces, let them see an host of strangers once, they will run I warrant you, altogether then, as it were to quench a common skarefire. You shall find that the very same Carthaginians, will far otherwise stand to the defence of the walls of their country, their cities, the temples of their gods, their altars & private houses, when going to battle they shall have their fearful wives to bear them company, their final children to go afore them in their eye; you shall find them I say, stick better to it, than they did in the quarrel and defence of Spain. But what and if the Carthaginians, finding themselves strongenoughupon the confidence of the general concord of Africa, of the fast fidelity of the confederate kings, of the strength of their own walls, should fortune themselves, when they shall see Italy destitute of your help, and disfurnished of your forces, either to make out a fresh army from Africa and send it into Italy, or else give order and direction to Mago (who as it is well known for certain, is departed with his navy from the Baleare islands, and lieth floating and riding continually upon the Alpine Ligurians) for to join his power with Hannibal? It is a clear case, that we shall be in as great trouble, and as much affrighted then, as we were of late, when Asdrubal mounted over the Alpes, & came down into Italy. Asdrubal I say, whom you (that will with your army compass not only Carthage but also all Afric) let go out of your hands, & suffered to pass over into Italy. But you will say, that you have vanquished him. Say you so? I would not for anything, not only in regard of the love I bear to the commonweal, but also of the affection that I carry toward yourself, that a vanquished man could find the way by you into Italy. Be content and suffer us to attribute all things that have gone well with you or the commonweal, during the time of your government, to your wisdom and policy; and chose, whatsoever hath fallen out cross and adverse, to impute and assign the same to nothing else, but to the variable events of war, and to fickle fortune. The better and more valiant that you are, the more need hath your native country, yea and all Italy besides, to keep you still at home with them, so brave a captain, so rare a Protector. You cannot your own self dissemble the matter, but confess, That wheresoever Hannibal is, there is the very head, the fort and strength of all this war; for as much as you pretend, that the only cause why you would pass into Africa, is to draw Hannibal thither after you. Well then, be it here or be it there, with Hannibal you must have to deal. Tell me then, whither are you like to be stronger in Africa yourself alone, or here where your own forces and the power of your Colleague shall be joined together? Is it possible that even the late example of Livius and Claudius so fresh in memory, should not inform and teach us, what difference there is between the one and the other? In whither place I pray you, will Hannibal be more strong in men and munition; here in the utmost corner and angle of the Brutians country, where this long time he hath waited in vain for aid from home, where he hath sent for succour and gone without; or near unto Carthage, & in the mids of Africa among his friends & allies? What kind of policy is this of yours, theré to decide the quarrel and try the whole matter, where your own forces are less by a half moiety, and the power of your enemies much greater and stronger; rather than here, whereas you may fight with the power of two armies against one, toiled out of heart in so many battles, and wearied with long warfare, so tedious and grievous withal? Consider with yourself, what conformity and resemblance there is, between your designs and your fathers. He, as Consul having made a journey into Spain, to the end that he might encounter Hannibal as he came down the Alpes; returned out of his own province into Italy: and you, when Hannibal is in Italy, purpose to abandon and leave Italy. And why? forsooth not because you judge it good for the commonweal, but because you think it an enterprise that may import you in great honour and glory: like as when you being captain General of the people of Rome, left your province at random, and your army at six and seven, without warrant of law, without order or act of Senate, hazarded in two bothomes the whole state and majesty of the Empire of Rome; which at that time together with the danger of your life, incurred the peril and jeopardy of the main chance. To conclude, for mine own part (my lords of the Senate) I am of this mind, & this is my conceit, That P. Cornelius was not created Consul privately for himself and his own behouse, but for the good of the commonweal and us all: and that the armies were levied and enroled, for the guard of the city and defence of Italy; and not for the Consuls, in their own proud self-conceit and overweening of themselves, after the manner of absolute KK. to transport and lead into what parts of the world they list themselves. When Fabius by this Oration (premeditate and framed to the time) had through his authority and the long settled and confirmed opinion that men had of his wisdom, drawn unto his side a good part of the Senate, and specially the ancients; insomuch as the greater number commended the grave counsel of the old man, above the lusty and youthful courage of the other gallant: 
The arsine of Scipio to the former Orali●●s.  then Scipio by way of answer made these remonstrances, and spoke in this wise. My lords of the Senate, even Fabius himself in the beginning of his Oration, said very well, That his opinion which he was to deliver, might be suspected of detraction and envy. Of which note, verily I durst not myself tax and accuse a man of his quality & reputation so much, as me thinks is not so well cleared as it ought to be the very suspicion itself: and I wot not whither it be by a default of his speech and oration, or that the thing itself is so pregnant. For in such manner he extolled with goodly words, and magnified his own dignities and renowned deeds, and all to quench the jealousy and crime of envy: as if myself were to fear the danger of emulation and concurrence of some companion of the basest degree and condition, and not of him; who because he far surpasseth other men, (which height and pitch of honour I deny not, but I endeavour myself to reach unto) would not in any hand, that I should compare with him. So highly hath he advanced himself in regard of his old years, considering that he hath gone through all ranks of honour: and so low debased me, and put me down even under the age of his own son; as though the desire and love of glory, should pass no farther than the length of man's life, and the greatest part thereof extended not to the memory of posterity and the future time. This I hold for certain, that it is a thing incident to the most magnanimous men & of greatest spirit and courage, to have a desire for to match themselves not only with them that live in their days, but with the most famous and excellent personages, that ever were or might be in any age. And certes for mine own part, o Q. Fabius, I will not make it goodly, but frankly bewray my mind that way, namely, that I would full fain not only attain unto your praiseworthy acts & commendable virtues: but also (with your good leave be it spoken) if possibly I can, even to excel & surmount the same. And therefore let us not carry this mind, either you toward me, or I to those that are younger than myself, To be unwilling and think much, that any one citizen among us, shouldprove equal to ourselves: for in so doing, we should offer wrong and do hurt not only to them whom we have envied and maligned, but also prejudice the commonwealth, and in manner the whole state of all mankind. And thus much to yourself. He hath now (my lords) recounted, to what great perils I should enter into by the Africa voyage: in such sort, as he would seem not only to have a careful regard of the commonwealth and the army, but also to pity me and tender my case & fortune. Whence cometh it, that you should all on a sudden take so great care for me? when my father and uncle both were slain; when their armies both twain, were utterly almost diffeated and put all to the sword; when Spain was lost; when four armies of Carthaginians, and four Generals, held all in fear by force of arms; when there was a captain sought for to undertake that war, and no man durst be seen to put himself forward, no man so hardy as to present and offer his service, but myself; and when the people of Rome had committed the charge and government of Spain to me a young man, but four & twenty years old: how happened it that no man then took exception of my age, made mention of the enemy's force, discoursed of the difficulty and danger of the war, or laid abroad the late and fresh defeature and death of my father and uncle? I would demand and gladly know, Whither we have sustained now lately, some greater calamity and loss in Africa, than we received at that time in Spain? or if the armies at this present in Africa be more puissant, or the captains more in number, or better in valour, than they were in Spain at that time? or whither mine age then, was more ripe and sufficient to manage wars, than now it is? Last of all, whither it be better, more commodious and easy, to maintain war with the Carthaginian enemy in Spain, than in Africa? After that I have discomfited & put to flight four hosts of Carthaginians; after I have either forced by assault, or reduced under mine obeisance (for fear) so many cities; after I have vanquished and subdued all, even as far as to the Ocean sea, so many princes and potentates, so many fierce & cruel nations; after I have so fully recovered Spain, as there is not remaining to be seen there, so much as the sooting and bare token of any war: an easy matter it is, and all one to elevate and depress the acts past that I have achieved: as also perdie it will be, when I return with conquest out of Africa, to debase and make nothing of those very things, which now to keep me back from thence, and to make them appear strange and terrible, are amplified with great words, & stretched upon the tainters to the full. He holdeth, That there is no access, no entrance into Africa, nor havens open to receive an armada. He telleth us and allegeth, That M. Atilius was taken prisoner in Africa: as if M. Atilius forsooth at his first arrival in Africa, had caught that harm and heavy misfortune. But he never remembreth and calleth to mind, how that even the very same captain, as infortunate as he was, yet found the bay open enough into Africa: and the first year, bore himself right valiantly and victoriously; and for any hurt from Carthaginian captains, continued invincible unto the end. You shall never therefore fear me with this example so much, (were it so, that the calamity you speak of, happened in this war, and not in the former; of late, and not forty years ago) that I should give over my intended purpose, and not sail into Africa now, because Regulus there was taken prisoner: as well as I passed before into Spain, whereas the Scipions chanced to be killed. Or that I should suffer, that Xanthippus the Lacedaemonian was borne into this world more happy for Carthage, than myself for Italy: but rather, that thereby I should think the better of myself, considering that the virtue of one only man can be of such consequence and so great effect. But we ought (you say) to consider the example of the Athenians, who leaving the war at home in their own country, passed over into Sicily unadvisedly. Seeing you are atso good leisure to tell tales & report the fabulous stories of Greece; why discourse you not rather of Agathoclu the king of the Syracusians? who seeing that Sicily a long time was troubled and vexed with the Punic war, sailed over into the selfsame Afric whereof we speak, and withdrew the war thither from whence it came? But what need I to instruct and teach you by rehearsing old and foreign examples, how material a thing it is and important, to begin with an enemy first, and put him in fear; and by bringing another into danger, to remove the peril from ourselves? Can there be a precedent found more pregnant, more present and fresh in memory to prove and enforce this point, than Hannibal himself? A great difference there is between the wasting and pilling the lands of others, and the seeing of our own burnt and destroyed. And he which giveth the assault to endanger another, is ever of more courage than he that standeth upon his own guard and at defence only to save himself. Moreover, the fear and dread is always greater of things unknown unto us: but so soon as a man is entered into the confines of aforrain country, he may behold and see at hand (as well the good as the bad) what may advantage & what may endommage the enemies. Hannibal would never have thought and hoped, that so many States in Italy would have revolted unto him, as they did upon the overthrow at Cannae. How much less account than may the Carthaginians make of anything in Africa, to remain fast and assured unto them; who are fickle allies to strangers, without all truth and fidelity; proud lords and intolerable tyrants over their own subjects, full of wrath and cruelty? Over and besides, we (albeit we were forsaken and abandoned of all our confederates) stood always upon our own forces, and maintained ourselves with mere Roman soldiers; whereas in Carthage they have no strength of natural citizens: the soldiers that they have, are mercenaries all & waged for money; partly Africanes, and partly Numidians, the most unconstant nations of all others by nature, and aptest to entertain changes and innovations. Let me have no stay and hindrance in this place only; ye shalt hear news at one time, That I am set over in Africa, that all the country there is up in a broil; that Hannibal is ready to dislodge and remove out of these parts; and also that Carthage itself is besieged. Expect you daily out of Africa better and luckier tidings, yea, and oftener than ye heard out of Spain. These hopes of mine, I ground upon the fortune of the people of Rome; upon the justice of the gods, witnesses of the league broken by the enemies; upon Syphax and Masanissa, both kings, whose truth and fidelity I will trust so far forth as I find them, and ever stand in fear and doubt of their falsehood and treachery. Many things there are now, that by distance of place appear not, which war once begun will soon discover. And this is a special point of a man indeed, and of a good captain, in no case to be wanting unto fortune when she offereth herself, but to take all vantages that she giveth: and those accidents and occurrences which fall by chance, to make use of them: yea & by wisdom and counsel to frame them to his own purpose and designs. True it is, o Fabius, I shall have Hannibal to beard and to match me; a soldier, I contesse, as good every way as myself: but I will rather draw him after me, than he shall keep me back at home. Force him I will to fight in his own country, and Carthage shall be the price of my victory, rather than the decayed pieces, and half ruinate petty castles of the Brutij. Only provide, o Q. Fabius, that in the mean time whiles I am at sea in my voyage, whiles I am landing mine army in Africa, whiles I approach Carthage with a running camp, the Commonweal sustain no harm and damage here at home. See to this, I say, and be well advised, that it be not a shameful reproach to say, That P. Litinius the Consul, a man of singular valour (who because he is the high priest, and by virtue thereof, not to absent himself from the solemn celebration of sacrifices and divine service, was content and willing, that the charge of so distant a province should not befall unto him by casting lots) is not able to perform that, now when Hannibal is half defeated, and his heart almost broken, which yourself was sufficient to effect, when Annibal squared it out, and braved all Italy like a conqueror. But set the case, and suppose and say, that by this course which I mean to take, the war be never the sooner brought to an end: yet surely it were for the honour of the people of Rome, and for the reputation and name which they have among foreign princes and States abroad, that they may see and know, that our hearts serve us, not only to defend Italy, but also to offend Africa. And that it might be neither thought and believed, nor spoken and noised abroad in the world, how no Roman captain durst adventure that which Annibal hath already dared and done: and when as in the former Punic war, when all the quarrel was for Sicily, our armies and armadaes so often assailed Africa; now that Italy is in question, Africa should lie still, and be at rest. Nay rather let Italy be at repose and quiet now at last, after so long travel and affliction, & let Africa in her turn be fired and forraied another while. Let the Roman camp be pitched, rather under the very walls and gates of Carthage, than we see once again from our walls the trench and rampire of our enemies, to invest our city. Let Africa be the set place and seat of the war, let fright and flight, forraying and ●arrying of countries, revolt and rebellion of allies, and all other inconveniences and enormities that follow war, which have lain heavy upon us these fourteen years, turn from us thither. It shall content and suffice me to have spoken as touching State-matters and the Commonweal, of the war presently in hand; and concerning the provinces and their government, now in question and consultation. For it would require a long and tedious discourse, and the same impertinent altogether unto you, if as Q. Fabius hath defaced and depraved mine acts in Spain, so I likewise should disgrace him and diminish his glory, and set out myself and mine own reputation with goodly and magnifical words. But my LL. I will do neither the one nor the other. And if in nothing else, yet at leastwise, young man as I am, I will in modesty and government of my tongue, go beyond him as old and ancient a parsonage as he is. Thus have I lived, & thus have I carried myself in all mine actions, that without blazing of mine own praises, I can soon content myself with that good opinion which you of yourselves have conceived and entertained of me.  
Scipio had audience given him, with less indifference and patience, because it was commonly voiced abroad, That if the Senate would not grant him to have the province and emprese of Africa, he would immediately propound and put it to question before the people. Whereupon Q. Fulvius, a man that had been four times Consul and Censor besides, required the Consul to speak his mind openly before the Senate, whether he would refer it unto the LL. there assembled, to determine of the provinces, and stand to that which they should set down, or prefer the thing unto the people. When Scipio had made answer again and said, That he would do that which might be good and expedient for the service of the Commonweal; then Fulvius replied upon him and said: I demand not this question to you, as ignorant what either you would answer, or what you meant to do. For I know full well, and you pretend no less yourself, that you do but found the Senate, and feel rather how they are inclined, than to stand to any advice of theirs in good sadness. And in case we do not presently grant you the province according to your desire, you have a bill framed already to present unto the body of the people and Commonalty. And therefore (quoth he) my masters, ye that are Tribunes, I require your aid and assistance, in that I forbear to speak unto the point and deliver mine opinion; in this regard, because I know that the Consul will not approve & ratify the same, howsoever the whole house should go with me, and allow my sentence. Hereupon arose some brawl & debate among them, whiles the Consul urged and enforced this point especially, and said, It was against all reason and equity, that the Tribunes should interpose their authority, and not permit every Senator being requested to speak in his turn, for to deliver his mind and opinion. Then the Tribunes made a decree in this manner, If the Consul be content that the Senate shall determine of the Provinces, we will and command, that all men rest in that which the Senate shall ordain and judge: neither will we suffer the same to be propounded unto the people: but if he be not content nor yield thereto, than we will assist him who shall refuse to speak to the matter. Then the Consul requested a days respite to confer with his Colleague, and so the morrow after he condescended to put all to the censure of the Senate. And in this wise were the provinces distributed and appointed: Unto one of the Consuls Sicily was assigned, and thirty ships of war, with brazen beak heads (even the same that C. Servilius the year before had the charge of) with commission also to pass over into Africa, if he thought it were for the good of the Commonwealth. The other Consul had the government of the Brutij, and the managing of the war against Hannibal, with the power of that army which L. Veturius or Q. Cecilius had under their hand: & decreed it was that they two, namely, L. Veturius & Q. Cacilius, should either cast lots, or agree between themselves who should remain still in the Brutians country, to follow the wars there, with those two legions which the Consul left: and that whether of them chanced to have that province, his government should be prorogued and continued for another year. The rest of the Praetors also and Consuls, who were to govern any province, or to have the conduct of armies, had their commissions renewed and sealed again for a longer term. Now it fell to Q. Caecilius his lot, to make war together with the Consul, against Hannibal in the Brutians country.  
After this, ensued the games and plays of Scipio: which were exhibited and set forth, with great concourse of people, and exceeding applause and affectionate favour of the beholders. M. Pomponius Matho, and Q. Catulus were sent as Ambassadors unto Delphos, to carry thither an offering and stately gift of the booty and pillage of Asdrubal: ●ho presented there a crown of gold weighing two hundred pound: also certain counterfeits resembling the spoils, which were made of silver, amounting to a thousand pound weight. Scipio when he could not get leave granted to levy soldiers and take musters, which he greatly forced not of, obtained thus much yet, that he might have with him in his train voluntary soldiers: as also receive whatsoever the Allies would contribute and give toward the building of new ships, because he had passed his word, that the city should not be charged with setting out an Armada. And first and foremost, the States of Hetruria promised to help the Consul, every one according to their ability. The Caerites came off, and granted to purvey corn and all kind of victuals for the mariners and sailors: the Populonians to provide iron: the Tarquinians to find saile-cloth: the Volaterrans to send all tackling & furniture belonging to ships, and also corn: the Aretine's to confer thirty thousand targets; as many murrions or head-pieces, besides javelins, darts, falchions, lances and pikes, to the full number of fifty thousand, as many of the one sort as of the other: also axes, spades and mattocks, bills, scythes, hooks, and sickles, meals, troughs and querne mills, as many as would serve to furnish forty long ships or galleys: of wheat 120000 Modij, and all voyage provision for the Decurions, petie-captaines, Mariners and Oremen by the way. The Perusines, the Clusines, the Rusellanes offered fir trees for the framing and making of the ships, and a great quantity of corn. But for this work, he occupied only the fir hewn out of the public forests and wastes. All the States of Vmbria, the Nursines also, the Reatines, and Amiternines, and the whole country of the Sabines, made promise to help him to soldiers: the Marsi, the Peligni, and Marrucines, in great umber came of their own free wills, and were enroled to serve at sea in the navy. The Camertes, being allies and confederate to the Romans, but not tied to any service, sent a brave company of six hundred men well armed. And when as there were set out the keels or bottoms for thirty ships, twenty Caravels of five course of oars, and ten of four; himself in person plied the carpenters and shipwrights so, and set forward the work, that 45 days after the timber was brought out of the wood, the ships were finished, rigged, armed, and furnished with all things, and shot into the water. So to Sicily he sailed with thirty long ships of war, having embarked therein almost seven thousand of voluntary servitors. P. Licinius also for his part, came into the Brutians country unto the two consulary armies, of which he took unto him and chose that which L. Veturius the Consul had commanded: and suffered Metellus to have the leading still of those legions, which had been under his conduct before: supposing that he should more easily employ them in service, because they were acquainted already with his manner of regiment and governance. The Pretours likewise went into their sundry provinces. And because money was wanting for to deffray the charges of the wars, the high Treasurers were commanded to make sale of all that tract of the Campane country, which from the Greek Fosse extendeth toward the sea. And there was granted out a commission to give notice of those lands: and look what ground so ever belonged to any citizen of Capua, it was confiscate to the use of the people of Rome: and for a reward to him that gave such notice, there was assigned the tenth part of the money, that the land was rated and prised at. Also Cn. Servilius the city praetor, had given him in charge to take order that the Campanes should dwell where as they were allowed to inhabit, by virtue of a decree granted forth by the Senate, and to punish those that dwelled elsewhere.  
In the same summer Mago the son of Amilcar, being departed from the less Baleare Island, where he abode the winter season, and having embarked a chosen power of young & lusty men, sailed over into Italy with a fleet of thirty ships headed with brazen piked beaks, and many hulks of burden: and there he set aland his soldiers, to the number of twelve thousand footmen, and well-near two thousand horse: and with his sudden coming surprised Genua, by reason that there lay no garrisons in those parts to guard and defend the seacosts. From thence he sailed along, and arrived in the river of the Alpine Ligurians, to see if he could by his coming raise some commotion & rebellion. The 
* Of Albenga.  Ingauni (a people of the Ligurians) fortuned to war at that present with certain mountainers the Epanterij. Whereupon Mago, having laid up and bestowed safe all the prizes & pillage that he had won in 
* Vuada, or Savona.  Savo, (a town upon the Alpes) and left ten ships of war riding in the river, for a sufficient guard, and sent away the rest to Carthage for to keep the sea coasts at home, (because there ran a common rumour, that Scipio would pass the seas, and over into Africa) himself after he had concluded a league and amity with the Ingauni (whose favour he more affected and esteemed than the others) set in hand to assail the mountainers. Besides, his power increased daily: for that the Frenchmen flocked unto him from all parts, upon the noyle and voice of his name. Intelligence here of was given to the Senate by the letters of Sp. Lucretius: who were with these news exceedingly troubled and perplexed, for fear lest they had rejoiced in vain for the death of Asdrubal, and the defeature of his army two year before; in case there should arise from thence another war as great and dangerous as the other, differing in nothing else but the exchange of theGenerall. And therefore they gave order and direction both to M. Livius the Proconsul, to come forward with his army of Voluntaries out of Tuskane, into Ariminum: and also unto Cn. Servilius the city praetor, (if he thought requisite and expedient for the Commonwealth) to commit the two legions of citizens attending about Rome, to whomsoever he pleased, for to be commanded, and led forth of the city. So M. Valerius Laevinus conducted those legions to Aretium.  
About the same time, certain hulks of the Carthaginians to the number of fourscore, were bourded and taken about Sardinia, by Cn. Octavius, governor of that province. Caelius writeth, that they were laden with corn and victuals sent unto Hannibal. But Valerius reporteth, that as they were carrying the pillage taken in Hetruria, and certain prisoners of the Ligurian mountainers, into Carthage, they were intercepted and surprised by the way. There was no memorable thing that year done in the Brutians country. The pestilence reigned as well amongst the Romans as the Carthaginians, and they died thereof alike on both sides. Mary the Carthaginian army, besides the plague, were afflicted also with famine. Hannibal passed all that summer time near unto the temple of juno Lacinia, where he built and reared an altar, and dedicated it with a glorious title of his worthy acts, engraven in Punic and Greek letters.   

THE XXIX. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the nine and twentieth Book.  
CAius Laelius being sent from Scipio out of Sicily into afric, brought from thence a huge booty, and declared unto Scipio the credence and message that he had from Masanissa, who complained of him, that he had not as yet, passed over with his fleet into afric. The war in Spain which Indibilis had raised, was dispatched: himself slain in the field: and Mandonius was delivered by his own men into the Romans hands that demanded him of them. Mago who was in France and Liguria, had out of Africa sent unto him, both a great power of soldiers, and also money to wage aida: with a commission and precept to join himself, unto Hannibal. Scipio crossed the seas from Saracose into the Brutii, and ecovered the city Locri, after he had discomfited the garrison there, and put to flight Hannibal. Peace was concluded with Philip. The goddess Dame Idas was brought solemnly to Rome from Pessinus, by occasion of a prophesy found in the books of Sibylla to this effect: That then the foreign enemy might be driven out of Italic, when Dame Cybelic of Ida was brought to Rome. And to the Romans she was delivered by Attalus king of Asia. A thick stone it was, and nothing else, which the inhabitants called the mother of the gods. P. Scipio Nasica, the son of that Cneus who was killed in Spain, judged by the Senate a right good man, one that was very young, & had not been yet so much as Questor, was he that received her: for it was by the Oracle imported, that the said goddess should be received by the best man of the city, & so dedicated. The Locrians sent their Ambassadors to Rome, to complain of the outrage and cruelty of Q. Pleminius the Lieutenant: 〈◊〉 that he had unjustly taken away the money consecrate to Proserpina, and villainously forced their wives and children. Pleminius was brought bound with chains to Rome, and there died in prison. There ran a false rumour of Pub. Scipio (Proconsul in Sicily) and spread as far as to the city, That he should spend his time there in riot. Where upon there were sent certain messengers from the Senate, for to inquire & see whether those reports were true. And Scipio being cleared from all infamy, by the permission and good leave of the Senate, sailed over into Africa. Syphax affianced and wedded the daughter of Asdrubal the son of Gisgo: and thereupon renounced clean the amity which he had contracted with Scipio. Masanissa the king of the Massylians, whiles he served in the wars in defence of the Carthaginians quarrel within Spain, after he had lost his father Gala, was withal, disseazed of his kingdom. And when he had often times sought to recover it again by war, he was in certain battles vanquished by Syphax king of the Numidians, and utterly deprived of his total dignity. So with two hundred horsemen he joined as a a hamfood person with Scipio: and with him, immediately in the first battle, he slew Hanno the son of Amilcar, together with a great number of his men. Scipio upon the coming of Asdrubal and Syphax, who were almost one hundred thousand strong, was compelled to break up the siege of Utica: and so be fortified a standing camp for winter bar borough. Sempronius the Consul had a fortunate battle against Annibal in the territory of Croton. The censors held a solemn review and purging of the city, and numbered the people: In which survey taken, there were assessed in their books 215000 citizens. Between the two censors, M. Livius and Claudius Nero, there sell out a notable discord: for C. Claudius took from Livius (companion with him in office) his horse of service: for that he had been sometimes condemned by the people of Rome, and driven into exile. And Livius again did the semblable by him, because he had b●ne false witness against him, and not dealt bona fide with him, considering the reconciliation between them, where in they seemed to be made good friends again. The same Livitus left all the tribes but one, disfranchised, and caused them to pay tribute as no denizens, for that they had both condemned him being innocent, and also made him a Consul and Censor afterwards.  
SCipio after he was arrived in Sicily, disposed his voluntary soldiers in order, and enroled them by Centuries. Over and besides them, he had about him three hundred lusty tall fellows, for the flower of their age & strength of body, the bravest men of all others: but they wist not themselves for what purpose they were reserved; being neither assigned to any colours under a captain, nor so much as armed at all. Then he made choice from out of the whole manhood and youth of Sicily, three hundred men of arms, such as for birth and wealth, were the very principal and best in all the Island, who were to pass over with him into Africa: and he appointed them a day, upon which they should all present themselves in readiness, furnished and appointed in the best manner with horse and armour. This warfare so far from home, was like to be irksome unto them, and to bring with it much trouble, many difficulties and dangers, as well by sea as land. The consideration and fear hereof, mightily disquieted not only the parties themselves, but also their parents and kinsfolk. Now when the day appointed was come, they showed their horses and armour. Then Scipio made a speech unto them & said, That he was given to understand, that certain Sicilian horsemen stood in great fear & dread of this soldiery, as being a sore and painful piece of service: In case then (quoth he) there be any of you so minded and disposed indeed, I had rather you would now presently be known thereof unto me, and confess at once, than hereafter to whine and complain, and so to prove lazy lubbers and unprofitable soldiers to the commonwealth. And therefore utter your minds in plain terms, and I will be content to hear you without offence. Whereupon, when as one of them took a good hart & said flatly, That if it lay in his choice freely to do what he would, he was altogether unwilling to serve: then Scipio answered him again in this manner, For as muchas (my youth) thou hast not dissimuled thy heart's grief, but spoken out what thou thinkest, I will soon depute once in thy turn, unto whom thou mayst deliver thy armour, thy horse, and other furniture of warfare, and whom thou shalt forthwith have home with thee, there to train, teach, and exercise him, after thou hast given him thy horse and armour. The young man was glad hereof, and accepted the offer upon that condition: and so he assigned unto him one of those three hundred abovesaid, whom he kept about himself unarmed. When the rest saw that horseman in this manner discharged of his service, and that with the favour and good will of the L. General: every man then began to speak for himself, & to make excuses, and took others in their steed. Thus for the three hundred Sicilians, were substituted as many Roman horsemen, without any expenses at all of the state. And the Sicilians themselves had the charge of instructing & training them up. For the General had made an edict and proclamation, That whosoever did not so, should serve himself in person. This proved by report, a brave cornet of horsemen above the rest; and in many battles performed right good service to the commonweal. After this, he took a survey of the legions or footmen: and all those who had borne arms longest in the wars he selected forth, especially such as had been employed under the conduct of Marcellus. For those he well wist to have been brought up under the best discipline of warfare, & also by reason of the long siege of Saracose, to be most skilful in assaulting of cities. For now they were no small matters that he had in his head, but he plotted even the very destruction and ruin of great Carthage. After this, he divided his army and placed several forces in sundry towns. The cities of Sicily he enjoined to provide come; he made spare of that which was brought out of Italy; the old ships he newly repaired and rigged, and with them he sent Lelius into Africa for to pray upon the country and fetch in prizes; the new which rid at Panormus he drew up to land, that they might all winter long lie upon dry gound, and be seasoned, because they were made in haste of green timber. When he had prepared all things necessary for war, he came to the city of Saracose, which as yet was not in good order and well quieted, since the great troubles of the late wars. For the greeks made claim for their goods, granted unto them by the Senate of Rome, which certain of the Italian nation detained and withheld from them by the same violence, wherewith in time of war they had possessed themselves thereof. He supposing it meet and requisite, to maintain above all things, the credit of the state; partly by virtue of an edict & commandment, and partly by a civil course and process of law against such as were obstinate and avowed their wrongs done, he forced them to make restitution to the Syracusians. This act of his, pleased not only them, but also all the states of Sicily; and therefore they were more willing and forward to help him in the wars.  
The same summer there arose in Spain great troubles, raised by the means of Indibilis the Hergete, for no other occasion or reason in the world, but because in regard of the high admiration of Scipio, all other captains besides whatsoever, were but despised. Him they supposed to be the only General that the Romans had left, now that all the rest were slain by Hannibal. And hereupon it was (thought they) that when the two Scipios were killed, they had no other to send into Spain but him: and afterwards, when the wars grew hot in Italy, he was the only man sent for over, to match with Hannibal. And over and besides that, the Romans had now in Spain no captains at all, but in bare name & show: the old experienced army also was from thence withdrawn. All things are out of frame, and in great confusion, and none there, but a disordered sort of raw freshwater soldiers. And never they looked to have again the like occasion and opportunity to recover Spain out of their hands. For hitherto they had been ever in subjection to that day, either to the Carthaginians or the Romans, and not always to the one or the other, by turns, but otherwhiles to both at once. And like as the Carthaginians have been driven out by the Romans, so may the Romans be expelled by the Spaniards, if they would hold together. So that in the end Spain being freed from all foreign war, might be restored for ever to the ancient customs and rights of the country. With these and such like suggestions and discourses, he solicited and raised not only his own subjects and countrymen, but the Ausetanes also, a neighbour-nation, yea, and other States and cities that bordered upon his and their confines; so as within few days there assembled together into the territory of the Sedetanes (according to an edict published abroad) thirty thousand foot, and fast upon four thousand horsemen.  
The Roman captains likewise for their part, L. Lentulus, and L. Manlius Acidinus, lest by neglect of the first beginning, the war might grow to a greater head, joined their forces together, and marching through the country of the Ausetanes, as peaceably as if they had been friends, (notwithstanding they were known enemies) came to the very place where they were encamped, and pitched themselves within three miles of the enemies. At the first they assayed by way of Embassage to deal with them, and to persuade them to lay aside all arms and hostility: but they laboured in vain. Afterwards, when as the Spanish horsemen gave charge suddenly upon certain Romans that were a foraging, the Romans also sent out from their Stations and corpse de guard, their cavalry to rescue: so the horsemen skirmished, but no memorable act to speak of, was effected on the one side or the other. The next morrow by sun rising, the enemies all showed themselves armed and in order of battle, and braved the Romans within a mile of their camp. The Ausetanes were marshaled in the main battle; the Ilergetes in the right point, and certain other Spanish nations of base & mean account in the left: between both those wings and the battle, of either hand they left certain wide and void places, whereas when the time served they might put forth their horsemen. The Romans having embattled and put themselves in array after their old and usual manner, yet in this one thing followed the example of the enemies, in leaving out certain open ways between the legions for the men of arms to pass through. But Lentulus supposing, that the use of the horse service would be advantageous to that part, which first should send out their cavalry into the battle of the enemies, that lay so open with spaces between, gave commandment to Ser. Cornelius a knight Marshal or Tribune, to will and charge the cavalry to set to with their horses, and to enter those open lanes between the enemies battaillons. And himself having sped but badly in beginning the fight with footmen so rashly, stayed no longer, but until he had brought the thirteenth legion, (which was set in the left wing opposite to the Ilergetes) out of the rearward into the vaward, for to succour and strengthen the twelfth legion, which already began to shrink and give ground. After that once the skirmish there was equal and fought on even hand, he advanced forward to L. Manlius, who in the forefront of the battle was busy in encouraging his men, and sending supplies and succours into all parts where he saw needful: showing unto him, that all was well and hole in the left point, and that he had sent out Cornelius, who with his horsemen, would like a tempestuous storm come upon them, and soon overcast and bespread the enemies round about. The word was not so soon spoken, but the Roman horsemen were ridden within the thickest of the enemies, and not only disordered the arrays and companies of the footmen, but also at once shut up the ways and passages, that the Spaniards could not make out with their horsemen. And therefore the Spaniards leaving to fight on horseback, alight on foot. The Roman Generals seeing the ranks and files of the enemies disarraied, themselves in fright and fear, and their ensigns waving up and down every ways fell to exhorting, yea, to entreating of their own infantry, to recharge them with all their force, whiles they were thus troubled and disbanded, and not suffer them to come into order, and reinforce the battle again. And surely the barbarous people had never been able to abide their violent impression, but that Indibiles himself their prince and lord, together with the men of arms that were now dismounted on foot, made head against the ensigns of the footmen in the vaward. Whereupon ensued a sharp and cruel fight for a good while. At length, when as they that fought about their prince (who first, although he were half dead, yet stood his ground, and afterwards with a javelin was nailed to the earth) were overwhelmed with darts, and slain; then they began to fly on all hands: but the greater number were killed in the place, because both the horsemen had no time nor space to recover their horses, and mount upon them again, and also the Romans pressed so horely upon them after they were once discomfited, and never gave over, until they had stripped the enemies quite out of their camp. So there died that day thirteen thousand Spaniards, and well near eight hundred were taken prisoners. Of Romans and Allies, not many more than two hundred left their lives behind them, and those especially in the left point. The Spaniards, that either were driven out of their camp, or escaped out of the battle, first ran scattered and dispersed over the fields, and afterwards returned every man to his own city where he dwelled.  
Then Mandonius summoned them to a general counsel: where they all bewailed their calamities and miseries, greatly blamed the authors of the war, and agreed in the end to send their Ambassadors to give up their arms, & to yield their bodies. These having excused themselves and laid the whole fault upon Indibilis and the rest of the Princes who were the stirrers of the war, and were for the most part slain themselves for their labour in the field, yielded up their armour and themselves, and received this answer from the Romans: That they should be received to mercy, and their submission accepted, if they would deliver alive into their hands Mandonius and the rest that were the breakers of peace. Otherwise, they threatened to lead their forces into the territories of the Ilergetes and Ausetanes, and so forward, of the other nations their complices in that rebellion. With this answer the Orators departed, and related the same in the counsel assembled. Where Mandonius and the rest of their lords were apprehended and delivered to the Romans for to be punished and executed accordingly. So the States of Spain obtained peace again: and a double tribute for that year was imposed upon them, and they enjoined to provide come to serve the army six months, besides soldiers liveries, short coats, and side cassocks: and they received hostages well-near of thirty cities. Thus the troubles and rebellions of Spain being begun and ended after this manner, without any great a do within few days, all the force of the war turned upon Africa.  
C. Laelius being arrived in the night at Hippo Royal, by the break of day, led forth with banner displayed in order of battle, all his soldiers and mariners, for to harrey and spoil the country. And finding the inhabitants there reckless and careless, and living in security as in time of peace, they did much hurt and annoyed them sore. Whereupon the news went in post to Carthage, set all on a hurry, and put them in exceeding great fear. For it was reported, that the Roman armada was arrived, and that Scipio the General was landed (for the rumour ran before, how he was passed over already into Sicily.) And because they neither descried the ships, nor discovered certainly what power of men invaded and spoiled the country, they thought the most and doubted the worst, as fear commonly maketh everything more than it is. And so at first they were only affrighted and terrified; but afterwards they grew melancholic and troubled in spirit in these terms, to think, That fortune should so much be changed, that they, who but as while before as noble conquerors, had lain encamped with an army before the walls of Rome, defeated so many hosts of enemies, and either by fine force or mere love, held all the States of Italy under their signory, should now themselves see the wheel so turn about, as they were like shortly to behold the wasting and spoiling of Africa, & the city of Carthage besieged: a thing that they were never able to endure with that valour & resolution, nor to abide with such strength as the Romans had. For the Romans had ever the Commons of Rome; they had always the youth of Latium ready at hand; who still increased more and more the new fry, and daily grew in number to make supply, & to repair and furnish out so many armies that were defeated. Whereas, their natural people were neither in town nor country fit for service, their aids were waged & hired for money from among the Africans, a nation like to turn upon any accident, & to change with every gale and puff of vain hope, & were besides false & unfaithful in their promise. For now the kings already Syphax and Masanissa, the one upon conference with Scipio is secretly alienated from us in hart, and the other openly revolted in action, and become our most deadly enemy: so that, there remaineth neither help nor hope for us at all in any place. For neither Mago is able in Gaul to make any commotions and rebellion, nor yet to join with Annibal: And as for Hannibal himself, he weareth a pace, and decayeth daily both in fame & reputation, and also in strength & forcible means. When their minds being thus disquieted upon those fresh & present tidings, they were fallen to bewail & lament their woeful state, the instant danger recalled them again to consult by what means they might withstand the imminent perils. So they thought good to take musters in all haste both in the city and the countries by, to send some to levy and wage the aids of the Africans, to fortify their city, to bring in store of grain, to provide weapons and armour, to rig their navy, and to send it out to Hippo, for to encounter the Roman Armada. Whiles they were devising these courses, there came at last a post with news, that it was Laelius and not Scipio who was set ashore; that there was landed no greater power than for to make roads into the country for booties only: and as for the main strength of the whole army, it remained still in Sicily. So they had some respite to breath themselves, and began to address their Embassies to Syphax and to other Princes, for to establish and confirm peace and league between them. They dispatched others also to Philip, who should make promise unto him of two hundred talents of silver, in case he would take the seas and pass over either into Sicily or Italy. Messengers also were sent as far as into Italy unto their own Generals serving there, to will them to raise what troubles they could possibly, for to keep Scipio awork, and hold him back from coming into Africa. And unto Mago were sent not only those messengers aforesaid, but also five and twenty long ships of war, six thousand footmen, eight hundred horsemen, seven Elephants, and great store of treasure besides for to hire aides, whereby he might advance forward with his forces nearer to Rome, and join with Hannibal. These preparations were making, and these courses devising at Carthage, when as Masanissa upon the bruit that went of the arrival of the Roman fleet, began to start up and rouse himself; and accompanied with some few horsemen, came unto Laelius, busy in driving still great booties out of the country, which he found altogether disfurnished of armour, and unprovided of guards and garrisons for defence. He much complained that Scipio was so slack in his affairs, and grieved that he had not passed over ere this time with an army into Africa, whiles the Carthaginians were thus affrighted, while Syphax was troubled with the wars of the borderers: of whom he was thus much persuaded, that if he might have resting time to compose his own affairs to his mind, he would not continue fast unto the Romans, nor deal in any thing faithfully & sound with them: willing him to solicit Scipio, yea and to spur him on and importune him not to stand longer at a bay and make delays. And for his own part, notwithstanding he were disseazed of his father's kingdom, yet he would be ready to assist him with such a power of foot and horse as were worth god a-mercy: advising Laelius with all not to make any longer stay in Africa, for as much as he believed verily, that there was a fleet already set out from Carthage, with which in the absence of Scipio, he might not with safety enter into conflict and battle. After this communication, Masanissa was dismissed, and Laelius the next day loosed from Hippo, with his ships laden with pillage and prizes: and being returned into Sicily, declared unto Scipio the counsel and credence that he had from Masanissa.  
About the very same time those ships which were sent from Carthage to Mago, coasting along the Albigannians and the Ligurians, arrived at Genua. It fortuned that Mago at that time, lay with his fleet in those parts: who upon the words of the messengers, and the commission to raise as great forces as possibly he could, immediately held a counsel of the Frenchmen and Ligurians; for of both nations there were great numbers in those coasts. Where before them all he declared how he was sent unto them for to set them at liberty: and how (as they might see themselves) to that effect he was furnished with new aid and succour from home. But what forces, and how great an army was needful for the managing of the war in hand, it lay in them to determine. As for himself, first and foremost he knew full well, that there were two Roman armies abroad, the one in France, the other in Tuskane: and that Sp. Lucretius would join with M. Levius: and therefore they themselves were to put many a thousand in arms, for to make head against two Generals, and two complete armies of Romans. The Frenchmen made answer again, That their will was good enough, and they had an exceeding desire to compass and effect the designment intended: but for as much as the Romans had one camp within their confines, and another in Tuskane near adjoining, and in manner within sight; if peradventure they should be seen in the action to aid the Carthaginians; in continently both armies, as well the one as the other would in all manner of hostility invade their territories: and therefore they requested him to desire of the Gauls such things, wherein they might stand him in steed secretly under hand. As for the Ligurians, because the Romans lay far enough off encamped from their lands and cities, they might dispose well enough of themselves as they list: and therefore it was good reason that they should put their young and able men in arms, and bear a part in the managing of the war. The Ligurians refused not. Only they craved respite of two months; for to take the musters. In the mean time Mago, having sent away the Gauls, closely took up and priest soldiers throughout their country towns for money. And from this States of France, there was sent secretly provision of victuals of all sorts unto him.  
Marcus Livius led his army of Voluntaries out of Tuscan into France, and having united his forces unto Lucretius his power, was ready to receive and welcome Mago, if haply he removed out of the Ligurians country nearer to the city of Rome: but in case Mago kept himself quiet in a corner under the Alpes, he minded also himself there to keep his standing leaguer about Ariminum, for the guard and defence of Italy.  
After the return of C. Laelius out of afric, both Scipio was pricked forward by the instigations and persuasions of Masanissa: and also his soldiers, seeing great prizes brought out of the enemy's land, and every ship freight therewith; were mightily incensed and set on fire with a burning desire to be transported over thither with all speed possible. But as they were plotting about this enterprise of greater importance, they thought also upon a lesser that came between, namely, the winning again of the city of Locri, which in the general revolt of all Italy, had sided also with the Carthaginians. The first hope that they conceived both to affect and effect this enterprise, grew upon a very small matter: by occasion that in the Brutians country, the whole manner of service was performed by way of robbing and roving, rather than by any ordinary course of war. The Numidians first began, and the Britij soon took it up and seconded them: not so much because they would keep the Carthaginians company, and do as they did; but for that of their own natural inclination they were prone, and ready enough to follow that course. At last the Roman soldiers also, infected as it were by their example, took delight in robberies: and so far forth as they might have leave of their captains, would make inroads into the territories of their enemies. It fortuned so, that when some of them were gone abroad a boothaling, certain Locrians were intercepted, and brought away with them to Rhegium. In which number of captives, were some carpenters and masons, who as it chanced, were hired to work for the Carthaginians in the castle of Locri. These were discovered and known by certain great men, and the principal citizens of the Locrians, who happened then to live as banished persons in Rhegium; such as by the contrary faction that banded with Annibal and had delivered Locri into his hands, were driven out of the city. These men sell to questioning with them (as commonly their manner is, who have been long out of their own country) of many matters, and among the rest, how all things fared at home: who told them all accordingly; & therewith, put them in some good hope, that if they might be ransom, set at large, and sent home again, they would betray the castle unto them: for as much as within it they dwelled, & the Carthaginians put them in trust of all things there. They therefore, as men that were wonderful desirous to return thither, as well for love of their native country, as for to be revenged of their adversaries, out of hand paid their ransom: and after they had given order how to work the fear, and in what sort; as also agreed upon the signs & tokens which they should mark from on high a far off, they were sent back again. Then the exiled Locrians repaired unto Scipio at Saracose, with whom also were others of the banished persons of Locri: & there they related unto him the promises of the captives aforesaid, and put the Consul in very good hope that the effect would be correspondent to their dessignement. With them were sent two Tribunes or Marshals, to wit, M. Sergius and P. Matienus, with commission to conduct three thousand soldiers from Rhegium to Locri. Letters also were dispatched unto Q. Pleminius the Viz-pretour, for to be assistant in this action. Who being departed from Rhegium, and carrying with them scaling ladders, proportioned to the height of the castle wall foretold unto them, about midnight gave a token by fire to those that were to betray the castle, from that place which they had agreed upon: who being in readiness also, and looking wistly for them, put down likewise ladders of their own made, for the purpose; and in many places at once received them that climbed up: so as, before there was any alarm heard, they set upon the watch of the Carthaginians, fast a sleep as they were, and distrusting no such matter: who first were heard to groan as they lay a dying, but afterwards, to make a noise and keep a running and much ado, upon their sudden starting from sleep, all the while that they wist not what the occasion was. At length, upon the discovery of the matter, one man wakened another, and every one called aloud to arm; crying out, that the enemies were within the castle, and the watchmen slain. And without question, the Romans had been put to the worse and diffeated quite, being far fewer in number than the enemies, but that there was an outcry & shout set up by them that were without the fortress; which so long as men knew not from whence it came, put them in great fear: & the tumult besides by night made every small & vain thing much greater than it was. By means whereof, the Carthaginians astonished (as if all places had been full of enemies) abandoned all fight, and betook themselves into the other fortress (for two there were distant not far asunder.) The townsmen kept possession of the city, as the prize and guerdon in the mids, for the winners. But out of the two castles there were light skirmishes every day. Q. Pleminius was captain of the fort and garrison of the Romans, and Amilcar over the Carthaginians: and both parts increased their strength, by aids that they had coming unto them from the places adjoining. Until at last Hannibal showed himself in person: and no doubt the Romans had never been able to hold out, but that the whole multitude of the Locrensians sore galled and grieved with the proud government and the covetous polling of the Carthaginians, took part with the Romans. When intelligence came to Scipio, that the Romans were distressed in Locri, and that Hannibal himself was advancing thither: for fear lest the garrison also should be in some hazard (as having no ready means to retire from thence) himself leaving at Messana his brother L. Scipio for the guard of the place, passed over from thence with his vessels down the water, when he espied the current and the ride together to serve for a fare. Likewise Hannibal having sent out a vauntcurrour from the river Burrotus (which is not far from the city Locri) to signify unto his men, that by day light they should give a hot charge with all their might and main upon the Locrensians & Romans both, whiles he himself made an assault upon the town behind, not looking for him, but wholly turned away and amused upon that other tumutl. Now when as early in the morning he found the skirmish begun, he was not willing to put himself within the castle, for fear of pestering with over great a company the place so straight and of so small receipt: and for to scale the walls they had brought no ladders with them. So causing all their carriages and packs to be piled up in one heap together: he presented all his footmen in battle array before the city, to terrify his enemies withal: and with the Numidian horsemen he made a bravado under the walls, and road about the city. Whiles the ladders and other ordinance meet to give an assault, were in preparing and making ready, he approached on horseback near to the wall, for to view on which part above the rest, he might give the assault: and there he was shot with a quarrel discharged from an engine called a Scorpion, which happened to be planted next unto him. And being affrighted at this so dangerous an occurrent, he commanded to sound the retreat, & fortified his camp aloufe without the peril and shot of any dart. Now was the Roman fleet from Messana arrived at Locri, and had the day afore them: so as they were all set a land, and entered the city before the sun setting. The morrow after, the Carthaginians began to skirmish out of the castle: and Hannibal being now provided of ladders, and having all things else in readiness needful for the assault, came under the walls: with that, all upon a sudden the Romans set open a gate and sallied out upon him, who feared nothing less than any such accident: & thus setting upon them at unawares, flew two hundred of them. A nniball perceiving that the Consul was there, retired with the rest into the camp: and after he had sent a messenger to them that were within the castle, willing them to shift for themselves, in the night season he dislodged and departed. They also who were in the sort, after they had set on fire the houses which were in their keeping, of purpose by that tumult to cause the enemy to make some stay and tarry behind, ran away in manner of a rout, & before it was night with good footmanship overtook their own company. Scipio seeing as well this castle quit by the enemy, as their camp also empty, called the Locrenses to a general assembly, and gave them a sharp check, & rebuked them for their revolt. The principal captains and authors of that trespass he put to death; and gave away their goods to the chief heads of the other faction, in reward and consideration of their singular fidelity to the Romans. But as concerning the public state of the Locrians, he said he would neither make nor meddle therewith, either in giving to them, or taking aught at all from them. But willed them to send their Ambassadors to Rome, and look what the Senate would award in equity, that fortune they should abide. This one thing he was well assured of, that how ill soever they had deserved of thepeople of Rome, yet they should live in better condition under the signory of the Romans, provoked to anger as they were, than they had already under the government of Carthaginians, pretending love and amity as they did.  
Then himself in person out over to Messana with those forces that he brought with him, leaving Pleminius his Lieutenant, and that power that won the castle, in garrison for the defence of the city. The citizens of Locri had been so proudly misused, and so cruelly handled by the Carthaginians, after they were revolted from the Romans, that it seemed they could be content to abide any small wrongs, not only patiently but also willingly, and in manner with a glad heart. But so far now exceeded Pleminius, Amilcar the former captain of the garrison; so far went the Roman garrison soldiers, before the Carthaginians in wickedness and avarice, that a man would have thought they had striven together who should pass the other in sinful vice & ungodliness, and not in fears of arms and prowess. For neither captain nor soldier forbore to practise upon the poor townsmen any enormous facts, which are wont to make the great and mighty men odious unto the poor and meaner persons. They wrought and committed shameful villainies upon their very bodies; upon their wives and children. And their greedy avarice so far proceeded; that they could not hold their hands from spoiling and robbing the very religious and sacred temples. In so much, as among other holy churches which they polluted, they met even with the rich treasure of Proserpina, which had lain still in all ages, and untouched by all others: save only it was reported to have been peeled by Pyrrhus; who indeed carried away the spoil of her, but he dearly bought it, and paid full sweetly for that sacrilege. And therefore like as before time the king's ships shaken with tempests, and torn and split with the rage of the sea, brought nothing at all in that wreck safe to land, but only that sacred money of the goddess, which they had stolen and carried away: even so at this present, the very same money (but in another kind of calamity and misery) brought upon all them that were tainted in that wicked action of robbing the temple, a strange and frantic madness; which caused captain against captain, and soldier against soldier, to far as if they were stark wood, and enraged as mortal enemies one with another. Pleminius had the cheese rule and command of all. As for the soldiers, some were under him, such as himself had brought from Rhegium; others were commanded by the Tribunes or Colonels. Now it chanced that one of Pleminius his soldiers had stolen a silver cup out of a townesmans' house, and ran away when he had done; and the owners after him with hue and cry, and fortuned to come in the way, and to meet with Sergius and Matienus the two Tribunes or Colonels, full in the face. Whereupon the cup was taken from him by the commandment of the Tribunes; and thence arose first a brawl, and some hard words were dealt between; and from them consequently they went to open clamours and loud outcries, until at length there grew a very fray between the soldiers of Pleminius & of the Tribunes: and according as they came still one or other in time to help their own side, both the number & the roiot increased at once. In the end, Pleminius his men went away with the blows, and moaned themselves into Pleminius, running to him with open mouth and great indignation, showing their bloody wounds: and reporting besides, what opprobrious words to his disgrace had passed against him without spare, in the time of those brawling fits. Hereupon in a great choler & boiling heat of blood, he got him forth of doors in all the haste; convented the Tribunes before him, and commanded them to be stripped naked, and the rods to be brought forth ready for to scourge them. But whiles there was some time spent in turning them out of their apparel and uncasing them (for they struggled and made resistance, and called to their soldiers for help) all at once they came thick about them (for very lusty they were upon their fresh victory) & ran from all places, as if the alarm bell had been rung against the coming of some enemies. But when they saw once the bodies of their Tribunes tewed with rods, than they fell into far more furious rage and a very fit of madness: and thus incensed as they were, without all regard, not only of the reverend majesty of authority, but also of common humanity, they fell upon the Lieutenant himself, after they had most piteously beaten and evil entreated his Lictours and officers about him. Then having singled him out a part from his ministers & sergeants, they cruelly mangled him, cut off his nose, cropped his ears, and left him for dead. News here of came to Messana, and within few days Scipio highed him a pace to Locri in a galley directed with six banks of oars: who after due examination and hearing of the cause between Pleminius and the Tribunes, acquit Pleminius as innocent, and left him governor of the garrison in that place: but he judged the Tribunes guilty as malefactors, and caused them to be bound in chains for to he sent to Rome unto the Senate: and so he returned to Messana, and from thence to Syracuse. Pleminius not able to overrule his anger, and thinking that Scipio had dealt but coldly and negligently in the matter, and made too light of the injury which he had received, and not punished the offenders accordingly; and supposing that there was no man else able to make true estimate of the cause, but he that in his own person had felt the indignity and heinousness thereof; commanded the Tribunes to be haled before him, and after he had put them to all the cruel torments, that any man's body is able to abide, he did them to death: and not satisfied either with their dolorous torture whiles they were quick, nor with taking their lives from them, cast their dead bodies forth into the fields, there to lie above ground unburied. The like cruelty he exercised upon the principal Burgesses of the Locrians, such as he heard say went to Scipio for to make complaint of his wrongs and injuries. And look what soul and shameful pranks he had played afore with his friends and allies, proceeding of lust and covetousness; the same now in his fell and furious rage he multiplied and wrought in divers sorts: so as he brought infamy, hatred and obloquy, not only upon himself, but also made the world to think hardly, and to speak much shame of the General himself.  
Now drew the time near of the solemn election of Magistrates; when as there came letters to Rome from Pub. Licinius the Consul, the tenure where of was to this effect: That himself and his army were sore visited with a grievous sickness: and that he could not possibly have stayed there, but that the violent contagion and influence of the same malady, if not greater and more grievous, had not assailed the enemies. Seeing that therefore himself was not able to come unto the election, he was minded, if it might so stand with the good liking of the Lords of the Senate, to nominate as dictator Q. Cecilius Metellus, for to hold the foresaid election. And as for the army of Q. Cecilius, it was for the good of the Commonweal that it should be cassed and discharged, since that there was no employment of them at this present; considering that Hannibal was retired already with his forces into his standing camp, and taken up his wintering harbour: and again, the pestilence grew so hot in that leaguer of his, that if they were not discharged betimes, there was not one of them like to escape and remain alive. In these points, the LL. of the Senate granted out their commission unto the Consul, for to do according as himself thought to stand either with his own credit and trust committed unto him, or the benefit of the Commonweal.  
At the very same time there was a certain religious opinion that had possessed of a sudden the whole city, by occasion of a certain prophesy found in the books of Sibylla. When search was made into them and they diligently perused, about the raining of stones, which happened so often that year. The prophesy ran in this form: At what time soever an enemy of a strange and foreign country, shall happen to make war upon Italy, he may be chased out of Italy and vanquished, if the goddess dame Cybele of Ida, were brought to Rome from Pessinus. This prophesy found by the Decemvits, moved the Senate the more, for that, the Ambassadors also who carried the oblation and present aforesaid to Delphos, related, That as they themselves sacrificed unto Pythius Apollo, all the inwards of the beast killed for sacrifice, appeared good, and showed prosperity: and the Oracle besides gave answer, That there was a far greater victory toward the people of Rome than that was, out of the spoils whereof they brought gifts and offered to the good at this present. And for to make up and fully accomplish these hopes, they alleged withal, how P. Scipio in demanding the province of Africa, did presage (as it were) beforehand in his mind the final end of this war. To the end therefore, that they might with more speed obtained this honourable victory thus foretokened, and offering (as it were) itself, by all lucky ossing of men and Oracles of the gods, they thought and devised some mean to transport the said goddesses to Rome.  
The people of Rome in those days was confedered with no States of Asia: howbeit the LL. calling to mind, how long ago, upon occasion of a sickness, and to purchase health unto the people, Aesculapius was sent for likewise out of Greece, before it was joined with the city of Rome in any league or society; and considering withal, that there was some friendship & amity begun already with king Attalus (in regard of the common war against Philip) and that he would be ready to do for the people of Rome, whatsoever lay in his power, they resolved to send unto him an honourable Embassage, to wit, M. Valerius Levinus, who had been twice Consul, and had warred in Greece; M. Cecilius Metellus, who had been a praetor, and Servius Sulpitius Galba: likewise an Aedile, and two late Questours, G. Tremelius Flaccus, and M. Valerius Falco. For these five, they assigned five Quinqueremes or Galleys of five ranks of oars, that according to the credote and dignity of the people of Rome, they should make a voyage into those lands; with whom they were to win a reputation and majesty to the Roman name and State. These Ambassadors, as they held on their course toward Asia, so soon as they were put a land at Delphos, repaired directly to the Oracle, for to know what good hope it might afford unto them and the people of Rome, of effecting that business and commission, about the which they were sent forth. And this answer by report, was returned to them again, That they should obtain their desire, and effectuate their purpose by the means of Attalus the king: advising them moreover, That when they had conveyed the said goddess down to Rome, they should take order, that the very best man of all others in the city, should give her lodging and entertainment. But to proceed, to Pergamus they came unto the king. Who having courteously received & welcomed the Ambassadors, conducted them into Phrygia to Pessinus, and delivered into their hands that sacred & holy stone, which the inhabitants of the country said, was the Mother of the gods; and willed them to carry it to Rome. Then M. Valerius Falco was sent back from the other Ambassadors to advertise them at Rome, that the goddess was coming, and that they should seek out the best man in all the city, for to receive and lodge her in his house with all devotion that might be.  
Now was Q. Cecilius Metellus nominated dictator by the Consul in the Brutians country, against the solemn election of the magistrates. His army was disbanded and cassed, and L. Veturius Philo created master of the horse. Then the dictator held the Election. In which were chosen Consuls, M. Cornelius Cethegus, and P. Sempronius Tuditanus in his absence, who at that time had the government of Greece. After them were elected Praetors, T. Claudius Nero, M. Martius Ralla, L. Scribonius Libo, & M. Pomponius Matho. When the Election was finished, the dictator resigned up his place of magistracy. The Roman Games were thrice renewed & set forth, and the plays Plebey seven times exhibited. The Aediles of the chair were Cn. and L. Cornelius, Lentuli both. This Lucius governed then the province of Spain: created he was in his absence, and absent as he was he bore that dignity. The Aediles of the Commons were T. Claudius Asellus, and M. junius Pennus. That year M. Marcellus dedicated the temple of Virtue, near the gate Capena, the seventeenth year after it was vowed by his father at Clastidium in Gallia, during the time of his first Consulship. There died also this year a Flamine of Mars, namely, M. Aemylius Regillus.  
For the last two years, the affairs in Greece had not been well followed. Philip therefore taking the vantage, that the Aetolians were forsaken of the Romans (the only aid upon which they trusted) forced them both to sue for peace, and to contract the same under what conditions and capitulations himself pleased: which if he had not made the better haste, all that ever he could to accomplish in good time, P. Sempronius the vice-Consul, sent to succeed Sulpitius in the government, had utterly defeated him whiles he waged war with the Aetolians: considering that he was ten thousand foot and a thousand horse strong, and had five & thirty tall ships of war, headed with brazen pikes before; a power of no small importance, I assure you, to aid and assist his allies. For the said peace was not so soon concluded, but news came to the king, that the Romans were arrived at Dyrrhachium; that the Parthines and other neighbour nations, upon hope of change and a new world, began to rise and rebel; and that Dimallum was already besieged and assaulted: for to that city the Romans bent their power (in steed of aiding the Aetolians unto whom they were sent) upon high displeasure and indignation, that without their advice and consent, yea and against the tenor of the accord and covenant they had made a peace with the king. Philip upon these advertisements, for fear lest some farther troubles might arise among the nations and states there bordering, took long journeys, and sped him apace toward Apollonia. Thither Sempronius was retired, after he had sent Lectorius his Lieutenant with part of his forces and thirteen ships into Aetolia, to visit the country, and to see in what terms they stood, yea and to disturb and break the peace if possibly he could. Philip wasted and spoiled the territories and lands of the Apolloniates, and approaching the city with his whole power, bad battle to Sempronius the Roman General. But after he saw once that he kept himself quiet within the city, standing only upon his guard and defence of the walls; distrusting also his own strength, as not able to force thecitie by assault: and desirous with all to entertain peace with the Romans as well as with the Aetolians, if he could; if not, yet at leastwise to have truce with them: without effecting any more (seeing he could but only rub an old sore, and renew cankered malice upon fresh contention and quarrel) he returned into his own realm.  
About the same time, the Epirotes weighed of long wars, after they had first sounded the disposition and mind of the Romans that way, sent their ambassadors unto Philip, to treat about a general and universal peace: affirming, that they had assured hope of an honourable end and agreement, if his highness would vouchsafe to come to a parley with P. Sempronius the Roman General. And soon they obtained thus much of him, as to pass over into Epirus, for the king himself was not unwilling thereunto. Now there is a city in Epirus, named Phaenice: there the king after communication had first with Eropus, Darda, and Philippus, Praetors of the Epirots, entered into an interview also with P. Sempronius. At this solemn meeting and conference, Aminander the king of the Athamanes was present, and other Magistrates of the Epirotes and Acarnanes. And first Philippus the praetor began to speak and request, as well king Philip as the Roman General, to make an end of all wars, and likewise to give the Epirotes leave to do the same. P. Sempronius propounded and set down the articles and conditions of peace in this wise, That the Parthines, Dimallum, Bargulum, and Eugenium, should belong to the signory of the Romans, notwithstanding that they had obtained of the Senate by their Orators sent to Rome, to be annexed to the dominion of Philip king of Macedon. When they were agreed for peace upon those capitulations, there were comprised within the league on the king's behalf, Prusias king of Bythinia, the Achaeians, the Boeotians, the Thessalians, the Acarnanes, and the Epirotes: and on the Romans, the Ilienses, K. Attalus, Pleuratus, Nabis the Tyrant of the Lacedæmonians, the Eleans, the Messenians, and the Athenians. And hereof were instruments and Indentures engrossed and sealed, and truce made for two months, until such time as ambassadors were sent to Rome, that the people might by their suffrages approve of the conditions in that form. So all the tribes in general granted the same, because the war nowbeing intended and bend against Africa, they were willing for the present to be discharged of all other troubles.  
P. Sempronius having concluded peace, departed unto Rome for to enter his Consulship. Now when as M. Cornelius and P. Sempronius were Consuls (which was the 15 year of the Punic war) the Provinces were assigned unto them in this manner, namely, unto Cornelius, Hetruria with the old army: unto Sempronius the Brutij, with the new legions that he was to enrol. And to the Praetors in this wise were the Provinces allotted, that M. Martius should be lord chief justice of the citizens pleas, and L. Scribonius Libo have the jurisdiction of foreigners, together with the government of Gallia. Item, that M. Pomponius Matho should rule Sicily, and T. Claudius Nero sit as L. deputy in Sardinia. As for P. Scipio, his commission was renewed and continued for one year longer, with the command of that army and Armada which he had conducted before. Likewise P. Licinius had his commission newly sealed, for to have the charge of the Brutians country, with the power of two legions, so long as the Consul thought it good for the Commonweal, that he should remain in the government of that Province. Also M. Livius and Sp. Lucretius, with the assistance of those two legions with which they had defended Gallia against Mago, continued still in their room for another year. Moreover Cn. Octavius remained in place, with commission, that when he had delivered up Sardinia, and the legion there unto T. Claudius, himself should with forty long galleys scour the feas, and guard the coasts along the river, within those bounds and limits, for which the Senate had given order. Unto M. Pomponius the Praetor in Sicily were appointed the two legions of the Cannian army. And T. Quintius and C. Hostilius Tubulus Viz-pretours, were to govern as they did the former year, the one Tarentum, and the other Capua; and both of them were allowed the old garrisons. As for the government of Spain, it was put to question before the people, what two Viz-pretours their pleasure was should be sent into that Province. And all the Tribes with one accord gave their grant, that the same Proconsul's L. Cornel. Lentulus, and L. Manlius Acidinus, should sit as governors in those Provinces as the year before. The Consuls began now to muster soldiers, as well to enrol new legions for to be sent into the Brutians country, as also to supply & fulfil the number of the other armies; according as they were directed by the Senate. And albeit Africa was not yet openly declared a Province, but dissimuled by the LL. of the Senate, (of purpose I believe, that the Carthaginians should have no ynkling and intelligence thereof before hand) yet the whole city was in good hope, and made full reckoning that this year the war would be determined and fought out in Africa, and so an end for ever of those troubles. This persuasion of theirs had possessed their hearts with much superstition: and very forward men were, both to report, and also to believe many prodigious and strange wonders, which daily were blown abroad and divulged more and more: To wit, that there were two suns seen; that in the night season between whiles it seemed day light; that in Setia there was a burning torch or blazing Star reaching from the East to the West; that in Tarracina the gate, and in Anagnia, as well the gate as the wall in divers parts were blasted and shaken with lightning; lastly, that in the temple of juno Sospita in Lanuvium, there was a noise and a rumbling heard, with an horrible crack. For the expiation and purging of these prodigies, there was a supplication holden for one day: and a novendiall solemn sacrifice was also celebrated, because it had reigned stones out of the sky. Besides all this, there was some consultation about the receiving of dame Idaea. For over and besides that M. Valerius one of the ambassadors was returned and had brought word that she would be very shortly in Italy, there came a new messenger with tidings, that she was now already at Taracina. This deliberation (about no small matter, namely, whom they should give judgement to be the best man simply in the whole city) held the Senate much amused: considering that every one for his part was more desirous of true victory, & pre-eminence in this behalf, than of any promotions, honours or dignities whatsoever, awarded unto them by the voices either of Senators or Commoners. In conclusion, they judged P. Scipio, the son of that Cn. who was killed in Spain, a very young man, and as yet not of full age to be a Questor, the very bestman without exception in the whole city. Upon what motives of his singular virtues they were induced thus to deem of him, as I could willingly have delivered unto posterity, what had been set down in record by the ancient & first writers of those times: so I will not interpose mine own conceits, in guessing at a thing which hath lain dead and buried so long time. This P. Cornelius was commanded to go accompanied with all the dames of the city as far as to Ostia, there to meet the Goddess, and then to take her forth of the ship, and being once set a land, to deliver her unto the foresaid matrons for to be devoutly carried to the city. Now when the ship was arrived at the mouth of the river Tyberis, he according as he was directed, went aboard in a pinnace, & launched into the sea: where he took the goddess at the Priest's hands, & brought her ashore. And the dames which were the noblest and chief of the city, amongst whom, Claudia Quintia was the lady most renowned, received her. This Claudia, who before time (as it isreported) was of no better name and same than she should be, now by this religious and devout ministery, was for her chastity and continency recommended better to posterity. These women carried this goddess charily and daintily in their hands, and took her by turns, one in course after another. All the city came forth by heaps to meet her: and along the streets as she was conveyed, they stood at the doors with censers, making sweet perfumes, & burning frankincense: yea & prayed unto her, that she would willingly enter the city of Rome, and continue propice and gracious unto it. Thus they transported her into the temple of Victoria within mount Palatine, the day before the 
12. April  
The Plaiescals led Megalesia . Ides of April, which was always after kept as a festival holiday. The people with great frequency brought gifts unto Palatium, which they offered unto the goddess, & solemnised a Lectisternium. And those plays called Megalesia came up then, and were first instituted.  
Now when the Counsel were busy & sat about the supply of those legions which were in the provinces, there were certain of the Senators began to whisper & blow into their heads, That the time was now come, no longer to abide those things which during the troubles and dangerous days they made a shift to endure; considering that now at length by the goodness of the gods, all fear was past, and the dangers overblown. At which words the lords of the Senate being in great expectation and attentive to hear out the rest; they went on & said, That those 12 colonies of the Latins, which while Q. Fabius and Q. Fulvius were Consuls, refused to set our soldiers, now almost for six years had intermitted their service in the wars, as exempted from warfare altogether, and enjoyed that immunity as an honour and reward for their good deserts: whereas in the mean time, other loyal and obedient allies, were by mustering every year continually, wasted and consumed, in performance of their faithful allegiance and dutiful service to the Empire of Rome. At this speech, the lords called not so much to mind a thing long forlet and almost worn out of remembrance, as they were provoked to anger and grew very hot; and therefore would not suffer the Consuls to pass any other matter before, but decreed that they should peremptorily convent to Rome the magistrates, and ten principal citizens out of every of these Colonies, to wit, Nepet, Sutrium, Ardea, Cales, Alba, Carseoli, Sora, Suessa, Setia, Circeij, Narnia, and Interamna, (for these were the Colonies touched in that point abovenamed) and to lay upon them every one a double levy of footmen, to that number and proportion which they were charged with, when they set out most in the service of the Roman wars, ever since that the enemies were come into Italy: besides one hundred and twenty horsemen a piece. And in case any one of those colonies were not able to make up that full number of horsemen, then to allow for every man of arms three footmen. Provided always, that for foot and horse both, such should be chosen and no other, as were most substantial and of the best behaviour, and be sent to what place soever there was need of supply, even out of Italy. And if any of them refused thus to do, than the Consuls had commission to stay the magistrates and deputies aforesaid, and not to give them audience in the Senate, (although they should require the same) before they had performed those impositions. Moreover those Colonies were enjoined to pay every year a tax or tribune; and that there should be raised and levied, one Ass in the thousand, of their substance by the month; and be assessed in those Colonies according to the rate and rule that the Roman Censors should set down; which they gave order to be the same that was laid upon the people of Rome: & the information thereof to be exhibited & presented at Rome by the sworn censors of the foresaid colonies, before they went out of their office. By virtue of this Act of the Senate, the magistrates and chief men of those Colonies were sent for, & compelled to repair to Rome: and when the Consuls demanded of them, those soldiers and tribute aforesaid, they began all of them (but some more than others) to resuse and gainsay it, yea and flatly to deny, that so many soldiers could possibly be made: nay hardly were they able, although they should strain themselves, to furnish the bare single number, according to the usual proportion and old prescript order: requesting and beseeching them, to give them leave to have recourse unto the Senate, and there to make suit for their release: neither have we (say they) so much o●●ended as thus hardly to be used, nor deserved worthily to be undone. And say, we must needs miscarry and be cast away; yet neither our offence, nor the wrath of the people of Rome, can force us to find more soldiers than we have. But the Coss. resolute in their purpose, commanded the Delegates and Committees of those Colonies, to stay still at Rome, and their magistrates only to repair home and take musters: for as much as (unless the full number of soldiers which was set down unto them were brought to Rome) there was no Consul there would grant them audience in the Senat. Thus when all hope was cut off, to have access into the Senate, and to obtain a release; those twelve Colonies took a levy & enroled the full number. Which was no hard matter to be done, considering how their youth was increased in that time of long vacation and intermission of warfare. There was likewise another matter (by as long silence forlet and well near quite forgotten) proposed newly again by M. Valerius Laevinus: who said, That it was meet and good reason, that those private persons which had credited forth their moneys to the commonweal, when himself and M. Claudius were Consuls, should now at last be satisfied, contented, and paid: neither ought any man to marvel why he (notwithstanding the city were bound for the debt) had a special care and regard to call upon them for to have it discharged: for, besides that the Consul for that year being, when those lones of money were granted, was in some sort properly obliged, to see that credit were kept; himself moreover was the very man that made the motion of taking up those moneys, in regard that the city chamber was so empty of treasure, and the Commons purses so bare of money, that they were not sufficient to pay the ordinary tribute. This ouverture made by the Consul, was well taken of the lords, who willed the Consuls to put up this matter to the house: and so they entered an Act and decree, that the said debts should be discharged at three payments; whereof the first should be made presently by the Consuls then in place; the other twain, by the Consuls that were to succeed in the third and fifty years next ensuing.  
But there fell out one new object and occurrence, that drowned all other cares besides, and wholly possessed the heads of the Senate, by occasion of the miseries and calamities of the Locrians; whereof before that day, they had no knowledge nor intelligence, and now were by the coming of their ambassadors declared & divulged. Neither were the people provoked to choler & anger, so much at the lewd behaviour and wicked pranks of Q. Plemnius, as the slackness and negligence, or else the partiality and connivency of Scipio in dealing between them. These Ambassadors of the Locrians, ten in number, presented themselves before the Consuls sitting in the open hall called Comitium; clad they were in homely weeds & course apparel, looking pale and poor on the matter; and carrying withal in their hands as tokens of humble suppliants, certain branches of the olive, according to the manner of the greeks, fell down prostrate upon the ground before the Tribunal, with piteous weepingand sorrowful lamentation. The Consuls demanded who they were: and they made answer again, That they were Loctians, who had endured at the hands of Q. Pleminius the Lieutenant, and the Roman soldiers, such indignities, as the people of Rome would not find in their hearts, that the very Carthaginians themselves should suffer and sustain: beseeching them to do them this favour, as to give them leave to have access to the lords of the Senate, there to make their moan and complain of their woeful distresses. Being admitted into the Senate, and audience given them, than the ancientest man of the company spoke in this wise. 
The pitiful complaints of the Locrians before the Senate of Rome.  Right honourable (my LL.) I know full well (quoth he) how important it would be, & available to the due estimat & weight of our complaints & grievances, in case ye were informed sufficiently and knew the truth, as well in what sort Locri was first betrayed unto Hannibal, as also after what order the garrison of Hannibal was thence expelled, and the city restored again under your obeisance. For, if it may appear that the trespass of our revolt, cannot be imputed any way unto the public counsel and consent of our city; but chose, that our return under your signory and dominion was not only performed with our good will, but also first wrought & compassed by the means of our helping hand & valour: ye have the greater cause to be discontented and displeased with your Lieutenant & soldiers, for offering us (your good and loyal allies) such abuses, so cruel wrongs and unworthy indignities. As for the cause of our double revoltment and change, I think it good to defer the speaking thereof to another time, and that for two reasons: the one is, that the matter might be heard in the presence of P. Scipio, who recovered Locri, and was an eyewitness of all that we have done, be it good or bad: the other is this, that howsoever we be, yet we should not have abiden those calamities in such sort as we have supported them. We cannot dissimule (my LL.) nor conceal, how all the while that we had the Carthaginian garrison within our castle, we suffered many soul outrages and shameful villainies, both at Amilcar his hands (the captain of the garrison) as also from the Numidians and Africanes: but what are they in comparison of the abuses and indignities that we endure at this day? May it please you (my LL.) to give us the hearing of those things with patience, that I shall utter even against my will with grievance. All the world at this day is insuspence, and standeth in great doubt, whither to see you or the Carthaginians, the sovereign lords of the whole earth. But if they were to weigh and counterpoise the Roman & Carthaginian Empire, by those injuries which have been offered to us of Locri, either from them or your garrison: & which at this day, more than ever before, we still endure: there is none but would rather make choice of them to be their sovereign LL. than the Romans. And yet consider I pray you, & see how well affected the Locrians are towards you: when we were nothing so hardly used nor so ill entreated by the Carthaginians, yet we had recourse unto your captain General: and now that we are misused of your garrison, and put to more sorrow than if we were professed enemies, yet we have run no whither with our complaints but unto yourselves. Either shall you (my LL.) vouchsafe to have compassion of our miserable state, or else we see not what we have left wherein we should pray unto the immortal gods, for to be good and propice unto us. Quintus Pleminius Lieutenant to the General Scipio, was sent with a strong garrison & power of men, to recover Locri out of the hands of the Carthaginians; and with the very same garrison was he left there: but this Lieutenant of yours (for, the extremity of miseries and afflictions whereinto we are driven, maketh us bold, and putteth courage in us to speak our minds freely) hath nothing at all in him of a man, my Lords, but the bare shape and outward form; nor of a Roman citizen, unless it be the habit of apparel which he weareth, and the sound of the Latin tongue which he speaketh. A very plague he is and no better, a monstrous and ugly beast, like unto that, which sometimes (if old tales and fables be true) haunted the narrow seas between us and Sicily, for to destroy all passengers that sailed by. Who, if he could have been content himself alone to have practised and wrought upon us your Allies, all mischievous acts and pranks, of wickedness, of filthy lust, and greedy covetousness, we would peradventure in all patience and long sufferance, have filled upthat one gulf and pit were it never so deep, and satisfied one gorge never so unsatiable. But now so great a delight and pleasure hath he taken, that all lewd and licentious parts, all shameful acts and villainies should be commonly practised, and in every place committed, that he hath made all your Centineirs very Pleminy, yea, and your soldiers as bad as himself. All of them can skill now of robbing, rifling, spoiling, beating, wounding, and killing: they are all good at forcing of dames and ladies of honour, at ravishing and deflowering of young virgins, at abusing (against kind) of younglings, free borne and well descended, whom they pull perforce from between the arms, and out of the very bosoms of their parents. Daily is our city assaulted and taken; daily is it sacked and peeled, night and day, there is no place free, but ringeth again with the piteous shrieks and lamentable plaints and cries of women and children, harried and carried away in every place. He that were a stranger to these things, and knew nothing, might wonder well enough, how either we can possibly hold out in suffering such outrages, or they which are the doers, not yet be satisfied and full of committing so great wrongs and injuries. For neither will my tongue & utterance serve to deliver, nor needful is it and expedient for you to hear every thing in particular, what we have sustained. But in general I will comprise and knit up altogether. I will abide by it, that there is not one house throughout all Locri, I dare avouch there is no person either one or other, exempt from the wrongs that he hath done. I say, and stand to it, that there is no kind of wickedness, no manner of filthy lust and uncleanness, no unsatiable avarice besides, that he hath not assayed to practice upon as many as were capable thereof, and fit subjects to work upon. Hardly can a man devise and think, whether of these two mischiefs incident to a city be more detestable, either when the enemies force it by assault in time of war, or when a pestilent and cruel tyrant oppresseth it by force and arms during peace. All calamities we endured before, that towns won and lost are put unto. And now at this hour, more than ever (my LL.) Pleminius hath perpetrated upon us, our children and our wives, all those excessive villainies, that the most inhuman, cruel, and outrageous tyrants can devise to exercise upon those subjects, whom they keep down with oppression, and tread under foot. Yet one thing there is (right Honourable) whereof both sense of religion imprinted and engrafted naturally in our minds, constraineth us to make particular complaint by specialty; and also our desire is, that ye should have the hearing, yea, and to assoil and discharge your Commonweal of the scruple of conscience, in case ye think it so meet and requisite. For we have observed and seen with our eyes, with what devotion and ceremonial reverence, you not only honour and worship the gods of your own, but also receive and entertain those of strangers and foreigners. We have in our city a chapel of Proserpina, concerning the holiness of which house, I suppose verily, that ye have heard some report and same, during the war of king Pyrrhus: who in his return out of Sicily, passing along the sea side with his fleet by Locri, among other shameful villainies and outrages which he committed against our city in despite of us, and for our fidelity showed toward you, peeled also and robbed the treasure of this Proserpina, which to that day had never been touched by any man whatsoever. And when he had so done, he embarked the money, & sent it away by water, but journeied himself by land. But see what happened my LL. hereupon! His whole navy the morrow after, was all to tossed, split, and torn a pieces in a most hideous ghust and horrible tempest, save only those ships wherein that sacred treasure was bestowed, which were cast upon our coast, & driven ashore. Whereupon this king, as proud and fierce a prince as he was, being taught by so great harms and losses, to believe that there were gods in heaven that ruled all; made diligent search for all the said moneys, and caused the same to be brought back again, and laid up in the treasury of Proserpina. And yet for all that, never sped he well in anything that he went about, from that day forward. Hunted he was and chased clean out of Italy; and coming by chance on a night, and entering unadvisedly the city of Argos, he died an obscure, base, and dishonourable death. And notwithstanding your Lieutenant, your Colonels and knight Marshals heard of this and a thousand more such instances and examples which were recounted unto them (not for to amplify and set out with the highest the great religion and holiness of the place; but as we and our ancestors have had right evident proof, and that full oftentimes, to show the manifest power and puissance of that goddess) yet were they so hardy, as to lay their thievish and sacrilegious hands upon those treasures, that were inviolate and not to be touched; & so by that cursed prize and booty have polluted themselves, their houses, and your soldiers. Whose service take heed my LL. as ye tender yourselves and your credit, how ye employ either in Italy or in Africa, in any of your affairs and wars there; before ye purge and expiate this soul & heinous fact: for fear lest they make amends, and pay for this detestable forfeit, not only which their own blood, but also with some public loss and calamity of the whole State. And even already my LL. their and displeasure of the goddess hath been well seen upon your captains & soldiers both, and at this present day continueth still. Sundry times they have been together by the ears, and skuffled one against another with banners displayed. Pleminius the captain bore up one side, and two Marshals or military Tribunes another. Never fought they more fiercely & sharply with the Carthaginians in the field, than amongst themselves in frays at the sword point. And through their furious rage they had given Hannibal good opportunity and vantage to regain Locri into his own hands; but that Scipio, whom we sent for, came in the mean time upon him. But peradventure (some will say) this madness and fury haunteth and tormenteth the soldiers only, who are tainted with the foresaid sacrilege, and no power at all of the goddess hath been showed in punishing the leaders and captains themselves. Nay iwis, in them it hath most evidently appeared. The Tribunes have been beaten with rods by the Lieutenant, and the Lieutenant again, being laid for by the said Tribunes, and caught in a train, hath not only been mangled all his body over, but when they had cut off his nose, and cropped his ears, was left for dead in the place. And afterwards, when the Lieutenant was recovered and cured of his hurts, he first imprisoned the Tribunes; then he scourged them; and after he had martyred them, and put them to all exquisite tortures that might be devised against bondslaves, he did them to death; & when they were dead, would not suffer them to be interred. Thus ye see how the goddess hath punished and taken vengeance of them that have peeled and robbed her temple: and never will she give over to torment and harry them with all manner of furies and hellish fiends, before the sacred money be again bestowed in the chists and coffers of her treasury. Our ancestors long ago, in time of grievous and cruel war between them and the Crotoniates, because the temple standeth without the city, were desirous to remove that treasure and money from thence, into the city. But in the night there was a voice heard from out of the shrine, that they should hold their hands off; for that the goddess herself knew well enough how to defend her own temple. And because upon this warning they made it a matter of conscience, and were afraid to stir the treasure from thence, they would needs cast a strong wall about the said temple: and when it was brought up to a good height from the ground, behold, suddenly at once all the work came tumbling down. But both now, and oftentimes besides, hath this goddess either guarded her seat and chapel, or else if it hath been any way violated, she hath been grievously revenged by some fearful example of them that have seemed to offer violence to the same. Now for the wrongs that we abide, she is not able; neither is there any other but yourselves (my lords) to right us, and revenge our quarrel. You are they whom we fly unto; unto your protection only in all humble manner, we have recourse. And all one it is to use, whether ye suffer Locri to be under that Lieutenant and that garrison, or yield us unto Annibal in his anger, and to the Carthaginians, for to wreak their teen upon us and our throats. Neither require we, that you should credit and believe our complaint of him that is not now in place, without liberty of his answer, and pleading for himself. Let him come hardly; let him be at the hearing himself, and spare not, let him a gods name clear and acquit himself, if he can. If when all is done and said, it can be proved, that he hath left undone any mischief against us, that one man can devise to do unto another; we will be content to abide and endure all those miseries once again (if it were possible) which we have suffered already, yea, and to hold and declare him guiltless of all offences done both to God and man.  
When the ambassadors had laid abroad those matters, and Q. Fabius demanded of them whether they had complained unto P. Scipto, and uttered these their griefs before him, they made answer and said, That they had sent ambassadors unto him, but he was busied in making preparation for the wars, and was either passed already over into Africa, or upon his voyage ready to take the feas within few days: and they had seen by good experience, in how great favour the Lieutenant Pleminius stood with his general: and namely they were not ignorant how Scipio after he had heard the matter between the Tribunes and him, committed them to prison: but as for the Lieutenant, who was as faulty as the other, if not more, him he left there still in his full authority. Now after that the ambassadors were willed to go forth of the temple where the Senate sat, the chief LL. of the Senate began with biting words to inveigh bitterly against Scipio as well as Pleminius. But above all others, Q Fabius girded at him, and said, That he was borne even to corrupt and mar all military discipline. Thus (quoth he) in Spain also we have lost more by mutinities of our own soldiers, than by the wars with our enemies: for why? after a strange and foreign manner, and according to the guise of kings, one while he cockered his soldiers and suffered them to have their will and head too much; otherwhiles he would be oversharp & cruel to them. After which rough words, he came upon them both thus with as heavy & sharp a sentence, namely, That Pleminius the Lieutenant by his consent should be had away bound in chains to Rome, and there clapped up in prison, until his cause were heard, and judicially determined: and in case those challenges were true, that the Locrians have commenced against him, he should be put to death in prison, and his goods be confiscate and forfeited to the chamber of the city. As for P. Scipio, in that he presumed to depart out of his province withoutcommission and direction from the Senate, he should be called home: and the Tribunes of the Commons dealt with all, to prefer a bill unto the people for his deprivation, and to put him besides his place of government. As touching the Locrians, his opinion was, That the Senate should give them their dispatch, and return them this answer: First, as touching the wrong's that they complained of, it was not the will and pleasure neither of the Senate not of the people of Rome that they were done; who wished with all their hearts that they had been undone: Item, that they acknowledged them to be good men, to be their friends and allies, and so would accept of them and call them. As to their children, their wives, and other goods taken from them whatsoever, their mind was that they should be restored again: Item, that enquiry should be made what sums of money were taken out of the treasury of Proserpina, and that twofold restitution should be made and laid up there in stead of it: Item, that there should be a solemn purgatory sacrifice celebrated for amends and expiation of that sin; but so, as the college first of the Priests and Bishops should be consulted with, and their advice taken in that behalf, (considering the sacred treasure was dilquieted, laid open and violated) namely, what manner of expiations and cleansings were to be used, to what gods, and with what beasts they should sacrifice: Finally, that all the soldiers which were at Locri should be transported over into Sicily; and in their room four cohorts of allies from out of the Latin nation should be brought to lie in garrison there. But every Senator could not be asked his opinion and sentence that day, by reason of their difference and disagreement of minds so hotly incensed, some in favour, other in disfavor of Scipio. For besides the lewd part of Pleminius, and the calamity and oppression of the Locrians, they began to speak against the apparel of the General himself, how he went not like a soldier and a warrior, no nor so much as like a Roman: walking up and down, and squaring it out in the schools and open places of exercise with his mantle and cloak, and in his slippers and pantosles, after the Greek fashion: And that he was over bookish, and set his mind too much upon reading; and took delight to be in the sense school and wrestling place: and all his men and guard about him, as idly and wanton given as he, took joy in the pleasures & delightful seat of Syracuse. As for Carthage and Hannibal, they were quite forgotten: and his whole army through looseness and liberty was spilt and clean lost, like to that of late at Sucro in Spain, and all one with them at this time in Locri, more to be feared of their friends than their enemies. And albeit these matters thus reported, were either true, or mingled with some truths, and therefore sounded all very probable; yet the opinion of Q. Metellus prevailed: who in all other things gave his assent unto Maximus, only as touching Scipto, he varied from him. For I can not see any reason (quoth he) how this can stand, that whom erewhile the whole city chose at those young years of his, to be the only captain for to recover Spain; of whom they made special choice to be their Consul, after that he had gotten Spain from the enemies, to end at once the Punic war; and in whom they reposed great hope, that he was the man to draw Hannibal out of Italy, and to subdue all Africa: he now should all of a sudden be called for home out of his province, as a person almost condemned, without pleading and hearing of his cause, as if he were another Pleminius: considering that eventhose lewd and cruel parts which the Locrians complained of, were by their own words and confession not committed, whiles he was present in place: neither could he be charged & accused directly for aught else but only for his sufferance & connivency, in that upon a tender and respective indulgence of his Lieutenant, he was too remiss, and forbore to punish him with rigour. His advice therefore and opinion was, that M. Pomponius the praetor, unto whose lot the government of Sicily was fallen, should within three days next and immediately ensuing, take his journey into his province: & that the Consuls, should elect x. Commissioners or Delegates but of the Senate, such as they thought good of, & send them with the praetor; likewise two Tribunes of the Commons, and one Aedile: that the praetor with the assistance of these personages, should sit upon a commission to inquire and know the truth: and in case they could find that those things wherewith the Locrians found themselves so much grieved, were done either by commandment and direction from Scipio, or with his will and consent; then to charge him to depart out of the province. But in case that P. Scipio were already passed over into Africa; then the foresaid Tribunes of the Commons, and the Aedile, joining unto them two of the Delegates abovesaid, (such as the Praetor deemed most meet) should sail into Africa: & the Tribunes and Aedile bring with them Scipio from thence: and the two Commissioners have the charge and government of the army, until such time as a new L. General succeeded and came in place. But if M. Pomponius and the ten Delegates abovesaid, found that neither by the direction, nor with the will of P. Scipio these enormities were committed, then P. Scipio should remain still with the army, and go forward with the war as he intended. When this decree of the Senate was once passed, and an act made thereof, they were in hand with the Tribunes either to agree between themselves, or else to cast lots, which two of them should go with the praetor and the Delegates. And then the college of the Bishops were consulted with, about the expiation and making satisfaction for those things which in the temple of Proserpina at Locri were either handled, polluted, or carried forth from thence. The Tribunes of the commons that went the journey with the Praetor & the Commissioners, were M. Claudius Marcellus, & M. Cincius Alimentius: who also had an Aedile of the Commons to assist them, whom they might command, if Scipio would not obey the Praetor, whether he were in Sicily, or gone over into Africa, to apprehend and attach his body; and by virtue of their sacrosanct and inviolable authority to bring him home with them. And first they resolved to go to Locri before they went to Messana. But concerning Pleminius, the report goeth two ways. Some say, that when he was advertised what was intended and devised against him at Rome, he purposed to go to Naples into banishment, and chanced by the way to light upon one of the Delegates abovesaid, and so by him was perforce brought back to Rhegium. Others affirm, that Scipio himself sent out one of his Lieutenants, accompanied with 30 of the most noble knights or gentlemen that he had about him, with a warrant to commit Q. Pleminius, and with him the principal authors of the sedition, and to lay them fast in irons. But certain itis that they all, were it by the commandment of Scipio before, or then by warrant from the Praetor, were put in ward and safecustodie with the Rhegines. The praetor & the Delegates being come to Locri, first and foremost, according to their commission, had a principal care of religion. For all the holy money which they found by diligent search in the custody either of Pleminius, or of the soldiers, together with that which they themselves had brought with them from Rome, they bestowed again in the privy vestries where the treasure was kept: and besides, they made a solemn purgatory sacrifice for the sacrilege. After this, the praetor assembled the soldiers together, and commanded them to carry their ensigns out of the city: where himself encamped upon the plain; and proclaimed that no soldier, as he would answer at his uttermost peril, should either tarry behind, or bring forth any thing with him but his own. Then he gave the Locrians leave, that every man should layhold upon that which he knew to be his own: and if ought were not forthcoming and to be seen, to challenge and put in his claim for it. And above all things, his pleasure was, that all bodies of free persons whatsoever, should without delay be restored unto them, & if any made default of restitution, he should abide the smart and be grievously punished. Then he assembled the Locrians to an audience, and pronounced before them all, That the people and Senate of Rome granted unto them their ancient liberty, and their own laws: giving notice unto them, that whosoever had any thing to say against Pleminius, or any other person by way of accusation, he should follow him to Rhegium, and there give attendance. Also if they were desirous to make a public and open complaint of Scipio, namely, That the facts committed at Locri most impiously and wickedly, against both God and man, passed either under his warrant, or with his leave & liking, than they should send ambassadors to Messana, where he together with his Counsel and assistants would give them audience of all matters, and determine accordingly. The Locrians yielded great thanks to the Pretours and to the Delegates or Commissioners: as also to the Senate and people of Rome: and said, they would go to accuse Pleminius. As for Scipio, although he set little to the heart the injuries and wrongs done unto their city, yet he was a man whose friendship they desired rather to embrace, than to entertain his enmity. And this they knew assuredly, that so many lewd pranks, & so horrible parts there played, were neither by the direction nor yet with the connivency and toleration of P. Scipio: but his only fault was, that either he trusted Pleminius overmuch, or credited them too little. And some men (say they) be of this nature, that they will have a careful regard for to prevent sin, and earnest desire that no offence be committed, rather than courage and heart to punish and correct faults when they are once done & passed.  
Hereupon both the Pretours and also the Commissioners with him, thought themselves well cased of no small burden and charge of making farther inquisition and fitting upon the cause of Scipio. But Pleminius and two and thirty persons more with him, they condemned & sent bound in chains to Rome. They themselves went also in person to Scipio, to be eie-witnesses & to make report at Rome of their own knowledge, as touching the manner of apparel, the idle life of the General, and the lose, dissolute, and corrupt military discipline of his soldiers; so rise and common in many men's mouths. Against their coming to Saracose, Scipio was provided of deeds to approve his innocency, and not of words to excuse his folly. He gave order for all his forces there to meet, & for his armada to be in readiness, as if he were that day to give battle both by land and sea to the Carthaginians. The very same day that they arrived thither, they were friendly received & courteously entertained by Scipio. The morrow after, he showed them all his forces, as well as for land as sea service, not only furnished, well appointed, and in readiness; but the one sort, namely the land soldiers, running and charging one another at tourney; and the sea servitors likewise within the haven, representing a naval combat with their ships. Then he led the praetor and the other commissioners all about, to see the arsenal and armory, the storehouses, the garners of corn, and all other provision and furniture for the war. At the view and sight whereof, they were stricken with such exceeding admiration, both of every thing in particular, and of all in general, that they were fully persuaded, that either by the conduct of that captain and valour of that army, the Carthaginians might be overcome & conquered, or by none other in the world: yea, and they willed him in the name of God, without more ado to pass over into Africa, and withal speed possible to make the people of Rome to enjoy the effect of that hope which they conceived that very day, on which all the Centuries nominated and declared him with one voice the former Consul of the twain: and with so joyous hearts they took their leave and departed from thence, as if they were to bring tidings to Rome of a glorious victory; and not to make relation and report of a magnifical & stately preparation for war. Pleminius and all they that were likewise attaint and guilty, after they came to Rome, were immediately clapped up and laid fast in prison. At the first time when they were brought out before the people by the Tribune's, they could find no grace, no favour nor mercy amongst them, their minds were so sorstalled & possessed aforehand, with the consideration of the woful miseries & calamities of the poor Locrians. But afterwards, being produced oftener unto them, as the hatred conceived against him, began to wear and decay, so mens anger grew to assuage and soften: besides the piteous plight and deformed hue of Pleminius there present, and the remembrance withal, of Scipio now absent, got him some favour with the people. Yet he died in prison, before his cause was judicially tried, and definitive sentence of him passed. Clodius Licinius reporteth in this third book of the Roman stories, that this Pleminius in the time of the games which Africanus second time Consul, exhibited at Rome, according to a vow by him made; went about (by the help of some whom he had corrupted and waged for money) to set the city on fire in divers places, thereby to have opportunity to break prison and make an escape: but when his wicked purpose was once disclosed and brought to light, he was condemned and awarded by an act of Senate to the dungeon Tullianum. But as for Scipio, there were no words made of him, neither came he in question any where else but in the Senate: where all with one accord, both commissioners and tribunes, by extolling and magnifying with glorious words, the navy, the army and the captain, brought it so about, that the Senate thought good and were agreed, that with all convenient speed Scipio should over into Africa, and have liberty granted out of those armies which were in Sicily, to make choice of those whom he would himself transport over with him into Africa, and whom he would leave behind for the guard and defence of the province.  
Whiles these things passed thus amongst the Romans; the Carthaginians also having spent all the winter time in much suspicion and continual fear, hearkening to all news, and inquiring fearfully of every messenger, and keeping watch upon all their promontories & high hills by the sea side, bestirred themselves likewise, and procured the society and alliance of K. Syphax, a matter of no small importance for the safeguard and defence of Africa, in hope & confidence of whose amity and friendship especially, they were persuaded, that Scipio intended to sail over into Africa. Now there had been already between Asdrubal the son of Gisgo and the king, not only familiar acquaintance by way of kind welcoming and reciprocal hospitality, since the time (as hath been said before) that Scipio and Asdrubal fortuned to meet at one time together in the king's house, when they came out of Spain; but also some treaty was already begun of alliance and affinity, and a motion made, that the king should espouse and wed the daughter of Asdrubal. For the assurance of this matter, and the appointment of a certain day for the solemnising of the marriage (for now the damosel was ready for an husband, and marriageable) Asdrubal took a journey, and seeing the king burning in love (as these Numidians of all other barbarous nations are most given that way, & exceeding amorous) he sent for the maiden from Carthage, and hastened the wedding. And among other congratulations that passed between, to the end, that besides the private affinity, there should be also a public league, there was an alliance concluded between the people of Carthage and the king, by giving and taking their faithful promise interchangeably, and obliging themselves by a solemn o'th' one to the other to observe it as well offensive as defensive, & to have the same enemies & the same friends for ever. But Asdrubal remembering both the friendship begun between Scipio and the king, and also how fickle & variable the natures of the Barbarians are; & fearing if Scipio should pass over into Africa, that this bond of wedlock would not be strong enough to hold the king in; took the time whiles this Numidian prince was inflamed with his fresh love, induced him what with reasons, and what with the fair words and allurements of his young spouse, to send Ambassadors into Sicily to Scipio, for to advise him not to pass over into Africa, nor to rely upon any confidence of him, ne yet to build upon his former promises. For as much as himself was not only linked in matrimony with a citizen of Carthage, the daughter of that Asdrubal whom he saw entertained as a guest in his court, but also joined in a public league with the people of Carthage. And first he exhorted him that the Romans would war with the Carthaginians far from afric, as hitherto they had done; for fear lest he should of necessity be forced to have an hand, and intermeddle in their quarrels; and so whiles he desired to avoid the danger and hostility of one part or other, be driven at length to side one way: giving him more plainly to understand, That if Scipio would not forbear Africa, but needs come with an army against Carthage, then must he necessarily fight in defence of the land of Africa, wherein himself was borne, and for the native country, for the father and house of his own wife. With this commission & direction were certain Orators sent unto Scipio, who met with him at Saracose, and there delivered their message. Scipio, albeit he was disappointed greatly of his ground work that he had laid for his wars in Africa, and put besides his good hopes; gave the ambassadors letters into afric unto the king, and sent them back again in all haste, before the thing were published and come abroad. In which letters he requested him earnestly to be advised and bethink himself that he broke not the rights either of friendship and hospitality begun with him, or of the league and society entered with the people of Rome: nor violated justice and faithful promise made by giving right hands: ne yet beguile and abuse the gods, the witnesses and judges of all covenants & agreements made. But for as much as the coming of those Numidians could not be concealed (for they went all about the city, & were daily conversant in the General his lodging: & if it should have been kept secret where about they came, it was to be doubted lest the truth the more it was smothered and dissimuled, the more it would break forth & come to light: and so the army was to stand in fear, that they were to war at once both with the king and Carthaginians. Scipio therefore buzzed aforehand into men's heads, false devised matters, and so withdrew them from the understanding of the truth indeed. He assembled all his soldiers together, and said unto them; That now it was no longer staying and trisling out the time: bearing them in hand, that the kings, his allies and confederates, importuned him to set over into Africa with all convenient speed: that Masanissa beforetime himself in person came to Laelius, grieving & complaining that the time ran thus on in delays and doing nothing: and Syphax now sent his ambassadors, musing much and wondringwhat the cause should be of so long temporizing: and requiring that either the army without more a do, should be set over at once: or else if their minds & purposes were changed, to certify him so much, that he likewise might provide for himself & his kingdom. And therefore he did them to were and understand, that he intended (now that he was sufficiently provided & furnished of all things; & considering that the imprese might abide no farther stay) to conduct his armada to Lilybaeum, to wait the first good day of wind and weather, to take the seas for a bon-voiage, and with God's grace and favour to set sail for Africa. His letters he dispatched to Marcus Pomponius to this effect, That if he thought so good, he should repair to Lilybaeum, to the end they might commune and consult together, what legions especially, and what number of soldiers he should transport over with him into Africa. In like manner, he sent all about the maritime and sea coasts, to stayall the carracks & ships of burden, & to bring them away at once to Lilybaeum. Now when all the ships and serviceable men in Sicily were assembled to Lilybaeum, so as neither the city was able to receive the multitude of soldiers, nor the haven contain the number of the vessels; so earnestly minded they were all, and so hotly set upon their voyage into Africa, that they seemed as if they were conducted not to fight a war, but to enjoy the assured rewards of a victory. But especially above all others, the soldiers remaining of the Cannian army, were verily persuaded, that under this captain, or else none, by valiantly quitting themselves in the service of the Commonweal, they should be able to end and finish their ignominious and shameful soldiery. And Scipio himself made no base account of those kind of soldiers, as knowing full well that the defeature received at Cannae, was not occasioned by their cowardice: neither were there throughout the Roman army any soldiers so ancient and of so long continuance, or so well experienced not only in many and sundry soughten fields, but also in the assaulting of towns and cities. And these Legions of Cannae were the fifth and six in order. Now when he had once resolved and given out, that he would transport them over with him into Africa, than he took a particular view of them, man by man. And having culled out those, and left them behind, whom he supposed unmeet and unsufficient, he substituted in their place those whom he had brought with him out of Italy: and so fully he supplied and made up the number of those Legions, that either of them had six thousand and two hundred foot, and three hundred men of arms. He chose also out of the same army of Cannae, both horsemen and footmen, of the allies and confederates of the Latin nation. What power of soldiers in the whole were set over into Africa, writers differ not a little in the number. In some authors I find, that they were ten thousand foot, and two thousand and two hundred horse; in others, fifteen thousand footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen. In some records again, they were more by one half and better, namely, that of horse and foot there were embarked five and thirty thousand. And others there be, that have set down no number at all, amongst whom, as in a matter so doubtful and uncertain, I would myself be counted for one. But Calius for his part, as he forbeareth to put down any number at also he seemeth to imply an infinite multitude of them, in that he saith, That with a cry and shout that the soldiers set up, the very fowls of the air fell down to the ground: & he that had seen the multitude of them when they went a shipbord, would have said, there had not been a man left behind, either in Italy or in Sicily. Well, how many or how few soever they were, Scipio himself took the charge to see the soldiers embarked in good order, & without any tumult. As for the sailors & mariners, who were forced before to shipbord, C. Laelius the Admiral of the navy, kept them still & quiet within their ships. M. Pomponius the Praetor had commission for to furnish the armada with corn & victuals: who made provision of food and sustenance for 45 days: of which there was of baked meats and other viands already dressed, as much as would suffice for fifteen days. Now when they were all embarked, he sent about to all the ships, certain pinnaces or cockboats, and commanded all the pilots and masters of every ship, with two soldiers a piece, to come into the market place, there to receive their charge. When they were all met and assembled together, first he inquired of them whether they had provided and taken into their vessels fresh water sufficient both for man and beast, to hold out so many days as their corn would serve? and when answer was made, that they had water in their ships to last five and forty days: then he charged and commanded the soldiers to keep silence and be quiet during their navigation, & without any strife and contention to be obedient unto the mariners, and willing to help in any ministery and service whatsoever, saying, That himself and L. Scipio would keep on the right wing with twenty strong ships with brazen beak heads, and C. Lelius the Admiral with M. Porcius the Treasurer on the left, with as many of the same fort, to waft over and guard the hulks and ships of burden: willing and requiring that there should be lights in all their vessels, namely, that every brazen headed ship should have one; each Carrack twain; and the Admiral ship, wherein the General was, three lights, for a special mark, to be discerned from the rest in the night. And so he commanded the Pilots to steer and direct their course for Emporia. [The territory hereabout is most fertile and fruitful, whereby the whole country aboundeth in plenty of all things: the barbarous peisants (as commonly it falleth out in battle and plentiful lands) are cowards, and unapt for war, and it was thought they might be surprised and subdued before any succour could come from Carthage.] When these directions were given, they were commanded to retire unto their ships, and the next morrow at the signal, with the help of the gods to weigh anchor, hoist up sails and away. Many Roman Armadaes had aforetime set out of Sicily, and the very same port: but never any voyage all the time of that war, no nor during the former, made so goodly a show, and was so much looked on. And no marvel, for most of their other fleets were sent out only to rob and to fetch in booties and prizes. And yet if a man would esteem navies by the number and greatness of ships: there had been aforetime two Consuls together, who went over with the power of two complete armies: and in every of those fleets there were well-near as many war ships with brazen beak heads, as hulks and carricks in those that Scipio transported over. For besides fifty long ships of war, he had not all our four hundred ships of burden and passage to transport over his army with. But if we will compare both wars together, the second seemed unto the Romans more sharp and cruel than the former: both because it was fought within Italy; and also by reason of so great overthrows of so many armies, together with the loss and death of their General captains. Moreover, great expectation there was of Scipio the Commander and General of this voyage, a man much renewned and talked of, both in regard of his own noble acts of chivalry, and also for a special and singular fortune that followed him in all his exploits; whereby he grew every day more glorious than other, which caused all men's hearts to be set upon him: beside his very resolution and mind that he carried, to pass over into Africa, which all the while of that war entered not into the head of any captain before him; in that he gave it out abroad, That he meant to go over, with intent to draw and fetch Hannibal out of Italy, and to divert and translate the war into Africa, and there to finish and make an end of it. There came running unto the haven to see the setting out of this Armada, the whole multitude, not only of the inhabitants of Lilybaeum, but also the train of all the Embassages out of Sicily, which were come together for to accompany Scipio, and to do him honour, and also attended upon the praetor of the province M. Pomponius. Over and besides, those legions also which were left behind in Sicily, went forward to bear their fellow soldiers company. So that not only the navy was a goodly prospect unto the beholders upon the land, but also the strand so overspread all about with numbers of people, made a brave and pleasant show unto these passengers that were in the ships. When day light once appeared, Scipio from out of the Admiral (after silence commanded by voice of the crier) prayed in this wise: O ye gods & goddesses all, 
The prayer of Scipio.  that haunt & inhabit the seas and lands both, I beseech and pray you to vouchsafe, That all that ever hath been done already, is now intended, or shall hereafter be enterprise d, during my conduct and government, may speed well, and turn to the good of myself, the people and Commonalty of Rome, our allies, and especially those of the Latin nation; who by land, by sea, by rivers, follow the direction, command, government, and fortune of myself, and of the people of Rome, and that in all our actions ye would be good, gracious, favourable, and helpful unto us, and advance all our proceedings: that ye would grant us the victory over our enemies: and after we have subdued them, to continue safe and sound: and adorned with their goodly spoils, laden with their rich pillage, to return home all together with glorious triumph: and give us the hand and opportunity to be revenged of our foes and mortal enemies: and deign me and the people of Rome that power and strength, to execute upon the city of the Carthaginians those fearful examples of cruelty, which the people of Carthage intended to practise and bring upon our city and state. After these prayers thus pronounced, he took the raw inwards and purtenance of the beast killed for sacrifice (as the manner is) and flung them into the sea: and with that by sound of trumpet, gave the signal of departure.  
Now were they under sail: and having a good great gale of a forewind, they soon lost the sight of land. In the afternoon, there began to fall a thick mist; by reason whereof the ships could hardly avoid running one upon another. But when they were once in the main and deep sea, the wind became more mild: and all the night following, the same dark mist continued still. After the sun was once up it broke and dispersed, and then the wind again grew big and high, by which time they might discover land. And not long after, the pilot said unto Scipio, that they were not full two leagues from Africa; and that he saw well and discerned the cape or point of Mercurius: and if his will and pleasure were thither to direct their course, presently the whole armada should be in the road. Scipio so soon as he was within view of land, after he had made his prayers unto the gods, to bless this first discovery of Africa to his own good and the benefit of the Commonweal; gave commandment to sail still, and to put with the shore and ride at anchar in some bay beneath. So they made way with the same wind. But about that very time as the day before, they were misted again, and lost the sight of land. And as the fog increased, the wind fell: the night also that came upon them besides, made all things more doubtful. Whereupon they cast anchar, for fear that the ships should either hit one upon another, or run aground. When day light arose, the same wind was up again, but the foggy mist scattered; and then they might see plainly all the coast of Africa. Scipio then demanded what promontory it was that he saw next; and hearing that the name of it was The head Pulchrum, [or The fair Cape] The name (quoth he) pleaseth me, and the presage thereof I like full well; even thither put the ships aland: and so the Armada entered the bay, and all the host was set ashore. Thus have I reported that they had a prosperous voyage without any fearful danger, or much trouble; geving credit herein to very many writers, as well greeks as Latins. Only Caelius (setting aside that the ships were not cast away and drowned amid the surging waves) writeth, how all other dangers both of water & weather encountered them: in so much as at last the Armada was driven by temprest from the coast of Africa, 
Gaic●●e.  and fell upon the island Aegimurus, from whence they had much ado to recover their direct course again: and finally when the ships were at hand to sink under the water, that the soldiers faring like men at point to suffer shipwreck, without licence and commandment of their General, and without their armour, in great fear made shift with boats to recover the shore.  
The Romans thus being landed, pitched their tents among the hills next adjoining. By which time the terror and fearful fright of this their arrival was not entered only into the Maritime coasts and territories bounding upon the sea, first upon the discovery of the fleet, and afterwards by reason of the rumour and tumult of the army, as it came ashore; but also spread forward as far as to the good towns and very cities. For not only the high ways were all filled and overspread with multitudes of men, women and children, who went by heaps together one with another; but also the country peasants drove before them whole herds of cat-tail: as a man would have said that had seen it, how all Africa was like to be abandoned at once on a sudden: in such sort, as they put the cities in deed in greater fear and perplexity than they were themselves, and especially Carthage above all others: where there was no less trouble and hurliburley, then if it had been surprised and forced by the enemy. For since time that M. Attilius Regulus, and L. Manlius were Coss. for the space almost of fifty years, they had not once so much as seen and army of Romans, but only certain fleets of rovers and men of war, who had landed at times, and made some roads into the lands lying upon the seaside: and when they had harried some prizes, such as came next hand, they ever were retired again to their ships, before the alarm could be given to raise the country. The greater therefore now was both the flight and fright within the city. And to speak a truth, good cause they had; by reason that there was neither at home in readiness an army of puissance to encounter the enemy, nor a Captain of valour to conduct and lead an army. Asdrubal the son of Gisgo, for nobility and high parentage, for honour and renown, for wealth and riches, and besides for the new affinity then contracted with a King, was of all others the greatest parsonage by many degrees, yea & the only man of the whole State. And him they remembered very well to have been foiled, discomfited, and beaten out of the field in Spain, by the selfsame Scipio in divers and sundry battles. Also they made account, that they were no more able to match the captains man for man, than to compare and set their tumultuary power raised in haste, with the stayed and experienced army of the Romans. Therefore they gave the alarm presently, as if Scipio were ready to assault Carthage out of hand: the gateswith all speed were shut and made sure: the walls manned with soldiers: the corpse de guard set: watch and ward kept: and all the night following the Sentinels duly relieved and maintained. The next day, 500 light horse were sent out as espials & vantcurriers to discover and scour the quarters to the sea side; and with all to impeach them that were a disbarking and coming aland: who chanced to light upon the Romans corpse de guard. For Scipio had sent away the fleet already to Utica, and before he was gone up into the land far from the sea, had encamped upon the next hills thereby, placed guards of horsemen in convenient places, and put out certain foragers into the fields and villages for to raise booties. These having entered skirmish with the Carthaginian cornet of horsemen, slew a few of them in the very conflict, but most of them as they fled and were followed in chase: amongst whom was Hanno also the Provost marshal, a noble young gentleman. Scipio not only wasted the country all about, but also wan a city of the Africans that stood nearest, and was of sufficient wealth: where besides other pillage which was presently embarked in the ships of burden and sent into Sicily, there were taken prisoners eight thousand poles of free and bond one with another. But the greatest joy and contentment that the Romans took in this new entrance and beginning of their warlike affairs, was for the coming of Masanissa; whom some report to have presented himself with two hundred horse and no more: but the most do write that he came with two thousand. But for as much as this Masanissa was of all other kings for his time the greatest Prince and most puissant, and with all, he that stood the Romans in best steed, and helped their state, none like unto him: me thinks it were worth the labour, and would quit for all the pains, to digress a little out of the way, for to show and declare in what v arietie of alternative fortune he was tossed, both in the loss and also in the recovery of the inheritance of his father's kingdom.  
This Masanissa, whiles he was employed during the wars of Spain, in the defence and quarrel of the Carthaginians; his father, whose name was Gala, happened to die: and then the kingdom fell by descent, according to the custom and manner of the Numidians, unto Desalces the late king's brother, a man of great years, and very aged. And not long after, when Desalces also was departed this life, Capusa the elder of his two sons, (for the other was a very child) succeeded in his father's kingdom. But for as much as he the foresaid Capusa maintained his royal estate and throne, more by reason of the authority and reputation that he carried among this friends and favourites, than by power and strength; there arose up in arms one named Mezetulus (who also was descended of royal blood, but of an house that was ever of the adverse and contrary side) and contended in much variety of fortune about the crown, with those who then swayed the sceptre. This Mezetulus having gathered a power of his tenants, followers, and paisants of the country (with whom he carried a great stroke and was highly esteemed, by reason of the hatred that they bore unto the king's race) encamped openly and showed himself in action, yea and forced the king to come into the field, and to try the title of the crown in a set battle by dint of sword. In which conflict, Capusa, together with many of his peers and nobles was slain, and the whole nation and signory of the Massylians, was reduced under the rule and obedience of Mezetulus. Howbeit he forbore to be called king; and contenting himself with the mean name of Tutor or Protector, gave the king's stile unto the child Lacumax, who only remained alive of the king's issue & line. He took to wife a noble dame & lady of Carthage, Hannibal his niece by his sister, who had been lately wedded unto king Desalces; hoping thereby to enter into league and alliance with the Carthaginians: and besides, for to renew the ancient familiarity and amity with Syphax, he sent ambassadors unto him of purpose. Thus made he himself strong aforehand against Masanissa.  
Masanissa likewise for his part, being advertised of his uncles death, and also how his cousin germane was deceased: crossed the seas out of Spain over to Mauritania, at what time as Bocchar was king of the Moors. At whose hands by humble suit & importunate prayers in most lowly manner, he obtained a power of four thousand Moors to accompany him in his journey, for otherwise to employ them in war he might not. And after he had dispatched a messenger aforehand to those that were his father's friends and well-willers to himself, by that time that he was come with them to the confines of his realm, there met him almost five hundred Numidians, Having therefore sent back again the Moors from thence unto the king, according to covenant, albeit there was assembled together a smaller number of people than he hoped and looked for, and not so sufficient that he durst adventure upon so great an enterprise; and supposing withal, that by entering into some action, and by travail and endeavour, he should gather strength still to perform some greater exploit, he encountereth at Thapsus the young king Lacumax, as he journeyed unto Syphax. And when the king's company in great fear fled into the town, Mesanissa both at the first assault won the said town, and also of the king's train received some that yielded themselves, and slew othersome that made resistance in their own defence. But the greatest part with the child himself the young Prince, got away in that tumult and escaped unto Syphax, unto whom at first they intended their journey. The same of this small thing, so happily achieved in the first beginning & entrance of his affairs, caused all the Numidians to revolt and side with Masanissa. So as there flocked unto him from all parts of the country, and out of the villages, the old soldiers of king Gala, and incited the young Prince and set him on to recover his father's kingdom. Now in number of soldiers, Mezetulus was a good deal superior: for both himself had the same army still entire, with which he had vanquished Capusa, besides some others that after the slaughter of the king, he had received upon their yielding: and also young Lacumax the infant, had brought great aids from Syphax: so that Mezetulas was fifteen thousand foot, and ten thousand horse strong. With whom Masanissa, albeit he were nothing so puissant either in foot or horse, fought a battle; yet achieved he the victory through the approved valour of the old soldiers, and his own politic wisdom, being a captain well experienced and exercised both in Roman and Punic wars. The young prince together with his tutor and protector, and some small number of Massylians, fled and escaped into the territories of the Carthaginians. Thus Masanissa having recovered his father's kingdom, & foreseeing that there remained still behind a far greater bickerment and encounter with Syphax, & taking it to be the best course and policy for him, to be reconciled and made friends with his cousin germane: addressed certain messengers both unto the child, for to put him in good hope & assurance, that if he would submit and yield himself under the protection of Masanissa, he should live in as honourable place and degree with him, as Desalces sometime had done with his father Gala: & also to Mezetulus to give their word & promise unto him, not only for impunity of all trespass, but also for faithful restitution of all things that were his. By which means he persuaded both of them to take part with him: who made choice of a mean estate at home in their own country, rather than to live in exile: notwithstanding the Carthaginians laboured all that ever they could to the contrary.  
Asdrubal happened at that time when these occurrences fell out, to make his abode with Syphax: who finding the Numidian king Syphax resolved upon this point, and fully persuaded, That it mattered not, not imported himself much, whither Lacumax or Masanissa were king of the Massylians: replied upon him and said, That he was foully deceived, if he thought that Masanissa would keep himself within those terms, that either his father Gala or his uncle Desalces, held them contented with: No, no, (quoth he) there is much more towardness in him, and far greater signs of haughty mind and forward wit and spirit appear in him, than ever showed in any of his house and line before him. Full often hath he in Spain made good proof of rare valour and singular prowess, as well unto his friends as his enemies. And let both Syphax and the Carthaginians look as well about them as they can, for unless they put out his sparkle of fire betimes, and even at the first beginning, it will be their chance to be caught therewith, when it shall burn forth; and able they shall not be to help the matter and quench the rage thereof. Mary as yet his strength is small and slender, his forces frail, tender, and feeble, and not well united together to maintain his state, unsettled as he is in his kingdom. Thus he importuned him still by reasons and persuasions, until at length he reduced him to lead forth an army into the confines of the Masaesylians: and there in that territory, about the title where of he had oftentimes no●onely contended by plea and words with Gala, but also by arms and dint of sword, to encamp himself as in his rightful and undoubted inheritance: with this direction, That if any came against him to warn him off the ground, then to try his interest by sword: which was the only way of necessity to be taken, and most for the purpose: but in case for fear of him they quit the possession quietly, then to avance forward into the heart of the kingdom; for either the Massylians would without battle render themselves under subjection, or else in a pitched field not be able to stand out against him. Upon these suggestions Syphax was incited & pricked on● info much as he made war upon Masanissa, and in the first battle discomfired and put to flight the Masaesylians. And Masanissa with some few horsemen fled out of the field & escaped unto a mountain which the inhabitants call Balbus. Certain whole families and households with their sheds and tents, together with their cat-tail (which is all their riches) went after and followed the king. But all the multitude of the Masaesylians besides, did homage unto Syphax and came under his obedience. This mountain aforesaid, which these exiles that fled their country was possessed of was plentiful of grass and well watered; and being so good for pasture to feed their cat-tail, it yielded sufficient maintenance and food abundant, for the people that used to live upon flesh and milk. From hence they began at first to steal out by night and make roads; but afterwards in open day light to rob & spoise all the country about: but above all others to fire and burn the territory of the Carthaginians: both because there were more prizes to be had from thence, than from the Numidians; and also for that it was more safe robbing & harrying there without danger. This they practised so long, so licentiously, and in such scornful manner, that now they would carnie their booties to the sea side, and make markets and sale thereof to the merchants: and for this purpose divers ships arrived thither to traffic: yea & otherwhiles there were many of the Carthaginians cut off and came short home, and more of them were either slain or taken prisoners, than often times in open wars and set battles. The Carthaginians bewailed and complained of these matters unto Syphax, and spurred him forward (disposed well enough as he was of himself to revenge) for to pursue the relics of the war, in his own person. But for as much as it was not thought to stand with the royal majesty of a king, to chase and hunt a rabble of vagrant thieves about the mountains; therefore Bocchar one of the king's captains, a right hardy and valorous man, was chosen to do the feat, and to perform that service. Who had the conduct of four thousand foot, and two thousand horse: and was promised besides, great gifts and mighty rewards, in case he brought away the head of Masanissa: but if he could take him prisoner alive, that were alone indeed, & a peerless piece of work, of inestimable joy beyond all measure. He waiting his time when the enemies were straggling rechlessely abroad, came upon them at unawares and charged them, and having singled put from the guard of the armed soldiers, a huge number both of people and cattle, he forced Masanissa himself with some few horsemen to take the top of the mountain. From whence after he had sent away unto the king (as if the war had now been at point of an end) not only a great booty both of people and cat-tail, the which he had taken, but also part of his forces, as being much greater in proportion, than for to dispatch the remnants of a war: accompanied with no more than five hundred foot, and two hundred horse, he pursued Masanissa being come down from the hill tops, & there having beset & stopped the passages at both ends, enclosed him within the straight & narrow valley. Where there was committed a great execution and carnage of the Masaesylians, but Masanissa with fifty horsemen and not above, got away through the unknown and hidden cranks of the mountain, and escaped the hands of the pursuers. Howbeit, Bocshar traced him still, and followed him at heels so narrowly, that near to the city Clupea he overtook him in the plains, where he so straightly environned him about, that he killed all his company every one, save only four horsemen. With whom, in that tumult he let slip as it were out of his hands Masanissa also himself, sore wounded, and lost him clean. As he fled, he had still in his eye certain cornets of horsemen dispersed all over the plain, & some of them crossing the ways overthwart to meet the enemy at every turn, and to intercept him. But he and the four horsemen with him fled forward still, and took the great river before them: for their fear & fright was greater than to make any stay at the bank side, but to put their horses to it, and plunge in: where they were carried with the current of the stream, and borne to a side: two of them in the sight of the enemies, were swallowed up of the deep hurlpits; himself also was supposed to have perished with them, but he and the other two horsemen besides caught hold of certain twigs of others that grew under the banks on the farther side. So Bocchar made an end of farther pursuit, as neither daring to take the river, nor believing that he had any enemy for to chase. And thus returned he to the king with false news, that Masanissa was drowned. And divers posts and the courtiers were sent our to Carthage, to report these exceeding joyful tidings. This rumour and same of Masanissa his death, being noised all over Africa, wrought diversely in the minds of men. But Masanissa keeping himself close in a secret cave, whiles he cured his hurt with certain herbs, lived for some days by the breviting and robbery of the other two horsemen. So soon as the wound was once healed up and skinned over, and that he though himself able to abide the sitting & shaking of his horse, with exceeding courage and boldness he set forward again to claim and recover his kingdom. And having in the way as he passed; gotten together unto him not above forty horse, by that time that he was come among the Massylians, and gave out openly who he was, he prevailed so much with them, that as well in regard of their ancient favour and love toward him, as also for the unexpected joy, that they saw him alive and sound, whom they verily believed to have been dead; within few days there were gathered and assembled unto him 6000 foot, and 4000 horse. So as not only he was restored again, and put in full possession of his father's kingdom, but also wasted and spoiled the confederate nations of the Carthaginians, yea, and the frontiers and confines of the Masaesyli, which belonged to the kingdom and dominion of Syphax. Having thus provoked Syphax to war, he set him down and encamped between the cities of Cirtha and Hippo, upon the ridge of certain hills, places of advantage and commodious in all respects. Then Syphax supposing it a greater piece of work, and of more importance than to be managed by his captains, sent part of his forces under the conduct of his son, the young prince, named Vermina, and gave order unto him to wheel about with his power, and whiles the enemy was amused upon himself one way, to charge upon him behind another way. So Vermina set forth, and took his way by night, because he was to give the charge closely, and in secret. But Syphax, who was to show himself with banner displayed, and to bid the enemy battle, marched openly by day light, and advanced forward. And when the time (as he thought) was come, wherein they that were sent about to fetch a compass, might reach to the place appointed, himself also trusting as well in the multitude of his men, as in the ambush laid before at the enemies back, set his battle in array; directly upon the side of the hill, which with gentle and easy ascent ariseth, and leadeth toward the enemy. Masanissa likewise arraunged his men, presuming most of all in the plot of ground, which served much better for his advantage to fight. The battle was sharp and cruel, and for a long time doubtful. Whiles the site of the place, and valour of the soldiers much helped Masanissa; and the number again on the other side, which exceeded beyond all measure, and made too great odds, availed Syphax. This multitude divided into two battaillons, whiles the one was opposed affront the enemy, and the other compassed about their tail and back part, gave the victory clear unto Syphax: in so much, as the enemy thus enclosed both before and behind, had no way in the world to escape. Whereupon all the footmen and horsemen both were either killed or taken prisoners. Only two hundred horsemen or very near so many, which were gathered in a ring together about Masanissa, 
\` Golfodi Caps. these Syrteses., to well the greater as the less, are in the Med●teranaen sea near afric, full of shelves and bars: & are called Secche or Baros de Barbaria.  he commanded to cast themselves by troops and squadrons into three several companies, and so to pierce and break through: but first he appointed them a certain place before, where they should rally and meet together again after their scattered flight. Himself in person, at one side which he had proposed to himself before, made means to pass through the very pikes & darts of the enemies, and escaped. Two of those squadrons tarried still behind, the one for fear yielded to the enemy, the other sticking to it, & making more resistance, was overcharged with shot of arrows and darts. But Masanissa winding in & out, to and fro, deluded Vermina, who pressed hard upon him, and followed him fast at heels: and after he had wearied him out at length in tedious travail and desperate pursuit, caused him perforce to give over the chase. Whiles he himself with seventy horse got away as far as to the less 
* the sea costs 〈◊〉, as Or relius hath no.  Syrets. Where he set up his rest, & quieted his conscience, in that he had so often right valiantly sought to recover the inheritance of his father's kingdom: and led his life between the 
sei out of ●oly bius.  Punic Emporia, and the nation of the Garamants, until the arrival of the Roman navy, and C. Laelius into Africa. These presumptions induce met to think and believe, that Masanissa came afterwards also to Scipio with a final power of horsemen, rather than with any great aid. For that multitude was besitting the state of a prince, established in his kingdom, but this small number beseemed the mean condition and fortune of a poor exile and banished man.  
Now to return again unto our story. The Carthaginians having lost the cornet of horsemen aforesaid, together with their captain, and raised another power of horse, by taking new musters, made Hanno the son of Amilcar commander over them. And first by messengers and letters missive they sent for Asdrubal and Syphax one after another, and at last also even by Ambassadors and Orators. As for Asdrubal, they required him to succour his native country, beset in manner round about: Syphax they besought and requested to provide for the safety & defence of Carthage and all Africa.  
At that time Scipio was encamped near Utica, within a mile of the city: for he was removed from the sea side, where some few days, he kept a standing camp close to the fleet. Hanno having received a power of cavalry, nothing sufficient and strong enough to charge upon the enemy, nor so much as to guard and defend the country from wasting and spoiling, first before all other things cast about and devised, how he might augment his number of horsemen by a new levy and enroulement. And albeit he rejected none of other nations, yet he levied and waged the Numidians especially, the best horsemen simply in all Africa. Now had he gathered together upon a four thousand horse, when he surprised a city named Salera, almost fifteen miles from the Romance camp. And when word was brought to Scipio, that so great a cavalry took up their summer standing harbour within a town; Tush (quoth he) I pass not, if they were more than they are, so long as they have such a one for to be their leader. And thinking with himself, that the more slowly the enemies went to work, the less he was to slack his business, he sent Masanissa before with the horsemen, and gave commandment to ride up and down before the gates, to brave the enemy, and to train him forth to fight: with this direction, that when their whole multitude was issued forth, and the skirmish grown so hot, that he might not well endure the charge, he should give ground and recoil by little and little, for he would himself come in due time to the battle. And staying no longer behind, than whiles he thought Masanissa who was gone afore, had time enough to train the enemies forth, he followed after in person with the Roman horsemen, and marched closely under the hills (which stood fitly for the purpose, opposite, between him and the enemy) about every turning of the way. Masanissa for the nonce according to the direction given him, one while right courageously galloped before the gates, as one that would brave and terrify the enemy, another while as if he had been afraid himself, gave back; and by this counterfeit show of searchfulnesse, he made the enemies more bold and venturous, and drew them on to pursue him rashly. But as yet they were not all gone forth, and their captain was diversely troubled, and had much ado with them, whiles he was fain to force and compel some that had taken their load of wine, and were heavy headed and sleepy withal, to arm themselves, and to bridle their horses, and to stay others from running out of all the gates at once confusedly, without order and array, and without their colours. Masanissa caught up those, and cut them short, that apart from their company at the first setting out, road venturously forward, and took no heed to themselves: but anon when more of them rushed forth at once out of the gate, the skirmish was maintained with equal valour on both sides, and at last, when all the horsemen were abroad and joined in battle, Masanissa was not possibly able to hold out any longer. Howbeit he fled not outright, but as he gave back leisurely, he received them as they violently charged upon him, so long, until he had trained them to those hills, under which the Roman cavalry lay hidden. Then rose the horsemen from out of their ambush, themselves in heart, and their horses fresh; and environned Hanno and then Africanes, who with fight and following were tired out and overweried: Masanissa likewise turned his horses suddenly, and made head again, and returned to battle afresh: so there were environed, intercepted, and killed in the place together with Hanno himself the General, fast upon a thousand, even as many as were in the vaward, and could not well retire themselves backward. The rest affrighted with the death of their leader, fled with bridle on horse neck; whom for the space of three miles the conquerors followed in chase upon the spur, and either flew or took prisoners two thousand horsemen of them besides. Amongst whom there were, as it is for certain known, no fewer than two hundred natural Carthaginians, men of arms, and divers of them of good mark, both in regard of wealth and riches, as also of birth and noble parentage.  
It fortuned that the very same day when this happened, the ships which had transported over the booty into Sicily, returned back charged with provision of victuals, as if they bodened and foretockened by their arrival, that they were come for a new pillage and fresh prizes. But all writers do not accord, that two Carthaginian captains of one name were slain in two battles of the cavalry: for fear (as I verily take it) lest by telling one thing twice, they might seem to deceive and abuse the reader. Certes, Caelius and Valerius report that Hanno was taken prisoner. Then Scipio bestowed rich gifts upon the captains and horsemen according to their good service, and as they every one deserved: but above all the rest, he highly rewarded Masanissa. And when he had placed a strong garrison in Salera, himself with the rest of his army made roads; and not only wasted and spoiled the lands and villages all the way as he went, but also forced and won certain cities and borough towns: and so having filled all places far and near with the terror of war and hostility, he returned to the camp, the seventh day after he set forth; bringing with him great numbers of people, much store of cat-tail, and prizes of all sorts; and so dispatched away the ships a second time freight and laden with the spoils of enemies. After this, he set aside all light expeditions, small roads and saccage of the country towns, and bend his whole power and all his forces against Utica: intending if he had once won it, to settle himself there, and to make it his seat from thence forward, and a sure place of defence in all his other exploits that he meant to perform. Thither at one time were the sea servitors brought from the armada, to that part of the city where the sea beateth upon the walls: likewise the land soldiers advanced from the hill that overlooketh the town, and joineth in manner hard to the very walls. As for artillery and engines of battery and assault, some they had brought with them, and others were sent out of Sicily with the victuals: and daily new were made in the common armory and Arsenal, where there were of purpose artificers continually kept at work for the framing of such fabrics and pieces of battery. The men of Utica beset thus round about on every side with so great preparation and ordinance of war, reposed their whole hope and confidence in the Carthaginians; and the Carthaginians relied themselves upon Asdrubal, in case that he could solicit Syphax for to set to his helping hand. But all things went but slowly forward, and they bestirred themselves not so quickly, as they should have done who wanted so much aid as they did. And Asdrubal when he had with all the means and the best shift that he could make, gathered together thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse, yet durst he not approach the enemy, before the coming of Syphax to join with him. At length came Syphax with fifty thousand foot, and ten thousand horse: and immediately departing from Carthage, encamped not far from Utica and the Roman camp. Whose arrival yet was so important, and wrought this effect, that Scipio after forty days well-near (during which time he had invested Utica and tried all masteries but in vain) was compelled to remove his siege and dislodge, without doing any good at all. For now the winter approached, and he fortified his standing leaguer for winter harbour upon a promontory, which joining to the continent by a thin and narrow ridge of a bank, lieth out a good way and beareth into the sea. And with one and the selfsame trench and rampire, he impaled both his army, and also the ships that lay up in the dock. The legions were quartered and lodged in the mids of the said cape: the ships that were drawn up to land, and likewise the sailors and mariners, kept the strand on the north side of the hill: the horsemen took up the vale toward the south, upon the hanging and side thereof, shooting to the other shore. And these were the acts achieved in Africa until the end of Autumn.  
Besides the provision of corn gathered from all parts out of the countries peeled and wasted round about, and other store of victuals brought out of Sicily and Italy, Cn. Octavius the Vizpretor arrived with a mighty deal of grain out of Sardinia, sent from T. Claudius the Praetor, who had the government of the Island: so as not only the old garners already made were replenished, but also those that were newly built. Only there wanted apparel for the army. Whereupon Octavius had in commission to break with the Praetor about that matter, namely, what liveries might be provided out of that province, and sent for the supply of that defect. Which business was not slackly followed, but with all diligence performed, in such sort, as in short space there were sent over 1200 sided horsemen's coats, and twelve thousand short cassocks and jackets.  
During the time of that summer wherein these occurrences passed in Africa, P. Semprenius the Consul who governed the Province of the Brutij, skirmished suddenly in a disordered manner with Hannibal upon the very way, within the territory of Croton: where the fight was maintained rather by squadrons and companies one to one, than by any set body of a ranged battle. The Romans were discomfited; and having lost in this conflict (which might more truly be called a tumultuous skuffling than a full fight) upon 1200 of the Consul's army, they retired in great haste and fear into their camp. Yet durst not the enemies make an assault upon them within their hold. But the Consul dislodged from thence in the dead time of the next night, and having dispatched a courier before unto P. Licinius the Vizconsull, for to come forward with his legions, he joined his power unto them. So they returned again unto Hannibal, being now two Generals, and two entire armies. And without any stay, to battle they went: whiles the Consul on the one side stood upon this his power redoubled and reenforced, and Hannibal on the other side took hart for his fresh victory aforesaid. Sempronius advanced with his legions into the vaward; P. Licinius with his, kept the rearward. The Consul at the very first shock and beginning of the medley, vowed a chapel to Fortune under the name of Primigenia, in case he might have the honour of that day, and vanquish his enemies. And surely his vow was heard, and he obtained his desire: for the Carthaginians were discomfited and put to flight, and more than four thousand armed men slain, three hundred or somewhat under taken prisoners, forty horse of service gotten alive, and eleven ensigns won and carried away. Hannibal disinayed and daunted at this adverse and unlucky battle, withdrew his forces to Croton.  
At the same time M. Cornelius the Consul, in another side of Italy held in awe Hetruria, not so much by force of arms, as by rigorous process of law and severe justice: for all that country in manner was turned to Mago, and by his means and favour hoped for a change, and were altogether set upon novelties and an alteration of the state. The examinations & judicial trials of these matters the Consul followed by virtue of commission from the Senate, and not upon his own motife & secking: and went through therewith, setting aside all partiality, nothing respective either of favour or displeasure. In such sort, that many of the nobility of Tuscan (such as either had repaired themselves in person, or had sent their agents unto Mago, for to treat with him about the revolt and rebellion of the States where in they lived) were at first, as many as made personal appearance, condemned: but afterwards, such as had guilty consciences, went into voluntary exile: and being condemned in their absence, in stead of their bodies which were gone out of the way, they yielded and left behind them their goods only, which might be forfeit and confiscate as pawns to pay for the punishment of their persons.  
Whiles the Coss. were thus employed in divers places one from the other, the Censors in the mean time at Rome, M. Livius and C. Claudius, held a new choice and review of Senators: and Q. Fabius was once again chosen the principal Senator and Precedent of the Senat. Seven in number of them were noted with ignominy and disgrace, but not one of all those had fitten in the ivory chair and borne office of state. They looked narrowly & most faithfully to the publicans, that had the charge of the city-buildings to see them kept wind-tight & water-tight, and in sufficient reparations. They publicly gave order for a paved causey to be made, 
Cybele, or Idea.  from the beasts market unto the temple of Venus, and all about the shops and skaffolds in the shew-places. Also the church of 
At this time it appeareth by Festus and others that Asses were Sextentarij and not Librales, at Rome: so that sextans which before was the sixth part of As, and a 〈◊〉 or half farthing english, now was raised to the worth of the whole, and valuid at three farthings, the price of a Modius of salt in Rome, set down by Livius Salinator.  Magna Mater [the great mother of the gods] they caused to be built in the mount Palatine. They instituted also a new tax and impost out of the provision of salt. And where as both at Rome and throughout all Italy, salt was soldata there Sextant by the Modius, they set and fermed this commodity, to be served out at the same price still in Rome: but in the market towns and fairs, they enhanced the price higher, and in sundry places they rated it at divers prices. This tax was devised as all men verily believed, by the one of the Censors, for anger, and an old grudge that he bore unto the people; because he had been in times passed unjustly judged and condemned by them, and therefore in the pension and price of salt they supposed that those tribes were most pinched and charged who were the me ans of the hard doom that passed against him. And here upon it came that this Livius was surnamed Salinator. The Cense and numbering of the citizens was finished the later, because the Censors had sent about into all provinces, that the full number should be taken of all Roman citizens, who were without in the armies, and presentment made accordingly. So there were registered in all, with those abroad, two hundred and seven and fifty thousand persons. And C. Claudius Nero was he that performed and accomplished this numbering and assessment. After this there was a Cense or taxation taken of the twelve Colonies, a thing then brought up and never before. And according to the relation of the Censors they were entered into the subsidy book at Rome: that at might appear upon record in the public instruments and writings, what number of able men for war they could make, and what every man was worth in money and goods. Then they began to take a survey of the gentlemen and knights of Rome. And it fortuned so, that both Censors had horses of the cities provision and charges. And when the crier came to cite those of the tribe Pollia, wherein the name of M. Livius was enroled, and made some stay to call the Censor himself by name: Call hardly (quoth Nero) for M. Livius. And whither it were upon the relicques of an old cankered malice, or that he took a foolish pride and vain delight to seem forsooth to be severe and precise, he commanded M. Livius to sell his horse of service, because he had been sometimes a man condemned by the doom of the people. Semblably M. Livius when the crier was come to the tribe Narniensis, and to the name of his colleague, awarded C. Claudius to sell & make away his great horse likewise; & that for two causes, the one for that he had borne false witness & deposed wrongfully against him: the other, because he was not fondly and in truth of heart reconciled unto him, when they were made friends. Whereupon there grew a soul jar and contention between them, whiles they passed not to impeach and stain the credit one of the other, even with the touch and hazard of their own good name and reputation. At the end of the Censureship, when C. Claudius had sworn to keep and observe the laws, and was ascended up into the chamber of the cities treasure; among the other names of those that he left as dissranchised and tributaries, he declared his colleague for one, and gave up his name in the roll. Afterward came M. Livius into the chamber aforesaid, and setting aside the tribe Metia only (which neither had condemned himself, nor elected him a condemned person for Consul or Censor) he declared the whole people of Rome likewise suspended, even four and thirty tribes; and le●t them all, no better than mere strangers and aliens, in regard of taxes & tributes: and why? because they had both condemned him, an innocent and guiltless man; & being thus condemned, had created him Coss. & Censor notwithstanding: neither could they deny but that they had erred and done amiss once in their judgement, and twice in their elections. And among those four and thirty tribes, he pronounced that C. Claudius also should be reckoned for one: protesting moreover, that if he could have found any one precedent, to have led him to the disfranchising of one man twice, he would have left C. Claudius by name, as a noted person by himself, in the checkrol of the city chamber.  
Surely that reciprocal debate between the two Censors, in depraving and disfaming one another, was but a lewd & naughty part by them played: but this chastisement of the people's levine and inconstancy, was a worthy thing, and beseeming the Censors gravity of that time. Whiles the Censors stood thus in exceeding disgrace and hatred with the people, Cn. Baebius a Tribune of the Commons, taking his time and occasion hereby to rise and become great, indited them both and commenced an action against them before the body of the people. But this dessignement of his was soon dashed and came to nothing, through the general accord and consent of the lords of the Counsel: to the end that in time to come, no such example might be extant upon record, that the Censors dignity should be exposed to the variable & inconstant pleasure of the people.  
The same summer in the Brutians country, Petilia had been already forced & won by the Col. when as Consentia and Pandosia, with other mean and base pieces, willingly yielded themselves to his devotion. Now when the time drew near of the election of new magistrates, it was thoughts good that Cornelius should be sent for to Rome out of Tuscan, where there was no war at all, rather than the other Consul out of his province: who being come, created for Consuls Catas Servilius Capio, and Ca Servilius Geminus. After this, the court was assembled for the choosing of Pretours, wherein were elected P. Cornelius Lentulus, P. Quintilius Varus, P. Aelius Patus, and P. Vilius Tappulus. These two last were AEdiles of the Commons when they were chosen Praetors. The Consul after these elections were finished and passed, returned to his army again into Hetrutia. Certain Priests and Prelars that year died, & new were chosen in their rooms. P. Veturius Phila, Flamen of Mars was created, installed, and inaugurated, instead of M. Aemylius Regillus, who deceased the year before. And in place of M. Pomponius Matho; who was both Augur and Decemvir, there was advanced into the dignity of Decemvir, M. Aurchus Costa: & into the office of Augur, Tit. Sempronius Gracchus, a very young man: a rare thing to be seen in those days, in the bestowing of sacerdorall and church-promotions. In that year was set up in the capitol a chariot drawn with four steeds, all of beaten gold, by C. Livius and M. Servilius Geminus, AEdiles of the chair for the time being. The Roman games also were exhibited and renewed again for two days: likewise the plays and pastimes called Plebeij, for other two days by the AEdiles of the Commons, P. Aelius and P. vilius. And for the greater honour of those games, the feast of jupiter was solemnly kept and celebrated.   

THE XXX. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the thirtieth Book.  
IN Asrick, Scipio by the help of Masanissa in sundry battles vanquished the Carthaginians, together with the aforesaid Syphaxking of the Nunidrans, & Ajdruball. He won & sacked two camps of the enemies, wherein there perished by fire and sword, to the number of 40000 men. By the means of C. Laelius he took Syphax alive. Masanissa when he had taken prisoner queen Sophonisba, the wife of Syphax & daughter of Asdrubal, by & by fell in love with her, and by way of marriage took her to wise: but being chastised & rebuked therefore by Scipio, he sent unto her a cup of poison: which she drank, & thereof died. By the manifold victories of Scipio it came to pass, that the Carthaginians driven to despair, were sane to call for Hannibal out of Italy, to save the main chance, and defend their whole state: Who, in the sixteenth year of the wars, departed out of Italy, sailed over into Africa, and assayed by means of conference, to make peace with Scipio. And when they could not agree about the conditions and capitulations thereof, he fought, and was overtbrowne in the plain field. The Carthaginians at their suit and request, had peace granted. And when Gisgo dissuaded that peace, Hannibal plucked him back with his hand, and so after some excuse made of his rude rashness in that behalf, himself spoke for peace. Mago who had fought with the Romans in the country of the Insubrians, was greevously wounded, and being sent for home into Africa by certain Ambassadors, in the way died of his hurt. Masanissa was fully restored to his kingdom. Scipio being returned to the city of Rome, had the glory of a most honourable and noble triumph: whom Q. Terentius culeo, a Senator, followed with a cap [of freedom] upon his head. Scipio was surnamed Affricanus: but doubtful it is, whether he came by that title through the favour of his soldiers before, or the general applause and affection of the people. But this is certain, that he was the first General that ever was entitled in his style, with the surname of a nation by himself conquered.  
WHen Cn. Servilius Capio, and C. Servilius Geminus (Coss. in that year, which by computation was the sixteenth of the second Punic war) proposed unto the Senate, concerning the affairs of the State, the managing of the wars, and the government of the provinces: the L.L. ordained and gave order, That the Consuls should either agree between themselves, or else cast lots whether of them should go into the Brutian land against Hannibal: and whether should take upon him the charge of the province of Hetruria and the Ligurians: with commission for him, whose hap it was to rule the province of the Brutij, to receive the army from P. Sempronius the Consul; & the said P. Sempronius (for he also as vice-consul was to continue in place of government one year longer) to succeed in the room of P. Licinius, who was to return home to Rome. This P. Sempronius among other commendable parts (wherein no citizen in his time was counted more sufficiently furnished than himself) was taken also for a brave warrior and man at arms. For being richly endued with all those good blessings that either nature or fortune can afford unto a man, he was both noble in birth, & wealthy in substance. In beautiful parsonage he excelled, for strength of body he far surpassed. Of tongue and speech he was thought most eloquent, whether he were to plead a cause at the bar, or occasion offered either in Senate house or before the assembly of the people to persuade or dissuade, to give counsel one way or other. In the Pontificial canons and laws, he was singularly well learned and skilful. Besides all these praiseworthy qualities (I say) his Consulship had given him experience also in military affairs, and made him a worthy soldior. The same order that was taken for the Brutians province, was also decreed for Hetruria & the Ligurians. M. Cornelius was commanded to put over & deliver up his army to the new Consul: & himself to continue still in government, & to rule the province of France with the strength of those legions which L. Scribonius the Praetor had under his charge the year before. After this, the Consuls cast lots for their provinces. Unto Caepio fell the Brutij, unto Servilius Geminus, Hetruria. Then the Pretours provinces also were put to the choice of lottery. And P. Aelius his lot was to have the civil jurisdiction of the city of Rome: P. Lentulus to rule Sardinia: P. Vilius to govern Sicily: and Quintilius Varus to have the charge of Ariminum with two legions, which were commanded by Sp. Lucretius. And Lucretius had his commission revived again for a longer time, to the end, that he might re-edify the town Genua, which by Mago the Carthaginian had been razed and destroyed. As for P. Scipio, his commission and government was not limited by any express time, but only with the end of the wars, and to continue until those wars in Africa were fully determined. A decree also passed, that there should be a solemn procession and supplication holden to this effect, and in these terms, That whereas he had sailed over into the province of Africa, this voyage and expedition of his might turn to the safety and good of the people of Rome, of himself, and his army. In Sicily were enroled three thousand soldiers. And for as much as the whole strength and manhood of that province had been shipped over into Africa: for fear lest some Armada should cut over out of Africa, it was thought expedient to guard all the sea coasts of Sicily, with a fleet offortie sail. And vilius had with him into Sicily thirteen ships, newly built; the rest of the old ships in Sicilic were repaired. For Admiral of this armada was appointed M. Pomponius, the praetor of the former year, whose government was prorogued, and he embarked the new soldiers brought out of Italy. The like number of ships the LL. of the Senate assigned unto Cn. Octavius the praetor of the former year, with the same commission of government, for to defend the coasts of Sardinia. And Lentulus was commanded to allow unto the praetor two thousand soldiers for to man and furnish those ships. Moreover, the sea coasts of Italy, because it was uncertain to what parts the Carthaginians would make out their navy (and like it was, that where they could espy any place weak and disfurnished of sufficient strength and garrison, thither they would direct and bend their forces) were committed to M. Martius the praetor the former year, that he should scour the seas, and keep that side, with as many ships as the other. And for to furnish that fleet of his, the Consuls by order from the Senate enroled three thousand soldiers, and reserved two legions besides, against all doubtful chances of war whatsoever. As for the two provinces of Spain, together with the armies there, and the whole government, they were appointed to the old Generals, L. Lentulus, and L. Manlius Acidinus. So the Roman wars for that year were maintained with twenty legions in all, and with a hundred and sixty ships of war. Then the Pretours were commanded to take their journey into their several provinces. But the Consuls were charged before they departed from the city, to exhibit those great Games, which T. Manlius Torquatus the Dictator had vowed against the fifth years end, if so be the Commonweal remained in the same good and fortunate estate, during that time.  
Now there entered into men's minds new doubts and strange scruples of conscience, by reason of divers prodigious sights and tokens reported out of many places. For believed it was that certain ravens not only pecked and razed with their bills, but also eat and devoured the gold in the Capitol. At Antium the mice and rats gnawed a crown of gold. About Capua, a huge number of locusts (but from whence they came, no man knew for certain) overspread all the grounds, and filled the fields. At Reate there was a horse-coltsoled with five feet. At Anagnia were seen in the element, at the first, divers fire-lights shooting and flashing here and there; and afterwards a mighty blazing comet burning. At Frusino a certain arch compassed the son with a thin course like a line: and afterwards a greater circle of the son enclosed the said rundle from without-forth. In the territory of Arpi, the earth in a plain champain field settled and sunk down and made an exceeding great chink. As one of the Consuls killed the first beast for sacrifice, the liver thereof was found headless. These monstrous tokens were expiate and purged with sacrifices of the bigger sort: and the college of the priests and bishops showed unto what gods the sacrifice should be made. These things once done and performed, the Consuls and Pretours went forth into their provinces: yet so, as all of them had a special regard of Africa, as if it had been their own province fallen unto every one of them by lot; either because they saw that therein rested and consisted the whole importance of all affairs, and the main state of the war: or else because they would gratify and curry favour with Scipio, whom now the whole city made court unto, and chiefly respected. And therefore not only out of Sardinia as is beforesaid, but also out of Sicily and Spain, there was transported thither raiment and corn: yea and armour also out of Sicily, and all kind of victuals, for the maintenance of the army. And albeit it was winter season, yet Scipio slaked no affairs and works of war: which being many, amused his mind at once on every side, and kept him continually occupied. For Vticahee besieged and encamped, he lay opposite to Hannibal, and even within his sight: the Carthaginians were with their ships afloat, and put to sea, and a navy they had rigged, furnished and trimmed, for to intercept all victuals that came. Amid these cares he forgot not to win again the love of Syphax, if haply now he had his fill of love-delights with his fresh wife, since he had the plentiful fruition thereof, as much as heart could desire. But Syphax rather tendered conditions of peace between the Romans and the Carthaginians, to wit, that the Romans should depart out of Africa, and the Carthaginians out of Italy; than seemed to give any hope, that he would revolt from the Carthaginians, in case the war continued still. And for mine own part, I would rather believe that these matters were treated upon by intercourse of messengers, as most writers do report, than that Syphax himself in person, as Antias Valerius recordeth, came into the Roman camp to a parley and conference thereabout. At the first the Roman General, would scarcely lend his ear to hear those ouvertures: but afterwards, to the end that there might be some colourable and probable cause for his people to resort unto the camp of the enemies, he seemed not so straight laced nor to deny the same articles so stiffly, but pretended some hope, that by often debating thereof to and fro between them, they should at length grow to some good point and final agreement. The wintering harbours of the Carthaginians were in a manner all of wood, but built of slender stuff gathered out of the fields at a venture hand over head, where they could meet withal. The Numidians for the most part lay in cabins and sheds, wattled and wound with reeds especially, and covered and thatched with mats of sedge & such like, here and there scattering without all order: in such sort, as some of them taking up their lodging at their own pleasure, without direction and commandment of any officer, quartered without the trench and rampire. Scipio advertised hereof, conceived good hope to find some opportunity one time or other to fire the camp of the enemies. Upon a certain day therefore, he sent in train of those Commissioners whom he addressed unto Syphax, in steed of pages & drudges, and disguised in slaves and bondmen's weed, the bravest soldiers of a band, (men of approved valour, wisdom, and discretion) who whiles the Commissioners were busy in conference, should range about the camp, some one way, some another; to espy and mark all the passages and ways in and out; the site and form generally of the whole leaguer, and particularly of every part; where the Carthaginians quartered; where the Numidians lodge; what distance there was between Asdrubal his tents, and the king's pavilions; to observe also and learn with all, the order and manner of their sentinels, their wards and watches, whether by night or by day they lay at more vantage to be surprised by an ambush. And according as there were divers meetings and conferences, so of purpose some were sent at one time, some at another; to the end that more and more still should have the espial and full knowledge of all things in the enemy's camp. Now when as the oftener that this matter was treated of, the greater hope of peace both Syphax had and the Carthaginians likewise by his means; the Delegates or Commissioners aforesaid of the Romans, said that they were expressly forbidden by their General to return without a full and resolute answer. And therefore they willed him to make short work at once, and to bethink himself what to do, either to stand upon his own determinant purpose (if he were resolved) or else to consult with Asdrubal and the Carthaginians, and determine accordingly. For now high time it is, say they, either to conclude peace, or to presecure war freshly, and to go through with it lustily. Thus while Syphax consulreth with Asdrubal, and Asdrubal with the Carthaginians, both the espials had sufficient time to view and see all, and Scipio also good leisure to provide necessaries for his purpose. Moreover, by this motive and hope of peace, as well the Carthaginians as the Numidians, began (as commonly in such cases it falleth out) to be negligent & slack in forecast, and to provide that in the mean while they came by no harne and detriment from the enemy. At length an answer was returned, and some clauses put in, without all reason, and sounding to much inconvenience, by occasion that the Romans seemed too too sane and desirous of a peace. Which fell out very fitly for Scipio, whose only desire was to pick some just quarrel for to break the truce and abstinence of war: and so the next day (for in the mean time he said he would confer with his counsel) he answered the king's messenger in this wise, That besides himself alone, who laboured all in vain and could do no good, there was none liked of the peace: and therefore he willed him to report unto the king his master, that there was no other hope for Syphax to have peace with Romans, unless he renounced and cast off quite the friendship of the Carthaginians. And thus he ended the truce, that with free conscience being discharged of his promise in that behalf, he might go forward in his designments, and bring his enterprise to his desired issue. So having put his ships to sea (for now the prime of spring was come) he embarked in them his artillery, his ordinance and engines of battery, as if he meant to assault Utica on the sea side. And sent out two thousand soldiers, to possess themselves of the hill that overlooked Utica, which he had held and kept before: both to withdraw the minds of the enemies from that which he secretly designed and intended, and amuse them upon the care and regard of another thing; and also to prevent a mischief, that whiles himself should go against Syphax and Asdrubal, they might not sally forth of the city, and assail his camp, left with a small guard to defend it. Having made this way, and laid this ground aforehand, he assembled his counsel, where he commanded as well the foresaid spies to lay forth and utter what they had seen and found, as also Masanissa; who was acquainted with all the manner and fashions of the enemies: and then at last he declared and showed unto them, what himself intended to execute the next night. Then he gave commandment to the Tribunes or Kn. Marshals, that so soon as the counsel was risen, and the court dismissed in the General's pavilion, at the first sound of trumpets immediately they should bring their legions out of the camp. Thus according to his edict, the ensigns began a little before sun setting to set forth. About the first watch they put the soldiers in array ready for to march, and by midnight (for they were to journey seven miles) they going a fair & soft pace, approached the enemy's camp. There Scipio gave unto Laelius a part of the forces together with Masanissa and his band of Numidians, with direction to invade the camp of Syphax, and to set fire thereupon. Then calling them by themselves both apart one from the other, Laelius I mean and Masanissa, he earnestly besought them of all love to make up and recompense by careful industry and devoir that providence and forecast, which the darkness of the night disappointed them of. As for himself, he meant to set upon Asdrubal and the Carthaginian camp: but begin he would not, before he saw the fire amongst the king's tents. And that was not long first ere it began: for so soon as the fire caught hold of the next pavilions whereupon it was cast, by and by it took all that stood nearest, and so forward to those that joined unto them, until it speed into all places of the camp. And verily into a great fright they were all put, as they could not choose, but needs must in a night skatefire, which was run all over in so short a time. Howbeit, they thought it some fire by mischance only, and not the hand of enemy, by occasion and means of war: and therefore unarmed as they were, and lightly appointed without weapons, they ran forth by heaps to quench the fire, and light full upon their armed enemies, the Numidians especially; who by Masanissa that was well acquainted with the manner of the king's camp, were bestowed in convenient places, at the ends of every avenue and passage. Many in their very beds and couches, between sleeping and waking, were consumed with the flame: many running headlong in this their hasty flight, one upon an other, were in the straits of the gates trodden under foot, or else thrust and crushed to death. The Sentinels and watch of the Carthaginians, espied at first the fire shining and flaming out: after whom others awakened and raised out of their nests by this nightly tumult and alarm, might behold and plainly see the same: but they likewise were deceived as well as the other, and believed verily that the fire began of itself by some misfortune, no man wist how. The confused noise and cry also, which was heard whiles they were a kill, slaying and wounding, would not suffer them to know the truth indeed, whether the same arose upon their affright and sudden sear by night, or otherwise. And therefore every man naked as he was, and suspecting no practice at all of the enemy, at all the gates as they stood next, did what he could to bring with him such instruments and means as were to put out the fire; and happened unwares upon the army of the Romans. Now after they were all massacred and put to the sword to the last man, not only upon an ordinary hatred between enemies, but also because there might not escape so much as one to carry news unto the rest: Scipio immediately entered the gates, being not warded, but altogether neglected, as in such a fearful garboil and hutlyburly it was no marvel. Then they fell a flinging of fire upon the lodgings and sheds that stood next, so as the flame broke out and showed at first as if it had been dispersed in many places: but afterwards catching and spreading from one tent to another as they joined close together, they were all at once on a light fire, and burned every stick down to the ground. Men and cat-tail both, senged and skorched at the first, as they ran in piteous and fearful sort away: but afterwards as they tumbled one upon another by heaps, stopped and choked up all the ways and avenues of the gates. And look who escaped the fire, fell upon the edge of the sword. Thus in one day were two camps clean consumed. Howbeit, both the Generals, and of so many thousands of armed men, only two thousand foot, and five hundred horse armed by halves, and many of them either wounded or else singed and half roasted with the fire, got away, and escaped. There were either slain or burnt to ashes upon forty thousand men: taken prisoners there were above six thousand: among whom there happened to be many gentlemen of the Carthaginians, and eleven Senators. Of ensigns were taken 178. Of Numidian horses for service more than 2700. Six Elephants gotten alive, eight perished either with fire or sword: and a mighty deal of armour came to their hands: all which the L. General Scipio consecrated to Vulcan, and set on fire. Asdrubal with some few Africanes that fled with him, rid away upon the spur to the next city: and thither got all the rest, who remained alive, following the tracks of their captain, and there saved themselves. But afterwards fearing lest that city would be yielded to Scipio; he quit the place and departed. Anon the romans were received within the same at the gates standing open for them: and because willingly of themselves they rendered the town, there was no kind of hostility or violence offered unto them. But two other cities one after another were forced and put to the ransact. All that pillage, as also whatsoever was saved out of the fire in the two camps, was freely given to the soldiers. Syphax encamped and fortified himself in a strong hold, almost eight miles off. But Asdrubal made haste to Carthage, for fear least upon the sudden fright occasioned by this fresh and late overthrow, things should go backward, and the Senate resolve upon some unmanly and unworthy course. Thither at the first arrived such fearful news, that all men thought verily that Scipio would give over Utica and forthwith lay siege unto Carthage: whereupon their Sufetes (who are the Consuls as it were, of the city) called the Senate: where three opinions were delivered amongst them. The first, advised to dispatch ambassadors to Scipio to treat for peace: the second, to send for Hannibal home to the defence of his own country, against so dangerous and deadly a war: the third gave counsel, by example of the Romans constancy and resolution in their adversity, to repair the army and gather new forces, and to request Syphax not to abandon and give over the quarrel. This opinion, because Asdrubal was in place (and all those that sided with the Barchine house and faction, evenmore inclined to war) prevailed and took effect. Hereupon, they began to take musters in town and country: Orators were addressed to Syphax, who of himself with all his might and main, was busy in levying fresh forces, and preparing for new war. For his wife now, not as aforetime, by enticing words, flattering speeches, and pleasant allurements, that might serve the turn to win and move the heart of an amorous lover, but by way of prayer and pitiful compassion had prevailed so much with him already: yea, and with plenteous tears besought him, not to betray her natural father and native country, not suffer Carthage to be burnt with flaming fire, like as the camps were consumed already. The Ambassadors also brought with them new hopes besides, which were presented unto them in as happy a time as might be; who reported, that they fortuned to meet with 4000 Celtiberians, brave and lusty young men, about the city named Olba, which had been levied and hired in Spain by their Commissioners, of purpose sent to take up new soldiers: and that iAsdruball himself in person would be present with a power of no small importance. iSyphax not only entertained these Orators with gracious speeches and courteous answers, but also showed them a great number of Numidians, gathered out of the country towns, which some few days before he had furnished with armour and horses; promising besides, that he would assemble all the young & able men for service throughout his whole realm. For well he wist, that the late loss and deffeiture happened by occasion of fire, & not by fight: and never in war is a man to be reputed inferior, before he be vanquished by fine force in ranged battle. In this wise answered he the Ambassadors. And after some few days, iAsdruball and iSyphax once again joined their forces together: so as in all, their host amounted to the number well near of 30000 armed men.  
Now when Scipio was wholly set upon the assault of Utica, and at the point to bend his ordinance and artillery against the walls, as thinking verily that the war was already done with Syphax and the Carthaginians; the same of the war renewed by them afresh, averted him from his purpose, and caused him to give over that enterprise for a time. So leaving behind him certain small guards, as well by water as land, only for a sign and show of siege; himself with all the strength of his army, set forward to meet the enemy. At the first he sat him down and encamped upon an hill, four miles (or very near) distant from the king's camp. The next day after, he descended with his cavalry, down into the Great plains or downs (for so they call them) lying near the same hill; and spent that whole day in braving the standing corpse de guard of the enemies before their camp, and playing upon them with light skirmishes. And so for two days together next ensuing, they passed the time in divers tumultuous excursions between the one part and the other, without doing any great exploit worth the remembrance. On the fourth day, they entered on both sides into the field, and embattled themselves. Scipio marshaled his men in this wise: Behind the Principes in the vaward, he placed the form oftensignes of his Hastari, or Spears; & the Triarij he bestowed in the rearward, for to second them, The Italian horsemen heset in the right point: the Numidian horse and Masanissa he ranged in the left. Syphax and Asdrubal put their Numidian horse opposite to the Italians, and the Carhaginian to affront Masanissa. In their main battle were planted the Celtiberians, to make head against the ensigns of the Roman Legions. Thus ordered and arraunged, they encountered one another, and joined battle. At the first onset, both wings at once, as well the Numidians as the Carthaginians, were put back and forced to give ground: for neither the Numidians (being for the most part country people and rustical) were able to receive the Roman horsemen; nor the Carthaginians (raw and untrained soldiers) sufficient to hold out with Masanissa; who (besides all other things) for his late and fresh victory, was so terrible, as there was no dealing with him. So the battle of the Celtiberians, (naked and disfurnished of both her points) stood still: for neither saw they any likelihood to escape and save themselves by flight, considering they knew not the coast of the country; nor hope to obtain pardon at Scipio his band, against whom, (deserving so well of them and their nation) they were come into Africa with a power of waged mercenary soldiers. So being environed on every side with the enemies, they fell one upon another, and obstinately died to the last man. But whiles all the enemies were wholly employed about them, Syphax and Asdrubal gained themselves some time to get away and escape. The victors (wearied rather with continual kill than long fight) were overtaken with the night. The morrow after, Scipio sent out Laelius and Masanissa, with all the Roman and Numidian horse, and the nimblest and lightest appointed footmen, after Syphax and Asdrubal for to follow the chase. Himself with the strength and body of the army, subdued all the cities thereabout that were within the signory of the Carthaginians; whom he partly forced by assault, and partly took by surrender for fear. Great was the fright ye maybe sure at Carthage: & they thought not other but that Scipio being now in the train of conquest, would make halt to overrun the country; and when he had once brought under his subjection (and that with speed) all the other states there bordering, then at once he would come to assault Carthage. Therefore they sell to repair and make up the breaches of their walls, and to fortify them with strong bulwarks: and every man did his best to bring out of the country all kind of provision, against the time they should abide along and tedious siege. Few words or none at all of peace, but much talk of sending Ambassadors to call home Hannibal. The greatest part were of mind and gave advise, to make out the Armada which stood ready rigged, for to intercept the Romans victual, and to surprise and assault the Roman fleet, riding before Utica retchesly without fear, and distrusting nothing: for peradventure they might also force the naval camp, left with a small guard for the defence thereof. And to this counsel the most inclined: yet they thought it good to send Ambassadors to Hannibal. For suppose that their navy should speed full well, and have the happiest success that they could wish; this only good would come thereof, that Utica thereby might be in some sort eased of the strait siege wherewith it was invested: as for the defence of Carthage itself, they neither had any other General besides Hannibal, nor army left but only his. Whereupon the next day after, the ships were shot into the water, and set a float: and withal, the Ambassadors took their way toward Italy. All things were huddled up and done in haste; such was their fortune that pricked them forward, and gave them no further time. And look if any one man slacked his business never so little, he was reputed to betray the whole state, and the safety of all.  
Scipio now marching with an army, laden with the spoil and pillage of many cities; sent the prisoners away, and all the prizes besides, unto the old camp before Utica. And wholly set upon the conquest of Carthage, he surpriseth Tunes (a city abandoned of her guard left for defence) situate from Carthage almost twelve miles. The place, both by man's hand was strongly and by nature surely seated: and as it might be easily seen from Carthage, so it yielded a goodly prospect to Carthage, and also to the sea all about Carthage. From thence the Romans (as they were hard at work in fortifying themselves with a trench and rampire) discovered the enemy's fleet, sailing from Carthage toward Utica. Laying therefore their work aside, they sounded the remove, and presently in all hast avanced their ensigns, to prevent that their own ships which stood close to the shore, bend wholly to the siege, and nothing sitted and furnished for a sea fight, might not be surprised and boarded. For how possibly could ships heavily charged, carrying artillery, ordinance, and engines of battery, be ever able to withstand an Armada nimbly appointed, rigged and trimmed for the purpose with all ship furniture meet for battle, and manned besides with armed soldiers? How might our ships (I say) withstand the enemy, which either are converted to the use of merchant-shippes of burden; or else so near set to the walls, that they serve instead of a platform and bank, or else of bridges enter upon the city? Scipio therefore, after he was thither come, and had bestowed his war ships with brazen beaks behind in the rearward near to land, which (as the manner is in sight at sea) might guard and defend the rest: opposed the Hulks and Carricks in a fourfold rank and course, in stead of a wall affront the enemy. And because that in the tumult of the sight, those ranges might not be broken and disordered, he laid the masts and saile-yards over-crosse, reaching from ship to ship; and with strong cables he linked and fastened them all in one together, and laid bourds and planks over them, that men might pass every way from one ship to another. But under those very bridges, he left certain spaces between, from whence the light pinnaces and frigates might make out to charge and recharge the enemy, and retire themselves thither again in safety. Having thus in haste (according as the time would give him leave) set these matters in order; there were to the number almost of a thousand elect and choice soldiers put a board into those ships of burden, to make head in the forefront, and withstand the violence of the enemies: and furnished they were with offensive weapons, but missive especially, to shoot and fling from them: and such store thereof they had together, as might serve for the assault, were in never so long. Thus appointed and prepared, they waited the coming of the enemies. The Carthaginians, (who if they had made good speed, might have surprised them unawares, & found all pell mel and out of order whiles they were troubled, frighted, and to seek what to do upon that sudden occurrence) fearing still, as men out of heart and dismayed with so many foils by land, and thereupon distrusting themselves even at the sea also: where (no doubt) they were the better and more puissant: and having trifled out all the livelong day, and sailed but slowly; about the sunset arrived in the haven, which the Africans call Ruscinon. And the next morning by sunrising, they put forth into the open sea, and ranged their ships in order, as against a set naval battle; supposing that the Romans would make out and receive them. When they had stood thus a long time, and perceived the enemies not to stir or once to set forward, then at last they charged upon the foresaid hulks and ships of burden. The service was nothing like a sea-fight, but resembling for all the world the ships that are to assail the wal●● 〈◊〉: town. For the hulks were a good deal taller, and stood aloft over the enemies. And the Carthaginians from out of their war-ships armed & breasted with brazen beaks, let the many a 〈◊〉 vain, as lancing them from beneath faintly against the higher place; whereas the 〈◊〉 from above out of the Caricks, was leveled with more strength, and by reason of their own poise light also with greater force. The light pinnaces for espial, and the other small barks, which made sallies from under the bridges aforesaid, framed of planks upon masts and sail yards, at the first were encountered, overcharged and hidden only with the violence and greatness of those warre-ships: but afterwards they were some trouble to the defendants of their own side; for that being intermingled amongst the enemy's ships, their own fellows were forced often times to stay their hands, and neither shoot arrow, nor lance dart, for fear of missing their enemies, and lighting among their own part. At the last the enemies from out of the Carthaginian ships, began to cast out certain loggers, with iron hooks at the end (which the soldiers use to call Harpagones) [Grapples] for to take hold upon the Roman ships. Which when the Romans were not able to cut in sunder, no more than the very chains where to they hung, and whereby they were slung, than ye might have seen (as any one of the enemy's warre-ships and galleys rowed back, and towed after it a Roman Caricke hanging by the grapple end) the bourds and ropes cut asunder, by which it was tied & fastened unto others, or else another range and course of more ships together, to follow after the tail of the other. By this devise especially were all the bridges torn and rend in pieces, and scarcely had the defendants any time and space to retire and pass into the second rank of ships behind. Thus there were upon a fix Carracks of the Romans drawn away to Carthage, hanging at the poops of their galleys. Their gladness and rejoicing here at was much greater than the thing itself came to, and the more acceptable, in that amid so many continual losses and plenteous tears of theirs, one only joy as small as it was, shining upon them beyond their expectation, eased and lightened their hearts: considering with all how near by all likelihood and appearance the Roman armada was to amischeefe and final destruction, had not the captains of their own galleys foreflowed so much, and Scipio come in time to help.  
It fortuned about the same time, that Laelius and Masanissa were come within 15 days into Numidia; the Masaesylians rendered Masanissa the ancient realm belonging to him by inheritance from his father, and received him with joy, as their king whom they had long time desired. Syphax seeing his captains and garrisons dizseized and displaced, kept himself within the ancient limits of his own kingdom, but was not like to be long at rest and quiet. For this wife's father on the one side, and his wife again on the other, set him on, and pricked him forward continually to take arms against the Romans: and so doted he upon her in excessive love, that needs he must yield to her, there was no remedy. Besides, so mighty he was in numbers of men and horse, that the puissance of a kingdom flourishing so many years together, offering and presenting itself daily to the cie, had been enough to have made a prince proud, that was not so barbarous and uncivil as he, and had some better rule and mastery of his affections than himself had. When he had assembled together as many as were able for service, he furnished them with horses, and with armour, as well offensive as defensive. The cavalry he sorted and divided into small troops and corners, the infantry into cohorts and squadrons, according as he had learned long since of the Roman centurions. And thus having raised an army, equal for number to the former, but standing all together in manner, of new and untrained soldiers, he put himself on his journey against the enemies. And after he had encamped near unto them, at the beginning some few light horsemen advanced forward from before the corpse de guard, in espial, so near as they might with safety, but being set back from thence with arrows and javelines, they retired unto their companies. After this they began of both sides to make out one against another, and to maintain light skirmishes; and when of any part they had taken the foil, they would for anger return again in greater number, which is the wont manner to kindle a battle between horsemen: for whiles the winners hope still of better, & the losers chase for having the worse, the company ever increaseth on both sides. And thus now, afteer some few had scuffled and blowed the coals, at length the whole army of either part, came forth into the field eager of sight, and to strike a set battle. So long as the horse-service lasted, the Masaesylians were so many, as there was hardly any dealing with them, Syphax sent them out in such great troops: but after that the Romance footmen once had suddenly entered between the cornets of their horsemen, which gave way as they came, and had gotten sure footing and made head, and so frighted the enemy charging so freely upon the spur as he did: then the Barbarians began to ride their horses more easily, and within a while gently to stand still, and seem as it were amazed at this strange and new kind of fight; and in the end, not only to give ground unto the footmen, but also to recoil from the horsemen, who now were the more bold and hardy, being flanked with a guard of footmen.  
And now by this time the standards of the legions advanced forward, and approached near hand. But then the Massaesyli were so far from receiving & enduring their first charge, that they might not abide the very sight so much, as of their ensigns and armour, so mightily wrought with them either the remembrance of former over throws already passed, or the present fear of imminent danger. Where Syphax, whiles he road bravely in the face of the enemy's troops and squadrons, if happily for very shame, or for the peril of his own person, he might stay his men from running away, had his horse under him sore wounded, and being cast off his back to the earth, was over pressed with the number, taken prisoner, and brought alive unto Laelius, for to represent unto Masanissa above all others a goodly show and joyful sight to behold. Now was Cirtha, the head city of all the kingdom of Syphax; and thither after the flight, be took themselves a mighty multitude of people. The slaughter in this battle was less in proportion, than the victory, because the horsemen only maintained the medley. Not above five thousand were slain, and not half so many taken prisoners. And when they had made an assault upon the camp whither the frighted multitude, after the loss of their king, had retired, Masanissa came unto Laeius and said, That for the present there could be nothing more pleasing and honourable unto him, than upon his victory to visit and see his father's kingdom, which he had recovered & won again after so long a time. But as in adversity, so likewise in prosperity (qd. he) tract of time & delays are never good. In case therefore Laelius would permit him and his horsemen, together with conquered Syphax to go before unto the city Cirtha, he would surprise them on a sudden, finding all out of frame and to seek, by reason of this so sudden and unexpected fear: and Laelius with his footmen might travel fair and softly, & come after by easy journeys. Laelius granted hereunto. Whereupon, being gone afore unto Cirtha, he commanded the principal citizens of Cirtha to be called forth unto a parley. But all the while that they were ignorant of the kings unhappy fall, and so long as Masanissa uttered nothing of that which was happened, he might not prevail either with threats or fair words and persuasions, until he presented the king before them a bound prisoner. Then at so heavy an object and miserable spectacle, they lift up apittifull cry, and made great lamentation. And so partly for fear they abandoned the defence of the walls, and partly by a general consent to court the conqueror, and to seek for grace and favour at his hands, they set the gates open. Then Masanissa, after he had bestowed about the gates, and in convenient places of the walls, certain strong guards, to keep that no man should stir and make an escape, he road a gallop to the royal palace, for to be possessed of it. As he entered within the fore-gates thereof, even in the very entrance of the porch, Sophonisba the wife of Syphax, and daughter of Asdrubal the Carthaginian, met him on the way: & espying in the mids of the armed train Masanissa full gorgeously dight, as well in his brave armour, as in other goodly array and ornaments, imagining him to be the king (as he was indeed) she fell down prostrate at his feet, and spoke in this wife: True it is (quoth she) o Masanissa, that the gods above, together with your own virtue and felicity have given you full power and puissance, to do with us according to your pleasure: but if it be lawful for me a poor prisoner and captive woman, to open my mouth, and make an humble speech unto my Lord, in whose only hands lieth my life and death; if I may be so bold as to touch your knees, and that victorious right hand of yours; I would beseech and pray your for the honour of the royal majesty of a prince, wherein we also ourselves erewhile were interessed; in the love and name of the Numidian nation, which now is commune to you and Syphax, by the domestical gods, protectors of this regal house and princely palace, who vouch safe to receive you into it at this present with better presages and more fortunate tokens, than lately they sent Syphax out of it; to deign me a lowly suppliant this savour, and grunt me this petition, as to determine yourself of me your captive whatsoever pleasant you, & not to suffer me to fall into the proud hands and inhuman disposition of any Roman. If there were nothing, else but this, that I was sometime wise and queen to Syphax, yet would I rather try the courtie and humanity of a Numidian, and one borne in Africa as well as myself, than of a stranger and alien. But what hard measure a Carthaginian lady, and the daughter of Asdrubal, may fear at a Romans hand, you see and know full well. Wherefore once again I request and entreat your highness upon my knees, to regard my suit; and if there be no way else to save and keep me from the will and appetite of the Romans, to do me to death out of hand. For beauty she surpassed and was incomparable: for years lusty, & in the very best of her age. And therefore when as now she held him fast by the hand, and requested his protection and honourable word, only for this, That she might not be delivered and betrayed to a Roman; placing and setting her words so well, and couching them so cunningly, that they sounded nearer to speeches for to win love, than prayers to crave pity: see the fancy and affection of this victorious prince! he inclined presently not only to mercy and compassion, but also (as all the kind of these Numidians are full of love, & have no stay of their wanton lust) a conqueror otherwise though he were, yielded himself prisoner to the love of his captive: and so after he had given her his right hand for assurance to perform her request, he went into the palace. This done, he began to cast about with himself how he might make good his promise unto Sophonisba: but finding no means else to compass and bring it about, he borrowed foolish, rash, and shameless counsel of blind love. He made no more ado, but commanded in all haste to prepare that very day for the solemnisation of a marriage with Sophonisba, because he would give neither Laelius, nor Scipio himself, any liberty at all to proceed against her as a prisoner, after she were once the wedded wife of Masanissa. The wedding was no sooner done, but behold Laelius came, a guest unsent for and nothing welcome: who so little dissimuled how much he misliked the thing, that he was once about to have plucked her forth of the bridebed, and sent her away even with Syphax and other prisoners to Scipio. But overcome with the earnest prayers of Masanissa, who besought and importuned him to refer the matter over to Scipio, for to arbitrate and decide unto whether of the two kings Sophonisba should be awarded, for to mend their state, and better their fortune; he sent away Syphax alone with the rest of the prisoners, and by the help of Masanissa, wan and recovered the other cities in Numidia, which were held by the garrisons of the king. When news came into the camp that they were bringing Syphax thither, all the multitude went forth as it were to behold a triumph. Himself went bound before all the rest, and a number of Numidian noblemen and gentlemen followed after. Then every man, to set forth and amplify this victory, magnified what he could the greatness of king Syphax, and the glorious renown of the nation, in these terms: That he was the king, unto whose majesty the two most mighty and puissant states of the world, to wit, the Romans and the Carthaginians attributed so much, that Scipio the General of the one, for to seek his amity, left the province of Spain and the army there, and with two Caravels or Galleys ruled with five banks of oars, sailed over into Africa: and Asdrubal the great commander of the Carthaginians, not only repaired himself in person unto him into his kingdom, but also gave him his daughter in marriage: so as at one time he had in his power the two grand-captaines, of Carthaginians and Romans both. And like as both these nations killed sacrifices unto the immortal gods, and craved thereby their grace and favour, so of both parties at one time was his friendship sought for and desired. And as for his power and puissance, it was so great, that he expelled Masanissa out of his own realm, and drove him to this narrow point, that the best means he had to preserve his life, was either the running rumour of his death, or the lurking holes in the wild woods, wherein he was glad to live by rupine and stealth, after the guise of savage beasts. The king thus talked of in every man's mouth that stood about him, was brought at length into the Praetorium or General's pavilion, and there presented unto Scipio. And Scipio verily was much moved in mind to consider the former state and fortune of the man, compared now with this present condition: and to remember withal and call to mind the hospital entertainment, the geving interchangeably of the right hand, and the covenant between them made both in public and private. In these regards likewise Syphax took hart, and spoke more frankly unto the conqueror. For when Scipio demanded of him What he meant, and for what intent he not only renounced alliance with the Romans, but also began himself first to make war upon them: he made answer again and confessed, That he had in deed done amiss, and played the fool. As for his taking arms against the people of Rome, that was not the beginning of his folly, but rather the very end of his frantic sortishnes. Then it was, and never else but then, that he went besides himself and was bereft of his wits; then he abandoned out of his mind and clean forgot, as well private amity by hospital entertainment, as all public alliance by solemn covenants; when as he received into his house a Carthaginian lady for his wife: then his royal court and palace was set on fire and burned with those nuptial torches. That furious fiend it was (quoth he) and pestilent dame, that by all kind of pleasant alluring baits, and flattering enticements possessed my mind, drew away and alienated my hart; and never rested she, until with her own hands she did upon my body impious and ungodly armour against mine own guest and loving friend. And yet as desperate and as woeful as my case is, in all my miseries and calamities this one thing doth me good and joyeth my heart, that I see the same pestiferous fury, that fiend of hell, and limb of the devil, gotten into the house and family of him, who is the most deadly and mortal enemy that I have in all the world. Neither surely will Masanissa demean himself more wisely, soberly and constantly than Syphax: nay, considering his youthful years, he will be as apt to be misled by love, and more subject to the temptations of a woman. Certes in this action of espousing her, he hath showed more folly a great deal and want of government. When he had uttered these words not only upon a spiteful hatred against an enemy, but also upon some new pricks of jealousy rising in his heart, seeing her whom he loved, in the possession of his concurrent; Scipio was driven into no small dumps, and wist not well what to make of it. And as he began to be suspicious of Masanissa for this marriage, so, to speak a truth, the circumstances thereof hammered in his head, and made him conceive hardly of him; for fear that another day by the suggestions of the same woman, he would play false, and trespass as well as Syphax. The marriage was so huddled up as it were in the mids of war and hostility, without the advice, without the privity, and without the expectation of Laelius his company. Such hast he made all on the head, and without advisement, that the very same day that he set eye first upon the queen his prisoner, he must needs espouse and marry her out of hand, and in the very house of his greatest enemy consummate and solemnise the compliments of sacred wedlock. Moreover to aggravate these matters, and make them seem more foul and shameful, Scipio knew full well, that Masanissa during the time that he remained in Spain a lusty young gentleman, it was never known that he was enamoured upon the lovely beauty of any captive woman. As he tossed and revolved these things in his mind, Laelius and Masanissa chanced to come in place. And after he had welcomed them both alike, and showed them a loving and gracious countenance, yea and honoured them with singular praise and commendations openly in a frequent audience and court, he within his lodging took Masanissa into a secret place apart, & began to speak unto him in this manner. I suppose Masanissa, that you saw in me some good parts, for love whereof both at the first you were induced to come into Spain and contract amity with me; and afterwards also in Africa, you reposed yourself and all your hopes in my fidelity and protection. But of all those virtues, for which I have seemed worthy of your affectionate love, there is not one wherein I may so much glory and take joy and comfort, as in temperance, continency, and the bridling of carnal delights, and fleshly pleasures. This virtue Masanissa, I wish that you also would have joined unto the rest that are in you so rare and excellent. For our age (trust me truly) standeth not so much in danger of armed enemies, as of those earthly pleasures that compass us on every side. And he that by his sobriety and governance hath been able to rule and tame the same, hath won himself more honour, and gotten a greater victory, than we have done by the conquest and subduing of Syphax. What valiant exploits & worthy acts you have achieved in mine absence, I have willingly reported, and still remember. For the rest, I had rather you would consider of them by yourself, than change colour & blush at my rehearsal of them. Syphax through the good fortune, and by the forces of the people of Rome, is vanquished and taken prisoner. And therefore, himself, his wife, his realm, his lands, his towns, the inhabitants thereof, and finally all things else whatsoever that belonged unto Syphax, are become a booty to the people of Rome. The king himself, and the queen his wife, in case she had not been a citizen borne of Carthage, in case we had not seen her father to be the grand captain of our enemies, aught by right to have been sent to Rome; that the Senate and people of Rome might pass their censure, award, and judgement of her, who is reported to have alienated a confederate king from us, and to have caused him rashly and inconsiderately to take arms against us. Strive then to rule and master your lusts and affections; take heed you stain not many good virtues with one bad vice. Mar not the grace, deface not I say, the thank of many worthy deserts, by one fault and trespass greater indeed, than the subject cause and occasion thereof. Masanissa, whiles he heard these words, not only blushed as red as fire, but also began to water his plants. And when he had promised for his part to be overruled and set down by the General, and requested him withal, so far forth as possibly the case would permit, to render and regard his promise, wherein rashly and inconsiderately he had entangled himself (for given his faithful word he had, that he would not deliver and betray her into the hands and power of any other) he departed out of the Pretorium or General his court, all dismayed and exceedingly troubled in spirit, and betook himself to his own pavilion. Where all solitary and alone by himself, after he had passed over some time, with fetching many deep sighs and sobs, so as he might easily be overheard by them that stood about his tent, at the last he gave one grievous groan above the rest, and with that called for one of his trusty grooms, who had under his hand the keeping (as the manner was of kings and princes) of a special poison, against all doubtful chances that might happen. Which he, commanded him to temper in a goblet of wine, and to carry it to Sophonisba, and with all to tell her thus much from him. That Masanissa would have been most willing to perform his plighted troth and first promise, which an husband ought unto his wedded wife. But since that the superior powers, and those that were mightier than himself, had bereft him of that puissance and liberty, he was ready and able yet to accomplish a second behest, namely, that she should not come alive into the hands of the Romans: and therefore he advised her, that in remembrance of her father a noble warrior and Commander, of her native country, of two kings to whom she had been married, she would provide for herself, and save her own honour. This credence and message, together with the poison, the servant when he was come unto Sophonisba, delivered unto her. Whereat, I accept (quoth she) this marriage present, & welcome be it unto me, if this be the best token that an husband could find to send unto his wife. Yet thus much signify unto him from me again, that better content I would have been to die, if my marriage bed had not stood so near to my grave. She spoke not the word so stoutly, but she did the deed as resolutely: for she took the cup in hand, and showing no sign at all of fear, she roundly drank it of. When tidings hereof came unto Scipio, for fear lest the hot, humorous, and passionate young prince, might do himself some mischief, he presently sent for him. One while he gave him good and comfortable words; another while he gently rebuked him, in that he would seem to make amends for one folly with another, and to play a more cruel & tragical part than there was need. The next day after, to the end that he might withdraw his mind away from this present sir of troublesome fancies, he mounted up into his Tribunal seat, and assembled an audience. There first, he openly styled Masanissa by the name of king, and honoured him with singular praises and commendations: which done, he gave him a golden crown, a fair cup likewise of gold, a chair of estate and a sceptre, both of ivory, a 
* 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉  rich long rob embroidered of divers colours, and a coat wrought with needle work, representing the Date tree. These honourable presents wanted no words to set them out. For as (quoth he) there is nothing among the Romans more stately & magnifical than triumph, so they that ride in triumph, have no ornaments more rich & sumptuous than this, which the people of Rome esteemeth Masanissa only of all strangers and aliens to be worthy of. After this he gave Laelius also his due and deserved praises, and bestowed upon him a coronet of gold. Other martial men likewise according to the service which they had done, were rewarded with sundry gifts. The king having these honours done unto him, was well quieted and contented in mind, and conceived some assured hope, now that Syphax was displaced and rid out of the way, shortly to compass and enjoy the whole kingdom of Numidia. Then Scipio having sent C. Laelius with Syphax and other captives unto Rome, accompanied also with the Ambassadors of Masanissa, returned himself with his power again to Tunes. And there, what fortifications and works he had begun afore, now he finished perfectly and brought to an end.  
The Carthaginians, who were filled with a kind of joy that was not only short, but also in manner vain and foolish, grounded upon their late assault of the Roman Armada, which (considering their present state) was fortunate enough; after they heard that Syphax was taken prisoner, in whom they had reposed more hope (well near) than in Asdrubal and their own army, were mightily affrighted and daunted; and would give no more ear to any that persuaded war, but sent as orators to sue for peace, thirty of their principal ancients: and they amongst them were (as one would say) their privy counsel of state, and had the greatest power and authority to sway and overrule the whole body of the Senate. Who being entered into the Roman camp and the General his lodging and pavilion, sell down prostrate (after the manner and guise as I take it, of the country 
* Tyrus in Thaenicia. Where, like as in other countries of Asia, the people are most servile and very Idolairous to their Princes.  from whence they were first descended) like those that worship and adore the gods. And to this their humble and lowly reverence, their language was suitable and correspondent; not excusing themselves and their fault, but transferring the beginning and occasion thereof, upon Hannibal and his favourites about him, that soothed him and bore him up in his wilful pride & insolent ambition: craving pardon for their city of Carthage, which twice already had been subverted and overthrown by the inconsiderate folly of her own citizens: and once again yet would gladly be saved and stand upright by the means and goodness of their enemies: for as much as they knew full well, that the people of Rome sought not the utter extermination and destruction of those whom they had vanquished by force of arms, but only the sovereignty and rule over them: promising fealty and homage unto them; ready to serve in all loyalty, and to perform whatsoever it should please them to impose and lay upon them. Scipio made them this answer again and said, That as he came into Africa upon hope to return home with conquest and not with peace; so that hope of his by the prosperous and happy success of his wars hitherto, was much bettered and augmented. Howbeit, although he assured himself of the absolute victory, at if he had it fast enough in his hand, yet a good accord he would not refuse: that all nations of the world might know, that the people of Rome can both begin wars rightfully, and also end the same as justly. My will therefore (quoth he) and pleasure is, that the conditions of peace shall be these. Inprimis, That the Carthaginians shall restore and deliver back all the prisoners that they have taken in the wars: with all the renegates & fugitives that have fled to their side from us. Item, that they remove their forces out of Italy and France. Item, that they forbear to meddle in Spain. Item, that they abandon and quit all the islands between Italy and Africa. Item, to yield up all their ships of war, saving only twenty. Item, that they deliver unto the Romans, of wheat 500000 Modij, and of barley 300000. [Now what was the sum of money that he required or demanded of them, it is not certainly agreed upon. In some writers I find 5000 talents: in others, five thousand pound weight only of silver: and there be that have set down, that he laid upon them a double pay of all the soldiers.] Upon these conditions (saith he) whether ye will like of peace or no, ye shall have three days respite & liberty to consult and consider. If you will accept thereof in these terms, make a truce with me for the present, and send your Ambassadors unto Rome to the Senate there. Thus the Carthaginians, when they had agreed together, and concluded to refuse no articles and conditions of peace whatsoever, were dismissed. But in truth they sought for nothing else but delays and tract of time, until Hannibal were sailed over into Africa. So they addressed certain Ambassadors unto Scipio to enter a truce: others they dispatched to Rome to treat for a peace: who brought with them for show, some few captives, renegates, and fugitives, to the end they might obtain their suit more easily. But Laelius with Syphax and other captives (the principal nobles and gentlemen of the Numidians) was many days before arrived at Rome, and had declared unto the LL. of the Senate all things in order as touching their good speed and success in Africa, to the great contentment and joy of all men for the present, and with exceeding hope for the time to come. Then the LL, after consultation had, gave order that the king should be sent to Alba, there to lie in ward and safe custody; and that Laelius should be kept still at Rome, until the Carthaginian Ambassadors came. A solemn procession for four days was decreed. And P. Aelius the praetor, after he had dismissed the Senate, called presently an assembly of the people, and together with C. Laelius went up into the Rostra [or pulpit for public orations.] Where, the people hearing that the Carthaginian armies were defeated, that a king of great name and renown was overcome and taken prisoner; that all Numidia was overrun from one end to the other with a noble and singular conquest; they could no longer contain their joy in silence, but with shouts and acclamations and other tokens (usual in the assembly of a multitude) express and signify their exceeding gladness and contentment of heart. Whereupon the praetor immediately made proclamation, that the churchwardens and sextaines should set open all the holy temples and chapels throughout the city, and give the people liberty and leave all the day long, devoutly to go about the gods, reverently to salute them, and heartily to render thanksgiving for this achieved victory. The next day following, he admitted the Ambassadors of Masanissa into the Senate house, and gave them audience. Who first and foremost rejoiced in the behalf of the Senate, for the prosperous wars and happy success of P. Scipio in Africa: then they gave thanks, that he not only had entitled Masanissa their lord & master by the bare name of king, but also invested him a king indeed, by restoring him into his father's kingdom. Wherein, if it pleased the LL. of the Senate, he might reign, now that Syphax was removed and gone, without fear & trouble at all. Also, for that he solemnly in the open assembly praised him in most honourable terms, & adorned him richly with right stately and precious gifts. For to deserve which favours and honours done unto him, as he had endeavoured already, so would he henceforth not fail to do his best. Then they made a petition, that the Senate would confirm and ratify by their act and decree, his royal style and title of a King, with other benefits and favours received of Scipio. And this moreover particularly Masanissa would request (if he might be so bold, and that it stood with the pleasure of theSenate) that they would enlarge and set at liberty all the Numidian captives that lay in prison at Rome: for this would be a thing whereby he should acquire much honour and reputation, and gain great love and favour among his people and countrymen at home. To these points the Ambassadors received this answer. Concerning the prosperous affairs of the wars in Africa, they congratulated likewise, and rejoiced reciprocally with the king. As for Scipio, they liked well, and confirmed his act in giving Masanissa the name of king: and therein he had done well and justly and according to good reason. And whatsoever he had passed else to the honour of Masanissa, the LL. approved and commended the same. Then they decreed certain presents, that the Ambassadors should carry unto the king: to wit, two purple soldiers cassocks, each of them with a clasp of gold; and as many rich coats embroidered and bestudded with purple. Also two coursers barbed and trapped, with their rich comparisons; two complete armours for horses, with their cuirasses: likewise pavilions, with all their military furniture, in as full and ample manner as a Consul is allowed. These presents (I say) had the Praetor direction to send unto the king. As for the Ambassadors themselves, there was bestowed upon them no less than 5000 Asses a piece; and upon their followers in the train, each of them 1000 Asses. Also a double suit of apparel for either of the Ambassadors, and one single suit to every one throughout their train; as also to those Numidians, who being set at large out of prison, were to be delivered again to the king. Over and besides, there was appointed for the Ambassadors, lodging of freecost; gardenage and walking places of pleasure; allowance for their table, and all provision else whatsoever, at the cities expenses.  
In that summer when these decrees passed at Rome, and those affairs were achieved in Africa, P. Quintilius Varus praetor, and M. Cornelius' Vizconsull, sought a set battle with Mago the Carthaginian, in the territory of the Insubrians, within the province of France. In the vaward were placed the legions of the praetor. Cornelius kept his legions in the rearward, and himself in person rode to the standards in the forefront. And before both wings, the praetor and Vizconsull encouraged all that ever they could, the soldiers for to advance their ensigns, and give a charge upon the enemy. But seeing they could not prevail nor do any good, then quoth Quintilius to Cornelius: You see how the fight slaketh and waxeth cooler, and the enemies that were timorous, are hardened and heartened by this resistance beyond their hope and expectation, yea, and it is to be feared, that they will turn to be hardy also, and make head against us. We must needs raise up a storm of cavalry, if we would disorder them, and put them out of array. And therefore either do you maintain fight here in the front, whiles I bring the men of arms into the battle, or else will I here fight in the vaward, whiles you send out the horsemen of four legions upon the enemies. And when the vice-consul was willing to accept of whether service the praetor would, than Quintilius the praetor, with his son forenamed Marcus, a lusty young gallant, went to the horsemen, commanded them to mount on horseback, and suddenly all at once sent them against the enemy. The tumult and noise which the horsemen made, was answered and redoubled by a shout that the footmen set up. And verily the enemy's battle had not been able to have kept their ground, but that Mago at the first stirring of the cavalry, made out the Elephants forthwith into the battle, whom he had in readiness for such a purpose. At the uncouth braying, the strong smell, and hideous sight of which beasts, the horses were affrighted: and so the aid of horse-fight proved vain. And as the Roman cavalry interlaced among the Infantry was more strong and forcible, where they had the use both of lance point aloof, and of sword's edge close at hand: so when they were transported and carried far off with their panting and fearful horses, the Numidians horsemen had the more room to shoot their darts against them with better advantage. Besides this disorder, the twelfth legion of footmen (whereof a great part was beaten down and slain, more for shame than upon any strength and valour, kept their place still; but never had been able to have held out any longer, but that the thirteenth legion drawn forth of the rearward into the vanguard, reenforced the medley that was in hazard and lay a bleeding: and Mago withal for his part, came in with the Frenchmen out of the rearward, and opposed them against this fresh legion; but when they were once discomfited and put back (which required no great ado nor long fight) the Hastati or javeliniers of the eleventh legion gathered round together, and charged upon the Elephants, which now also began to break the ranks of the footmen. But when they had lanced their javelins against them standing thick together in plumps (and lightly there was not one of them hit amiss but did his errand) they forced them all to turn back upon their own battle: so, four of them were sore wounded and fell down dead. Then the vaward of the enemies began somewhat to give ground; and withal, the whole strength of the Roman footmen, seeing the Elephants turn tail, came forward at once for to increase the disordered tumult, and put them in greater fear. But so long as Mago stood stoutly to it, and kept his standing in the forefront of the ensigns, the ranks and files as they went back softly, and retired by little and little, still maintained fight as before in good order: but after that they saw him shot through the thigh and fallen, and therewith carried forth of the bartel for dead, incontinently they were all defeated and put to flight. That day were slain of enemies upon a five thousand, and of military ensigns eighteen won and carried away. The Romans likewise bought not this victory without loss of blood. For of the praetors army were lost two thousand and three hundred, and the greater part of them by far were of the twelfth legion. Whereof two Tribunes military or Colonels also lost their lives, M. Cosconius, and M. Maenius. Likewise of the thirteenth legion, which came last to the conflict, Cn. Helvius a Colonel, in renewing the fight was slain, and eighteen men of arms besides, most brave and excellent horsemen, with certain Centurions who were by the Elephants trodden down, trampled underfoot, and so perished. And no doubt the medley had continued longer, but that by occasion of the General his hurt, the victory was given away and yielded. Mago in the dead time of the next night dislodged and departed; and stretching out his journey so far as possibly for his wound he might, he marched away until he was come to the sea side, unto the Ingauni in Liguria: where the Ambassadors sent from Carthage (who a few days before were arrived in the French gulf) repaired unto him: commanding him with all speed possible to sail over into Africa, for as much as his brother Hannibal likewise (unto whom also there were Ambassadors gone with the like message and commission) would do the same. For the State of Carthage now was not in case, nor upon terms, to defend and keep in obedience by force of arms France and Italy, but to see to home. Mago not only moved with the commandment of the Senate, and the danger of his country, but fearing also lest the enemy following the train of his victory, would pursue and set upon him, if he made long stay; and doubting least the Ligurians likewise, seeing Italy abandoned of the Carthaginians, would revolt and turn unto those, under whos● obedience they were like shortly to be reduced: albeit he had no hope that his hurt should have less shaking at sea by sailing, than on land by traveling, or to find things there more handsome and ready for the cure, embarked his army and departed. But before he was well gotten beyond the point and lands end of Sardinia, he died of his wound aforesaid. Certain ships also of the Carthaginians, being scattered asunder in the deep sea, were by the Roman Armada that kept about the coasts of Sardinia surprised and bourded. These were the Acts performed both by sea and land, on that side of Italy which lieth along the Alpes.  
Cn. Servilius the Consul having performed no worthy and memorable exploit, either in his province Hetruria, or in France (for thither also he went in the end) but only that he redeemed his father Cn. Servilius and his uncle C. Luctatius, from servitude and bondage, now sixteen years after they had been taken prisoners by the Boij before the village Tanetum, returned to Rome, with his father going on the one side, and his uncle on the other: a man famous rather for his private deeds, than renowned for any public and honourable act worthy of remembrance. And a bill was preferred unto the people, that it should not be imputed for a trespass unto Cn. Servilius, that whiles his own father (who had sitten upon the ivory chair of estate) was living (and that unknown to him) he had been both Tribune and Aedile also of the Commons against the laws in that behalf provided. This Act being passed and granted, he returned again into his province. Unto Cn. Servilius the Consul who was in the Brutians country, there revolted Consentia, Vffugum, Vergae, Besidiae, Hetriculum, Syphaeum, Argentanum, Dampetia, & many other pieces of small account, upon occasion that they saw the Carthaginians war to wax cold and feeble. The same Consul fought a battle with Hannibal in the territory of Croton: the manner of which fight is darkly and obscurely reported. For Valerius Antias saith there were slain five thousand of the enemies: a thing of such consequence, that either it was mere impudency to forge it, or great negligence to overslip it. But the truth is, from that time forward nothing was done by Hannibal in Italy: for to him also there came from Carthage ambassadors to call him home into Africa, even about the same time that the others did unto Mago. And as it is reported of him, all the while that he gave audience to the ambassadors, he gnashed and grinded his teeth, he kept a sighing and groaning, yea and hardly could forbear to shed tears. After they had delivered their message according to their commission, Yea mary, qd. he, now they go no more about the bush with me, by covert means and under hand to send for me home, but openly are seen in the action: who all this while in suffering no supplies either of men or money to be transported over unto me, sought to draw and hale me from hence. Well then, It is not the people of Rome so often by me deffeated and put to flight, that hath by arms overcome Hannibal, but it is the Senate of Carthage, with their backbiting and malicious envy. Neither will P. Scipio rejoice so much, and bear himself proud upon this disgrace of my return, as Hanno will; who with the ruin and subversion of Carthage, hath overthrown our house and family, when by no other means he could effect it. Now Hannibal, whose mind foregave him that such a thing would fall out, had prepared shipping aforehand. And therefore after he had sent away the multitude of soldiers that were of small or no service, into the towns of the Brutians country, under a colour & show of garrisons for defence, which towns were but few, and the same rather held in by awe and fear, than abiding in obedience for love and loyalty, he took with him the whole strength & flower of his army, and crossed over into afric. But before he went to sea, many of the Italian nation, who refusing to follow him into afric, had taken for sanctuary the chapel of juno Lacinia, which never to that day had been violated and broken; notwithstanding the liberty of the place, he cruelly massacred in the very temple. Seldom by report had ever any man been known to leave his native soil and country, and depart into exile with more heavy heart, than Hannibal did when he went out of his enemy's land. Oftentimes he looked back to the coasts of Italy, blaming both God and man, yea cursing himself and his own life, for that he led not straightways upon his fresh victory at Cannae, his soldiers imbrued as they were with blood directly even to Rome. Scipio (quoth he) had the hart to go to Carthage, who when he was Consul, had never seen in Italy the Carthaginian enemy: and myself, having slain at Thrasymenus and Cannae 100000 armed men, have sitten still about Casilinum, Cumes, and Nola, wearing and decaying in strength every day more than other. In this manner he blamed himself, and complained of his hard hap and cursed fortune: and so he was pulled out of the possession of Italy that he held so long.  
News came to Rome about one and the same time, that both Mago and Hannibal were departed and onward on their journey: The joy of which twofold gratulation was the less in two regards, both for that their own captains seemed to have either little courage or small force to stay them behind, and impeach them for going, considering they had express order from the Senate so to do: as also because they at Rome were pensive and doubtful, what would be the issue and end of all, seeing the whole weight of the war to bear and rest upon the shoulders of one only Captain and army.  
And much about this time came the Saguntine Ambassadors, bringing with them certain Carthaginian prisoners, who were taken with sums of money upon them, and had sailed into Spain for to levy and wage men for aid. The money they laid down in the very port-hall or entry of the Senate house, amounting to 250 pound weight of gold, and 800 pound weight of silver. The men they received and clapped them up fast in prison: the silver and gold both, they delivered again to the Ambassadors, with many thanks: over and besides they gave them rewards and ships to return again into Spain. Then the grave and ancient Senators began to reason and discourse in this wise, That men naturally have less sense of good things than of bad; and feel not so soon their own weal as their woe. We remember, say they, what fear, what fright and terror we were put in, when Hannibal passed over into Italy. Lord, what losses, what lamentable misfortunes happened thereupon! The enemy's camp was discovered and seen from the walls of the city; what vowing, what praying was there then, both of all and some! How often in assemblies and counsels were men seen to stretch out their hands to heaven, and to utter these words and cry aloud; When will that day come? and will it never be, that we shall see Italy again clear of enemies, obtain repose, and flourish once more, enjoying happy peace? Now at length, even at 16 years end and not before, the gods have vouchsafed us this blessing; and no man saith a word, nor maketh a motion of thanksgeving to their divine majesty therefore. And surely, if men know not how to accept with joy and thankfulness a benefit when it first cometh, they will be far short, and fail much more to remember the same when once it is past. Hereupon they cried out and called aloud with one voice from all parts of the Senate-house to P. Aelius the Praetor, for to propose the matter to the court there assembled: and a decree was granted, that for five days there should be solemn processions and supplications in every church and chapel before the shrines of all the gods and goddesses: and greater beasts killed for sacrifice to the number of 120.  
Now when Laelius and the ambassadors of Masanissa had their dispatch and were dismissed, tidings were brought that the Carthaginian ambassadors coming to the Senate to sue for peace, were seen at Puteoli, and that from thence they would travail by land unto Rome. Whereupon it was thought good unto the Senate, that Laelius should be sent for again and called back, that he might be present, and at the hearing of the treaty of peace. Q. Fulvius Gillo a Lieutenant of Scipio had the conducting of the Carthaginian ambassadors to Rome: who being forbidden to set foot within the city, were lodged without in the great hall named Villa Publica, and had audience given them of the Senate, assembled in the temple of Bellona. Who made in manner the very same speech that they had before unto Scipio, cleared the whole State and their public counsel, and laying all the fault and blame upon Hannibal for making war: saying that he had no warrant, commission, and commandment from the Senate to pass over the Alpes, no nor so much as over Iberus: and that of his own head he took arms; and warred not upon the Romans only, but also upon the Saguntines. In consideration whereof, he that would esteem all things aright, and weigh the truth indeed, must needs judge, that for anything done by the Senate and people of Carthage, the ancient league made with the people of Rome, hath continued to that day sound and entire. And therefore nothing else had they in commission to sue for and request, but that they might maintain and remain still in that accord and league which was last concluded and contracted with Luctatius the Consul. Now when the Praetor according to an ancient custom of their forefathers, had given liberty to whomsoever that would, for to put Interrogatories unto the Ambassadors; and the elder sort, such as had been present at the making of the capitulations and covenants concerning the said peace, had demanded of them, some one thing, and some another; and the Ambassadors answered again, that by occasion of their young age (for they were all in manner but young men) they remembered no such thing: the whole court from all parts thereof cried out and said, that this was but a fraudulent and faiterous Carthaginian trick, to choose and send such for to sue for the old peace, which they themselves could not remember. And when the Ambassadors were voided out of the Senate-house, and the opinions of the LL. demanded, M. Livius was of this mind, that Cn. Servilius the Consul, who was the nearer of the twain, should be sent for, that the treaty of peace might in his presence be consulted upon. For since that there could not lightly a weightier matter than it was, come afore them to be determined of, he thought it stood not with the honour and reputation of the people of Rome, that such a matter should be debated of, without the personal presence of both, or at the leastwise of one of the Consuls. Qu. Metellus, (who three years before had been Consul and dictator) spoke to the cause in this manner. For as much as P. Scipio by diffeating and putting to the sword whole armies, by wasting and spoiling the territories of the enemies, had driven them to this exigent, that in humble sort they came to crave peace: and considering that no man living was better able to judge with what mind and intent they sued for this peace, than himself, who warred even before the gates of Carthage; therefore no man's advice was to be heard, but only his, either to accept of the said peace in question, or to reject it. M. Valerius Laevinus, who had been twice Consul argued, That they were spies and not ambassadors, who now were come; and that it were a good deed to command them to avaunt and be packing out of the confines of Italy; and to send with them certain men of purpose to guard them to their ships; yea, and to write unto Scipio to go forward with his wars, and not to slake one jote. Laelius and Fulvius added moreover and said, That Scipio laid this especially for his ground, to hope there might be peace, in case Hannibal and Mago were not called out of Italy: As for the Carthaginians, they would make semblant of any thing whatsoever, so long as they expected those leaders and those armies: but afterwards without remembrance of covenants, were they never so fresh and new, yea and without respect of all the gods, they would (no doubt) maintain and continue the wars. In these regards, they inclined the rather to Laevinus, and approved his opinion. So the ambassadors were sent away without any peace obtained, or certain answer returned unto them.  
Much about that time, Cn. Servilius the Consul, who made full reckoning that he should have the honour of bringing Italy into quietness, made pursuit after Hannibal, as if he had been coursed and driven out by him; and first sailed over into Sicily, and then into Africa. Which being commonly noised and bruited abroad at Rome, at the first the LL. of the Senate thought good, that the praetor should write to the Consul to this effect, That the Senate judged it meet and reason for him to return into Italy. But afterwards upon the praetor his words, saying that the Consul would set nought by his letters, P. Sulpitius was created of purpose dictator, who by virtue of that more sovereign rule and authority, called the Consul peremptorily home into Italy. And the rest of that year, he together with M. Servilius the General of the horse, spent in progress and visiting all the cities of Italy which in time of war had shaken off their allegiance, and in taking due knowledge of all their causes and reasons severally.  
During the time of the truce, there set forth also out of Sardinia from Lentulus the praetor, an hundred hulks laden with victuals, together with a convoy and guard of twenty galleys of war, and passed over into Africa safe, both from the danger of the enemy, and also from the peril of tempests by sea. But Cn. Octavius as he was in his voyage from Sicily, with a fleet of two hundred hulks and thirty strong galleys, had not the like good speed. For as he sailed (well near) within the kenning of Africa, first he was calmed: then the wind turning South, troubled and disordered his ships, yea and scattered them over the sea one from another. Himself with his galleys of war wrought against the wind and the current, and with exceeding toil and labour of the oremen, doubled the point of the cape of Apollo, and there in the bayrode at anchor: but the hulks for the most part fell with the Island Aegimurus (which shutteth up the foreland, and lieth in the very mouth of that creak from the sea wherein Carthage standeth) almost ten leagues from the city: and some were driven by wind to a place called the Hot waters, over against the city. All this happened within the sight of Carthage. And therefore out of all parts of the city, was great running to the market place. The magistrates assembled the Senate; the people at the entry and porch of the council house, called upon the Senators and cried out, That they should not let slip so great a booty out of their eyes and hands. Some alleged against them, the fidelity of treating for peace: others also objected the faithful promise of truce (the term whereof was not yet expired.) But at last, when both Senate and people were intermingled all in manner together, agreed it was by a general consent, that Asdrubal with a fleet of fifty sail, should cut over to Aegimurus; and so from thence rally and gather together the Roman ships dispersed along the coasts and the havens. And the hulks (abandoned of their mariners that were fled, first from the Island Aegimurus, and afterwards from the Hot waters aforesaid) were drawn and towed as it were at the tails of their own ships to Carthage. As yet the ambassadors were not returned from Rome, neither knew they what the resolution of the Roman Senate was concerning war or peace, nor the day of the truce determined. Scipio taking the wrong and indignity to be more heinous, in that the hope of peace and the assurance of truce should be violate by them first, who sought both for the one and the other; presently dispatched in embassage to Carthage M. Bebius, L. Servilius, and L. Fabius; who being by the concourse and running together of the people, near to a shrewd turn and mischief; and foreseeing their return like to be as dangerous, craved of the magistrates (who saved them from violence) to send certain ships to waft them. So they were allowed two galleys called Tritemes, which having conducted them until they were arrived at the river Bagrada, where they were within sight of the Roman camp, returned back again to Carthage. Now the Carthaginian Armada lay in the road before Utica. From thence there made out three galleys of four ranks of oars; whether it were upon some secret direction from Carthage so to do, or that Asdrubal the Admiral of the fleet, upon his own head adventured so foul an action (the state having no hand therein, and therefore not to be blamed) and espying the Roman galley of five banks of oars past the point of the cape, suddenly assailed her from the main sea. But neither could they invest and strike her with their beak heads, making so good way, and shifting so well by reason of her swiftness; neither could the armed soldiers from out of their lower vessels board her, being so tall a ship over them. And right valiantly she defended herself so long as her shot lasted; which when it once failed, and that she had no other means to help herself, but only the nearness of the land and a number of soldiers who from the camp were run to the shore, with the loss only of the ship all the passengers escaped safe to land.  
Thus the truce being doubtless broken with one wickedness coming in the neck of another, Laelius and Fulvius came in the very nick from Rome, together with the Carthaginian ambassadors; unto whom Scipio having given his word, that although the Carthaginians had not only broken the faith and assurance given of the truce, but also the law of arms, in abusing and evil in treating the persons of his ambassadors, yet himself would do nothing to them unworthy either the order of the people of Rome, or unfitting his own manner and custom, dismissed the Ambassadors, and made preparation for war.  
When Hannibal now approached the land of Africa, one of the mariners was commanded to climb up to the top of the mast to discover the coast, and to see what part they were directed to: and when he made answer and said, That the prou made head upon a place called, the Ruinated sepulchre; he misliked the osse and presage of that place, and commanded the pilot to pass by, and leave it: and so he put his fleet within the bay of Leptis, and there he set his army ashore. And these were the affairs of Africa for that year. The acts ensuing, reach to that year, wherein M. Servilius Geminus, who then was General of the horse, and T. Claudius Nero were made Consuls. But in the end of the former year, when the ambassadors of the confederate cities of Greece made complaints, that their territories were wasted by the king's garrisons: and when they sent their ambassadors into Macedonia, for ● demand satisfaction and restitution, they could not be admitted unto the king, nor have audience: and moreover, they gave intelligence, that there were four thousand armed soldiers transported over into Spain, under the conduct of Sopater, to aid the Carthaginians; and certain sums of money likewise sent with them: the Senate gave order that ambassadors should be addressed unto the king, to give him to understand, that the LL. of the Senate took all this to be done against the tenure and form of the league. So there were sent C. Terentius Varro, Cn. Manlius, and M. Aurelius. And three galleys of five course of oars they were allowed.  
This was a year of special note, for a great skarefire, whereby the public cliff was burnt to ashes down to the ground: also for much abundance of rain & many floods, & exceeding cheapness of victual. For besides that all Italy was open by reason of a general peace throughout, M. Valerius Falto, and M. Fabius Buteo, Aediles of the chair, divided the great store of corn that was sent out of Spain, among the people, street by street, and set the price at 
* Three pence English.  four Asses the Modius. The same year Q. Fabius Maximus departed this life, a man of great years and exceeding old, if that be true which some writer's report, that he was Augur 42 years. But certain it is that he was a man worthy of so great and honourable a surname, yea, and if it had begun first in himself. He surpassed the dignities of his father, he was equal in honour to his grandfather: Rullus his grandfather, I must needs say, had more titles of victories, and of greater battles; but one enemy of his, Hannibal, may countervail them all, as many as they were. Howbeit, this man was counted more wary and advised, than hardy and forward: and as a man may well doubt whether by natural disposition he loved to take leisure in all his actions, or that it was a policy of his agreeable to the wars properly then in hand; so verily nothing is more certain than this, that as the Poet Ennius saith, 
This only man by wise delay,  
Restored our state fallen to decay.   
His son Q. Fabius Maximus was invested or installed Augur in his place, and for bishop in his roum (for two sacerdotal dignities he had) Ser. Sulpitius Galba was chosen. The Roman plays were exhibited one day, and the Plebeian Games thrice wholly renewed by the Aediles M. Sextius Sabinus, and Cn. Tremellius Flaccus. They both, were made Pretours; and with them C. Livius Salinator linator, and C. Aurelius Cotts. The solemn election of the Magistrates for that year, whether Cn. Servilius the Consul held, or (because of important businesie in Tuscan, about the examinations of the conspiracies there of certain great men, by commission from the Senate, which might keep him there) P. Sulpitius the Dictator by him nominated; it is uncertain, by reason of the variety and difference of writers in that behalf.  
In the beginning of the year next following, M. Servilius and T. Claudius, after they had assembled the Senate in the Capitol, moved concerning the provinces. And for as much as both of them desired Africa, they were willing that Africa and Italy, should be put to the choice of a lottery. But by the especial travail of Q. Metelius, the province of Africa was neither granted nor denied to either of them. And the Consuls were commanded to deal with the Tribunes of the Commons, that if they thought so good, they would prefer a bill unto the people, to know whom they would have to war in Africa. So all the tribes in general gave their voices with P. Scipio. Nevertheless, the Consuls (for so the Senate had decreed before) cast lots for the province of Africa. Thus Africa befell unto T. Claudius, namely that he should fail over thither with an armada of fifty ships, all galleys of five ranks of oars, and be joined in equal commission with Scipio. And M. Servilius had Hetruria allotted unto him. In the same province Cn. Servilius also was to continue in government, in case it pleased the Senate to stay the Consul in the city. Of Pretours, M. Sestius by lot had the rule of Gallia, with order, that P. Quintilius Varus should make over unto him the province and two legions. And C. Livius took the charge of the Brutij with the two legions, which the year before were commanded by P. Sempronius the vizconsull. Cn. Tremelius was appointed to govern Sicily, and to receive of P. Villus Tappulus the praetor of the former year, that province and two legions. And ordered it was, that Villus as Propretor, should keep in obedience and defend the coast of Sicily with twenty ships of war, and a thousand soldiers; and that from thence M. Pomponius should in the twenty ships behind embark one thousand and five hundred soldiers, and transport them over to Rome. Unto C. Aurelius Cotta was the civil jurisdiction of the city assigned. All the rest continued still in their government, and had their commissions newly signed, according as they had either provinces or armies under their hand. And with sixteen legions & no more, was the State of Rome that year maintained. Now to the end they miight begin all enterprises in the name of the gods and proceed therein with their grace and favour, order was given, that the Consuls before they went out to war, should set forth those games and plays, & sacrifice those greater beasts which T. Manlius Dictator, in the year that M. Claudius Marcellus, and T. Quintius were Consuls, promised by solemn vow, in case the Commonweal continued for five years following, in the same good estate as then it was. So the games were exhibited in the great Cirque or shewplace four days together, and the sacrifices slain accordingly, as they were vowed to the gods.  
But all this while, as men's hope, so their fear also increased daily more and more, whiles they could not certainly resolve with themselves, whether they had more cause to rejoice, that Hannibal after sixteen years had abandoned Italy, and left the possession thereof free unto the people of Rome; or to be afraid, for that he had passed over into Africa with the safety of his army. For why? the place was only changed, and the danger all one. And surely Q. Fabius late deceased, no vain prophet of so great a peril and hazard, was wont to foretell, and this was ever his song, That Hannibal would be a more dangerous enemy at home in his own country, than he had been abroad in a foreign land. And Scipio should find, that he had to deal neither with Syphax (king of a rude, untaught, and barbarous country, who was wont to lead armies of stale grooms, and little better than water-bearers and campe-slaves to keep one place and not remove) nor with Asdrubal his father in law, a captain of all others most light of foot, and readiest to run away, ne yet with tumultuary armies taken up in haste and raised suddenly, consisting of a rabble of rustical clowns and peasants armed by the halves; but with Hannibal, born in manner within the camp, yea & in the royal pavilion of his father; a most valiant captain, bred and brought up amongst armed men: who long ago was no sooner a child, but he was a soldier, and before he came to the prime and flower of youth, became a General: who growing to be old in a continual course and train of victories, hath filled Spain and France from the one side to the other, & Italy from the Alpes to the narrow seas, with the marks and memorable monuments of worthy and noble exploits; and leadeth still an army of as long standing and continuance in warfare as himself, hardened and beaten to endure all those things which hardly one would believe, men could abide and suffer, imbrued and bathed a thousand times in the blood of Romans, and carrying with him the spoils not of common soldiers only, but also of most brave Generals themselves. Scipio should be sure to encounter and meet in battle those who with their own hands had slain Pretours, and killed Consuls of Rome; all bedight and goodly to be seen in mural and vallare coronets, for their good service in scaling of walls, and mounting over rampires; those I say who at their pleasure have ranged through the won camps and forced cities of the Romans. Neither at this day have the magistrates of the people of Rome so many bundles of rods, with axes borne before them, as Hannibal hath taken from the Roman Generals whom he hath slain, and can if he list show and carry before him. Casting and tossing these doubts and fears in their mind, they themselves increased their own care, & doubled their dread in this point also, that whereas they were wont for certain years to make war in sight of home, in divers and sundry places of Italy, with a linger kind of hope, without regarding any issue thereof like presently to ensue; now Scipio and Hannibal, captains matched together (as one would say) to make a final end & trial of all, had set all men's minds a-work to expect the event now or never. And even they also who had reposed exceeding confidence, and grounded no small hope of victory in Scipio, the more their spirits were amused upon it, and desirous to see a speedy effect, the greater was their care and doubt of the sequel. The Carthaginians for all the world were likewise affected and disquieted in mind. One while, beholding Hannibal, and considering his noble and worthy acts, they repented that they sued for peace. Another while again, when they looked back and remembered, how twice they had been defeated in battle, Syphax slain, themselves driven out of Spain, chased and hunted out of Italy, and all this by the valour and policy of one man Scipio; they trembled for fear of him, as if he were the fatal captain borne for their ruin and utter destruction.  
Now by this time was Hannibal come as far as Adrumetum; from whence, after he had bestowed some few days in refreshing his seasick soldiers, he was roused with fearful posts that brought news, how all about Carthage was full of enemies and hostility: whereupon he made long journeys till he came to Zama. This Zama is a town distant from Carthage five days journey. From thence he sent out espyals, who being taken by the Roman warders, were brought before Scipio, and he caused them to be delivered unto the Tribunes or Marshals, with commandment, that they should be led throughout the camp; and suffered without all fear, to see whatsoever they desired. And when he had asked of them whether they had perused and considered every thing to their content, and enough to serve their turn; he sent them back again to Hannibal, with a safe conduct to accompany them. Hannibal took no pleasure at all in hearing of any thing that they reported: for (among other particulars) they brought news that Masanissa chanced that very day to come thither with six thousand foot and four thousand horse. But most of all, he was troubled an cast down with the resolute confidence and assurance of the enemy; which no doubt (he thought) arose not of nothing. And therefore albeit himself was the only cause of that war, and by his arrival had disturbed the truce concluded, and the hope of peaceable covenants; yet supposing, that a more indifferent accord might be obtained, in case he sued therefore while he was entire and unfoiled, rather than after he were vanquished and overcome; he addressed a messenger or pursuivant unto Scipio, requesting that he might confer and commune with him. Whether he did this of his own accord, or by direction from the public counsel of the State, I have no reason to set down or avouch for certain, either the one or the other. Valerius Antias writeth, That he was by Scipio defeated in the first battle, wherein were slain in field 12000 armed men, and 1700 taken prisoners, whereupon himself in person came as ambassador, with other ten Orators into the camp unto Scipio. But howsoever it was, Scipio refused not to emparle; and so, both Generals of purpose advanced forward and approached with their camps, to the end they might be nearer one to the other when they should meet in conference. Scipio made choice of a plot of ground not far from the city Nadagara: which as it was handsome and meet in other respects, so especially in this, that it had a watering place within an arrow shot. Hannibal took an hill four miles from thence, sure enough and commodious otherwise, but only that they were far from water. In the mid way between they chose a plain, open on every side, where they might discover and see all about them, that no ambush there were laid: and after they had caused their armed soldiers to retire a like distance from either party, than came together with one truch man or interpreter a piece, 
〈…〉  not only the greatest and bravest captains of their time, but also equal to the mightiest kings or Emperors of realm or nation that ever had been afore them in any age and remembrance of man. For awhile they stood one beholding the other, and said never a word, ravished and astonished with a mutual admiration: and at last Hannibal began and spoke in this wise. 
〈…〉  If the gods by destinies have so appointed, that I who first levied war against the Romans, and who so often have had the victory as it were in mine own hands, must needs of myself and mine own motion, come now first likewise to sue for peace: glad I am and well pleased, that it is my good hap to meet with you above all other men, at whose hands I should seek the same. And certes you also for your part among many your singular and excellent praises, may score up this for none of the least, namely, That Hannibal (unto whom the gods have vouchsafed the upperhand overso many noble captains of the Romans) hath yielded the bucklers, and given place unto yourself; now that you have had the honour to end this war, more notable and renowned at the first for your losses and overthrows than ours: and that fortune (as it is fallen out) hath made this pretty sport with me, who at the beginning took arms when your father was Consul, gave him battle first of all other Roman Generals, and am now come unarmed unto his son to crave peace. Verily much better it had been, and simply the very best, that the gods had inspired into our forefathers this mind, That both you might have contented yourselves with the dominion of Italy, and we likewise of Africa. For surely, Sicily and Sardinia both, are nothing sufficient to make amends and satisfaction, and it were but only of your part, in recompense of so many brave fleets, so many puissant armies, and so many noble captains that ye have lost. But faults done and passed may well be blamed and reproved, when they can not be corrected and reform. So greedy were we on both sides to conquer the lands of others, that in the mean time we have hazarded our own. Neither had ye war in Italy only, or we again in Africa alone: but both ye have seen the ensigns and armies of enemies hard at your gates, and in manner under your own walls: and we likewise from Carthage have heard the noise and bruit of the Roman camp. Now then, that which we have cause most to detest and abhor, and you to wish above all other things in the world; the treaty of peace is fallen out in time of your better prosperity, and more favourable aspect of fortune unto you. We again are the agents therein, whom it most standeth upon and importeth that there should be peace; and who are assured, whatsoever we conclude, that the States and cities from whence we come, will approve and ratify the same. There needs no more but a willing mind, well affected and inclined to those courses which tend to repose and quietness. For mine own part, one while age hath taught me, who am returned an old man into my country, from whence I came a child: another while prosperity and adversity both, hath so schooled me, that I would now rather be ruled by reason, than swayed by fortune. But I fear me greatly that you as well in regard of youth, as also of your continual felicity and fortunate train of success, are over-hautie and stout, for to yield unto any peaceable ways. For commonly he fore-casteth no variable chances, who never tasted of adverse fortune. And the same are you at this day, that sometimes I was at Thrasymenus and at Cannae. You being hardly come to that age which is meet for war-service, had the charge and command of an army: and look what enterprises you took in hand most venterously, the same you ever exploited as happily. You pursued the vengeance of fathers and uncles death, and wan by the calamity of your house and family a notable name and reputation of singular virtue and piety. Spain full and wholly you have recovered and conquered again: four armies of Carthaginians you have chased from thence: no sooner were you created Consul, but when all other men's hearts failed them to defend and keep Italy, you sailed nevertheless hither over into Africa: and after you had defeated here two armies, forced and burnt in one hour two camps of your enemies, taken Syphax prisoner, a most mighty and puissant prince; won so many cities both of his kingdom and of our dominion; you pulled me maugre my head out of Italy, whereof I had been now sixteen years possessed. Well may your haughty mind affect victory rather than incline to peace. Full well I know of what spirit and stomach you are, more respective to grandeur and honour, than to your good and profit. And the time hath been, when I also had the lightsome countenance of fortune lovingly smiling and shining upon me. And were we so blessed of God as to have our right wits and perfect senses in time of prosperity, we would consider and think not of things only which have happened, but of those also that might happen. But if you should forget all other, I alone might serve as a sufficient example and mirror of all accidents of fortune whatsoever. For, whom not long since you either saw or might have seen encamped between the river Anio and your city, and ready in manner to scale the walls of Rome; you see me now after the loss of my brethren, two right valiant warriors and most renowned Generals, even here before the walls of my country little better than besieged, making means in humble manner to avert and avoid those dangers from mine own city, with which erewhiles I terrified yours. Well, the greatest and happiest fortune is least to be trusted, and never is it worse relying on her, than when she is so free and bountiful. Now that you flourish and we fade, whiles you are afloat and we sink; a peace, unto you that giveth it, is a glorious and goodly matter; to us that crave it, more necessary than honourable. Better it is yet and safer of the twain, to enjoy a certain peace, than hope for a doubtful victory. The one lieth in your hand to effect, the other as it pleaseth the gods to dispose. Beware therefore, how in one hour you hazard the felicity of so many years. And as you consider your own strength and forces; so think withal upon the power of fortune: set before your eyes the alternative course of Mars in war. You shall see armour and the edge of the sword; you shall see the bodies of men as well of one side as the other: and no where less than in war do events answer to our hope and expectation. And makefull account of this, that you shall not gain so much overplus of honour, (if haply you should win a field) above that which by granting a peace you may presently have in hand and be possessed of; as you shall forego and lose of the principal, in case you should do amiss and take the foil. One hours misfortune is able to overturn all the honours and triumphant trophaees as well past and gotten already, as in future hope to be obtained. In knitting and concluding a peace, o P. Cornelius, all lieth in your power. Refuse that once and come to the trial of a battle, you must take your hap as God shall appoint. If M. Attilius in times past being conqueror, would have granted peace unto our forefathers at their suit and earnest petition; a rare and singular example had he afforded of virtue and felicity, and few comparable unto him: but not having the grace to see when he was well; not able to set a gage to his prosperity in some measure and in due time; not willing to restrain and stop the pride and haughtiness of his good fortune, the higher he was heaved, the fouler was his fall; and the more he mounted, the greater was his overthrow. It is for him (I confess) that giveth peace, to capitulate and set down the covenants and conditions, and not for him that craveth the same. And yet per adventure we might not be thought unworthy, to set upon our own heads a fine and forfeiture. We refuse not therefore but are content, That all shall be yours, for which the quarrel and war first began: Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, all the islands whatsoever lying in the sea between Africa and Italy. And we Carthaginians holding ourselves enclosed within the bounds and coasts of Africa (since the will and pleasure of God is so) can abide to see you to rule and govern in foreign lands and strange seas. I can not deny, but that you have good cause to suspect the Carthaginians for their faith and truth, whose late desire of peace and attendance about the same, was not so plain and simple as it should have been: Yet Scipio, take this withal; That it importeth much to the assurance of keeping and observing peace once entertained, to consider who the persons be that seek and crave the same. And even your own Senators and LL of the Counsel, as I hear say, were moved not a little to deny and reject the motion of peace, for this cause, that our embassy seemed unto them not so honourable as it ought to have been. But now I, even I, no worse a man than Hannibal, do sue for peace; which as I would not seek, unless I thought it profitable; so I will entertain it in regard of that profit for which I sought it. And like as when I had once begun the war, so long as the gods impeached & envied me not, I maintained it so, as no man of ours had cause to be weary thereof: so will I endeavour that none shall repent of the peace obtained by my means. When Hannibal had thus said, the Roman General made answer again in this sort. I knewfull well, 
The ans●●● of Scipio to Hannibal  o Hannibal, that the Carthaginians upon the hope of your coming, have both disturbed the assurance of the present truce, and also troubled the hope of the future peace. Neither do you yourself dissimule so much, in defalking all out of the former conditions and capitulations of peace, save only those things which long since have been in our power and possession. But as you have a great care, that your fellow citizens should know and perceive, what heavy burdens they are by your means discharged and eased of; even so must I endeavour and labour, that the points which then they covenanted and agreed upon, they deduct not this day out of the articles and conditions of peace, for the hire and reward of their falsehood and treachery. For unworthy you are to have the ouverture and possibility of any peace at all, ye seek also, that fraud and deceit may turn to your profit and commodity. Neither began our predecessors first to make war for Sicily, nor we since for Spain. But as then the danger wherein our allies the Mamertines stood; so now the ruin and destruction of Saguntum, moved us to take arms most justly, even for pity and compassion. That you began the quarrel and provoked us first, yourself confess, and the gods do witness: who, as in the former war, they granted and gave the issue, according to right, equity, and justice: so they do in this, and so they ever will. For mine own part, I remember well, and think upon the frailty of mankind, and the ticlishnes of this world: I consider also the power of fortune, and what she is able to do: I know likewise, that all our actions whatsoever, are subject to a thousand hazards and inconveniences. But as I would acknowledge myself to have dealt proudly and outrageously, if before I passed over into Africa, when of yourself well nigh you abandoned Italy, when you had embarked your army, and came of your own accord to seek peace, I had then rejected you and cast you off: even so at this time, when I have haled and drawn you into Africa by strong arm, as it were to try an issue in law (all the hasting, all the shifting and resistance you could make to the contrary notwithstanding) I am not bound to have any respective regard at all of you. Wherefore, if besides those points and capitulations, under which the peace at that time was like to be concluded (and what those were you know as well as I can tell you) you bring with you any recompense & amends for our ships, which being charged with victual and munition, you took perforce from us in time of the cessation of arms; as also for the outrage and violence committed upon the persons of our ambassadors; there is some reason that I should consider thereupon, and be advised by my counsel. But if you think hardly thereof also, as being thereby too sore pressed; look for battle, you that could not like of repose; provide for war, since you would abide no peace. Thus without any conclusion of accord, they left parling; & being returned to their own companies, they related unto them, how their conference came to nothing, and all their words were but wind, and did no good: and therefore the matter was to be determined and tried by dint offword, and they to trust to that fortune which the gods had appointed for them. So soon as they were come into their camps, both of them made proclamation, that the soldiers should buckle themselves, make ready their armour, pluck up their spirits, and address themselves to a final trial of the quarrel; where, if they sped well, they were to be victors not for one day, but for ever and aye. For before the morrow next at night, they should know, whether Rome or Carthage should give laws unto all nations of the earth. And as neither Africa nor Italy, but the whole world shall be the prize & guerdon of the conquerors; so they whose hap were to lose the field, must make account of danger and damage, equal to the win and gain of the other. For as the Romans had no way to escape, nor place of safe retreat, being in a strange and unknowen land; so Carthage (having laid all upon this one cast) if they now miss, made account that all was gone, and present destruction at hand. So the next day there advanced forward to this doubtful and dangerous trial, two most noble and renowned captains, of two right mighty and puissant states: two most valiant and hardy armies came forth into the field, resolute that day either to win the spurs or lose the saddle; to gain more glory to their former honour, or else to lose all that ever they had gotten. Thus therefore between hope and fear, their minds were perplexed and distracted; and beholding one while their own forces, & another while their enemy's power; measuring rather by their eye, than weighing by reason their strength, they had at once presented unto them, objects of joy & content, as well as of sorrow and heaviness. And look what the soldiers themselves could not think upon, those things their leaders put them in mind of; suggesting unto them by way of admonition and exhortation, whatsoever was thought expedient and good. Hannibal rehearsed his noble acts achieved in Italy for the space of sixteen years, he reckoned up how many Roman captains he had slain, how many armies he had defeated and put to the sword: and ever as he met with any soldiers of note and mark for some worthy and memorable battle, he put them in remembrance of their honourable service and good deserts: Scipio related the conquest of Spain, recounted the fresh fought fields in Africa, alleged the very confession of the enemies; who neither for fear could do other but seek for peace, nor yet upon an inbred falsehood imprinted in their hearts, continue long in the same. Besides he inferred the communication & speech of Hannibal had with him in secret and apart from others: which according as he was disposed to devise, he might turn at his pleasure to fit his purpose. And for as much as the gods had showed unto them as they went out into the field, the same signs and tokens of birds, by direction whereof their fathers before them fought in times passed before the islands Aegates; he ossed and presaged that the war was come to an end, all dangers and troubles overblown, that the spoil and pillage of Carthage was at their devotion, and they at the point to return home unto their country, their parents, wives, children, and domestical gods. And this he spoke with such a lofty gesture of his body, with so pleasant and lovely a countenance withal, that a man who had seen him, would have thought verily he had achieved the victory already. Then he embattled first his Hastati (or spears) in the vaward; behind them the Principes; and the rearward he guarded and fortified with the Triarij. Neither marshaled he whole cohorts thrust thick and close together, in the head of the battle before their ensigns, but divided them into squadrons, distant a pretty way asunder one from the other: to the end there might be room & space to receive the elephants of the enemies, that they should not break the arrays and ranks. As for Laelius (whom he had employed before as lieutenant, but that year in quality of a Questor by a special order and direction from the Senate, and not by choice of lot) him with the Italian cavalry he put in the left point; & Masanissa with the Numidian horsemen in the right. The open ways and void spaces between the squadrons aforesaid, placed in the front before the ensigns, he filled with the Velites or javelotiers, who at that time were light armed soldiers; with this commandment, that presently upon the violent charge given by the elephants, they should either retire behind the files, or else run to a side, both on the right hand and the left, and join close to the foremost ranks, and make the elephants way to run upon their shot from the one side and the other. Hannibal to strike a terror into the enemies, first arraunged the elephants in the front, who were in number four score, and more than ever he had before in any battle. Then be embattled the aid soldiers of the Ligurians and Frenchmen, with the Baleare slingers and the Moors intermingled amongst them. In the main battle he placed the Carthaginians and Africans, with the legion of the Macedonians: behind whom (leaving a little space between) he set in array the battailon of the Italian soldiers in the rearward for succour: & those were most part of them Brutij; who followed him more perforce and by constraint, than of any good will, when he departed out of Italy. The cavalry also he displayed and spread round like wings about the two points: whereof the Carthaginians kept the right, and the Numidians the left. Sundry and divers were the exhortations throughout the army, amongst so many men; whose language was dissonant, whose complexions far unlike, whose manners and conditions were divers, who differed in laws and customs, whose armours were not all one, whose raiment and apparel not suitable, and finally, whose quarrel and cause of war was not one & the same. The auxiliaries & aid-soldiers fed themselves with the hope of ready and present payment and wages for the time past, yea and with a duple & triple augmentation thereof to boot, out of the spoil and pillage. The Frenchmen upon a special hatred of their own, and the same deeply settled, were soon kindled and inflamed against the Romans. The Ligurians, who were brought out of the rough and craggy mountains, and whose teeth watered at the fruitful and plenteous fields of Italy, were quickly by him moved to hope after victory. The Moors and Numidians he frighted with the proud and tyrannical rule of Masanissa, under which they should ever after live. Before the Carthaginians he presented the walls of their native city, their houses and house gods, the sepulchers and tombs of their ancestors, their children and parents, yea and their timorous and fearful wives: he set before their eyes either final destruction of all those things and slavery of their persons, or else the empire and sovereign dominions of the whole world: and no mean between these extremities either of fear or hope.  
When as the General was most busy thus in exhorting the Carthaginians and the captains of the strangers, amongst the soldiers of their own nations, and that for the most part by means of interpreters, intermingled for the same purpose with them; the trumpets sounded, and the horns blew from the Roman host. And such a wonderful shout arose from thence, that the Elephants turned upon the Moors and Numidians of their own side, especially in the left point of the battle. Whom Masanissa seeing once affrighted, he soon redoubled their fear; and riding upon them with a hot charge, laid naked the battaillon of footmen on that side, and clean without the aid of their cavalry. Howbeit, some few of the Elephants driven without fear full upon the enemy, made foul work among the ranks of the light armed Velites, and overthrew a number of them, not without many a wound and much hurt done to themselves. For the Velites leaping again nimbly to the squadrons, after they had made way for the beasts, fearing they should be trodden underfoot by them, let fly their javelines at them from both sides, lying open as they did like butts to the shot on either hand. Neither lost they any time, who were in the vanguard before the ensigns, nor gave over flinging their darts at them, until they were driven by a volley of shot lighting upon them from all parts, clean out of the Roman battle: and then they turned head also upon the very horsemen of the Carthaginians in their own right point, and forced them to run away. Laelius for his part, seeing the enemies in disarray and sore troubled, charged upon them with his horses, & increased their fright. So as now the Carthaginian battaillon was disfurnished and stripped of their horsemen on both wings. By which time the cavalry joined battle, whose hope was now quailed and strength abated, and therefore not able to make their parts good. Besides another thing there was, a small matter to speak of, but yet in fighting-time and in the very medley, of great consequence and importance, The shout and cry from the Romans was ever alike and consonant in all parts, and therefore the greater and more terrible; but the enemies made dissonant noises, according as they differed in language, being as they were, of many and sundry nations. The manner of the Romans fight was sure and steadfast, by reason of the poise of their own bodies, and the weight of their armour, bearing still, and pressing hard upon the enemies: but they on the other side, showed more swiftness and agility, than force and violence. And therefore at the very first shock the Romans incontinently enforced their battaillon to recoil and lose their ground. Afterward they fell to shouldering and knocking them with the pikes and bosses of their bucklers: which done, they set foot forward a good round pace, and gained some ground of them, marching on still, and no man seemed to make head against them; whiles they that were hindmost in the files, perceiving once that battaillon to go on and win ground, still put forward the foremost, which was the very thing that availed much, and was of great efficacy to put the enemies to flight. But the second battaillon which consisted of Africanes and Carthaginians, were so far from seconding and upholding the auxiliary strangers thus dismarching; that chose, for fear lest the Romans by killing them in the forefront (who stood to it lustily and made resistance) should come as far as to them behind, they likewise recoiled and gave backward. Whereupon the aid-souldiours also suddenly showed their hin-parts and turning their face upon their own fellows: some of them retired for refuge into the second battaillon; others fell to killing of them that would not receive them within their ranks: & good reason they had, for as a while before they had no help at all of them, so than they were altogether excluded and shut out from them. So as now the Carthaginians had to deal at once in two medleys shuffled together, whiles they were compelled to close & come to handfight, both with their enemies, and also with their own fellows. Yet notwithstanding, for all they were either so affrighted, or so angry with them, receive them they would not in no hand into their battaillon: but keeping their ranks and files close together, they cast them ato side to the wings and the void ground without the place of conflict, and all because they would not intermingle any soldiers thus scared upon running away and many wounds, with that battaillon which stood still sure enough, and as yet unfoiled. But the place where a little before the auxiliaries were ranged, was so full of slain bodies, and weapons and armour thrumbled one upon another, that the Romans had well-near more ado to pass that way now, than they should have had through the press of the enemies standing thick together. And therefore the foremost of the Hastati following after the enemies, every one as well as he could over the heaps of bodies and armour on the earth, and through the slippery filth of the blood, made a pelmell of their own ensigns, and confusion of their ranks. Whereupon the ensigns also of the Principes began to wave, when they saw the battle afore them so wandering and inconstant. Which Scipio when he once perceived, commanded in all haste to sound the retreat unto the Hastati: and when he had withdrawn as many of them as were wounded and hurt, and bestowed them in the rearward, he brought the Principes and the Triarij to the out-wings and flanks thereof; to the end, that the middle battaillon of the Hastati should be more sure and strong. By this means there began a new medley. For now were they come to their very enemies indeed; such as for armour and weapons of all sorts, for practise and experience of warfare, for fame and renown of worthy exploits, and last of all for greatness either of hope or peril, were equal and comparable unto them. But both in number and also in courage, the Romans were superior, for that already they had discomfited the cavalry, put to flight the elephants, beaten back the vaward, and were ready now to encounter with the main battle. Now Laelius and Masanissa having had the horsemen in chase a good way, whom they had compelled to fly as is beforesaid, returned in good time, and charged hotly upon the tail of the enemy's battle. And this assault of theirs it was, 
Hannibal defeated by Scipio  that struck the stroke, this did the deed and amazed the enemies. Many of them were environned and killed in the place, many fled and were scattered over the plains and open fields, and by the horsemen who had taken up all the avenues, & ranged all about, were caught up here and there, and so slain. Of Carthaginians and their Allies, were killed thatday above twenty thousand, and well-near as many taken prisoners: of military ensigns there were gotten a hundred thirty three, and eleven Elephants besides, alive. Of the conquerors there died about two thousand. Hannibal with some few horsemen made shift to escape out of the tumult and heat of the execution, and fled to 
* Or Adrumentum, 〈…〉, according to Mercator.  Adrumentum, having assayed and tried all means possible, both in the very conflict, and also before the battle, ere he departed and left the fight. And this praise and commendation he won even by the confession of Scipio himself, and all others that were expert warriors, that with singular skill that day he ordered the battle, and marshaled the field. For the Elephants he had placed in the forefront, whose adventurous force and intolerable violence in giving the onset, might impeach the Romans from following their colours, and keeping their arrays; the only thing wherein theyreposed their greatest hope and confidence. Then, before the main battle of the Carthaginians, he set the auxiliaries and aid-souldiours, of purpose, that being a confused rabble and medley of all sorts of nations, such as were not bound by allegiance, but tied only by gain and wages, should have no liberty to retire themselves, and escape by running away: who also, as the forlorn hope, bearing the furious heat of the first brunt, might weary the enemies with charging upon them, & if they did no other good, yet with receiving many a wound in their bodies dull & turn the edge of the enemy's sword. After this, in the battle, where all his hope was, he placed the Carthaginian and African soldiers; that being otherwise in all things else equal to the enemies, they might in this regard have the odds, in that they were to fight with them wearied and wounded, when they themselves were in heart and lusty. As for the Italians, who also were divided from the rest by a good space between, he removed far off into the rearward, as doubtful whether they were friends or enemies. Hannibal having done this doughty deed and work, as it were for the last proof of his virtue and valour, fled to Adrumetum, and was from thence sent for to Carthage: whither he returned in the six and thirtieth year, after that he first departed thence a very child. Where in the Counsel house he confessed and said, That overcome he was not only in a battle once, but also in the main war for ever hereafter: protesting in plain terms, that now there was no other way but one to save themselves, and that was peace, if they could obtain it.  
Scipio immediately after this battle, having forced by assault and rifled the enemy's camp, returned with a huge booty to the sea and his ships, being advertised afore by a messenger that P. Lentulus was arrived at Utica with five ships of war, and a hundred hulks laden with provision of all kinds of victual. And supposing it good policy now that Carthage was troubled and thoroughly affrighted, to come upon them with all terror on every side: so soon as he had dispatched Laelius away to Rome, with tidings of this victory, he commanded Cn. Octavius to lead the legions by land against Carthage. Himself in proper person, after he had joined this new fleet of Lentulus, unto the old Armada of his own, weighed anchor and departed from Utica, and sailed directly to the haven of Carthage. He was not far from thence, when there met him a ship of the Carthaginians, garnished with insules, ribbons, and white flags of peace, and beset with branches of Olive; wherein were ten Orators embarked, the best men of the city, sent by the advice & motion of Hannibal to crave peace. Who as they approached the hindecke and poop of the Admiral ship, put forth the veils and tokens of suppliants, praying & beseeching the protection and mercy of Scipio. Who had no other answer made them, but that they should repair to Tunes, whether he intended to remove. Then himself after he had well viewed the situation of Carthage, not so much to have the full knowledge thereof at this present, as to terrify the enemies, returned to Utica, whether he had called back Octavius also. As he marched forward from thence toward Tunes, he had intelligence given him, that Vermina the son of Syphax was coming to aid the Carthaginians with a power of more horsemen than footmen: whereupon, part of the army together with the whole cavalry was sent: whereof the light horse and vantcurriers charging the vaward in their march, after a light skirmish discomfited the Numidians: and having stopped all passages every way with the horsemen, so as they could not get out and fly, there were upon a fifteen thousand men of them slain, 1200 taken prisoners, 1500 Numidian horses also were gotten from them alive, and 72 military ensigns. The young Prince himself in the mids of the tumult and conflict, with some few escaped. Then encamped Scipio near Tunes, in the same place where he lay before: and thither repaired unto him thirite ambassadors from Carthage. And they verily, as they were in harder case & greater distress, made much more pitiful entreating than before; but in their audience found less favour and mercy by a great deal, for their late treachery and falsehood so fresh in remembrance. Now albeit when they were set in counsel, all of them had just cause to be angry, and thereupon were provoked to destroy and raze Carthage: yet upon better advisement & consideration, how great and difficult an enterprise, and what a long piece of service it was to besiege a city so strong and so well fortified: and for that Scipio himself was troubled in mind with the expectation of a successor, who should come to win the credit and honour of finishing the war, which indeed was gotten by the travail and hazard of another, all their hearts were turned and inclined to peace. The morrow after the Orators were called again before them; and after they had been well checked, rebuked, and plainly told of their treachery, and warned withal, that after so many losses and overthrows which they had received, they should now learn to be wise, and at length believe that there were gods in heaven, and that an oath was to be regarded, these conditions of peace were tendered and offered unto them. Imprimis, it was capitulated, That they might live free, according to the form of their own laws: Item, What cities, what territories (and within what bounds and limits) they held and were possessed of before the war began, the same they might keep still. Item, That Scipio and the Romans from that day forward should not waste and spoil the country. Item, That the Carthaginians should deliver all renegade traitors, all fugitive persons, all captives and prisoners, yea, and yield unto them all ships of war with brazen heads, above ten triremes or galeis of three ranks of oars. Item, That they should put into their hands all those Elephants which they had already tamed and manned, and should break and tame no more of them. Item, They should make war neither in Africa, nor without Africa, but by order and warrant from the people of Rome. Item, That they should make restitution and amends to Masanissa for all harms, and enter into league with him. Item, That they should find come and money for the maintenance of the aid-souldiors, until their ambassadors were returned from Rome: yea and tender payment of ten thousand talents of silver by even portions in fifty years. Item, That they should put in a hundred hostages at the pleasure of Scipio, and none of them to be either under fourteen years of age, or above thirty. Last of all, they would grant a truce upon this condition, That the ships which were taken during the time of the former cessation of arms, should be restored back again, with all things else that were therein: otherwise, no truce for the present, nor hope of peace hereafter. These articles and conditions the ambassadors were willed to return home with all. Which after they had related in the general assembly of the people, Gisgo mounted up the pulpit to dissuade peace, and had audience given him with great applause of the multitude; who as they were heartless and unmeet for war, so they were as peevish and unruly, and could not long continue in repose. hereat, Annibal took great indignation, & was highly displeased, that in such a time, those things should either be delivered or heard; and he made no more ado, but stepped to Gisgo, laid hand upon him, and pulled him down from the pew out of which he spoke: whereat the people were moved and grumbled in great discontent, to see so strange a sight and unusual, in a free city. Then Hannibal, as he was a mere martial man, and could not skill of civil affairs, nor well away with these citizen's liberty. I went, quoth he, from you when I was but nine years old, and now after 36 years I am come again. All military skill and knowledge, which fortune sometime in my private matters, and otherwhiles in public affairs, hath taught me from my childhood, me thinks I have learned sufficiently: mary, for the rights and privileges, for the laws, customs and fashions of the city and the common hall, I must be informed and instructed by you. Thus having pleaded ignorance for his excuse, he discoursed at large of peace, arguing how reasonable and equal, yea and how necessary it was. The greatest point of difficulty in all the capitulations ministered unto them was this, That touching the things abovesaid which were taken during the abstinence of arms, there was nothing now forthcoming and to be seen but the bare vessels; and no easy matter was it to seek up the rest. Now when as they that gainsaid the peace were convinced and put down by reason, agreed it was, that the ships should be redelivered, and the men likewise be sought out and found: as for all the rest that was wanting, there should an estimate be made according to the value, at the discretion of Scipio, and so the Carthaginians to make all good in money. Writers there be that have delivered, how Hannibal presently from the field sped him to sea, and there finding a ship ready prepared for him, straightways embarked, and went directly to king Antiochus: Also, when Scipio demanded above all other things that Hannibal should be yielded into his hands, answer was made, that Hannibal was not in Africa. After that the embassadorswere returned to Scipio, the Questours or Treasurers were commanded to draw an extract according to their books upon record, of all such things as were in the ships, and appertained to the city: and look what belonged to private persons, the owners thereof were willed to declare and testify. In consideration and recompense whereof, there was a sum of money set down, amounting to 25000 pound weight of silver, and the same to be paid presently out of hand by the Carthaginians. Thus a truce was granted to them for three months: with this clause annexed over and besides, That during the said term they should send their ambassadors to no other place but only to Rome: and what ambassadors soever came to Carthage, they should not let them depart before they had certified the Roman General both who they were, and what their message and errand was. Then with the Carthaginian ambassadors were sent to Rome L. Veturius Philo, M. Martius Ralla, and L. Scipio, brother to the General. At that time there came such store of grain and victuals out of Sicily and Sardinia, and thereby corn was so cheap, that the merchant was feign to leave corn behind him to satisfy the shipmen and mariners for the portage and carriage thereof.  
Now there had been much trouble and fear at Rome upon the first news and alarm, that the Carthaginians had taken arms again: and T. Claudius had commission to conduct a fleet with all speed into Sicily, and from thence to pass over into Africa: likewise the other Consul was commanded to stay still at Rome, until it were certainly known in what terms all matters stood in Africa. But T. Claudius went but slowly to work, either in preparing and rigging an armada, or in putting it to sea; because the LL. of the Senate were of opinion, that as touching the peace and the conditions thereof, it was rather at the disposition of Scipio than of the Consul. Moreover, there were certain prodigious signs reported even presently before the very rumour of the foresaid rising and insurrection, which caused men to fear greatly. At Cumes, the circle and compass of the sun appeared less: and it reigned a good shower of stones. Also in the territory of Velitre, the earth settled and sunk, and made huge hollow chinks, in so much as trees were quite swallowed up under the ground. At Aticia the marketplace and the shops all about, likewise at Frusino the wall of the city in divers places, yea and the gate, were smitten with lightning from heaven: and in mount Palatine it reigned stones. This wondrous sight last rehearsed, was expiate after the ancient custom, by keeping a Novendiall sacrifice and feast for nine days; the rest by killing of greater sacrifices. Among all, there were unusual deluges and inundations of waters, which troubled the minds and consciences of men: for the Tiber so swelled and rose so high, that by reason that the shewplace of the Circus was overflown, preparation was made for the setting forth of the games Apollinares, without the gate Collina, near the chapel of Venus Erycina. But upon the very day when the plays should be exhibited, it grew to be so fair weather of a sudden, that the pageant and pompous train of the show, which was a going to the gate Collina, was called back and conveyed into the Circus; and word brought, that the water was fallen and gone clean out from thence: so the people were more joious, and the pastimes celebrated with greater resort, for that the usual and ordinary place served again for the solemnity to be performed.  
Claudius' the Consul at last departed from the city of Rome, and went to sea; where between the havens of Cossa and Lauretum, he was overtaken with a terrible and fearful tempest that arose and put him in exceeding fear. From thence he came to the Populonij, and there stayed until the tempest was overblown and gone. Then he fell with the isle 
* Elba  Ilua, and from Ilua he sailed to Corsica, and from Corsica he passed over to Sardinia; where, as he doubled the point and was passing the race of the mountains called 
Mo●e●●.  Insani, there arose a far more cruel ghust, and in places of more peril and hazard, which scattered the fleet. Many of the ships were weatherbeaten & sore shaken, many lost their tackling quite, yea and some were cracked and split. Thus the Armada being much tossed and torn, arrived at length at Carales; where, whiles the ships were drawn up into the dock to dry land, and there a repairing, the winter came upon them, and the year turned about. And so T. Claudius (as a private person, by reason that no man renewed his commission for a farther time) brought the Armada back to Rome. But M. Servilius because he should not be called home to the city for the solemn election of magistrates, after he had declared dictator, Cn. Servilius Geminus, departed into his province. And the dictator chose P. Aclius Paetus General of the horsemen. Oftentimes went the writs outfor publishing of the election, but by reason of tempests it held not, nor was performed. And therefore when the old magistrates left their office after the Ides of March, and no new substituted in their room, the city was clean without any magistrates of state to sit in the ivory chair. L. Manlius Torquatus a bishop, that year died. In his place was invested C. Sulpitius Galba. The Roman games were thrice exhibited a new by L. Licinius Lucullus and Q. Fulvius, Aediles of the chair. The clarks and scribes belonging to the Aediles, together with their beadles and summoners, were detected for carrying forth certain money out of the treasure and chamber of the city: and being thereof convicted, were therefore condemned, not without some touch and discredit of Lucullus himself the Aedile. P. Aelius Tubero and L. Lectorius Aediles of the commons, for that there was some error and default in their election, resigned up their places, after they had represented the plays, and in regard thereof solemnised the feast of jupiter, and set up besides in the Capitol three images made of the silver that was forfeited and raised upon the fines of the persons condemned aforesaid. The dictator and General over the horsemen, by order from the Senate exhibited the games called Cereales, to the honour of Ceres.  
When the Roman ambassadors and Carthaginians together, were come out of Africa to Rome, the Senate assembled to give them audience in the temple of Bellona: where L. Velurius Philo after he had declared (to the exceeding joy of the LL. of the Senate) that they had fought a battle with Hannibal, (the last that ever the Carthaginians were like to fight) and that this grievous and lamentable war was now come to an end, he went on still and related, that Vermina also the son of Syphax was vanquished and subdued; which was no small increase of the other exploits so happily achieved. Then he was commanded to go forth from thence directly to the assembly of the people, there to impart these gladsome news unto the multitude. Whereupon (for exceeding joy and in token of thanksgiving) all the temples in the city were set open, and solemn processions decreed for three days. Now when as the ambassadors of the Carthaginians and king Philip (for they also were arrived) required to have a day of audience in the Senate; the dictator by direction from the Senate, returned them this answer, That the new Consuls should satisfy their request. After this, was the solemn assembly holden for the election of magistrates; and Consuls were created Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Aelius Paetus: for Pretours, first M. junius Pennus, who was allotted to have the civil jurisdiction in the city: then M. Valerius Falto, unto whom the Brutians country fell by lot to govern: next, M. Fabius B●t●●, whose hap was to rule Sardinia, and P. Aclius Tubero to be L. deputy of Sardinia. Concerning the provinces wherein the Consuls were to be employed, it was not thought good to determine any thing, before the ambassadors of king Philip and likewise of the Carthaginians, had delivered their embassages: for as they saw the end of one war, so they foresaw the beginning of another. Cn. Lentulus the Consul was inflamed with an ardent desire of the province of Africa: for if the war continued, he aimed at an easy victory: and if it were at the point of an end, he gaped at the honour of finishing the same, and hoped to have the name, That determined it was whiles he was Consul. And therefore he protested plainly, that he would suffer nothing to pass before that the province of Africa were assigned to him. His colleague (a sober, temperate, and discrete man) gave his consent; for he saw full well, that as the contending for that glory with Scipio, was unjust and unreasonable, so in it he would be overmatched, and never able to import and carry it away from him. Q. Minutius Thermus and M. Acilius Glabrio, two Tribunes of the commons, gave out and said, That Cn. Cornelius went about to compass that, which was commenced and assayed in vain the year before by T. Claudius the Consul. For when by warrant from the Senate a bill was proposed unto the people, whom their pleasure was to nominate for government of Africa, all the 35 Tribes gave their voices and awarded that province to P. Scipio. Much contention there passed and many bickerments both in Senate-house and before the people, in the debating of this question: but in the end they grew to this point, to refer all to the judgement of the Senate. So the LL. of the Senate having taken their oath (for so it was agreed upon) thus concluded and gave this order. First, that the two Consuls should either agree together between themselves, or else cast lots for their provinces; namely, which of them should have the rule of Italy, and who the charge of a fleet of fifty sail. Item, to whether of them twain befell the navy, he should sail over into Sicily: and if peace might not be fully concluded with the Carthaginians, then to cross over into Africa; where the Consul should war by sea, and Scipio by land, by virtue of the same commission and authority that he had already. Moreover, if the conditions of peace were accepted of both parts, that then the Tribunes of the Commons should propound unto the people, as touching their will and pleasure, whether the Consul or P. Scipio should conclude the peace; and which of them (if the victorious army after conquest obtained, were to be brought back out of Africa) should have the conduct thereof home again. Also, if they nominated Scipio for to make the peace, and bring away the army likewise, than the Consul should not cut over from Sicily to Africa. As for the other Consul who had the government of Italy, he should receive of M. Sestius the praetor, two legions. So P. Scipio had his commission sealed again for to remain in the province of Sicily, with the same forces which he there had. M. Valerius Falco the praetor in the Brutians country was allowed those legions whereof C. Livius had the command the year before. It was furthermore agreed, that P. Aclius the praetor should take the two legions in Sicily of Cn. Tremellius: and that one legion which P. Lentulus the Propretour had under his conduct, was appointed to M. Fabius for Sardinia. And M. Servilius the Consul of the former year, continued also in his government with his own two legions for Hetruria. As concerning the provinces of Spain, sith L. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus had been there for certain years, the said Consuls were to deal with the Tribunes, that if they thought it good, they should propound unto the Commons, for to know their minds whom they would appoint to govern Spain: and that he whosoever it was, should out of two armies enrol one entire legion of Roman soldiers, and of the allies of the Latin nation make up fifteen cohorts or regiments, and with the strength of them jointly, keep in obedience and defend the province. Item, that L. Cornelius and L. Manlius should bring over the old soldiers into Italy. Unto Cornelius the Consul was assigned a fleet of fifty ships, to be deducted and drawn out of two other Armadacs; the one of Cn. Octavius which was in Africa, the other of P. vilius which guarded the coasts of Sicily; and to choose thereout what ships he would: and that P. Scipio should keep those fifty ships of war which he had already. And in case his pleasure was that Cn. Octavius should be Admiral over them still, like as heretofore; then Octavius was to continue in government for that year as Viz-pretour: but if he made Laelius the admiral, than Octavius should depart and come home to Rome, and bring back with him those ships that the Vizconsull had no use or need of. M. Fabius likewise had ten galleys of service allowed him into Sardinia. And the Consuls were appointed to muster and enrol two legions of citizens, that with the power of fourteen legions, and an hundred ships of war, the affairs of Rome that year might be managed.  
These things thus ordered, they began to debate in counsel about the ambassadors of Philip and the Carthaginians: and thought good it was to admit the Macedonians into place for to have audience. Divers and sundry speeches they made, whiles they laboured partly to clear that point as touching the complaints that the ambassadors sent from Rome made before the king, for the forraying and spoiling of their confederates: and partly complained themselves of the allies of the people of Rome, laying much to their charge: but far more bitterly accusing M. Aurelius, for that he being one of the three ambassadors sent unto them, stayed behind and took musters of soldiers; yea and against the covenant comprised in the league, made war upon them, and oftentimes gave battatle unto their captains and governors in open field: partly also they demanded, that the Macedonians and their captain Sopater, who had served in the wars of Hannibal for wages, and were taken prisoners and kept bound in prison, might be enlarged and set at liberty.  
To these points M. Furius, sent of purpose from Aurelius out of Macedonia, made answer briefly in this wise, That Aurelius who was left behind, for fear that the associates of the people of Rome, wearied with roads and incursions into their territories & other injurious oppressions, might revolt unto the king; never departed out of the confines of the associates aforesaid, and endeavoured only, that those robbers and forraiers of the country should not invade and overrun their lands, and go clear away without any harm. As for Sopater, he was a state and peer of the realm, and one nearly allied unto the king, who lately was sent into Africa with four thousand Macedonians and with money, to aid & assist Hannibal and the Carthaginians. When as the Macedonians being required what they could say to these challenges, framed but a doubtful and intricate defence, before they had well made an end they received this for their answer: That since the king sought war, if he proceeded and went on still, he should shortly have his hands full: but for as much as he had broken the league in two points, first in offering wrong to the allies of the people of Rome, and molesting them by way of war and hostility; and secondly in helping their enemies with men and money, they deemed thus much of it, that not only P. Scipio both did and doth well and justly, in keeping them still in prison as enemies, who bare arms against the people of Rome, and were taken captive; but also M. Aurelius performed good service to the State, and a great pleasure to the Senate, in defending the Allies of the people of Rome by force of arms, when by right of league he could not. When the Macedonians had their dispatch, and were sent away with this heavy answer, than the Carthaginian ambassadors were called in.  
When they beheld their reverend age, 
The O●●tion of Asbubal. ●ixd●● in the Senate of Rome.  and the dignity of their parsonage (for they were the best and principal men simply of their city) than every man was fully persuaded for his own part and said, That now they dallied no longer, but meant in deed and good earnest to crave & have peace. But the chief and most portly person of them all was one Asdrubal, in his country and among his citizens surnamed Haedus, a man that ever persuaded peace, & opposed himself against the Barchine faction. And therefore he had the more credit and authority, when he derived the blame from the Commonweal, and laid all the fault upon the wilfulness and greedieavarice of some few. Who after he had used divers and sundry speeches, one while excusing and clearing the crimes, another while confessing some things objected, lest if they had denied certain truths, they should with more difficulty have obtained pardon and peace: now and then also giving the LL. of the Senate an admonition and warning by the way, to use their prosperity and good fortune modestly and with moderation, he added moreover and said, That if the Carthaginians would have been ruled by him and Hanno, and had been so wise as to have taken their time and the opportunity when it was, they should themselves have given those conditions of peace, which now they are constrained to crave. But for men to be fortunate and wise both at once, it is a rare and special gift, and seldom seen. And here it is that the people of Rome (qd. he) is invincible, because in prosperity they can remember to be wise, and to take the best way for themselves. And certes a wonder it were, if ever they should do otherwise. For those commonly who happen to meet with some new good chevance, and have not been used thereto before, overshoot and pass themselves too much in excessive joy, which they have not the grace to govern with sobriety and discretion: whereas the people of Rome have ever been accustomed to the continual felicity of joious victories, in so much as they are grown into a disuse of taking pleasure and delight in them (so common they are) and have increased their dominion and Empire, more (in manner) by sparing and pardoning those whom they have conquered, than by the very conquest of them indeed.  
The speech that the other ambassadors made, was more pitiful and lamentable, whiles they recounted before the Senate from what high estate, & to how base condition they were fallen: who but a while since held by force of arms, as it were the whole world, & had nothing left them now but the bare walls of the city of Carthage, within which they were shut up, & could see nothing either by land or sea, which they might rightfully claim as their own. Nay the very city itself and their houses, they were to enjoy no longer than the people of Rome is unwilling, & forbeareth to proceed by rigour and extremity against the same, since there is nothing else behind to work upon. Now when as the LL. of the Senate seemed to incline to mercy and compassion, on, one Senator there was amongst them (by report) who upon a deep and inveterate hatred of the Carthaginians treachery, spoke out aloud and said, What gods will they regard and swear by, in making of a new league, who have broken their oath, and taken their n●●ne in vain whom they called to witness in the former? Marry (qd. Asdrubal) even those and no other that are so sharp revengers and heavy enemies to the breakers of league and covenant. So when all their minds were inclined to peace, Cn. Lentulus the Consul, who had the government of the navy, opposed himself against the decree of the Senate for to cross the same. Then M. Attilius, & Q. Minu●us, Tribunes of the Commons, preferred a solemn bill unto the people, in this form: Pleaseth it you, and will you grant, That the Senate shall resolve and determine, that peace may be concluded with the Carthaginians? Pleaseth it you to choose and appoint who shall be the man to make that peace, and who shall bring the army out of Africa? As concerning peace, the tribes every one as they were demanded their voices, granted affirmatively (Vis rogatis) that Scipio should conclude it, and also bring away the army. By virtue of this Act passed by the people, the Senate made a decree, that P. Scipto by the advice & counsel of ten Commissioners, should contract an accord with the people of Carthage, under what conditions he thought good. After this the Carthaginians rendered thanks to the LL. of the Senate, and requested that they might enter into the city, and talk with their fellow citizens and countrymen, who had been taken captives aforetime, and lay in the common jail and prison. For there were amongst them some of their kinsfolk and friends, noblemen of birth & of good quality; others also, unto whom they were to deliver some message and credence from their kinsmen. When they had spoken & communed with them, they came with a new petition and made earnest suit, to give them leave to ransom and redeem as many of them as they would: whereupon they were willed to give them their names; and when they had named fast upon two hundred, an order was granted out of the Senate, that the Roman Commissioners should take over with them into Africa unto Scipio two hundred of those captives whom the Carthaginians would make choice of; and declare unto him from the Senate, that in case the peace were fully agreed upon and finished, he should deliver those two hundred to the Carthaginians, freely without paying any ransom. Now when the heralds of arms were appointed to go into Africa, for to confirm and establish the peace according to the solemn order, at their own request there passed an act of the Senate framed in this form and tenure. Imprimis, That they should carry with them every one by himself, certain flint stones of their own, and likewise Verven. Item, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  That the Roman Praetors should command them solemnly to pronounce the league, and then they to ask of the praetor sacred herbs or Verven. A kind of grass or herb this is, which was wont to be gathered from off the Capitol hill, and given to the Heralds.  
Thus were the Carthaginians dismissed and sent from Rome: who being come into Africa to Scipio, concluded peace with the same capitulations as is abovesaid. And so they delivered up their galleys and ships of war, their Elephants, the renegade traitors, the vagrant fugitives, and four thousand prisoners. Among whom was Q. Terentius culeo, a Senator by his calling. As for the ships, so soon as they were lanced forth into the deep, Scipio caused them to be set on fire and burnt. Some report that they were five hundred in number, one with another, of every fort, and all directed and guided by oars. Presently were they set a burning: a dolorous sight and heavy spectacle (no doubt) to the Carthaginians for to behold, as if Carthage itself had been on a light fire. The renegade traitors and rebels were punished more greevously than the fugitives. As many of them as were of the Latin nation lost their heads: all that were natural Romans, were crucified and roundly trussed up on the gallows. Forty years before was the peace last made with the Carthaginians, when Q. Luctatius and A. Manlius were Consuls. The war began three and twenty years after, whiles P. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Consuls. And the same ended in the eighteenth year after, P. Cornelius, and P. Aclius Paetus being Consuls. Many a time after, Scipio by report, would say, that the wilful and covetous desire of T. Claudius' first, and afterwards of Cn. Cornelius, was the only stay and let, that this war ended not with the final ruin and utter destruction of Carthage.  
When as the Carthaginians, who by long and continual wars were grown bare and poor, thought the levy and contribution of money for to furnish out the first payment, lay heavy and fore upon them, insomuch as in their Senate house, there was great sorrow and heaviness, yea, and piteous weeping; it is said, that Hannibal was seen to laugh agood. And when Asdrubal Hedus rebuked him for laughing in that public lamentation of the city, considering that himself was the cause of those tears, If (qd. Hannibal) as we see by our eic the outward disposition of the face and countenance, so we could look within forth and behold the affection of the mind, ye might soon perceive, that this laughter of mine, which ye so much blame, proceedeth not from an heart that is glad and joyful, but rather senseless, stupefied, and astonished with the exceeding greeles and calamities that have happened. Yet is not it so unseasonable and impertinent to our present condition, as these tears of yours, and weeping that you make, is absurd and nothing to the purpose. Then should ye have wept and shed tears, when our armour and weapons were taken from us, when our ships were set on fire, when we were interdicted and forbidden to make war with foreign nations: for than had we our deadly blow, than our backs and hearts were broken. And never think that the Romans have proceeded hardly against you, in comparison of the hatred that ye bore one to another. No great city & mighty State can long continue and rest in quiet. If it have no enemies abroad, it findeth some at home: much like unto strong and lusty bodies, which seeming sure enough against all outward accidents and causes of sickness, are overcharged with their own strength and fullness of humours, and thereby subject to most deadly maladies. So much, forsooth, and no more we feel of the public miseries and common calamities, as toucheth and concerneth ourselves in particular: wherein nothing pincheth us more, nor goeth nearer to the quick, than to for go our money, and part with our pence. And therefore when Carthage was conquered and despoiled of all her ancient honours, when ye saw her disarmed and stripped naked, when ye saw her forlorn of all the armed nations of Africa; no man then sighed, no man groaned thereat: but now when the tribute imposed, is to be paid out of your private purses, ye keep a weeping and wailing, as in some public funeral and mortuary carried forth. But alas, I fear me greatly, that ere it be long, ye shall find and feel, That your weeping this day hath been for the least loss of all the rest. Thus spoke Hannibal to the Carthaginians.  
Scipio having assembled his whole army together, before them all, restored Masanissa to his father's kingdom: and over and besides, endued him with the possession of the city Cirtha, and other towns and territories which belonged to the realm of Syphax, and were now in subjection to the people of Rome. Unto Cn. Octavius he gave order to conduct the fleet into Sicily, and there to make it over to Cn. Cornelius the Consul. The Carthaginian ambassadors he willed to go to Rome, that those acts and capitulations which were concluded by him with the advice of the ten Commissioners, might likewise pass under the approbation of the Senate, & the consent of the people, and so be ratified and confirmed for ever.  
Thus Scipio having obtained peace both by sea and land, and embarked his army, failed toward Sicily, and arrived at Lilybaeum. From whence he sent away a great part of his army by sea, and himself passed by land through Italy, which now was joyful as well for the peace concluded, as the victory achieved. Where all the way as he went, not only the people came forth in multitudes out of the cities to do him honour, but numbers also of the country peasants out of the villages, filled all the high ways along, until he came to Rome: where he entered the city, riding in the most stately and magnificent triumph that ever had been. He brought into the city chamber 100033 pound weight of silver. He divided among his soldiers out of the spoil 
t●●●●, 40 ●hich co ●●e●● to two shi● sixpences, ●ngli●sh.  four hundred Asses apiece. Syphax by his death rather disappointed the people of a goodly show & pageant in the triumph, than diminished any whit the glory of the triumpher: he died at Tybut not long afore, to which place he had been removed from Alba: howbeit his death was not obscure, by reason that he was solemnly carried to his burial, with the pomp of a public funeral at the charges of the city. But Polybius a writer of good account, reporteth, That this K. was led in the very triumph. As Scipio road triumphant Q. Terentius Cullco, followed after with a cap of liberty set upon his head; and ever after, so long as he lived, he honoured him (as beseeming it was) and acknowledged him the author of his freedom. But as concerning his surname Africanus, I cannot for certain learn, whether it were the favour of his soldiers first, or the affectionate love of the people afterwards that brought it up, or rather began upon some of his own house and lineage that courted and flattered him therewith: like as in our father's days Silvius was surnamed 
Happy.  Faelix, and Pompeius, 
G●ea●.  Magnus. This is certain that he was the first General that ever took his name of the country and nation by himself subdued, and thereby was renowned. But by his example afterwards, others nothing comparable to him in victory and conquest won goodly titles and glorious inscriptions to their images, and honoured their houses with noble styles and additions.   

THE XXXI. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the one and thirtieth Book.  
THe causes of the war began again with Philip king of Macedonic, which had discontinued, are set down to be these: In the time of the holy feast of Ceres, two young men of Acainania, who had not been processed in those sacred mysteries, came to Athens, and chanced among other of their countrymen to go into the chapel of Ceres. For which, as if they had committed some heinous fact in the highest degree, they were by the Athenians executed. The Acarnanians moved with indignation for the death of their neighbours, required aid of Philip to be revenged for them: Some few months after peace granted to the Carthaginians, in the five hundred and fiftieth year from the foundation of the city of Rome, when the Ambassadors of the Athenians, who now were besieged by Philip, craved aid of the Senate, and they were of advice and resolved to help them, not withstanding the Commons gainsaid it (by reason that they thought the continual troubles of so many wars were grievous and bravie unto them) yet so far prevailed the authority of the nobles, that the people also gave their consent to succom their confederate city. This war was committed to the managing of P. Sulpitius the Consul: who led an army into Macedon, and s●ought certain battles fortunately against Philip, which were performed by horse-service. The Abydons being invested and beleaguered round about by Philip, following the example of the Saguntines, slew their wives and children, and their owneselves after them. L. Furius the praetor overthrew in a pight field the Gauls called Insubres that rebelled, and likewise Amilcar the Carthaginian, who began to make war in those parts, where Amilcar was slain, and with him five and thir●ie thousand men. Moreover, this book containeth the expeditions and voyages of king Philip and Sulpitius the Consul, and the winning of certain cities by than both. Sulpitius the Consul warred with the help of king Attalus and the Rhodians. L. Furius the Praetor triumphed over the Gauls.  
Full well apaied am I likewise, that I am now come to an end once of the Punic war, as if myself had been in person there, and borne my part in the toil and danger thereof. For albeit unfitting it is for me (who have undertaken and processed so boldly to write a complete and full story of the Romans) to be wearied in the several parts of so great a work: yet when I think and consider, how threescore years and three (for so many are reckoned from the first Punic war, to the end of the second) have taken up no sewer books of mine, than four hundred eighty eight years before, even from the foundation of Rome, unto the Consulship of that Appius Claudius, who was the first that warred upon the Carthaginians; me thinks I foresee already, that like as they who being once entered into the shallows near the shore, are trained on still, and venture to wade into the sea, even so I, the farther I go forward, the deeper I step, and am carried away into a vast Ocean, and bottomless gulf (as it were) which cannot be founded; and that my work groweth still upon me in my hands, which as I went away apace, and rid matters at the first, I would have thought by this time should have decreased.  
The Carthaginian peace was no sooner concluded, but the Macedonian war straightways ensued: nothing comparable to the Punic, if ye regard the hazard and danger, the virtue of the captains for direction, or prowess of the soldiers: but if a man consider the nobility and reputation of the ancient kings, the same and antiquity of the nation, the greatness of their signory and dominion, who in times past had conquered and held by the sword much in Europe and the better part of Asia, I dare well say, as noble and renowned, if not more. But the war commenced against Philip ten years almost before, had ere three years end been laid down and discontinued by means of the Aetolians: who as they gave occasion to enter into arms, so they wrought a composition of peace. But afterwards in process of time, when the Romans by reason of peace with the Carthaginians, had nothing to do and were at leisure; and yet bearing an inward grudge and owing a displeasure to Philip, as well for his faithless peace with the Aetolians and other allies and consederatesof that country, as also for aid both of men and money lately sent into Africa to Hannibal and the Carthaginians: behold, the Athenians, whose territories he had clean wasted and spoiled, and whom he had driven within their city walls, importuned them with their prayers, and persuaded them to take arms and renew the war aforesaid. And much about the same time, there arrived ambassadors from king Attalus, as also from the Rhodians, giving notice that divers cities and states of Asia were solicited likewise by Philip to band against the Romans. These ambassadors had their dispatch, and received this answer, That the Senate would have a careful eye to the affairs of Asia. But the entire treaty and consultation concerning the Macedonian war, was wholly reserved and referred unto the Consuls, who then were employed in the war with the Boij. In the mean season three ambassadors were addressed unto Piolomcus the king of Egypt, to wit, C. Claudius Nero, M. Acmilius Lepidus, and P. Sempronius Tuditanus, with this commission: First, to signify and let him understand, that Hannibal & the Carthaginians were subdued: secondly, to give thanks unto the king for continuing so fast and faithful unto the Romans in their distress and adversity, when other of their allies, and even their next neighbours forsook and abandoned them: last of all, to request him, that in case they should be forced by wrongs and injuries offered, to wage war against Philip, he would vouchsafe the same mind still and his wonted affectionate favour toward the people of Rome.  
Near about this time, P. Aclius the Consul being in France, advertised that the Boians before his coming had made roads into the lands of the friends and allies of the Romans, presently in all hast levied and enroled two legions upon the rumour of this tumult and trouble; and joining thereunto four cohorts of footmen out of his own army, sent C. Appius a colonel or captain of the confederates, with this power so suddenly raised, and with commandment to march through that part of Vmbria which is called, the Tribe Sappinia, and to invade the territories of the Boijs, whiles himself in person led his forces the open way traversing through the mountains, and came thither. Appius being entered into the confines of the enemies, at the first had a good hand, and sped well in forraying the country with safety of himself. But afterwards, having made choice of a meet place near unto a castle called 
Mo●●●n●, L●●naro.  Mutilum, for to cut down and reap the corn, (for now the fields were ready for harvest) but yet, without espyals sent out to discover the coasts about, without setting strong and sufficient guards, which being well appointed and armed, might defend the unarmed that were busy in their harvest work; he chanced himself and all his foragers and reapers to be surprised at unawares by the Frenchmen, and assailed on every side. Whereupon they also that were armed, fled in great fright; and 7000 men straggling here and there over the corn fields, were slain; and among them, C. Appius himself their leader. The rest for fear were driven to put themselves within their camp: from whence without direction and guidance of any certain captain, and only upon a general consent of the soldiers, the night next following they abandoned their hold, left much of their baggage behind them, and through blind forests, chaces, and wild mountains (in manner unpassable) they came in the end to the Consul: who, after he had performed in his province no memorable act, save only that he wasted the borders and frontiers of the Boijs, and made a league with the Ingauni (a nation of the Ligurians) returned to Rome. So soon as he had assembled the Senate, all the whole house with one voice called upon him, to treat and consult up on no other matter before they had determined of king Philip, and the complaints made by their allies: so he proposed that out of hand to be debated in council. And the Senate in a frequent number there met, passed a decree, that P. Aclius the Consul, should send whom he thought good with commission & authority, for to receive the Armada which Cn. Octavius was to bring out of Sicily, and therewith to cross over into Macedonia. So M. Valerius Laevinus the Vicepretour was sent; and when he had taken the charge of the fleet, consisting of eight and thirty sail, at the hands of Cn. Octavius about Vibo, he passed the seas to Macedonia. Now when M. Aurelius the lieutenenant was come, and had informed and advertified him, what puissant armies, what numbers of ships the king had prepared and gotten together; how partly himself in person by going about not only to all the cities of the continent, but also they ylands in the sea; and partly by sending his ambassadors every way, had solicited unto war and raised much people to take arms: showing moreover, that the Romans were not to enterprise that war without preparation of greater forces; and that more speedily, for fear lest if they made flow haft and lingered, Philip might enterprise that adventure, which Pyrrhus (a potentate & prince of a far lesser dominion) had done before: it was thought meet that Aurelius should dispatch his letters to the same effect, unto the Consuls and the Senate.  
In the end of this year, when a motion was propounded in the Senate-house, as concerning the setting out of lands unto the old soldiers for recompense of their good service, who, under the conduct and fortunate government of Scipio the Proconsul, had brought the war in Africa to an end: the LL. enacted a decree, that M. junius the Praetor of the city, if he thought so good, should create ten Decemvirs as surveyors, for to measure out and divide among them the lands in Samnium and Apulia, so much as had been forfeit and confiscate to the people of Rome. And these were they: namely, P. Servilius, Q. Caecilius Metellus, Cnteu: and Marcus named Servilij, and both surnamed Gemini, Lucius and Aulus both Hostilii, and surnamed Cato's likewise. P. vilius Tappulus, M. Fulvius Flaccus, P. Aclius Paetus, and Q. Flaminius.  
At the same time P. Aclius the Cos. called the assembly and high court of Parliament for election of magistrates: and for Coss. were created P. Sulpitius Galba, and C. Aurelius Cotta. After them were the Pretours chosen, to wit, Q. Minutius Rufus, L. Furius Purpureo, Q. Fulvius Gillio, and C. Sergius Plancus. The Roman stage plays were that year exhibited with great state and magnificence most sumptuously, by L. Valerius Flaccus, and T. Quintius Flaminius, Aediles of the chair, and for two days together were represented anew. These Aediles distributed and divided most faithfully among the people a mighty deal of corn, which Scipio the proconsul had sent out of Africa, at four asses the Modius: whereby they won great love and favour of all men. Also the Plebcian plays were thrice set forth all whole again, by the Aediles of the Commons, L. Apustius Fullo, and Q. Minutius Rufus. This man from his Aedileship stepped to the Pretours place. And by occasion of those plays, there was a solemn feast celebrated in the honour of jupiter..  
In the 544 year from the foundation of the city, when P. Sulpitius Galba, & C. Aurelius were Coss. the war with king Phili began, within four months after peace granted to the Carthaginians. And before all other matters, this affair was propounded in the Senate by P. Sulpitius the Cos. upon the Ides of March, the very day on which at that time they used to enter upon the Consulship. Where, by the Senate it was decreed, Imprimis, That the Consuls should sacrifice with greater beasts to what gods themselves thought good, with a solemn prayer in this form: That whatsoever the Senate and people of Rome minded and intended to do, either concerning the affairs of Commonwealth, or the undertaking and enterprise of this new war, the same might speed well and happily in the end, to the behouse of the people of Rome, their allies, and namely the nation of the Latins. Item, That after sacrifice and divine prayer, they should consult with the Senate about the state of the city, and the government of the provinces. At the same time, it fell out very sitly to provoke and stir up their minds unto war, that not only letters were brought from M. Aurelius the lieutenant, and from M. Valerius Levinus the Viz-pretour: but also a new Embassy of the Athenians arrived; the one importing, and the other reporting, that the king drew near and approached their confines, and within a while would be not only lord of their lands and territories, but also master of their city, unless the Romans set too their helping hand. After that the Consuls had openly pronounced and declared, that the sacrifices were performed rightly and according to order, and that the gods gave care unto their prayer, and accepted thereof: and the Soothsayers and bowell-priers likewise out of their learning made answer and showed, that the inwards of the beasts were as they should be, and signified happiness, namely, the enlarging of their confines and frontiers, with the achieving of victory and triumph. Then were the letters abovesaid of Valerius and Aurelius read, and the Athenien ambassadors had a day of audience. After this, there passed an Act of the Senate, That thanks should be rendered unto their allies, for that they being long tempted and solicited for to revolt, yet not withstanding had not failed in their allegiance, not forsaken their sealtie, no not for fear of a present siege. As touching sending aid unto them, it was thought good to give answer when the Consuls had their provinces allotted unto them; and when that Consul whose hap it should be for to go into Macedon, had proposed unto the people, That defiance should be given to Philip king of Macedon, and open war proclaimed against him. Now it fell by lot unto P. Sulpitius to take that charge in Macedon, who preferred and presented a bill unto the people in this manner: Pleaseth it you, and is it your will, that war be proclaimed and denounced againstking Philip and the Macedonians within his realm and dominion, for the wrongs offered and the war levied by them upon the friends and allies of the people of Rome? Unto the other Consul Aurelius, befell the province of Italic. Then upon this the Pretours cast lots for their provinces. Cn Sergius Plancus had the jurisdiction of the city; Q. Fulvius Gillo was to govern the province of Sicily, Q. Minutius Rufus of the Brutij, and L. Furius Purpurio of France. The foresaid bill as concerning the Macedonian war, in the first parliament assembled about it, was in manner by all the centuries in the foremost scrutinies nipped and slatly denied. Which thing, partly men of the themselves were forward enough to do, as being overweried with long and fore wars, and worn out for very irksomeness of redious travail, and painful perils: and partly Q. Baebius a Tribune of the Commons, failed not to set them on: who taking the old course and way of blaming and accusing the nobles, had laid to their charge, that they sowed the seeds of war still, and ceased not to raise war upon war, to the end, that the commons might never be at rest, and enjoy the repose of peace. The LL. of the Senate took this to the heart, in such fort, that the Tribune was shaken up and all to reviled in the Senate house with most opprobious and reproachful terms; and every man did his part to encourage the Consul to publish a new assembly and scrutiny, for the proposing of the same bill; to chastise and rebuke the sloth and idleness of the people; yea, and to open and show unto them, what great damage and loss, how much shame and disworship they should incur by these delays before the war began. Then the Consul having assembled the people for this purpose in Mars field, 
Sline● 〈◊〉 ople of Rome.  before that he cited the Centuries to give their voices, called them all together and made a speech unto them in this wife. It seemeth (quoth he) that you are ignorant, my masters and citizens of Rome, that the matter put to question is not, whether ye would have war or peace, (for Philip will not permit that to be at your disposition and pleasure, who already prepareth mortal war both by sea and land) but whether ye would rather choose to transport the legions into Macedon, or receive your enemy here within Italy. And what difference there is between the one and the other, you have had sufficient proof and experience (if ever at any time before) even in this last war, especially with the Carthaginians. For who is he that maketh doubt, but if we had with speed relieved the Saguntines besieged, who fled unto us for help and earnestly craved for our protection, like as our ancestors and progenitors in due time assisted the Mamertines; we should have turned the whole violence and force of the war into Spain, which by our long driving off and linger delays we entertained in Italic, to our great loss and grievous calamity. Neither need we to doubt of this, but that we have hitherto stayed Philip in Macedon, (who without question had combined with Hannibal by means of letters and intercourse of ambassadors, for to have passed over into Italy before this time) only by sending of Laevinus with a fleet, to begin with him at home, and to make war in his own kingdom. Defer we then to do that now, when Hannibal is chased out of Italy and the Carthaginiaus defeated; which than we did, when we had the same Hannibal our enemy within Italy? Go we on still and suffer the king by winning the city of Athens (like as we permitted Hannibal by forcing of Saguntum) to try and see our slackness and cowardice: we shall have him I warrant you arrived in Italy, not at five months end, as Hannibal was after his departure from Saguntum; but within 5 days, after he is disankered once & under fail from Corinth. Set case ye will not compare Philip with Hannibal, no nor the Macedonians with the Carthaginians; yet I am sure ye will make them matches, & equal with king Pyrrhus: so far forth I say, as one man excelleth another in valour, and one nation surpasseth another in power. Epirus hath never been accounted, nor is at this day, but the smallest appendent to the kingdom of Macedon, and of least importance. But as for Philip, the whole and entire signory of Peloponnesus is under him, and lord he is of Argos itself, a city ennobled as well by the death of Pyrrhus, as the ancient name and renown that goeth of it. Compare now again the times of our state. How much flourished Italy in those days more than now? Our affairs were then much more found and unfoiled: our captains safe, our armies all, so many as they were, untainted; whom the Carthaginian wars afterward consumed: yet as puissant and great as we were, Pyrrhus assayed us, he put us to trouble and sorrow enough, yea and came in train of victory to shake our free hold, even well-near to the city of Rome. So as not only the Tarentines, and all that tract of Italy, which they call the greater Greece, banded with him in such sort, as a man would have thought they had followed the very language and those of their name: but the Lucanes also and the Brutians, yea and the Samnites revolted from us and rebelled. And are ye of belief that these will be quiet and remain in loyalty and obedience, if Philip once were passed over into Italy? Yes mary will they, there is no question: for they stood fast afterwards, and continued true in the Punic war. Nay, nay, never make reckoning that these States will not revolt from us, so long as they know any one, unto whom they may turn and range themselves. If ye had thought much of it, and been loath to pass over into Africa; in good faith at this day ye should have had Hannibal and the Carthaginians your enemies still in Italy. Let Macedon therefore be the seat of war, rather than Italy: let our enemy's cities and lands be destroyed with fire and sword. We have found full well by good experience, that our fortune is better, and our forces more puissant abroad in foreign parts, than at home in our own country. Go to therefore in the name of God, to the Scrutiny and give your voices; and those things that the LL. of the Senate have devised to do, grant ye the same, and yield your assent. Ye have not only the Consul author of this advice and counsel, but also the immortal gods (who as I offered sacrifice and prayed devoutly unto them, that this war might redound to the good and benefit of myself, of the Senate, of you, of our allies, of the Latin nation, and finally of our armies and armadaes) have vounchsafed me all the signs and tokens of comfort and joy, and assured me that all shall be well, and according to our hearts desire. This Oration of his once ended, they went presently to deliver up their voices, and gave 
Vtirogasti.  affirmatively for the war, and suffered it to pass, according as he had propounded. Then by an order from the Senate there was a solemn supplication for three days proclaimed: and in all churches and chapels, and before every shrine and alter the gods were prayed unto, that the war (which the people had allowed of) against king Philip, might be well achieved, and have an happy end. Moreover, the Consul Sulpitius conferred with the heralds, and asked their advice, Whether they would ordain, that the war to be denounced against king Philip, should be intimated to himself in person: or thought it sufficient to the proclaimed within the confines of his dominion, at the next frontier town of all, where he kept a garrison and guard: they pronounced again, That it mattered not, but the Consul should please himself, and do full well in the one and the other. Then the Consul was permitted by the LL. of the Senate, to choose whom he would, so he were not a Senator, for to send as a messenger or pursuivant of arms, to give the king defiance, and to publish war. After this it was debated in counsel, how the armies should be disposed as well of Consuls as Praetors. The Consuls were commanded to enrol two legions, and to discharge and casse the old armies. Sulpitius who by a decree was to manage this new war of so great name and consequence, was allowed to take with him out of that army which Scipio the Vizconsull had brought out of Africa, as many voluntaries as he could procure: but in no case to urge any old soldier against his will. Also it was decreed, that the Consul should allow unto the Pretours L. Furius Purpuria, and Quintus Minutius Rufus 5000 men apiece of the associates of the Latin nation: whom they should employ, the one in the province of Gallia, and the other in the Brutians country, to defend those parts & keep them in obedience. Q. Fulvius Gillo was himself likewise commanded to choose out of that army which P. Aclius the Consul commanded, as many as had served fewest years, until he made up the number of 5000 also of allies & Latins; which should be a garrison to keep in order and safety the province of Sicily. M. Valerius Falto, Praetor the year before, and L. deputy of the province of Campane, had his commission signed anew, to continue for the term of one year longer, and as Viz-pretour to pass over into Sardinia, with direction to choose out of the army there five thousand of allies and Latins, such as had served least time. And the Consuls were commanded to take up two legions of citizens, which might be sent to any place, as need should require, considering that many nations in Italy tainted and infected with the fellowship and company of the Carthaginians during the wars and ever since, were swelled with anger and despite against the Romans. Thus the Commonweal for that year was to use the employment of six Roman Legions.  
Amids these preparations for war, there arrived ambassadors from king Ptolomeus, geving intelligence, that the Athenians had craved aid of their king and master, against Philip. And although they were confederate as well with him as the Romans, yet the king would send into Greece neither a fleet of ships, nor an army of men, defensive, or offensive to any, but by authority and consent of the people of Rome. In case therefore the Romans were resolved, and sufficient withal of themselves to defend their allies, he would be willing to sit still & take his repose at home. Otherwise, if the Romans were rather disposed to rest and take their ease, he would himself be well content to send such forces to the aid of the Athenians, as should defend them easily against all the power of Philip. The Senate returned great thanks unto the king, with this answer, That the people of Rome were purposed to protect their own allies: but if during this war they stood in need, upon any occurrence that might happen, they would give knowledge thereof to the king: as being assured and making full account, that all the puissance and wealth of his kingdom was a sure prop and trusty pillar of their State and Commonwealth. This done, by order from the Senate the ambassadors had given them for a reward 
* 15 pound 12 〈◊〉 6 d. sial.  five thousand Asses apiece. Now whiles the Consuls were busy in taking musters, and providing all things meet for the war; the city very devout and given much to religion, in the beginnings especially of all new wars, after they had performed their supplications aforesaid, and done their devotions at every alter and shrine: because nothing might befor-let and left out, that at any time heretofore had been done; ordained that the Consul unto whom the province of Macedon fell, should vow solemnly to exhibit to the honour of jupiter, the great games and plays, and a rich present beside. But Licinius the highpriest, stayed this public vow for the time that it went not forward, alleging that it was not lawful to make a vow of an uncerteine sum of money not determined: and if such money might not serve for the use of war, it ought presently to be set by and laid up safe, and not be mingled and shuffled with other moneys: and unless that were duly done, the vow could not be paid and performed according to the order of holy rites. Albeit the thing itself and the person of the man that moved this scruple, touched and troubled them much, yet they would needs that the Consul should propound the matter to the college of the Priests and Bishops, to know their resolution, whether a vow might not directly be made of an uncertain piece of money. The Bishops set down their opinion and judgement, that it might be well enough, yea and better than otherwise. Whereupon the Consul pronounced the vow, according to the very same form of words (as the high priest indited and spoke before him) which aforetime they were wont to use, in making the quinquennall vows from five years to five: save only thus much, that he vowed and promised to represent the plays, and to present oblations unto jupiter, amounting to such a sum of money, as the Senate should set down when the vow was to be performed. So many times before had the great games been vowed, and a determinate sum of money ever assigned: but these were the first that were not limited within any certain stint and compass.  
Now when all men's minds were wholly bend upon the Macedonian war, behold on a sudden, when they feared nothing less than such a thing, there arose a rumour of French troubles and tumults: for the Insubrians, the Cenomans and Boijs, having solicited and raised up by way of insurrection the Sallij, the Iluations, and other states of Liguria, under the conduct of Amilcar the Carthaginian, who in those parts stayed behind with the remnant of Asdrubal his army, were seized of Placentia: and after they had sacked the city, and for very despiteous anger burnt a great part of it, leaving hardly two thousand persons of all sorts, which amid the fire and ruins thereof chanced to save themselves, crossed the river Po, and advanced forward to the spoil and pillage of Cremona. But the inhabitants of that colony, having heard of the misery and calamity befallen upon their neighbour-citie, had some respite and time to shut their gates, and to bestow their guards upon the walls: so as, they should at leastwise be first besieged or ever they were forced; and might be able to dispatch messengers unto the people of Rome. L. Farius Purpurco was governor of that province for the time; who having by order from the Senate discharged all the rest of the army but only five thousand of allies and those Latins, abode with that power in the next country to that province, about Ariminum. He then addressed his letters unto the Senate, signifying in how bad terms the province stood, namely, that of those two colonies, which all the time of the Punic war had escaped those great storms and tempests of troubles, the one was won by the enemies & put to the sackage, the other now besieged, and at hand to be lost: neither would his forces be sufficient and able to help the distressed Cremonians, unless he should wilfully cast away five thousand allies, and expose them as a prey unto forty thousand of the enemies (for so many they were strong) to have their throats cut, and to be hewn in pieces; and by so great a loss and overthrow of his, to give more hart and courage to the enemies, who are now in their ruff, and puffed up with pride for the ruin of one Roman colony already. Upon the reading of these letters, there went forth a decree from the LL. of the Senate, that C. Aurelius the Consul should send out precepts for the army to be ready at Ariminum that very day, on which he appointed them to the rendezvous in Hetruria: and that either himself in his own person, if it might stand with the good of the State, would go with a power to suppress these French commotions, or else write to L. Furius the Praetor, that when the Rom. Legions presented themselves unto him out of Hetturia, he should send in their steed his own five thousand allies for the guard of Hetturia in the mean time, and make a journey himself in person to levy the siege before Cremona, and to set the colony free that now was beleaguered. They thought good besides to dispatch ambassadors into Africa, who first should go to Carthage, and afterwards to Masanissa in Numidia. To Carthage, for to intimate unto them; That Amilcar a citizen of theirs, left behind in France, (and whether he were of the army of Asdrubal before, or afterwards of Mago, they knew not for certain) waged war there, against the covenants in the league contained: that he had assembled certain forces of French and Ligurians, to enter into arms against the people of Rome: and therefore, if they had any love to intertein peace, they should call him home, and deliver him to the people of Rome. Over and besides they had in commission to give them to understand, that delivery was not yet made of all the rennegate rebels, but many of them, by report, were retired to Carthage, and there went up and down, and conversed openly; which persons were after diligent search made, to be attached and apprehended, that they might according to the tenure of the accord, be sent home again and delivered into the hands of the Romans. And thus much concerning their message to the Carthaginians. Now they had in charge besides to congratulate with Masanissa, and to declare what joy they took in his behalf, namely, for that he had not only recovered the inheritance of his father's kingdom, but also enlarged his dominion, by conquest of the most flourishing part of the realm of Syphax. Moreover, commanded they were to signify unto him, that they had undertaken to war upon king Philip, because he had friended and aided the Carthaginians; and by offering and doing wrong to the friends of the people of Rome, even at what time as all Italy was full of troubles and wars, enforced and put them to it, for to send their armies and their armadaes into Greece, and so by dismembering and dividing their forces into sundry places, was the principal cause that they were so late ere they passed over into Africa: requesting him for the maintenance of this war, to send over certain aids of Numidian horsemen. These orators had great gifts and honourable presents given them for to carry unto the king, to wit, divers pieces of plate both of gold and silver, a purple rob of State, with a rich castock or cote wrought in palm tree work, with a royal sceptre of ivory, also a rob embroidered before with purple, with an ivory chair of estate. Last of all, they were willed to make promise unto the king, that if he could think upon anything needful and expedient either to establish his kingdom, or to advance his royal estate, the people of Rome would endeavour respectively for his good demerits to compass the same to the uttermost of their power.  
There arrived also about that time, ambassadors from Vermina the son of Syphax, and presented themselves unto the Senate, excusing the error & pretending the youth of the prince, clearing him of all fault, and laying the whole blame upon the fraud and faiterie of the Carthaginians, promising for their king and master in this wife, That like as Masanissa of a processed enemy was become a sworn friend to the Romans, even so would Vermina do his best and strain himself, that in all offices of friendship toward the people of Rome; neither Masanissa nor any other should surpassed & go beyond him; and making petition in his name, that the Senate would vouchsafe to give him the titles of King, of Ally, and Friend unto the Romans. These orators had this for their answer, That not only Syphax, his father before him, of a confederate and friend, suddenly without any cause at all proved an enemy to the people of Rome; but also himself had practised already in his young years, and laid the first ground of his warfare in annoying and troubling the Romans by war; and therefore he was to seek pardon and crave peace at their hands, before he might be invested by them with the terms of King, of Ally, and Friend: for the honour of that style, the people of Rome were wont to vouchsafe to none, but those kings only who had deserved singularly well of them. Mary there should be certain Roman Legates in Africa, unto whom the Senate would give order, to minister and tender unto Vermina certain conditions of peace, according to a large and absolute commission that they had from the people of Rome, To do what they thought good. And in case the king misliked aught in those capitulations, and were desirous to have any article added, put out, or altered, he must have recourse again to the Senate, and demand the same. So there were Legates or commissioners sent into Africa with such a commission abovesaid, namely C. Terentius Varro, Sp. Lacretius, and Cn. Octavius, and each of them had allowed a galleace directed with five rues of oars.  
After this were the letters read of Q. Minutius praetor in the province of the Brutij, importing thus much, That the consecrated money of Proserpina at Locri, was by night stolen out of her treasury; but to say who should do the deed, they had no presumptions to give light and lead them directly. The Senate took the matter in very ill part, and grieved exceedingly, That sacrilegious men fell still to church-robbing, and would not give over: and that the late & fresh example of Pleminius (so notorious as well for the heinous fact as the fearful punishment) was not able to terrify them and give them warning. So C. Aurelius the Consul was enjoined to write unto the praetor into the Brutians country, to this effect: That it was the senates pleasure, that due enquiry and examination should be had of the treasury thus robbed, after the same precedent and course that M. Pomponius the praetor took three years before. And look what money could be found, it should be laid up duly in the place; and what was not forthcoming, it should be supplied and made good again. Also (if he thought meet) that there should be certain purgatory sacrifices, according as the bishops before ordained in the like case, for the expiation and satisfaction of the violating and defiling of the temple. Moreover, there chanced about the same time divers prodigious tokens from many places to be reported. In the Lucanes country the rumour and voice went, that the welkin was on fire; and at Privemum, while the sky was bright and fair, the sun appeared red all day long. At Lanuvium in the temple of juno Sospita, there was heard in the night season a mighty great noise. Nay and more than this, in sundry places (as men say) were many monstrous and strange births seen. In the Sabines country one child was borne, and no man knew what to make of it, male or female: and another likewise was found of sixteen years of age, a very Hermaphrodite of doubtful sex between both. At Frusino there was a lamb yeaned with a swine's head: and at Sinuessa a sow farrowed a pig with the head of a man. In the Lucanes country there was fole upon the common ground a colt with five feet. All these monsters were ugly to see and abominable, and holden for great defects and errors of nature working strangely out of kind. But above all others, those births both male and female, (or rather neuter) were most abhorred and detested, and order was given presently, that they should be cast into the sea; even as of late days when C. Claudius and M. Livius were Consuls the like deformed monster was thither had away and drowned. Nevertheless the Decemvirs were commanded to turn over and peruse the books of Sibylla, to know what such prodigious monsters might portend: who by their learning and out of those books, gave direction to make the same sacrifices which last of all for the like uncouth sights were made. Moreover, they gave commandment, that certain hymns and songs should be chanted throughout the city by three several quires, of nine virgins in every one; and an oblation to be offered by them with all devotion to queen juno. C. Aurelius the Consul caused all this to be performed according to the order and direction of the Decemvirs. And as in our father's days Livius composed the ditty of the hymn, so at that time P. Licivius Tegula framed and set down a form of song which they should sing. Thus when all things were expiate, and satisfaction made accordingly for the appeasing of the wrath of the gods, (for even at Locri also the sacrilege was found out by Q. Minutius, and the money missing was raised out of the goods of the offenders and guilty persons, and bestowed there again in the treasury) as the Consuls were minded to take their journey into their provinces, there repaired many private citizens unto the Senate, unto whom the third payment was due that year for the loan of money which in the time of M. Valerius and M. Claudius' Consuls they had lent out and disbursed, because that the Consuls had made them answer, That the stock of the city chamber was hardly able to defray the charges of a new war, which required maintenance of a mighty navy and of puissant armies, and therefore flatly denied them and said, That they had not wherewith to satisfy and make present payment. The Senate could not endure that they should have this occasion to make complaint; considering, that if the commonwealth would still employ the money upon the Macedonian war also, which was granted in loan for the Punic war, this would be the end of it, that (one war following thus in the neck of another) their own money which was lent upon a courtesy and benevolence out of their private purses, should be little better than confiscate for some forfeiture, and fall to the exchequer and common chest of the city. These private persons demanding nothing but reason and right, and the city withal not able to discharge her debt, the LL. set down a middle and indifferent course between honesty and profit; and that was this: That for as much as many of these men said, that the city had much land upon sale, and they were to buy and make purchase, therefore the common grounds lying and being within fifty miles of Rome every way, should be granted unto them in see farm, and the Consuls to set down an estimate of their value and worth, and charge them with a chief rent or tribute of 3 farthings an acre by the year, to testify only that they were the cities lands; to the end that if any man hereafter (when the city should be aforehand and in case to repay the former debt) were desirous to have money rather than land, he should restore the lands and possessions again into the city's hands and receive his money. These private citizens (who were the foresaid creditors) accepted gladly of this offer and condition. And hereupon this land was called by the name of Trientius and Tributus, because it was set out & granted in am of a third part of the lone money. Then P. Sulpitius after he had pronounced his vows abovesaid in the Capitol, and departed out of the city in his coat of arms, with the Lictors & ushers afore him, arrived at Brundisium; and so with the old voluntary soldiers drawn out of the army that was returned from Africa, (whom he had enroled into legions) and ships chosen out of the fleet of Cornelius the Consul; he loosed from Brundisium, and the next day after landed in Macedonia: where there attended him the ambassadors of the Athenians; who humbly besought him to deliver them from the siege that invested their city. So C. Clau. Gento was incontinently sent to Athens, furnished with 20 long ships of war, & a strength of men: for the king himself in person besieged not Athens, but even then made hot assault upon the town Abydus, as having already given proof of his forces in sea fight, both with the Rhodians and king Attalus, and in neither battle had good success. But besides the ordinary stoutness and pride engrassed in him by nature, he was aloft now and looked high, by reason of the alliance made between him and Antiochus king of Syria, with whom he had parted the richesse and realm of Egypt, unto which they both aspired, upon the news they heard of the death of king Ptolomeus. Now the Athenians had drawn upon themselves the war against king Philip, upon a small occasion and of no importance; who of all their ancient estate and glory, retain nothing else but great heart and haughty spirit. It fortuned that two young men of Acarnania, who had taken no orders and were not consecrate, entered among the other multitude into the temple of Ceres, in the time of the festival days, and celebration of sacrifices to that goddess belonging: and being altogether ignorant in the custom of that solemnity and religion, and ask some foolish absurd questions, nothing sit for that time or place, were soon bewrayed by their speech and language: who being convented before the Prelates of the said temple, notwithstanding it was evidently proved and known, that upon an error only and oversight, and not for any ill intent they were come into the church, yet were they put to death as felons, and guilty of some heinous fact in the highest degree. The people of Acarnania complained unto king Philip, and informed him of this villainous part and hostile act by them committed; and obtained a grant from him, that they might be permitted with the aid of the Macedonians, to make war upon the Athenians. This army at first invaded the territories of Athens, and with fire and sword made waste and havoc of all, and so with a rich booty of all sorts returned into Acarnania. These were the first quarrels on both sides, that stirred coals and kindled fire between them. Afterwards was defiance given, and open war proclaimed, by the general decrees of both States. For when king Attalus and the Rhodians pursued after Philip, as he retired into Macedon, and were come as far as Aegina, than the said king passed over to Pyreaeum, for to renew and confirm the league with the Athenians. Against his coming the whole city went forth with their wives and children to meet him on the way: the Clergy with their rich vestments & goodly ornaments were ready to receive him as he entered the city: the very gods themselves in a manner abandoned their shrines to give him entertainment. Immediately was the people summoned to a general assembly, that the king might deliver his mind before them all: but afterwards upon more sage advice, it was thought to stand better with the honour and majesty of a prince, that he should set down in writing what he thought good, rather than in open place, either to blush himself in recounting his favours and good turns done unto the city, or in hearing the acclamations of the multitude in token of joy, to be abashed & ashamed of their gross and unmeasurable flattery. But in his letters which he sent unto the assembly, and were there openly read and published, first he made a rehearsal of the benefits that this confederate city had received at his hands. Secondly he discoursed of the worthy exploits which he had performed against Philip. And finally he knit up all with an exhortation, that whiles they had himself, the Rhodians, and especially the Romans to friend them, they should put themselves in arms and begin war; as who, if they now forslowed the enterprise, and let slip the present opportunity, should hereafter seek in vain to find it, which once they had so recklessly lost. Then had the Rhodian Ambassadors audience given them, who lately had done the Athenians a great pleasure, in recovering and sending home unto Athens four long foists, which newly had been boarded and taken by the Macedonians. Hereupon with general accord they decreed to denounce and wage war upon king Philip. But first they did king Attalus incredible honour beyond all measure, and then likewise to the Rhodians. Then and never before there was some speech moved of adjoining unto the ten ancient tribes, one other tribe, which of the king's name should be called Attalis. Unto the city of the Rhodians they gave in token of virtue, a crown of beaten gold. And like as beforetime the men of Rhodes had granted free Burgeoisie of their city to the Athenians, so they of Athens now endued the Rhodians with their liberties and franchises. This done, king Attalus returned to his fleet in the road of Aegina. The Rhodians then weighed anchor, & from Aegina failed to 
* Zia.  Cea. From whence along the 
* Called Cyclades in the Aegean sea, or Archipelago.  islands, they passed to the Rhodes: & in their voyage confedered themselves with them all, excepting 
* Andro.  Andros, 
* Pario.  Paros, & 
* Cythus, or Caure.  Cythnus, which were guarded by garrisons of the Macedonians. In Aegina king Attalus made his abode ascertain time, & entered into no action, by occasion of messengers whom he had sent into Aetolia, and ambassadors that were expected from thence. But as he could not prevail with the Aetolians, & persuade them to take arms, contenting themselves with the peace that in some sort they had concluded with Philip: so himself, and the Rhodians (who, no doubt, if they had pressed and followed hard upon Philip, might have gained and enjoyed this glorious title, That they alone of themselves had delivered Greece from servitude) by suffering him once again to cross the seas as far as 
* Stretto de Gallipoli. B. 〈◊〉 S. Georg●j. S. George's a●me.  Hellespontus, and to possess himself of the commodious and important towns of Greece, thereby to reinforce his power and gather more strength, gave food and nourishment to the war, and in the end let the Romans go away with the honour, both of managing and also of finishing the same. Philip carried with him yet a more princely mind and kingly courage: who, although he was not able to match and make his part good so much as with Attalus and the Rhodians his enemies, yet was he nothing at all daunted with the thundering threats of the Roman war; but sent Philocles, a captain of his, with a power of two thousand foot and two hundred horse, to invade and spoil the territory of the Athenians, committed his Armada to the charge of Heraclides, to set sail for 
* Marogna, ●el Marolia.  Maronea, and himself in person marched by land thither with another regiment of two thousand footmen lightly appointed, and two hundred men of arms. Maronea he forced at the first assault. But as for Aenus, after he had with much labour and travail laid siege thereto a long time, in the end he was master thereof, through the treason of Ganymedes, deputed L. Governor there for king Ptolomeus. After this he surprised & won other castles, as Cypsela, Doriscon, and Serrheum. From thence he advanced forward to Chersonesus, where he gained Eleus and Alopeconnesus, which willingly surrendered: Callipolis also & Madytos, with some other pieces of base account and reckoning. But the Abydenes shut their gates against the king, and would not suffer so much as his ambassadors to set foot within their cities. There lay Philip a long time before the town and beleaguered it: and surely had not Attalus and the Rhodians foreslacked the time, it might have been saved and the siege raised. Attalus sent thither three hundred soldiers and no more to lie in garrison, and the Rhodians one galley only with four banks of oars out of the navy when it road at Tenedos. And afterwards when as Attalus himself was thither come, at what time as the townsmen could hardly hold out any longer against the siege, he made them a show only near at hand of some help: other relief would he afford none to his allies either by land or sea. The Abydens at first planted their engines and artillery along the walls, and with shot from thence not only distressed their enemies, and kept them from approach and entrance, but also annoyed them as they lay in harbour with their ships: but afterwards, seeing part of their walls ruinate and laid open; and perceiving besides that the enemies had undermined and were come under the ground as far as the inner countermure, which the inhabitants in great haste had raised within, forthwith they sent ambassadors to the king to treat and article about some conditions for delivering up the city. The townsmen capitulated and demanded, that the Rhodian galley aforesaid, with all her mariners, and the garrison also of king Attalus, might be sent away in safety, and themselves permitted to depart the town every one with a single suit only of apparel. But Philip made answer again, that he had no peace for them at all, unless they would quit the place, and simply commit themselves unto his mercy. This embassage related unto them, set them in such an heat and choler, that partly for spite and indignation, and partly upon despair, they fell into the semblable rage that the Saguntines did in times past. All the dames and wives of the city they commanded to be shut up within the temple of Diana: their young boys and maidens that were free borne, the sucking babes, together with their nurses, they caused to be bestowed within the common place of public exercise: their gold and silver they took order to be brought into the market place: their rich attire, their costly apparel and furniture, to be cast into the two galleys, the one of Rhodes, and the other of Cyzicum, which rid in the haven: and last of all, that their priests should be brought forth with their beasts for sacrifice, and altars erected in the midst of the place. There, first were certain men chosen of purpose: who so soon as they perceived the battaillon of their countrymen defeated and slain, fight before the breaches of the wall, immediately should run upon their wives and children, & kill them without mercy, cast away into the sea their gold and silver, and all the furniture abovesaid that was in the galleys, and set the edifices and houses asire, as well public as private, in as many places as possibly they could. For the performing and execution of these premises, they were bound by an oath ministered unto them; the form whereof, with a cursed malediction thereto annexed, they pronounced word for word from the Priest's mouth. Then, as many as were of lawful age to bear arms, swore likewise, That not one of them would depart out of the battle alive, but with victory. Thus remembering the oath they had taken, and how they called the gods to witness, they fought so resolutely, that whereas the night would have parted the combat, the king terrified with their furious rage, first gave over the conflict. The cheese and principal men of the city, whose charge was to play the more cruel and horrible part in this tragical act, seeing there remained but few alive after this skirmish, and those greevously wounded and tired out of heart for weariness; the next morning early by daybreak, sent their priests with their insules and veils of peace, to render the city unto Philip. Before the town was fully yielded, M. Acmylius the youngest of those three Roman ambassadors which were sent to Alexandria, hearing of the straight siege of the Abydenes, came by the consent of the other two unto Philip. Where he laid open his grievances, & made complaint, That he had warred upon Attalus & the Rhodians, and namely even then besieged & assailed Abydus most forcibly. And when the king answered that Attalus and the Rhodians without just cause on his part offered, began first to molest and trouble him. What! (quoth Aemylius again) were you molested and troubled first by the Abydenes too? Philip who was not wont to be told the truth so plainly, thinking this rejoindre of his, more bold and malapert, than to be offered to a king, Your youthful age, quoth he, and fair face, and above all, the Roman name maketh you hardy and audacious. But I would advise you all, first to remember your covenants, and to entertain peace with me. For in case ye once begin with me, and put me to it: I do you to understand, that I also am fully resolved to make you feel the smart, and know, that the realm and nation of the Macedonians, is no less renowned for seats of arms than the Romans. Philip having dismissed the ambassador, and seized upon all the gold and silver that lay on an heap together, lost all the booty of men of quality, that might have yielded him a round ransom. For the multitude of common people fell into such a fit of rage and madness, that all of a sudden they imagined those who let their lives in the conflict were betrayed: and so casting one in another's tooth their perjury, and charging the priests especially that they were foresworn, in delivering them alive unto the enemy whom they had devoted & appointed to death; they ran at once from all parts to the pitiful massacre of their own wives & children: and when they had so done, they made no more ado, but by fire, by sword, by drowning, hanging, and one way or other, they wrought a quick dispatch and clean riddance of themselves also. The king amazed and astonished to see them thus hornewood, stayed the bloody hand of his own soldiers, saying that he would allow the Abydenes three days to die in. During which term of time, the conquered Abydenes exercised more fearful cruelty upon their own persons, than ever the conquerors would have put in practice in the height of their heat and choletick fury. In so much as there was not one of them came alive into the enemy's hands; but such as either fast tied with bonds, or otherwise by some forcible means, were stayed from being their own hangmen, and the butchers of their proper bodies. Philip after he had placed a garrison at 
* 〈◊〉  Abydus, returned into his own realm. Now when this miserable calamity of the Abydenes had fleshed Philip to enterprise war against the Romans, like as Hannibal afore him took hart by the woeful destruction of Saguntum to do the semblable: behold, he was encountered with posts that brought news, how the Consul was in Epirus already, and had withdrawn his land-forces to Apollonia, and bestowed his servitors at sea in Corcyra, there to winter.  
In this while, the ambassadors who were sent into Africa, had their dispatch and this answer from the Carthaginians. First as touching, Amilcar the General of the army and forces in France, they could do no more but banish his person, and confiscate his goods. Then concerning the fugitive traitors and rebels which were run from the Romans, they had sent home again unto them as many as they could search out and come by: and to that purpose they would address ambassadors themselves unto the Romans, to satisfy the Senate in that behalf. And presently they sent to Rome two hundredth thousand Modij of where, and other two hundred thousand into Macedon to the army there. From thence the Roman Ambassadors went forward to the kings in Numidia. To king Masanissa they delivered the presents which the Romans sent, and declared unto him their commission: at whose hands they received a thousand Numidian horse, whereas he offered them two thousand: himself took order for their embarking, & so dispatched them into Macedon, with provision of two hundred thousand 
* Mo●●.  measures of where, and as many of barley. A third embassage they had to Vermina, who met the ambassadors as far as the utmost marches of his realm, and to their disposition and discretion referred the drawing and penning of all conditions of peace as they would themselves: saying withal, that he held any peace whatsoever, that he should have with the people of Rome, for good and just. So there were presented unto him certain articles and conditions of peace, and for the ratifying thereof, he was enjoined to send his ambassadors to Rome.  
Much about the very same time L. Cornelius Lentulus the Vizpretor returned out of Spain: who having declared in the Senate his valiant and fortunate exploits, that for many years together he had achieved in Spain; and in consideration thereof, demanded that it might be lawful for him to enter the city in triumph: the Senate judged that his noble acts deserved no less than he sued for: but they had no such precedent from their ancestors, that he should be allowed to triumph, who had warred, neither as dictator, nor Consul, nor praetor: and as for Lentulus, in quality of Viz-pretour only, and not of Consul or praetor, he took upon him the charge of the province of Spain. Howbeit, in the end they came down to this point, that he should ride into the city on horseback as Ovant. But T. Sempronius Longus a Tribune of the Com. interposed his negative, alleging that they had as little example to show for that; and no practice or custom at all of their ancient predecessors. But in fine, the Tribune gave place to the general accord of the LL. and was content to be overruled. So after the order set down by the Senate, L. Lentulus entered Rome in that solemnity & pomp before named. He presented in show, of the pillage that he had gotten 
* 137500 pound 〈◊〉 after 5 〈◊〉. the 〈◊〉.  44000 pound weight of silver, 
* 33200 pound 〈◊〉 at 3 pound an ounce.  2450 pound weight of gold. To his soldiers he distributed out of the spoil 
* 7 〈◊〉 6 〈◊〉 English.  120 Asses apiece.  
Now was the army of the Consul translated already from Arretium to Ariminum, and five thousand Latin allies were passed out of France into Etturia: Therefore L. Furius departed from Ariminum, made haste by taking great journeys to come against the Gauls, who then laid siege to Cremona, and encamped within a mile and an half from the enemy. Means and opportunity he had to do a notable exploit, and win a good hand of the enemies, if immediately upon his first coming he might have assailed their camp: for they vagued to and fro in scattering wise up and down the country a foraging, and had left no sufficient guard for the defence of their camp. But he feared greatly that his soldiers were weary and tired: because the companies marched apace thither in exceeding great haste. Howbeit the Gauls being called back by the hooping & hollaing of their fellows, let go their booty which they had in manner as good as in their hands, and returned to the camp, and the morrow after ranged themselves in battle ray. The Romans were not behind for their parts, albeit they had hardly time enough to set themselves in order, the enemies ran so suddenly, and made such haste to fight. The right wing (for the army of the allies was divided into wings) was placed in the vanguard: the two Roman legions in the rearward; M. Furius led the right wing, M. Cecilius had the conduct of the legions; and L. Valerius Flaccus (all three Lieutenants) commanded the cavalry. The praetor kept with him two Lieutenants, Cn. Lectorius, and P. Titinius, by whose means he might look about from every part, and be ready to oppose himself against all sudden attempts whatsoever of the enemies. At the first, the Gauls hoped that with their numbers they should be able to tread down and trample under their feet, that right wing of allies which was in the forefront: and to that effect they reduced their multitudes into one place, & charged upon it with all their might & main together. But seeing that enterprise sped not well, they endeavoured to environ the corners & sides, & to compass the enemies round about: which they thought they might soon do, being so many as they were in comparison of so few: which when the Praetor perceived, to the end that he also might spread out his battalions at large, he displayed the two legions in the rearward, so as he compassed on both hands that wing which sought in the vaward: and therewith vowed two chapels to jupiter, if that day he might be so fortunate as to vanquish his enemies. To L. Valerius he gave direction, that of one side he should with the cavalry of the two legions, & on the other side with the horse belonging to the allies charge upon the wings of the enemies, & not suffer them in any case to enclose the battle about. Herewithal himself also, espying the middle battailon of the Gauls to be but thin, by reason they were stretched out from thence to the corners & points of each hand, commanded his soldiers to keep close together, to advance forward and break through their ranks. So were the wings of the Gauls by the horsemen discomfited, and they in the mids repulsed back and chased by the footmen: and when the enemies thus at once on every hand were beaten down and killed, they showed their backs, and fled as fast as they could to the camp. The horse pursued them in the rout and chase; and anon the legionary footmen made after also, and gave an assault upon their camp. There escaped from thence not all out six thousand: slain there were and taken prisoners above 35000, with seventy banners and ensigns, and more than two hundred French wagons, charged and laden with much pillage. In this conflict, Amilcar the General of the Carthaginians lost his life, and three noble men of the French, leaders of mark and name. The Placentine captives to the number of two thousand men of free condition, were delivered again to them of their own colony. This was a goodly victory; and upon the letters which came with tidings thereof to Rome, received there with great joy; and ordained it was, that a solemn procession should be held for the space of three days. Of Romans and allies one with another, there died in this battle two thousand: most of them were of that right wing, upon which the enemies in the beginning of the conflict most of all discharged their fury.  
Albeit the praetor had brought the war to a good pass and in manner finished it, yet the Consul also C. Aurelius, having accomplished his necessary affairs at Rome, made no stay but took his journey into France, and received the victorious army of the Praetor. The other Consul who came into his province but a little before the end of Autumn, wintered about Apollonia. The Roman galleys which from the Armada that lay in dock at 
* Co●p●u.  Corcyra, were sent as is aforesaid, to Athens with C. Claudius, were no sooner arrived at Pyreaeum, but they mightily comforted the allies, whose hearts were well-nigh done: for neither were there any more inroads now by land as there were wont to be from Corinth side by the way of Megara along into their territories: and the men of war and pirates ships which from Chalcis had made not only the seas dangerous to the Athenians, but also the maritime and sea coasts, durst not now approach nearer than to the cape of Sunium, no nor venture into the open main sea from out of the straits of Euripus. Over and besides, there came in to them three Rhodian galleys with four banks of oars: there were also three open ships of Athens well rigged and appointed, for to keep the quarters that lay along the river. Claudius was well appayed, and thought he had gotten enough for the present, in case the city and territory of Athens might be sufficiently guarded by this fleet. But see, there presented unto him an occurrent besides of far greater importance and consequence. Certain banished persons of Chalcis, expelled from thence by the wrongs and violence of those that sided with king Philip, advertised him, that the city of Chalcis might be easily surprised without any conflict or resistance at all: for, not only the Macedonians ranged abroad every where up and down, because there were no enemies near at hand to fear; but also the townsmen presuming upon the garrison of the Macedonians, neglected the guard of the city. Upon the assurance of their words, he set forward: and although he was arrived at Sunium with to good speed, that he might with ease have sailed to the entrance of the straits of Eubcea, yet for fear of being discovered (when he was got once past the cape) he kept his fleet within the bay still until night: and at the shutting in of the evening, he weighed anchor and launched forth, and having a calm sea, he arrived before Chalcis a little before the break of day, and presented his forces against those parts of the city that were least peopled: and with the help of some few soldiers, he scaled and got the tower that stood next, with the wall about it, whiles in some places the warders were sound asleep; and in others, not at all to be found. Then they advanced forward unto those parts that were more inhabited, and stood thicker with houses; where, after they had killed the guard and broken open a gate, they received into the town all the rest of their soldiers. Whereupon, there was running now on every hand into all parts of the city, and much hurry and confusion; which was the greater, because the enemies had set fire on the houses about the market place. The king's garners also were of a light fire, together with the arsenal and armory, where there was exceeding store of provision, of engines; of artillery and other ordinance and instruments for war. After this they fell to execution and to massacre in every place, as well those that fled as those that made head; so as they miss not one that was of age meet to bear arms, but either he was killed or put to flight. Sopater likewise the Acarnanian captain of the garrison, was there slain. All the pillage was first brought and piled up together in the common place of the city, and afterwards embarked. The common goal besides was broke open by the Rhodians, and the prisoners and captives let out, whom Philip had there lodged as in a place of surest guard and custody. Then they overthrew the Images and statues of the king, and broke their necks: which done, they founded the retreat, went a shipboard, and returned to Pyreaeum, from whence they came. But if the number of Roman soldiers had been such, that they might have kept Chalcis still with a garrison, without quitting and abandoning the defence of Athens, a great matter had been gotten in the very beginning of the war: to wit, the city of Chalcis and the passage of Euripus, had been taken from the king. For as the narrow pass of Thermopyle stoppeth the way into Greece by land, so the straits of Euripus maketh all sure by sea. Philip at that time lay in the city Demetrias; where, after he heard the news of the calamity besalne upon a confederate city, albeit now it was too late to help when all was lost; yet because he would be revenged (which is a thing that cometh near to the nature of aid and succour) he went forth immediately with five thousand footmen lightly appointed and deliver, and three thousand horsemen, with all the speed and hast he could to reach near unto Chalcis; making full reckoning that the Romans might be surprised on a sudden: but being disappointed of this hope, and thither come where he could see nothing else but a piteous spectacle of a friend-citie half ruinate and still smoking, and so few people left alive, that they hardly were able to bury their dead, he returned as hastily as he came; and having passed over Euripus at a bridge, he lead strait to Athens by the way of Boeotia, with a deep persuasion and hope, that a like enterprise unto the Romans should have the like issue. And verily he had not miss of the semblable effect, correspondent to his designs, but that a certain watchman (one of those whom the greeks call Hemerodromos, that is, posts and carriers that in one days space will run and rid a mighty deal of ground) descried from a watch-towre the king's troops marching: whereupon he ran out afore, and came to Athens ere midnight. There were they all asleep too, and as reckless as they of Chalcis were a few days past, which was the loss of their town. The Praetor of the Athenians, and Dioxippus the captain of a regiment of hired strangers and aid-soldiers, awoke at this so fearful and sudden tidings and got up, assembled the soldiers into the market-stead, & commanded to sound alarm from the highest place of the city, that all men might take knowledge that the enemies were near at hand. By which means they ran every man from all parts to the gates and up the walls. Within few hours after, and somewhat before day light, he approached the city: and seeing many lights every where, hearing also a noise of people running to and fro (as in time of such a tumult) he stayed his march, and commanded his soldiers to sit them down and rest themselves, intending to proceed by ouvert and open forces, since covert and crafty courses, sped no better: and so at length he came before Dipylos. This Dipylos is a gate, standing in the very front of the city, greater and wider a good deal than the rest. Both within and without that gate, are large and broad streets, so that both the inhabitants within-forth may marshal an army, and lead in battle ray from the common place directly to the gate, and also the enemies without, have room at will to conduct a power, as well of horse as foot, by means of a spacious causey or high way, which reacheth out almost a mile in length from the foresaid gate, and leadeth to the place of exercise or school called Academia. At this quarter of the city, the Athenians, together with the garrison of Attalus, and the regiment of Dioxippus, issued forth, & entered the causey abovenamed, having first within the gate set their men in order of battle. Which when Philip saw, he made full account, That he had his enemies as he would himself to do his pleasure with them, and that now he should have his fill of a massacre and carnage that he had wished for so long (for there was not a State or city in all Greece that he maliced more than this of Athens.) And therefore he exhorted and encouraged his soldiers, that they should have their eye upon him ever as they fought, and know well this, that where the king was, there should the banners & guidons be displayed, there should the strength and force of the battle be: and so he set spurs to his horse, and ran with full career to charge the enemies. Thus was he not only carried away with heat of choler, but ravished also with a desire of glory, esteeming it a goodly thing, and a matter tending to his great honour, for to be seen fight in the view of a great multitude of people that had taken up and filled the battlements of the walls (as it were) to behold a solemn spectacle. Thus being advanced a good way before the main battle, accompanied with some few men of arms, he road among the mids of the enemies, where he bore himself so valiantly, that as he mightily heartened his own men, so he affrighted no less his enemies. Many a one he wounded with his own hand, reaching at them that were near, leveling at those that were farther off, and drove them afore him like sheep, and followed hard upon them in person to the very gate; where he made soul work among them, thronged and crowded as they were together in the straight of the passage, for hast they made to escape, and committed a grievous slaughter. And albeit this was but an unwise & rash adventure of his, yet he retired himself in safety, without farther danger of his person, by reason that they who were placed in the turrets of the gate, forbore to shoot and lance their darts, because they would not hurt their own side, intermingled among the enemies. But after this, when the Athenians kept their soldiers within the walls, Philip sounded the retreat, and pitched his tents at Cynosarges, where there was a temple of Hercules, and a school of learning, and a grove standing about it. As for Cynosarges, and the school Lyceum, and whatsoever was either religious, or pleasant and delectable about the city, was burned. And not only the edifices, but the sepulchers also and monuments of the dead were defaced and cast down: in which furious heat of anger, nothing was spared, were it sacred or profane, without regard of God and man. The next morrow, when the gates were first kept shut, and afterwards set open again upon a sudden, because the garrison of Attalus entered into the city from Aegina, and the Roman from Pyreaeum side; Philip dislodged and removed back from the city almost three miles. From whence he went to Eleusine, hoping to surprise the temple at unwares, together with the town and castle, which both environneth the temple, and also commandeth the same. But when he perceived that the corpse de guard was not neglected, and that a fleet besides was coming from Pyreaeum to succour them, he gave over this design, and led his army to Megara, and so straight forward immediately to Corinth: and having intelligence, that the Achaei held a general Diet and counsel at Argos, thither he came unlooked for of the Achaeans, and put himself amongst them at the very session and assembly. Consultation there was, about waging war with Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedæmonians: Who seeing, that the signory of Achaea was taken from Philopaemenes and conferred upon Cycliades, a captain not to be named and compared with him, and perceiving also that the aids which the Achaeans had, were fallen from them and gone, took their vantage, renewed the old quarrel, and made fresh war upon them, wasting the villages and territories of the borderers, yea, and threatening the good towns and cities also. Now whiles they sat devising and conferring together what number of soldiers should be levied and enroled out of every several state and city, for to withstand this common enemy, Philip frankly promised to ease them all of that care as touching Nabis and the Lacedæmonians; and not only to impeach them for spoiling the lands of their Allies, but also to lead his army out of hand into the very territory of Laconica and Sparta, and thither to turn the whole terror of this war. This kind speech and friendly offer of his, being with a general applause of them all accepted. Marry, this you must (quoth he) take withal, that good reason it is, whiles I myself am content to defend and maintain your country by my forces, mine own territories inthe mean time be not disfurnished of their garrisons and left naked: and therefore, if ye think good, provide me as many soldiers as may suffice for the guard of Oreum, Chalcis, and Corinth, that thus making all sure behind me, I may be secured from danger that way, and with more resolution prosecute the war against Nabis and the Lacedæmonians. The Achaeans smelled him quickly, and knew full well, to what end this gracious promise of his & frank offer of aid against the Lacedæmonians tended. His only drift was to draw forth of Peloponnesus the youth and flower of the Achaeans, as a pledge and sure hostage, for to engage the whole nation, so far as they should be interessed in the war that he had with the Romans. Cycliades the Praetor of the Achaeans, thinking it bootless, and no good policy, to discover so much and to enforce that point against him, inferred only this speech and said, That it was not lawful by the customs and ordinances of the Achaeans, to propose other matters to parley or, than those for which they were assembled together: & so after the order enacted for levying & waging an army against Nabis, he dissolved & broke up the assembly, which he now had held right stoutly and with the liberty of the place, who otherwise, before that time was taken ever for no better than one of the king's flatterers and favourites. Thus Philip put besides the great hopes that he had conceived, levied some small number of voluntary soldiers, and returned to Corinth and the land of Attica.  
During the time that Philip was in Achaea, Philocles a captain under the king, departed out of Euboea with two thousand Thracians and Macedonians, for to waste and spoil the confines of the Athenians; and over against Eleusina passed over the forest and hill Cithaeron, from whence having sent out the one half of his forces every way to prey upon the plain country, he sat himself down close with the other half in a convenient place for an ambush, to the end, that if peradventure they should make out from the fort at Eleusine, and set upon his soldiers as they drove booties, he might suddenly arise and charge upon the enemies at unawares, spread and scattered all abroad. But this ambushment was discovered. And therefore after he had called the soldiers back who were run all abroad a boothaling, he put them in order well armed & appointed to besiege and assault the fort of Eleusine, against which he led all his forces: but after much hurt and many a wound received from them he retired, and joined with Philip as he returned out of Achaea. The king also himself in person, assayed to force and batter the said hold: but the Roman ships coming from Pyreaeum, and a fresh garrison received into the place, caused him perforce to give over the enterprise. After this the king divided his power, and sent one part thereof against Athens, under the conduct of Philocles, & himself with the other marched to Pyreaeum: that whiles Philocles kept the Athenians within the city, by approaching their walls, and threatening to besiege and assault it, he might himself with facility win and gain Pyreaeum, wherein there was left but a small & slight guard. But he found as hot a piece of service about the assailing of Pyreaeum, as before at Eleusine, by reason of the same soldiers in manner, that defended as well the one as the other. So on a sudden he departed from Pyreaeum, and marched directly toward Athens. From whence he was repulsed and chased by a sudden sally both of horse and foot, made from the straits of the wall half ruinate; which wall stretching out, as it were, two arms, joineth the port Pyreaeum to Athens. So he left battering and assaulting the city, and parting again his army with Philocles, he went out to forrey and spoil the country: and as in his former saccage he exercised himself in demolishing the tombs all about the city, so because he would leave nothing entire and safe, he commanded the chapels of the gods, which were consecrate in every village and hamlet, to be pulied down, razed, and burnt.  
The country of Attica was mervailously beautified and embellished (as it were) with goodly pieces of work in that kind, (by reason as well of the store they had of native marble, as also of their industrious and excellent workmen) which ministered matter and occasion unto him of this outrage and madness. For not contented and satisfied with the ruin of the temples, and casting down of images, he commanded that the very stones should be broken and hatterd in pieces, that least being whole and sound they might serve to make up and stop the breaches of the ruins. And after that his fell mood and anger was not so much satisfied and satiate, as it wanted matter to work upon in that place, he departed out of his enemy's country into Boeotia, and performed no other deed in Greece worthy of remembrance.  
Sulpitius the Consul at that time lay in camp between 
* Sissopoli, Pineto, Piergo, Nigro.  Apollonia and 
* Durazzo.  Dyrrachium, near the river Apsus: and having caused T. Apustius the Lieutenant to come thither, he sent him with part of his forces to waste the borders of his enemies. Apustius after he had forraied the frontiers of Macedon, 
Vito, Negro  and forced at the first assault certain holds, as Corrhagum, Gerrhenium, and Orgessum, came with his army before Antipatria, a city seated in the narrow straits of a certain passage. And first he called forth the principal and chief citizens to a parley, and assayed to persuade and induce them for to commit themselves under the protection and safeguard of the Romans: but afterwards, seeing they trusted upon the greatness, the strong walls and situation of the town, and therefore made no reckoning of his motives, but rejected them, he assai led it by force of arms, and won it in the end. All that were above fourteen years of age he put to the sword; the whole pillage he dealt amongst the soldiers; the walls he razed, and set fire on the town. The fear of like misery was the cause that Codrio, a town of good strength and well fortified, was yielded to the Romans without assault, or any sword drawn. There he left a garrison: and after that, he forced Ilium, a town better known for the name that it carrieth of the other famous Ilium in Asia, than for any thing else. As the Lieutenant returned with a great booty to the Consul, one Athenagoras a captain under the king, charged upon the tail of the arriergard, disordered the hindmost, and impeached their passage over the river: but the Lieutenant, at their cry and sudden affright road in all haste back, caused them to turn again and make head, set them in battle ray, and bestowed all their bag and baggage in the mids upon a heap. The king's soldiers not able to abide the violence of the Romans, were many of them slain, and more taken prisoners. So, the Lieutenant having retired his army in safety, was immediately sent back unto the Consul to the Armada.  
The war being thus begun, and the exploit of this first expedition happily performed, the princes, potentates, and LL. that bordered upon the Macedonians, repaired into the Roman camp, to wit, Pleuratus the son of Scerdiletus, Aminander king of the Athamanes: and from Dardania, Bato the son of Longarus. This Longarus had waged war aforetime in his own name and quarrel, with Demetrius the father of this Philip. These States offering and promising their aids unto the Consul, had this answer from him, That for the Dardanians and Pleuratus, he would use them, when he entered with an host into Macedon. As for Aminander, he gave him in charge the while to solicit the Aetolians to war. The Ambassadors of king Attalus (for they also were come at the same time) he dispatched with this order, That their king should attend the coming of the Roman fleet at Aegina, where he wintered; with which & his own jointly together, he should assail Philip at sea, like as he had done beforetime. Ambassadors also were addressed to the Rhodians, that they likewise should have their hand and be seen in this war. Philip for his part foreslowed not to make preparation (for now by this time was he come into Macedon) & sent with part of his forces for to keep the straits of the passage of Pelagonia, his son Perseus, a very child of young years, having chosen certain of his trusty friends, to direct and govern his tender age. As for 
* Sciato.  Sciathus & 
* Lemene.  Peparethus, two towns of no small importance he destroyed, for fear the enemy's fleet should seize upon them, & with their pillage content & pay themselves. He sent likewise ambassadors to the Aetolians (a nation inconstant & unquiet by nature) that they should not upon the arrival of the Romans, change their allegiance. Now the Diet or general council of all the states of Aetolia, which they call Panaetolium, was to be held at a certain day appointed. And therefore to prevent and meet with all dangers, both the king's ambassadors made haste to be present thereat; and also L. Furius Purpurio presented himself there, as sent ambassador from the Consul. The Athenian ambassadors likewise were at this assembly. And first the Macedonians (with whom a league was but lately concluded, and therefore freshest in remembrance) had audience, 
The Oration of the Macedonian Ambassadors.  who said, They had no new matter to speak of, seeing there was no new occurrent and business fallen out: only this, that upon what motives and considerations they were entered into an accord and peace with king Philip, (as having experience that the alliance with the Romans never did them good) for the very same they should maintain it still, being once concluded & confirmed. Or love ye rather (qd. one above the rest of the ambassadors) to imitate the Romans licentiousness or their levity, I know not whether? who, as they gave order & commandment, that your ambassadors being at Rome, should receive their dispatch & answer in these rearmes: Come ye now to us indeed my masters of Aetolia, when without our consent and warrant ye have made peace with Philip? so likewise at this present are ready to require that ye should band with them, and war upon Philip. They presended aforetime that they took arms against him, by occasion of you, in your quarrel and defence; and now they forbid you to be in peace with Philip. At first, they entered into Sicily for to aid and succour Messana. A second time they went thither to set free and deliver Syracuse out of the oppression of the Carthaginians. And now at this time they hold in possession both Messana and Syracuse: and all Sicily entire they have made it tributary, yea and reduced it into the form of a province, to be ruled under their sword, and the jurisdiction of their deputies and magistrates. In good faith, I assure you, that as ye according to your laws and customs hold your Diets & Counsels at Naupactum, by your own magistrates elected & created among yourselves, wherein ye have liberty to make choice both of friends and enemies whom ye will, and to entertain either peace or war at your pleasure: so, writs are sent out to the States of Sicily for their knights and burgesses, to assemble in Parliament at Saracose, at Messana, or Lilybaeum. And the Roman Praetor it is and no other that summoneth them thither, as also to their Assizes and Sessions: at his commandment & not otherwise they are cited to general Counsels. Him they see sitting on high in his tribunal seat, guarded with Lictors, attended upon with Ushers, there to hear & determine cause, & from aloft to pronounce hard sentences & proud awards. His rods threaten their backs and sides, his axes are ready to chop their heads from their shoulders: and from year to year new lords still they choose and send among them. And this dealing, none of them either can or ought to marvel at: for why? they see cities of Italy, by name Rhegyum, Tarentum, and Capua, (to speak nothing of their neighbour towns, by whose fall they arose, by whose ruins Rome grew mighty) subject likewise to the same rule and government. As for Capua, the very sepulchre and tomb of the Campane nation (now that the natural people thereof are either dead and buried, or driven out as exiled persons) remaineth at this day as a monster and wonder in nature, resembling a headless and limlesse dismembered trunk of a body: a town (I say) without Senate, without Commonalty, without magistrates: where more cruelty was showed, in leaving it to itself thus abandoned, and in this manner to be inhabited, than if it had been clean razed and laid even with the ground. Mere folly it is and without all sense and reason, to believe or hope, that if these strangers and aliens borne (who differ more from us in language, in customs and laws, than they are distant and disjoined by space between of land and sea) be once seized and possessed of these places, that any thing will continue long entire in the present state. The kingdom of Philip (ye will say) is a block in your way, and seemeth to prejudice your freedom and liberties: yet he being made your heavy friend, and that through your own fault and desert, required no other thing at your hands for amends, but peace; and even now desireth nought else but your allegiance, and the faithful observance of the same. Acquaint foreign legions once with this your country; you take the yoke of servitude upon your necks for ever. Accept the Romans once for your lords: too late it will be then and in vain for you, to seek Philip again, and wish him your ally. Small matters and momentany occasions may well cause the Aetolians, Acarnanians and Macedonians, (men of one language) to fall out, and as slender motives, will soon make them friends again: a little thing setteth them at a jar, and as little bringeth them in tune. But all Grecians both are and ever will be at war with Barbarians: enemies they are by nature, which is perpetual and immurable; and not by occasions which alter every day. But where I began my speech, there will I leave and make an end. In this very place you the same men, agreed three years past to have peace with Philip: and the self same Romans as they misliked then and disavowed that peace, so now they will needs disquiet and trouble it after it is once passed and accorded. And since the case still is all one, and fortune hath made no alteration, I see no reason why ye should vary and change your minds.  
After the Macedonians, the Athenians entered in place, for the Romans were well contented therewith, and would needs have it so: These Athenians having suffered many wrongs and indignities at the king's hands, had juster cause of complaint, and more reason to inveigh and aggravate matter against his cruelty and outrageous dealings. 
Th● Oration of the Athenian 〈◊〉.  First, they bewailed the piteous spoil and miserable saccage of their territories: neither complained they so much and found themselves grieved, in that they had sustained harms and suffered hostility from an enemy, (for there be certain laws and rights belonging unto war, by virtue whereof, to give and take, to suffer harm and to do harm interchangeally, is an ordinary matter and allowable: As for example, the burning of standing corn in the field, rasing and pulling down of houses, harrying and driving of booties both of men and cat-tail, rather pitiful calamities, than shameful indignities to endure.) But this is the point say they, and hereof we complain, That he who termed the Romans, strangers borne, & barbarous, hath so polluted and violated at once all laws of God and man: so as in his former road and expedition he seemed to make most impious war with the infernal gods and spirits beneath: and in the second, with the heavenly powers and gods above. All the monuments and tombs within their confines are defaced and destroyed: the dead in their graves are all laid bare, not so much as the bones of any one lie covered with mould. Temples we had and chapels, which, as in times past when our ancestors inhabited those small holts, hamlets and villages, they consecrated and hallowed: so when they were reduced into one city, and enroled into wards and parishes, they forsook not nor abandoned altogether. Round about these sacred churches hath Philip set fire, and consumed all: the holy images of the gods, lie some scorched and half burnt: others headless & dismembered, among the pillars & posts of the temples thrown along on the ground. And look what foul work he hath made in the country of Attica, so rich & so bewtifully adorned in times past, the like havoc if he might be let alone, would he make in Aetolia and in all Greece throughout. For had not the Romans come in time to succour, our very city also had been so served, and pitcously disfigured. For with like mischievous intent came he to the city which worshipped those gods, not sparing the goddess Minerva, the patroness and protectress of our town and castle: the same wicked mind he carried against the temple of Ceres Eleusina: and no better affected was he to jupiter and Minerva in Pyreaeum. But being repulsed by force and arms not only from our temples, but also from the walls of our city, he wreaked his anger and raged, against those chapels and religious houses, which had nothing for their defence, but only the reverend regard of the gods, whereof he had none. Hereupon, they prayed and humbly besought the Aetolians, to have compassion of the Athenians, and to enterprise the war, under the conduct first of the immortal gods, and then of the Romans, who next to the gods are most powerful and mighty. Then the Roman ambassador spoke in this wife. The Macedonians first, & after them the Athenians, 
The Oration of the Roman Ambassadors.  have altered the whole course & form of my speech. For, whereas my coming hither was to complain of the injuries done by Philip to so many cities of our allies and associates; the Macedonians by accusing the Romans first, have put me so hardly to my shifts, that I need rather to employ my wits in making a defence of ourselves, than in framing an accusation against others. The Athenians again in reckoning up and recounting the impious, abominable, and inhuman parts of king Philip committed against the gods, both above and beneath, what have they left behind for me or any man else to object against him besides? What they have said, you may well think, and truly suppose, that the men of Chios, Abydus, Aenus, Maronea, Thasos, Paros, Samos, Larissa and Messene; those also here of Achaia, complain of the same, yea and of more grievous and cruel enormities; as whom he had greater means to annoy and hurt. As for such things as he hath laid to our charge, if they deserve not honour and glory, I confess they can not be answered and defended. Reproached us he hath with Rhegyum, with Capua, and Saracose. I cannot deny, but during the war of Pyrrhus we sent a legion to Rhegyum, there to lie in garrison at the instant prayer of the Rhegines themselves, who requested us to send them. This legion I confess, most wickedly and treacherously seized upon the city, and possessed it to their own use, for the guard and defence whereof they were first sent. A vowed we (I pray you) that act of theirs? Nay, pursued we not by arms that lewd legion and ungracious? and when we had them in our power and at our devotion, forced not we them to make amends and satisfaction to our allies, with the smart of their back and sides, and with the loss of their heads in the end? And when we had so done, restored we not unto the Rhegynes their city, their lands, all their goods whatsoever, together with their liberties, franchises, and laws? As for the Syracusians, when they were oppressed by strange and foreign tyrants, we judging it to be a great indignity, relieved and succoured them: and after we had been (for three years space almost) wearied and toiled out with continual siege and uncessant assault both by land and sea of their city, so exceeding strong and so well fortified; we seeing that the Syracusians themselves made choice rather to be in servitude under those tyrants, than to be taken by us, gave them their city again, both forced and freed by the same armies. Neither deny we that Sicily is our province; and that the cities which took part and sided with the Carthaginians, and jointly with them accorded to wage war against us, are tributaries unto us and pay us yearly rents and pensions: nay we are so far from not taking this upon us, that chose we would, that both you and all nations besides well knew, that every one received at our hands that measure of fortune that he duly deserved. And now as touching the Capuans, should we repent that we have chastised them in such sort, whereof they themselves verily can not complain? These men, after we had maintained war against the Samnites in their quarrel and defence, for the space well near of seventy years, to no small dispense of ours, and with many a loss and overthrow, after we had linked them unto us, first by league and alliance, then by marriage and affinity, and last of all, by freedom and burgeoise of our city: these men I say, in our adversity, were the first of all other nations of Italy, that villainously massacred our garrison there, and revolted unto Hannibal: and then for very spite and indignation that they were by us besieged, sent Hannibal to assail the city of Rome. And if we had proceeded in that rigour against them, that we had left neither city standing nor any one person of them living, who could take offence thereat, and justly say, That they had been more hardly entreated and dealt withal than they deserved? There were more of them, that upon touch and prick of guilty conscience for their lewd and wicked deeds, made themselves away and so perished, than were by us executed and put to death. As for the rest, we took from them indeed their town, we deprived them of their possessions and livings, yet so, as we left them both lands to occupy, and place to dwell in: the guiltless town itself we suffered to stand still safe and sound, that whosoever at this day seeth it, can not find the least token or show of a city either forced or won. But what speak I of Capua? seeing we have afforded unto Carthage (a city conquered and subdued) both peace and also liberty? Insomuch as we have cause rather to be afraid, least by remissness and over-willingnes to pardon those whom we have vanquished, we give occasion to many more to be so bold as to try the hazard and fortune of war against us. And thus much I had to say in defence of ourselves. Now somewhat I have to speak against king Philip; whose horrible murders committed upon those of his own house, even his nearest kinsfolk and friends; whose loose life and unbridled lust (more unkind and inhuman in manner than his cruelty) ye know better that are nearer unto Macedon●e. As for you, my masters of Aetolia, we have for your sakes begun war with Philip, and you again without us have concluded peace with him. It may be you will allege, that whiles we were occupied in the Punic war, ye were forced and compelled for fear, to take such conditions of peace at his hands, who was the stronger: we likewise (pressed with greater affairs and troubles) forbore to prosecute and follow that war, which by you first was laid down and given over. At this present, seeing by the grace and goodness of the gods the Punic war is come to an end, both we have employed and bend all our forces against Macedon, and ye also have good occasion and opportunity offered to re-enter into amity and alliance with us, unless ye had rather perish with Philip, than vanquish with the Romans.  
When the Roman Ambassador had ended this Oration, the Aetolians generally were inclined and affected to the Romans: but Damocritus their Praetor (corrupted as the speech went with a sum of money received from king Philip, and made for him) gave assent neither to the one party nor the other, but said, That in counsels of great weight and importance, there was nothing more hurtful and prejudicial, than hast: for repentance (qd. he) follow it never so soon, when a thing is once done, yet it cometh too late and booteth not: considering, that rash counsels can not be revoked, hasty and headlong courses cannot possibly be recalled, nor matters once past be reduced again to their former state. As for the proper time of that resolution now in hand, whereof myself ain of advice, that the due maturity and full ripeness should be expected, it might now at this present be set down and concluded upon. For seeing that by our laws and ordinances provided it is, that we may not treat of any affairs concerning peace or war, but in the general counsels called Panaetolaik or Pylaik: therefore for the present I would have you to ordain and decree, that your praetor without fraud or covin might call and hold a Diet or court of Parliament, whensoever he is minded to treat of war or peace; and whatsoever then and there shall be proposed and determined, it may stand in as good force, strength, and virtue, as if it had passed in a full 
* Paraetolium: A genoalicouncell, where the States of Aetoliae 〈◊〉 esse●l●ed.  Panaetolaik or 
* Pylai●s●mcencil●●m: An●●her Diet holden at Therm●p, lae, where the States of Greece or Amphictyones met, and sent each one their deputy or agens, called Pylagoras.  Pylaik council. Thus the ambassadors being dismissed and sent away in suspense, and nothing decided and concluded, he said, That he had performed a singular piece of service to his nation and country. For now they would side and take part with those, whose fortune it were to speed better in the field. Thus went matters in the assembly of the Aetolians.  
Now Philip with all diligence prepared for war both by sea and land. His sea forces he assembled together unto Demetrias, a port in Thessaly; making account, that Attalus and the Roman fleet would in the beginning of the next spring depart from Aegina. Over his navy and all the sea coasts he appointed Heraclides Admiral, like as he had done aforetime. Himself levied and gathered his land-forces, supposing verily that he had debarred and bereft the Romans of two great means of aid, to wit, the Aetolians of the one side, & the Dardanians of the other; in that the narrow straits and passage of Pelagonia, was stopped and made sure against them by his son Perseus. The Consul on the other side made not preparations for war, but was on foot and in action already, conducting his army through the confines of the Dassaretians, and transporting with him out of his wintering harbour all the provision of grain, whereof the country yielded him sufficient to the maintenance of his soldiers. The great towns and villages were surrendered unto him, partly for love and partly for fear: some were forced by assault, others abandoned by the inhabitants, and were found desolate, by reason that the barbarous people were retired into the mountains near by, to save themselves: and at Lingum near the river Bevus he encamped; from whence he sent to purvey for come out of the garners and barns of the Dassaretians. Philip saw well enough that the country all about was in an hurry, and the people in great fear and fright; but being uncertain to what place the Consul intended to march, he sent out a cornet of light horsemen as espials to discover what way the enemies took, and whither they pretended to go. The Consul likewise for his part was as doubtful: well he wist that Philip was dislodged from the places where he had wintered, but in what quarter he journeyed, he knew not: and therefore he also had set forth certain horse in espial to scour the coasts. These two bands or troops from divers and contrary parts, encountered in the end in one way, after they had a long time wandered at adventure through the country of the Dassaretians. Both parts knew well by the noise they heard a far off, as well of men as horse, that enemies approached; and therefore they had both horse and armour in readiness, before they were in sight one of another: for so soon as ever they were within their entervieu, they made no stay, but charged immediately and joined issue. It fortuned, that for number and valour both, they were equally matched, as being choice and elect men of either side: whereupon they fought for certain hours alike, vutill such time as their own weariness and the faintness of their horses parted the battle in doubtful victory. Of the Macedonians there died 40 horsemen: and of the Romans, five & thirty. And for all this, neither brought the Macedonians any better intelligence to their king, nor the Romans to their Consul, of the place where the enemies were encamped. But certain fugitive traitors gave advertisement thereof: who commonly in all wars, upon a running head and light humour that naturally they have, are given to hearken after news, and to inquire in what terms enemies stand. Philip imagining that it would avail somewhat both to purchase the affectionate love of his soldiers, and also to induce them more cheerfully and readily to undertake all hazards for his sake, in case he seemed to have a careful regard to bury those horsemen which were slain in the journey and expedition aforesaid; commanded their bodies to be brought into the camp, to the end, that all men might see what honour he did them in their funerals. But see how nothing is more uncertain, nor whereof a man may make less reckoning than the minds and affections of the multitude! That which was thought would have made them more willing and forward to enter into any danger and jeopardy whatsoever, even that, wrought a contrary effect, and caused them to be most fearful and backward. For they who were used to fight with Greeks and Illyrians, and to see men's bodies wounded with push of pike, galled with arrows, and pierced with lance here and there, in this or that part; after they beheld once their fellows so butcherly mangled with the Spanish curtelaxes and arming swords, the arms cut away from the body, the heads either smitten clean off by the neck, or cloven down right, and lying on the shoulders, their paunches ripped with the bowels open, and guts drawing after; with other deep wounds and broad flashes, most hideous and fearful to behold; then they saw all full well (fearful creatures as they were) what manner of weapons, and what kind of men they were to deal against. Nay the king himself was terribly afraid, who had not as yet encountered with the Romans in any set field. Whereupon he sent for his son, to come back with the garrison that he had in the straits of Pelagonia, thereby to increase and strengthen his own forces: and so laid open the way into Macedonia, for Pleuratus & the Dardanians. Himself in person with a power of twenty thousand foot, and four thousand horse, guided by the fugitives abovesaid, marched toward the enemy, and about a quarter of a mile or somewhat less from the Roman camp, possessed himself of a little hill near to Athacum, which he fortified with trench and rampire. From whence, when he beheld the Romans encamped hard under him, he wondered (by report) to see not only the whole body of the camp, with the form and order thereof in general, but also how every part was ranged and set out in several, both in the manner of quartering and pitching their pavilions, and also in the proportion of the ways for breadth and length between. And having viewed and considered every thing accordingly: Believe me (quoth he) there is no man who seeth this, that can either think or say, it is the camp of a barbarous nation. For two days space the Consul and the king (expecting one another's attempts and enterprises) kept their soldiers close within their holds. When the third day was come, the Roman General brought forth his whole power into the field. But the king fearing to hazard all so soon upon a cast, drew forth four hundred Triballians (which were, as we have said elsewhere, of the Illyrian nation) and three hundred Cretensians, all footmen, accompanied with the like number of horsemen; and sent them under the conduct of Athenagoras, one of his courteors and gallants, for to brave the cavalry of the enemies, and to challenge them to fight. The Romans, whose main battle was little above half a mile off, put out against them their light armed vantcurriers, & as it were, two companies or cornets of horsemen: to the end, that they might be equal with the enemy in number, both of foot and horse. They of the kings part supposed verily, that they should fight after their old and accustomed manner: namely, that the horsemen should by turns, one while ride forward in the face of the enemy, other while retire again; sometime follow in chase and have use of their darts and weapons, and sometime turn and show their back parts; that the nimbleness and activity of the Illyrians would stand in good steed to make excursions and sudden skirmishes; also that the Cretensian archers should be employed in shooting arrows aloof at the enemies, as they advanced and came forward, or flung out all abroad on every side: but the violent charge of the Romans, no less continual and obstinate, than fierce and eager, put them quite out of this manner of service, and disordered all. For no otherwise than if it had been a set battle between two entire armies, their footmen lightly armed, so soon as they had lanced and let go their javelines from them, took them to their swords, and came to hand fight: the horsemen likewise, no sooner affronted the enemies, but either staying their horses they fought on horseback, or else a lighted on foot, and among the footmen maintained the medley. By this means neither the king's cavalry could match the Romans, because they had not been used to a steady battle; nor his footmen who were wont to traverse their ground, and skirmish, never standing still, and withal in manner half naked for any harnish they had, was able to make their parts good with the Roman light appointed footmen, who had their swords and bucklers, and were furnished with armour, as well defensive as offensive. So they could not endure long to maintain fight, but were forced to retire into their camp, and by nothing else saved themselves but by good footmanship and riding apace. There passed one day between, when the king minding to try a conflict with all his forces of cavalry, and footmen lightly appointed, had laid in await by night certain targatiers, whom they call Peltastae, in a convenient place between both camps, and given direction and charge unto Athenagoras and his men of arms, That if they sped well in open battle & plain fight, they should on still and follow their good fortune: but if they went by the worse, and were too weak, they should give ground by little and little, and train the enemy to the place of ambush. Well, it fell out so, that the horsemen indeed recoiled accordingly, but the leaders of that cohort aforesaid of targatiers, not attending the signal long enough, but raising their men out of ambush before due time, lost the opportunity of playing their part, and performing a good piece of service.  
The Roman Consul having both obtained victory in ouvert battle, and escaped the danger of a covert train, retired himself into his camp. The morrow after, he came down into the plain field with all his forces, and put them in battle array, having arraunged his elephants in the forefront of the vaward. And this was the first time that ever the Romans had use in their wars, of this beast; by occasion, that in the late Punic war, they had taken some of them alive from their enemies. But perceiving that Philip kept himself close within his camp, he approached under the very rampire, yea, and reproached him for his cowardice. And seeing for all that, he could not even then be drawn to a battle: considering also, that if he kept there a standing camp long, so near unto the enemy, his provision of come should be exposed to dangers; for no sooner should the purveyors and foragers be gone abroad into the country, and spread over the fields, but the enemies light horsemen would be ready at their heels to fetch them in, and cause them to come short home: therefore he removed his camp to a place almost eight miles off, called Octolophum, where he might make his provision with less danger. Now when the Romans purveied for corn and victuals in the territory thereabout, and were come upon a time somewhat near and within danger of Philip, at first the king let them alone, and kept his men within their camp, to the end, that they might be more bold and venturous, and withal, less wary and circumspect: but espying them once straggling asunder here and there out of order, he set forward with all his cavalry, and the auxiliaries of the Candiotes, and marched so fast, as the swiftest of his footmen by running might keep pace with the horsemen: thus having gotten between them and home, he pitched down his ensigns betwixt the Roman camp and the foragers. Then divided he his forces in two companies, the one he sent forth to course and chase them, so dispersed as they were; giving special charge and direction, not to leave any of them alive that they could reach: with the other he stayed himself behind, and beset all the ways, and stopped the passages by which the enemies were like to retire and have recourse unto their camp. Soon were they killed or put to flight in every place, and as yet not one escaped to the Roman camp, for to bring news of this discomfiture: for, as many as fled back, chanced upon the guard that the king had set: and more were slain by them that beset the ways, than those that were sent out to the pursuit and execution. At length some happened to escape through the midst of the king's corpse de guard, and in great haste and fearful manner came into the camp with a troublesome noise and tumult, rather than any certain tidings. The Consul, after order given to the horsemen, that every man should succour and rescue what way soever he could, their distressed fellows in this extremity, himself led forth the legions out of the camp, and marching in a foursquare battaillon advanced toward the enemies. The horsemen being spread over the fields in divers places, some lost their right way, being deceived by other outcries heard from a contrary part: othersome met with their enemies, and at one instant, the skirmish began in many and sundry places. The band that guarded about the king, fought most fiercely and cruelly: for both they were for their own number as well of horse as foot, a full army well-near; and also most of the Romans light upon them, because they kept the very port and roadway in the mids. In this regard also were the Macedonians the better and had the vantage, because the king himself was present in person to encourage and exhort them: and withal the auxiliary Candiotes wounded many of the Romans ere they were aware of them: for why, they were well prepared aforehand, ranged thick and close together, and so fought against them that road skattering abroad one from another, and without array. And verily, if they could have kept any mean and measure in their chase, they had mightily advanced themselves, not only in winning the honour of that day, but also, in the main point of the whole war. But pursuing them beyond all reason, and without discretion, upon a bloodthirsty desire that they had of massacre, they chanced upon the Roman squadrons which were gone before with the Tribunes and Colonels: in so much as the horsemen aforesaid, who before fled, when they once saw the ensigns of their own infantry, reined their horse heads, and turned again upon the enemy that ran with bridle in horse neck: and so in the turning of an hand, the fortune of the battle changed and came about, and they that erewhile made pursuit, now showed their backs, and fled amain. Many of them were stain that came to close handfight, many likewise of those that ran away. Neither fell they all upon the edge of the sword, for some there were who plunged into bogs and marshes, where both horse and man sunk in the deep mud & mire, & so were swallowed up & perished. The king himself also was in great danger: for his horse being wounded under him and fallen, he also came headlong down to the ground, and hardly escaped, but he had been trodden under foot, and mischeeved as he lay along. One horseman above the rest saved his life, who hastily leapt himself from horseback, and withal mounted the king (so scared as he was) upon his own horse: who being now on foot, and not able to run as fast as the horsemen that fled away, was with many a stab and thrust soon dispatched by the enemies that came running together to the king when he was seen to fall. And the king after he had ridden in fearful flight about the fenny meres, one while where there was some way, and otherwhiles where there was none at all to be seen, chanced at length to come to his camp, when most men were in despair that he could possibly escape in safety. In this skirmish there were two hundred Macedonians slain, a hundred almost taken prisoners: foureskore brave and goodly coursers, with rich comparisons and other furniture, together with the spoil of fair armours carried away.  
There were that blamed the king for being too rash that day, and the Consul for his slackness. For Philip, say they, should have kept him quiet in rest and repose, knowing, as he did, that the enemies within few days would have been brought to extreme want and penury, now that the territory all about was clean spoiled and wasted. And the Consul for his part, when he had foiled the cavalry and light armed soldiers of the enemies, and as good as taken the king prisoner, ought presently to have advanced against the king's camp: for never would the enemies so discomfited have stood to it: and so in the minute of an hour, they had been vanquished for ever. This is soon said, but (as most things else) not so soon done. For in case that the king had likewise brought forth into the field all his Infantry, peradventure in that tumult, when all his men were discomfited and driven to fly out of the field to their camp, yea and to keep within the rampiar, for fear of the enemy, ready upon his victory to get over the counterscarp and other fortifications, the king might have been deseized of his hold, and lost all. Again considering, that the whole power of Philip his footmen remained still entire within the camp, the corpse de guard before the gates warding; the sentinels & watch set in convenient places of the rampire attending: what other good should the Consul have done in advancing thither, but imitated the rash fool hardiness of the king, who a little before so hotly followed the chase of the horsemen discomfited? Neither was the kings first designment to be reproved and found fault with, when he charged upon the foragers, scattered as they were over all the fields: if he could have seen when he was well, and have used his good hand in measure and moderation. Less marvel it is besides, that he was willing to try the fortune of a battle; because there ran a rumour, that Pleuratus and the Dardanians were departed from home, and with a puissant power entered already into Macedon: And if he thus were beset round about with these armies, there was no doubt but the Romans might have vanquished and subdued him, and never stirred foot for the matter. Philip therefore supposing that upon these two late received foils of the horsemen, he should have but unquiet and dangerous sitting in the same standing camp still: and minding to dislodge from thence, and in his remove to beguile the enemy and not be seen, dispatched a Pursuivant at arms or herald unto the Consul, a little before sun setting, to crave surcease of arms, until he had buried his horsemen that were slain: and at the relief of the second watch he deceived the enemy; for leaving many fires through all his camp, he marched without any noise and departed. The Consul had newly supped, and was going to rest, when he was advertised that a Pursuivant was come, and what his errand was. And for the present, he made the messenger no other answer but this, that the next morning he would talk with him, and give him audience. But Philip by this means got the advantage of that whole night, and part of the next day, to gain riddance of way in his journey, which was the only thing he sought for. And toward the mountains he took his flight, for that way he wist well the Romans would not follow after, with an army so heavy and changed as it was. The Consul by day break, granted the Pursuivant a cessation of arms, and gave him his dispatch: but it was not long after that he was advertised how the enemy was gone: and not knowing which way to follow after, he passed some few days in foraging and purveying provision all about the place where he lay encamped.  
After this he marched to Stubera, and gathered together all the grain that was to be had about Pellagonia. From thence he went forward as far as to Pluvina, and all this while knew not for certain into what quarter of the country the enemies were retired. Philip having first set him down and encamped before Bruana, and departed from thence by cross and crooked ways, struck a sudden fear into the enemy, whereupon the Romans dislodged from Pluvina, and near unto the river Osphagus pitched their pavilions. The king likewise rested himself not far from thence, and had cast a trench and raised a rampire along the banks of the river, which the inhabitants call Erigonus. And after he was for certain advertised, that the Romans intended to go to Erduaea, he marched afore to seize upon the straits, and to impeach the enemies, that they should not gain the passage that lieth as it were in a narrow gullet, barred and enclosed on each side. There he raised in one place a rampire, and cast a trench in another; made barricadoes here and there, partly by piling stones up on heaps in steed of a wall, partly by felling of trees across, according as either the ground would give leave, or the place afford matter: And thus stopping up all the ways by sundry devises and means, he made the place (to his thinking) both unpassable and imprenable, which of itself by nature was hard enough and troublesome. The country all about was for the most part forests, and full of wood, very incommodious, especially for that manner of battalions and ordinance of array, which the Macedonians call Phalanx: which serveth them in small or no steed at all, unless with their long pikes they may make a palisade, or hay (as it were) and oppose them before their shields: which they cannot well do, unless they have free scope and liberty of plain and open ground. The Thracians also were foully troubled and cumbered with their spears named Rhomphraeae, which were likewise of a mighty length, and by reason thereof (catching as they did, and snarling within the boughs and branches of trees that grew in their way every where about) hindered them very much. There remained the Cohort or band of the Candiotes, that seemed of some use for to be employed. And yet the same also as it was able to discharge arrows against both horse and man, and to annoy them so long as they lay open and exposed to shot, if happily they offered charge; so they were not of strength sufficient to drive their shafts level, and to pierce through the Roman targets: for otherwise there was no part of the body offered itself unarmed and naked for to aim at. And therefore so soon as they perceived that kind of shot to serve them to little or no purpose, they caught up stones which lay all over the valley, and let them fire at the enemy. Which stones, as they light and beat upon their bucklers, kept a great clattering, and with the sound they made (rather than with any hurt besides) kept the Romans for a time from mounting up the bank. But the Romans making no reckoning of these stones neither, partly by pavoises and target-fences over their heads, made way directly through the thickest of their enemies; and partly by wheeling a little and fetching some compass about, gained the pitch of the hill, and were gotten up to the very top: from whence they drove the Macedonians (all affrighted as they were) down the hill, and chased them from their holds and guards: and by reason they had much ado to fly (the ground was so rough and uneven) most of them were killed and cut in pieces. Thus the difficulty of the straits was overcome, and they were possessed thereof, with far less trouble and conflict than they looked for and made account of. Then they marched on forward as far as to Erduaea, where the Consul after he had put the fields all over to the waist, retired himself to Elimaea. From thence he forced Orestides, and assailed the town Celetrum, situate as it were, in a demie Island: there is a lake that environeth the walls, and but one way by land that leadeth to the town from the main, and the same very straight and narrow, in form of a gullet. At the first when the town was summoned, the inhabitants trusting to the natural strength of the place, kept their gates shut against the Consul, and refused his summons. But after they saw once the ensigns displayed and marching against them, when they perceived the enemies defended under a pavoise to approach close to the gate, and the narrow straight and avenue aforesaid, beset with a band of them; before they would encounter & fight, they yielded themselves for very fear. From Celetrum he marched on towards the Dassaretians, & won by assault the city Pelium. From thence he carried away the bondslaves, with the rest of the pillage; but all persons whatsoever free borne, he let go at liberty without paying ransom. The town he gave them again, after he had planted in it a strong garrison: for it stood well, and in a very good place, for to make roads and incursions into Macedonia. Thus the Consul having ranged over the country of the enemies, brought his army back through the peaceable parts into Apollonia, where he began first to make war.  
Now the Aetolians, the Athamanes, and Dardanians, and many other wars rising suddenly at once, some from one place and some from another, had diverted and turned Philip a contrary way. Against the Dardanians (as they returned out of Macedonia) he sent Athenagoras with the footmen lightly armed and appointed, and the greater part also of the horse, giving him in charge and direction to follow them hard at their heels as they departed, and to play upon their backs, and cut off the tail of their rearward; to teach them against another time, not to be so hasty to come abroad with an army again. Democritus the praetor of the Aetolians (who in the Dict aforesaid held at Naupactum, persuaded to take a longer time for to consult about this war) had in the next council or parliament following, moved the Aetolians to enter into arms; namely upon the same that was spread abroad of the horseman's fight before Octolophus; and also upon the coming of the Dardanians, and Ple●rat●s with the Illyrians into Macedony: besides the arrival of the Roman fleet at Oreum, and the general voice and bruit that went, how Macedon should shortly be assailed also by sea, over and above so many nations that from all parts about were come already by land. These motives regained Democritus & the Aetolians to friend the Romans again. Who joining unto them Aminander the king of the Athanians, went forth together for to besiege Cercinium. They within the town had shut their gates, whether by constraint or willingly of themselves, it was not known: for they had the king's garrison within among them. How ever it was, within few days Cercinium was taken and burnt. As many as remained alive after that great defeature, as well bond as free one with another, were with the rest of the pillage carried away. This fearful example caused all the people inhabiting about the marish of Boebe, to abandon their cities, and to retire themselves for security into the mountains. The Aetolians for want of rich prey and booty (which they could not find there) turned from them and marched toward Perrhaebia. In that quarter they won by force the city Cyretirae, & cruelly put it to the ransack. The inhabitants of Malloea surrendered of themselves without compulsion, and were received into protection as allies. Out of Perrhebaea Aminander was of advice and desirous to march against Gomphos, by reason that the country of Athamania bordered so near upon that city, and it seemed easy to be forced without much trouble. But the Aetolians fingers tickled and itched again to be doing with the rich and fertile fields of Thessaly, and thither went they to raise booties and seek pillage. Athamander followed still for company, albeit he liked well neither of these fashions of the Aetolians thus outrageously to make roads and to spoil every where; nor of their manner of encamping at adventure, in what places soever they chanced to come, without all discretion, regard, and care of fortifying and guarding the army. Fearing therefore lest their inconsiderate rashness and supine negligence, might be an occasion that he or his should come to a shrewd turn, and incur some damage, spied his time; and seeing them to encamp in a plain near to the city Phaecadum, he took a little hill little above half a mile off, where both he and his, might with the help of any small guard, lie in security. Now when as the Aetolians seemed in manner to have forgotten that they were in the enemy's country, but that they drove some booties: whiles they were some of them wandering and straggling, disbanded and half armed, others within their camp without any corpse du guard, swilling and sleeping all night and day long, and made no difference of the times, Philip came upon them before they looked for him. And it being once known by the report of some that fled out of the fields in great affright, that he approached; then Democr●●us and the rest of the captains began to quake for fear. Now was it about noontide of the day, at what time as most of them having taken their full load of wine and viands, lay along fast asleep. Then they fell to awake and raise one another, and to give the alarm: anon they sent out every way to call in those that were preading abroad in the fields. So much they were astonished, that for haste many of the horsemen went forth without their swords, and most of them forgot to put on their cuirasses. Thus being led out in post hast, and hardly in all (foot and horse together) able to make up the number of six hundred, they light upon the king's cavalry, for number, armour, and courage much better than themselves. And therefore at the first push were discomfited: for before they were well entered into skirmish, they fled shamefully away toward their camp. Some of them came short thither, and were either slain or taken prisoners, even as many as the king's horsemen overtook, and got between them and their other companies that fled. Philip, when he saw his men approach near unto their camp, commanded to sound the retreat: for both horse and man was weary, not so much with fight as with their long journey and the exceeding speed that they made. Whereupon he gave commandment, that the horsemen by troops, and the light armed footmen by their companies and squadrons should water their horses one after another, and go to their dinner and repast. Others lie kept still in armour for a guard attending the regiment of the footmen, that came but slowly forward, by reason they were heavily armed at all pieces; who being come, they also were enjoined to pitch down their ensigns, and lay their weapons before them, and to take a short bait and hasty pittance, sending two or three at the most out of every band for to water the horses. All this while the horsemen, together with the light armed soldiers, stood well appointed and in readiness, if happily the enemy would have given any attempt. The Aetolians bestowed armed men all about the gates and the rampire, intending to guard and defend their strength and fortifications, for now by this time they also that were scattered over the fields, had retired themselves into the camp. And so long as they beheld the enemies to keep quiet, and not stir, and were themselves in a sure hold, they made their bravadoes, and were very lusty: but after that the ensigns of the Macedonians began to advance forward, and march in order of battle well appointed, close unto their trench; all at once they abandoned their guards and quarters, and ran out at the back part of their camp, and fled to the foresaid hill, where the Athamaniens were encamped. Many of the Aetolians were likewise in this hasty flight killed or taken prisoners. Philip made no doubt, but that the Athamaniens also might have been driven from their hold, if there had been day enough behind: but the day being spent already first in the skirmish, and afterward in the ransacking of their camp, he set him down upon the next plain, hard at the foot of the hill aforesaid, intending very early the next morning to affaile the enemy. The Aetolians scared as much now, as they were before when they quit their own camp, fled scattering away the night following. Here Aminander stood them in very good steed, by whose good guidance and direction, the Athamaniens being skilful in the coasts of the country, conducted them into Aetolia, over the high mountains, whereas the enemies followed after them in blind and unknown byways. Some few of them happened in this confused and scattered flight to lose their way, and stumble upon the Macedonian horsemen, whom Philip by day light, had sent to cut off the tail of the enemies, so soon as he perceived the hill abandoned. About the very same time, Athenagoras a captain under the king, overtook the Dardanians as they returned into their country, and at the first put their arrierward in disarray. But afterwards the Dardanians turned head again, & embattled themselves: so they fought on even hand, & nothing was won nor lost on any side. The Dardanians began not so soon to advance forward and march on again, but the king's power, with their horsemen and light armed soldiers came upon them afresh, and put them to great trouble. For they had no such means of help, and were besides surcharged with heavy armour, and withal, the place gave great advantage to those of the king's part. Very few were slain, more wounded, none at all taken prisoners: for the manner of the Dardanians, is not to break out of their ranks and arrays for a little, and upon small occasions; but as they fight close, so they retire together, and part not. Thus Philip having restrained these 2 nations, by 2 brave exploits, which were as happily performed as bravely enterprised, recovered the losses again, by him received in the Roman war. There happened besides, another occurrent, which deminished the number of his enemies the Aetolians. For Scopas, one of th● chief noblemen of that nation, being sent from Alexandria by king Ptolomaeus, with a mighty mass of gold, carried away with him into Egypt six thousand footmen, & certain horsemen, waged for money to serve. Neither had he left behind him any of the flower and youth of Aetolia, if Damocritus had not chastised and rebuked them, and so by that means kept some of them at home; making remonstrances unto them, one while of the war that was toward, and another while of the desolation which was like to ensue thereupon. But whether he did this upon a good zeal and care that he had of his country, or only to cross Scopas, because he had not said him well with rich rewards and fat presents, it is not known. And thus much concerning the affairs passed between Philip and the Romans for that summer.  
The Roman fleet having in the beginning of the same summer committed to sea from Corcyra, together with the lieutenant Au. Apustius passed beyond the point of the cape Malea, and joined with king Attalus, near Scyllaeum in the territory of Hermione. Then the whole city and State of Athens, upon hope of present aid and succour, broke out and poured forth at once all the hatred and malice which they had conceived against Philip, and which a long time for very fear they had held in, and therefore kept themselves in good and reasonable terms with him. Now in this city there never want prompt and ready tongues to stir up and provoke the common people to a commotion. And as in all free States generally such kind of men are entertained and borne out by the favour of the multitude, so in Athens especially, where eloquence is in most request, and beareth greatest sway. Presently therefore an Act was put up and proposed unto the common people, and by them granted and confirmed, That all the Statues and Images of king Philip, together with their titles and styles, likewise of all his progenitors and predecessors, as well men as women, should be defaced, pulled down, and destroyed. Item, That all the festival days, the sacrifices and sacrificers, which had been instituted and ordained for the honour of him, should be profaned and unhallowed again. Item, That the very places, wherein aught had been erected, or inscriptions graven to his honour, should be held as detestable and accursed: and that from thence forward, it might not be lawful to set up there any of those things that ought to stand, and be dedicated in a pure and clean place. Item, That the public priests of the city, in all their prayers, and so often as they prayed for the good estate of the people of Athens and their allies, for the preservation of their armies and armadaes; should detest and curse by name king Philip, his children and realm, his forces both by land and sea, with all the race and name of the Macedonian nation. Moreover, it ran on in the decree, That if any man from that time forward, would prefer and propound any thing that might tend to the disgrace and infamy of Philip, the whole people of Athens should approve and allow the same whatsoever, and make an act thereof. chose, if any person say or do any thing for his honour, or to impeach and check his dishonour, whosoever should happen to kill the said party, he should be deemed and reputed, that he had killed him justly and lawfully. Finally, this branch was comprised within the decree, That all things ordained in times passed against Pisistratus his line and progeny, should be observed and stand in force against Philip. Thus verily warred the Athenians against Philip with letters and words: wherein they are right valiant, and to say truth, good at nothing else. But Attalus and the Romans, having from Hermionae shaped their course for Pyreaeum, arrived there. And after they had sojourned some few days in Athens, & were laden with a number of decrees, wherein the Athenians recounted the praises and commendations of their allies beyond all measure, like as they had before exceeded in showing their malice against their enemy; they set sail from Pyreaeum to Andros. Where, riding at anchor in the bay called Gaureleon, they sent certain men to sound the minds of the inhabitants, Whether they would choose to yield the town willingly, or rather abide the hazard of a forcible assault. Who answered again, that the king's garrison being possessed of the castle, and keeping it for Philip, they were not their own masters. Whereupon the king and the Roman lieutenant set their forces on land, and with all preparation of engines & artillery fit for an assault, approached the city divers ways. The Roman standards and their arms, not seen before in those parts, the resolute courage also of the soldiers, who so lustily and nimbly came near to scale the walls, terrified and amazed the greeks, much more than any thing else. Therefore immediately they fled into the castle, and the enemies were LL. of the city. Now, after they had for two days space held out in the fortress, presuming more upon the strength of the place, than the force of their armour and weapons; they and the garrison together, compounded upon the third day to quit the place, so they might be brought with a convoy to Delium, a town in Boeotia, and ev●ry man to have one single suit of apparel. Then the Romans leaving the bare city unto king Attalus, ransacked it themselves, and took away with them all the pillage and ornaments that beautified the same. And to the end, that the Isle should not lie waist and desert, Attalus persuaded the Macedonians in manner all, and certain also of the Andrians, there to remain. Afterwards, they also who by composition were transported to Delium, were by the fair promises of the king drawn away from thence: which they gave ear & credit unto the sooner, for the love of their native country, the miss whereof they might hardly brook. From Andros they crossed to Cythnus. There they spent certain days in assaulting the city, to no purpose: and seeing the gains would hardly quit their pains, they departed from thence. near unto Prasiae (which is a place of Attica within the main) there joined unto the Roman fleet twenty pinnasses of the Issaeans, who were sent to rob & spoil the territory of the Carystians: the rest of the fleet remained at Gerestum, a noble road and port of Euboea, until such time as the Issaei were returned from Carystum. Then all together they made sail, & passing the mids of the main sea, they fell with the isle of Icus, near unto Scyrus. There they were stayed for certain days, by reason of the raging Northwind: which being once laid and the sea calm again, they passed to Scyathos, a city lately peeled & ransacked by K. Philip. The soldiers ranged over the country, and brought corn with them to their ships, and whatsoever else was fit for man's food. Other booty neither was there any, not deserved had the Greeks to be spoiled at their hands, Thence they bent their course for Casandrea; & first they road at anchor near unto Mendis, a village situate by the sea side, & belonging to that State. From whence having sailed beyond the cape, and desirous to come about with their vessels for to approach the very walls of the city, there arose a tempest and sudden ghust; wherein they had like to have been cast away: but scattered they were asunder; and having for the most part lost the rackling of their ships, they escaped with much ado to land. This tempest at sea, was also a fore-token presaging unto them, that they were to follow the war by land, and to give over sea service. For when they had brought all their ships together and set their men a shore, they assailed the town: but they had the repulse with many a bloody blow besides (for there was within, a strong garrison of the kings) whereupon they gave over their enterprise, returned back, and sailed over to Canastaeum a city of Pallaene. And having doubled the point of Torona, they set their course for Acanthus. There at first they forraied the territory; then forced the town, and ransacked it. And for that their ships had their full fraught & charge of pillage, they sailed no farther forward, but returned from whence they came to Scyarhus, and from thence to Eubaea: where leaving behind them main navy, they put in with ten ships lightly appointed, to the Bay or gulf of Malea, for to parley with the Aetolians about the whole course and managing of the wars. The chief of this embassage sent from the State, was one Sipyrrhicas an Aetolian, who came to Heraclea for to treat and confer about these affairs together with the king and the Roman Lieutenant. They demanded of Attalus by virtue of the accord and agreement before made, to furnish them with a thousand soldiers: for so many ought he by right to set out and maintain, whensoever they were to wage war against Philip. But this demand was denied to the Aetolians; in regard that aforetime they likewise thought much to make a road to spoil Macedon, at what time as Philip kept foul work about Pergamus, burning all edifices before him, as well sacred as profane, when they mought have drawn him perforce from thence into his own realm to look unto his proper affairs there. Thus the Aetolians were dismissed with more hope than help: for the Romans said them only with fair words, and large promises of all things. Then Apustrus with king Attalus returned to the fleet.  
After this they laid their heads together, and began to consult about the siege and assault of Oreum. A strong city this was both in regard of the walls, and also of a good garrison, by reason that heretofore it had been once assailed. Now there were 20 sail of Rhodian ships all close covered with hatches and decks, which under the conduct of captain Agesimbrotus, had joined with the fleet of Attalus and the Romans, after the winning and conquest of Andros. These ships they sent to lie in the Bay of Zelasium, (a promontory or cape above the city Demetrias, lying very conveniently over against Isthmia) for this intent, that if the Macedonian ships should come abroad from thence, they might be ready in guard to make sail against them. Heraclides an admiral for king Philip, lay there at road with the navy, attending rather some enterprise by opportunity and vantage of the enemy's negligence, than by plain and open force. The Romans and Attalus in the mean time planted their ordinance against Oreum at divers parts. The Romans at the castle side that standeth upon the sea: The king from the vale that lieth between two forts, where as the city is enclosed also with a wall. And as they assailed in sundry places; so their manner of assailing was much different, and their engines divers. The Romans assayed to approach the wall with tortoises, pavoises and mantilers, and to shake it with the Ram: They of the kings part used Crossebows, Balists, Catapults, and all manner of engines to shoot forth quarrels and darts, yea and to level and weigh mighty stones of exceeding great weight. They undermined also: and in sum, they practised all means which they saw by experience did good during the former assault and siege. But the Macedonians were not only more in number than the time before to defend the city, but also of better courage and resolution: by reason that the king had rebuked them sharply for their fault passed: and they remembered well both his menaces, and also his promises for the time to come: in so much as the assailants had small hope to win the town in haste. Mean while the Roman Lieutenant, supposing that some other exploit might be performed, leaving a sufficient number (as he thought) for the finishing of the fabriks begun, and other engines of assault, put over to the next places of the continent: where he surprised on a sudden Larissa (not that noble and renowned city in Thessaly, but another, which they call Cremaste) and won it, all but the fortress. Attalus in like sort took Aegeleon, fearing nothing less than such an accident from them that were busy in besieging another town. By this time, as the engines and other fabrics without Oreum were at the point of finishing, and ready to perform the battery for which they were made: so the garrison within was overtoiled with continual pain and travail, spent with watching night and day, and faint with many a grievous wound. Moreover, part of the wall, shaken underneath with a butt and push of the Ram, was already fallen down in sundry places, in so much as the Romans entered by night at the open breaches, and all the way above the Key, and so were possessed of the castle. Attalus likewise by the break of day, after he saw the banner reared upon the fortress, and the signal which the Romans put forth, entered the city; for now the walls in many places lay along. The garrison and the townsmen fled to a second citadel that they had, from whence after two days they yielded. The city was the king's lot: the bodies of the prisoners, were the Romans share. Now drew the sun near unto the Equinoctial line in Autumn, at what time the Euboean gulf called Coela is dangerous, and not well trusted of mariners. Therefore being desirous to be gone into a place of safe retreat, before the troublesome winter weather overtook them, they turned their course and made head to Pyraeeum, from whence they came: where Apustius leaving behind him thirty ships, set a compass about the cape of Malea, and sailed to Corcyra. But the king stayed still so long as the festival days of Ceres continued, because he would be present at the celebration of those solemnities. After the feast ended, himself likewise retired into Asia: but first he sent Agesimbrotus and the Rhodians home again. These were the affairs and exploits performed this summer by sea and land, by the Roman Consul and the Lieutenant general, with the aid of king Attalus and the Rhodians, against king Philip and his allies.  
The other Consul C. Aurelius being come into his province when the war was brought to an end, could not smudder and conceal his anger conceived against the praetor for fight in his absence. When he had taken order therefore to send him into Etruria, himself with the legions invaded the country of the enemies: where by way of robbing and spoiling he warred so as he got more prey than praise. But L. Furius, seeing there was little to do in Etruria, and withal desirous rather than his life of a triumph over the Gauls (which he supposed to obtain with more case, whiles the Consul was absent, who was both angry with him, and also envied at him) arrived at Rome before any man looked for him, and assembled the Senate in the temple of Bellona. Where, after he had declared what acts he had achieved, he requested that he might be permitted to ride into the city with triumph. In great credit and account he was with many of the Senators, both for his noble and worthy deeds, in which regard they honoured him: and also for a special favour and love, in which respect they affected him. But the more ancient and elder Senators denied him triumph, as well for that he had warred with the army of another, as also because he had abandoned his own province and government, upon a greedy desire to catch a triumph, by waiting his opportunity, and taking advantage: a thing not warrantable by any former precedent or example. And as many of them as had been Consuls said moreover, That above all things he ought to attend upon the Consul his return. For well might he (say they) being encamped near unto the city, have defended and guarded the Colony only, and so have drawn the time out until his coming, and never needed to have fought a set battle for the matter. And although the praetor have omitted so to do, yet ought not the Senate to follow his example, but expect the Consul. When as therefore they shall have heard the Consul and praetor discoursing and arguing the matter both together face to face, than they should be able to judge better and more sound of the cause. A great part of the house was of opinion that they ought to look unto nothing else but the good service done, and whether he were lawfully called thereunto, as a magistrate of himself, to manage his affairs by his proper conduct and the guidance of his own fortune. For, of the two Colonies (say they) which were opposed as two sorts and bulwarks to restrain the sudden impressions and tumults of the French; when the one was sacked and burnt, and the same fire like to leap from it to the other so near, (as from house to house that join together) what could the praetor have done otherwise in that case? For if there might be nothing attempted without the Consul, it must needs follow, that either the Senate did amiss in geving the praetor the charge of an army (for if their will was that the war should be managed not by the Pretours army, but by the Consuls, they might have limited it in the Commission by special words, expressly forbidding the service to be done by the praetor, but only by the Consul) or else the Consul hath committed a fault, who having commanded the army to go out of Tuskane into France, came not himself in person to Ariminum to encounter the enemy, and be present in that war, which without him might not be lawfully fought. Over and besides, the occasions and seasons of war attend no stays, and tarry for no politic delays of Generals. And otherwhiles, fight a man must, not because he is willing thereto, but because his enemy puts him to it. To conclude, the very battle itself, and the happy issue thereof, ought only to be considered and regarded. The enemies are defeated and slain; their camp taken and ransacked; the siege raised from the one Colony, and it preserved; the captives of the other recovered and restored to their friends; and to be brief, in one battle the quarrel is decided, and the war finished. And not only men have rejoiced for this victory, but also there have been processions for three days space to the honour of the immortal gods: FOR THAT LU. FURIUS HATH MANAGED THE COMMONWEAL WELL AND HAPPILY, AND NOT ILL AND RASHLY. Finally, these French wars fall by a fatal destiny to the house and race of the Furij. By these and such like remonstrances alleged by himself and his friends, the majesty of the Consul absent was overweighed with the favour borne to the praetor present. And so in a frequent assembly of Senators, a decree was granted, That L. Furius should ride in triumph. Thus triumphed over the Gauls L. Furius praetor, whiles he was in office. He brought into the common treasury 320000 Asses, 170000 pound weight of silver. But neither were there any prisoners led captives in show, nor spoils carried in pomp before his chariot, nor yet his soldiers followed after. So as it appeared, that all other things besides victory alone, pertained properly to the Consul.  
After this were the plays exhibited with great magnificence, by P. Cornel. Scipio, which he h●d vowed in Africa, during his Consulship. Also there passed an order for the lands of his soldiers; That for so long as each one had served in Spain or Africa, he should have two acres for every year: and that these lands should be set out and assigned unto them by ten Decemvirs for the purpose deputed. Then were certain Triumvirs created for to supply and make up the number of Roman inhabitants in Venusia, by reason that during the time of Hannibal his war, the strength of that colony was much enfeebled and impaired. C. Terentius Varre, T. Quintus Flaminius, and P. Cornelius Scipio the son of Cneus, enroled new coloners to inhabit Venusia.  
The same year C. Cornelius Cethegus, who governed Spain as Proconsul, discomfited a great host of the enemies in the country of the Sedetanes. In which battle, by report, were shine 15000 Spaniards, and 78 military ensigns taken. C. Aurelius the Consul, when he was returned out of his province to Rome against the solemn election of magistrates, complained, not as men made reckoning he would have done; (That the Senate expected not for his coming, nor that the Consul was not permitted to debate the matter with the praetor) but found himself grieved, That the Senate had decreed a triumph so, as the party only was suffered to speak who was to triumph, and none of them ●●ght be heard who were present at the battle. And whereas our forefathers ordained, that lieutenants, colonels, marshals, and centurians, yea, and in one word, the soldiers should be at a triumph; for this end and purpose, that the truth might appear to the world, of all things achieved by him unto whom so great honour was to be done: Was there any one (quoth he) of all that army which fought with the Gauls, I say not a soldier, but so much as a lackey or horseboy following the camp, of whom the Senate might inquire, whether the praetor spoke true or false? This done and said, he published the day of assembly for the election abovesaid: wherein were created Consuls L. Cornelius Lentulus, and P. vilius Tappulus. After them were Praetors chosen L. Quintius Flaminius, L. Valerius Flaccus, L. vilius jappulus, and C. Bebius Pamphilus. Graine and other victuals that year were cheap. Great store of corn was brought out of Africa, which the Aediles of the chair distributed to the people, at 
* i d. ob. sie●i.  two Asses a Modius. They also set forth the Roman games and pastimes right sumptuously; yea and represented them one day more than ordinary, Moreover, of the ●●er raised by fines and forfeitures, they made seven brazen statues, which they set up in the 〈◊〉 house of the city. The Plebeian plays likewise were thrice renewed all over by the Aediles 〈◊〉 the commons L. Terentius Mas●aliota, and C. Bebius Pamphilus praetor elect. Finally, the summerall games that year were four days together exhibited in the common place of the city, ●●ca●ioned by the death of M. Valerius Laevinus: and celebrated they were by his two sons 〈◊〉 and M. who also showed unto the people a brave spectacle of fencers at the sharp: wherein ●●ere were five and twenty couples that entered the lists & performed combat. M. Aurelius Cott● ●●e of the Decemvirs, that year departed this life; and in his place M. Acilius Glabrio was subordained. In the solemn assembly for electing Aediles of the chair, it chanced that those two which were chosen, might not immediately enter into office: for C. Cornelius Cethegus was created in his absence, whiles he governed the province of Spain. And C. Valerius Flaccus who was present at his own election, might not be sworn to maintain the laws, because he was the Flamen or priest of jupiter. For lawful it was not for any magistrate to exercise his place above five days, unless he were sworn to the laws. Then Flaccus preferred a petition that he might be dispensed with: whereupon the Senate ordained, That if the Aedile would find one to swear in his name at the good pleasure and discretion of the Consuls, than the Consuls (if they thought it me:) should deal with the Tribunes of the Commons, to propound it unto the people that it might pass under their grant. So L. Valerius Flaccus (the praetor elect for the year following) was presented to take the oath for his brother. Then the Tribunes put it to a canvas before the people, and they enacted, That the oath of his brother should be of the same validity as if the Aedile himself had taken it in his own person. Concerning the other Aediles also, there passed an act of the commons. For when the Tribunes proposed unto the people, Which two they would have to go into Spain as LL. deputies, with command over the armies; to the end, that C. Cornelius the Aedile of the chair might come home to bear his office, and L. Manlius also after so many years, depart out of his province: the people ordained, that Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Stertinius should have the conduct and government in Spain, in quality and title of Proconsul's.   

THE XXXII BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the two and thirtieth Book.  
MAny strange and prodigious sights (as they were reported from divers countries) are here related and set down: among which, this is one; that in Macedon there was a bay tree sprung up of itself in the poop of a galley. T. Quintius Flamininus the Consul fought fortunately against Philip in the straits of Epirus: and having put him to flight, he compelled him to return into his own kingdom. Himself, with the assistance of the Aetolians and Athamanes, infested sore and plagued Thessaly, which bordereth upon Macedon. L. Quintius Flamininus the Consul his brother, by the aid of king Attalus and the Rhodians, made conquest by war at sea, of Eubaea and all the sea coast. The Achai werereceived into amity. The conspiracy of slaves, that complotted to deliver and set at large the hostages of the Carthaginians, was detected and took no effect. The number of Pretours was increased to six. The Consul Cornelius Cethegus defeated the French Insubrians in battle. League and amity was concluded between the Romans and the Lacedæmonians, with their tyrant Nabis. Over and besides, there is contained in this book, the winning of many cities in Macedon.  
WHen the Consuls and Praetors were entered into office upon the 
* 15 of March.  Ides of March, they cast lots for the government of the provinces. To L. Lentulus, fell Italy; and to P. vilius, Macedon. As for the Pretours, L. Quintius had the jurisdiction of the city of Rome, & C. Babius the government of Ariminum; L. Valerius ruled Sicily, and L. vilius his lot was to command Sardinia. Lentulus' the Consul had order given him to levy new legions, and vilius to receive the army of P. Sulpitius, with commission and licence to take up as many soldiers as he thought good himself to furnish the same with a fresh supply. Those legions which C. Aurelius Consul had in charge, were assigned over to Baebius the praetor, with condition to keep them with him, until the Consul were arrived in France with a new army; and so soon as he came, to discharge and dismiss all the soldiers home to their houses except 5000 allies: for as much as this number was thought sufficient to govern the province about Ariminum.  
The Pretours of the former year continued still Commanders of their armies. Cn. Sergius was enjoined to see and take order, that certain lands should be set out for those soldiers who had served many years together in Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia. And Q. Minutius had in charge to go through with that inquisition of certain conspirators and traitors in the Brutians country, upon which he had sitten already as praetor with great fidelity and diligence: and also to send unto Locti for to receive due punishment of those prisoners, whom being attainted and convicted of sacrilege, he had sent bound to Rome. And finally, to cause all the treasure taken out of the temple of Proserpina, to be restored thither again, with an over-encrease, to make satisfaction and to race out the wicked part committed. The Latin feasts and holidays were solemnised again by virtue of an ordinance of the bishops, upon this occasion, That certain ambassadors from Ardea complained in the Senate, how they had not their ordinary allowance of flesh at the Latin feasts aforesaid in the mount Alba, according to the old custom. News came from Suessa, that two of their city gates, and all the wall between, was smitten with lightning. Messengers also from Formiae reported, that their temple of I●piter was likewise blasted. Moreover, they of Ostia brought word of the semblable mischance with them in the church of jupiter. And from Velitrae tidings came of the like mishap, fallen upon the temples of Apollo and Sangus. And that in the temple of Hercules there sprung up a bush of hair. Letters came also from Q. Minutius the Propretour out of the Brutians country, that there was a colt fole with five feet, and three chickens hatched with three feet apiece. After all this, P. Sulpitius the Propretor sent letters from out of Macedon, containing among other matters this news, that there was a laurel tree grew of itself in the poop of a galley.  
The Senate in regard of all the former prodigious sights, ordained, that the Consul should sacrifice greater beasts, unto what gods he thought good: but about this last rehearsed, the soothsayers that pry into beasts inwards, were sent for into the Senate house; and by the direction of their answer, an edict went forth, That the people should go in procession, and make supplications one day, and in all temples and altars of the gods, there was sacrifice celebrated with great devotion.  
The Carthaginians this year came to Rome with the first payment of the tribute imposed upon them: and for as much as the treasures & receivers of the city made report, that the silver was not good and lawful, and being brought to the trial, was found too light by one fourth part washed away, those Carthaginians were constrained to take up money of the bankers of Rome, and to make good the defect and loss of the silver abovesaid. They put up a petition besides unto the Senate, that it might stand with their good pleasure to redeliver now their hostages. Whereupon an hundred of them were rendered back, and good hope there was of the 〈◊〉, if so be they continued loyal and fast in their allegiance. And when they made a farther request in behalf of those hostages which were not delivered, that they might be transported from Norba (where they were not to their good liking and ease) to some other place, granted it was, that they might remove to Signia and Ferentinum. In like sort, the Gaditanes made humble suit, and obtained this liberty, that there should not be sent from the Romans a captain to govern Gades, any thing to the contrary, in their covenant (concluded with L. Martius Septimius, when they yielded themselves under the subjection of the Romans) notwithstanding. Moreover, for as much as the ambassadors of Narnia made complaint, that they had not their full number of inhabitants, and that there were certain strangers intermingled among them, not of their own nation, who bore themselves as Coloners'; therefore L. Cornelius the Consul was commanded to create three Deputies or Commissioners, called Triumvirs for to reform this disorder. And chosen there were for this purpose, Publius & Sestius Aclius, who had both of them the surname of Paeius, and C. Cornelius Lentulas. This that was granted to them of Narnia, was denied to the ambassadors of Cossa, who likewise requested that the number of their inhabitants might be increased.  
The affairs thus finished at Rome that there were to be done, the Consuls went into their several provinces. P. vilius so soon as he was arrived in Macedon, was welcomed at his first coming with a dangerous mutiny of the soldiers, which long afore being kindled, was not well quenched at the first beginning. These were those two thousand, which after the descature of Hannibal, were sent out of Africa into Sicily; and from thence, a year after almost, transported into Macedon for voluntary soldiers: but they themselves stood stoutly to it, that it was no voluntary act of theirs, but that they were shipped by their Colonels & Tribunes full against their wills. And howsoever it was, whether they served willingly or unwillingly, it was but meet and good reason, that the time of their soldiery should run out, and their service have an end at length. Alleging, that for these many years they had not seen Italy; that they waxed old men under their harnish, having horn arms in Sicily, in Africa, and in Macedon; that with toil and travel so tedious, they were weak and feeble; and after so many wounds and hurts received, they had no more blood to lose. The Consul made them answer, that their cause was good and reasonable, but marred in the handling; and meet he thought it, that they should be dismissed, if they could have requested it in modest terms: but neither it, nor any cause else whatsoever was warrantable to make a mutiny and sedition. Therefore, if they could be content to keep to their colours, and be at command as loyal soldiers, he would in their behalf write his letters unto the Senate, as touching their congee and dismission: for be they well assured, that they shall get more by sober and gentle behaviour, than by any such stubborn, froward, and wilful demeanour.  
At the same time Philip assailed the city of Thaumaci with terraces and mantelets in all forcible manner, so that he was now at the point to batter and shake the wall with the ram. But the sudden arrival of the Aetolians enforced him to surcease his enterprise; who by the conduct of A●chidamus having passed through the mids of the Macedonian guards, and entered the town, never ceased day nor night to make sallies forth, one while upon their standing watch, otherwhils upon their fabrics & engines. The natural situation of the place yielded them good help and vantage: for the town of Thaumaci is seated on high to a man's thinking as he goeth from Pylae and the gulf of Malea by the way of Lamia, & showeth itself aloft, seeming to overlook and command the straight passage of the forests called Coele. Again, when one travaileth and passeth over the craggy rough places, and the crooked ways entangled with so many windings and turnings in the valleys of Thessaly, & is approached once near to the city, all on a sudden he may discover and discern before him a mighty large and open plain, as it were a wide and vast sea, so as a man shall have much ado to reach with his eye so far as these downs lie out every way under him, and see all over them. And hereupon, by reason of this strange and marvelous prospect, the city is called 
The sire of the city Thanmaci. Admirable, or wonderful.  Thaumaci. Over and besides that the high ground affourdeth it security, it standeth also upon a huge rock, divided into divers crags and broken cliffs. These difficulties forced Philip to give over his attempt, and namely, when he considered and weighed withal, that the town itself when it was won, would not quit the painful labour, and pay for the danger about it. Besides, the winter was now at hand, when he departed from thence, and retired his forces into Macedon, there to harbour. Where, when all others, during the time that they could catch any repose and rest, refreshed their spirits and bodies with some recreations and disports; Philip only, how much respite soever he had, either of intermission or remission from continual labour of marching in journey, & sighting in battle; so much more trouble he had in his mind, whiles he coursed & discoursed with himself, what the total & final issue might be of this war: whiles he stood not only in seat of the enemies, which persecuted him by sea and land, but also in doubt, as well of the hearts of his allies, as of the affections of his own subjects: lest the one in hope of the Romans friendship should revolt, and the other (even the Macedonians themselves) desire novelties, and long for a change. Therefore he addressed his ambassadors into Achaea, both to exact an oath of the Achaeans for their allegiance (for they had capitulated in the accord and agreement made, yearly to swear sealtie unto Philip) and also to deliver into their hands, Orchomenus, Herea, & Triphylia. And when they demanded also Aliphera, the ambassadors answered, that the city never pertained to Triphylia, but that of right it ought to be restored unto Philip: as being one of them, which in the general counsel and assembly of the Arcadians, were assigned and set out for the building of Megalopolis. And thus verily he entertained firm alliance with the Achaeans. As for the Macedonians he gained their hearts unto him, by occasion of Heraclides: for seeing that by means of him he incurred their exceeding ill will and hard conceit, and that he was charged with many grievous crimes, he cast him in prison, to gratify his own subjects: whereat the people took great joy, and hearts content. Then made he preparation for war, with as earnest endeavour, as at any time before: he exercised as well the Macedonians as mercenary soldiers in pay, namely, to wear their armour, and handle their weapons; and in the very prime of spring, he sent all his foreign aids and light armed soldiers, under the leading of Athenagoras into Chaonia by the way of Epirus, to seize upon the straight passage near to Antigonia, which the greeks call Stena. Himself a few days after followed with his main army more heavily appointed. And when he had well viewed and considered the situation of the country, & how it lay, he judged that the quarter coasting upon the river Aous was the merest place to fortify and encamp in. This river between two hills, the one by the peasants of the country called Aerop●●s, the other Asnaus, runneth within a narrow vale, and yieldeth but a small passage upon the bank side. He commanded Athenagoras to gain and fortify Asnaus with his light armed soldiers: himself encamped upon Aeropus. And look what way as the hill was sensed with broken and cragged rocks, there he kept a small guard of some few soldiers: but whereas there was more danger, and easier access for the enemy, he fortified with trenches, rampires, and bulwarks. He planted also and disposed in convenient places a great number of engines to send out quarrels and other shot, for to keep the enemies aloof. The royal pavilion of the king himself, was pight before the rampire upon a bank, in a most conspicuous place of open sight, for to terrify the enemy, and also to encourage and hearten his own men, when they should see him so-confident and resolute. The Consudi advertised by Charopus the Epirot, what passages the king with his army was possessed of, after he had passed the winter in Corcyra, himself likewise in the beginning of Spring, went up into the main land, and held on his march toward the enemy. And being advanced almost within five miles of the king's camp, he left his legions in a strong fenced place, and went himself in person forward with certain lightly appointed in espial to discover the quarters: and the morrow after held a consultation, Whether he might do better to assay to pass through the place which the enemy kept (notwithstanding he saw evidently before his eyes great trouble and hazard in that adventure) or to bring his army about and fetch a compass the same way, whereas the year before Sulpitius entered into Macedon. This deliberation held him for certain daves in even balance and suspense, until news came unto him that T. Quintius was created Consul; and having the province of Macedon allotted unto him, made haste thither, and was already passed to Corcyra.  
Valerius Antias writeth, how vilius was entered the pass aforesaid, and because he could not take the straight and direct way (by reason that the king and his forces had beset all places) followed the valley along, through the middle whereof the river, 
* 〈…〉  Aous runneth: and having made a bridge over it, in great haste passed over to the bank, whereas the king was encamped, and there fought a battle: wherein the king was discomfited and put to flight, and driven out of his camp: that twelve thousand enemies were slain in that conflict, 2200 taken prisoners, 132 ensigns won and carried away, besides 230 horse. Also that during the combat, there was a temple vowed unto jupiter, in case the Consul sped well in the battle. But all other writers both Greek and Latin, at leastwise whose Annals I have red, report that vilius performed no memorable act, and that the Consul T. Quintius who next succeeded, took in hand the whole and entire war himself.  
Whiles things thus passed in Macedon, the other Consul L. Lentulus who stayed behind at Rome, held a general assembly for the election of Censors: And among many famous and noble personages who sued for the dignity, P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, and P. Aelius Patas were created Censors. These two agreeing together in great concord, both elected a Senate without diffaming any person; and also fermed out the toll for portage of all things that were sold at Capua: Item, they set and to farm let; the custom for passage that way whereas the camp stood, and where now there is a town built: and enroled three hundred coloners (for that number was limited by the Senate) there to inhabit. They sold also the lands of Capua lying under the hill Tifata.  
About the same time L. Manlius Acidinus departed out of Spain, and was prohibited by M. Percius Lecca a tribune of the Commons, to enter at his return into the city with the solemn pomp of an Ovation, not with standing he had that honour granted by the Senate. So he came into Rome as a private person, and brought into the chamber of the city 1200 pound weight of silver, and thirty pound weight well-near of gold. The same year Cn. Babius Tamphilus, who had received the province of France from C. Aurelius the Consul of the former year, engaged himself rashly within the marches of the French Insubrians, and was environed and enclosed round about both he, and in manner his whole army. He lost above 6600 men. See what an overthrow was received in a war, whereof there was no reckoning made, and from whence no danger was feared any more. This caused L. Lentulus the Consul to come out of the city of Rome, who being arrived into a province full of trouble and turnult, after he had received the charge of a frighted and dismayed army, gave the praetor a great check and rebuke, and took him up roundly with reproachful terms, yea and commanded him to get him gone out of the province, and to repair to Rome. Neither performed the Consul himself any exploit worthy of remembrance, by reason that he was called home to Rome for to hold the solemn election of Magistrates: which also was stayed by M. Fulvius, and M. Curius Tribunes of the Commons: who likewise would not suffer T. Quintius Flamininus, having been but Quaestor, for to stand for a Consulship. Now a days say they, the dignities of Aediles and Pretours are nought set by, and not worth the seeking for: and these noblemen will needs mount into the Consul's place, not by steps and degrees of other offices, wherein they should make prouse and give good testimony what their carriage is but leaping over those in the mids, joined the lowest, and highest together. This debate which began in Mars field in the assembly of the people, came at length to be decided before the Senat. And the LL. ordained, That for as much as lie which sued for that dignity, was by law capable thereof, it was reason that the people should have plenary and absolute power to create him, or whomsoever else they pleased. So the Tribunes submitted themselves under the authority of the Senators. And for Coss. were elected Sex. Aclius Paetus, and T. Quintius Flamininus. Then ensued of the election of the Pretours. In which were created L. Cornelius Merula, M. Claudius Marcellus, M. Porcius Cato, and C. Helvius, who had been Aediles of the Commons. By whom the Plebeian plays were renewed; and a solemn feast made in the honour of jupiter, in regard of those plays. The Curule Aediles likewise C. Valerius Flaccus, who also was the Flamine Dialis or Priest of jupiter, and C. Cornelius Cethegus, exhibited the Roman games with great magnificence. The great Pontifies or Bishops Servius Sulpitius and L. Calba, dyedthat year: In whose places were installed M. Aemylius Eepidus, and Cn. Cornelius Scipio. Now when Sex. Aelius Paetus and Titus Quintius Flamininus the Coss. were entered into their Magistracy, they assembled the Senate in the Capitol: where the LL. gave order, that concerning the two provinces of Macedon and Italy, the Consuls should either agree between themselves, or else cast lots whether of them should govern the one of the other: And that he, whose hap was to have the charge of Macedon, should enrol of Romans three thousand footmen, and three hundred horsemen: Also of Latin allies five thousand foot, and five hundred horse, for to supply and furnish out the legions. And for the other Consul it was decreed, that he should have an army, all entire and new. L. Lentulus the Consul of the former year, continued still Governor in the province, with express commandment, that neither himself should leave the government, nor withdraw his forces from thence, before the Consul were come with the new legions. So the Consuls referred themselves to the direction of the lots. To Aelius fell Italy and Macedon to Quintius. As for the Pretours, who also were guided by lots. L. Cornelius Merula had the jurisdiction of the city of Rome. M. Claudius governed Sicily. To M. Porcius was allotted Sardinia, and C. Helvius his lot was to be L. Deputy in Gaul. After this, they began to take musters. For over and besides the Consular armies, the Pretours also were charged to levy soldiers. To Marcellus were assigned four thousand footmen of Latin allies, and three hundred horsemen, to go into Sicily. And for Cato three thousand foot of the samekind of soldiers with two hundred horse, to serve in Sardinia: upon condition, that when both these Pretours were come into their provinces, they should discharge all the old soldiers there, as well footmen as horsemen.  
Then the Consuls granted the Ambassadors of king Attalus leave to come into the Senate house: where having audience given them, after they had declared how their king and master had assisted the State of Rome with his forces as well by sea as land, and showed himself cheerful, ready and obedient to this present day for to execute and perform whatsoever the Roman Consuls had enjoined him to do; they said now, that they much feared least from hence forward he should not be able to do the same, by reason he was impeached by Antiochus. For Antiochus taking his vantage, and finding the realm of Attalus disfurnished of garrisons, and unprovided of forces both by sea and land, had invaded the same. For which occasion Attalus besought the LL. of the Senate there assembled, that if they minded to use his navy, and employ the means that he could make, in the service of the Macedonian war, they would then send him a sufficient garrison to defend his kingdom: but if they thought not well thereof, his request was to permit himself to return with his fleer and other forces, to the defence of his own. The Senate gave order to returned this answer unto the Ambassadors: Whereas king Attalius had succoured the Roman Captains with his Armada and other means of war, the Senate accepted thereof in the Best part. But as touching Antiochus the king, an ally and friend of the people of Rome, they neither would send any aid against him: not yet detain the aids of king Attalus in any service of theirs, longer than the king himself should think it stood with his own commodity. For the manner of the people of Rome hath always been, to serve their own turn with the help & assistance of others, but yet at the good pleasure and discretion of others. And whosoever were willing to relieve the Romans, they were at their own liberty to begin and end when they would themselves. How be it, they purposed to address their Ambassadors unto Antiochus, to advertise him and let him understand, that the people of Rome employed the help of Attalus his ships and soldiers against Philip, a common enemy: and the Senate would take it kindly at his hands, if for their sakes he forbore the realm of Attalus, & abstained from war. For meet and reason it was, that the KK. who were friends and allies to the people of Rome, should likewise entertain peace and amity among themselves.  
T. Quintius the Consul made haste to be gone into his province: and when he had levied and mustered his soldiers so, as that he had enroled those old experienced servitors for the most part, who had given good proof of their valour in the service of Spain and Africa, he was detained so long at Rome by occasion of certain prodigious signs reported, until he had taken order for the appeasing of the gods, and expiation of them. The lightning scorched and blasted the great port way from Veij; the common hall likewise of public assemblies, and the temple of jupiter in Lanuvium: also the temple of Hercules in Ardea: the walls besides and turrets of Capua, and the temple there which is called Alba. At Arretium the sky appeared to be on a light fire. At Velitra: the earth settled and sunk down, leaving a great gaping chink for the compass of three acres of ground. Word moreover was brought that in Suessa Aurunca a lamb was yeaned with two heads; and in Sinuessa a porket with a man's head. In regard of these prodigies, there was a procession and supplication one whole day, and the Consuls intended devoutly to their sacrifices: and after they had pacified the gods, they took their journey into their provinces. Aelius, together with C. Helvius the Praetor went into France, and gave unto the said Praetor the army which he received of L. Lentulus, and should have dismissed and discharged of their service; because he purposed himself to employ in his own wars the fresh and new legions which he brought with him: but he performed no action worth the report. The other Consul T. Quintius having taken the sea, and departed from Brundisium sooner than other Consuls were wont, arrived at Corcyra with eight thousand foot and eight hundred horse. From thence he crossed the seas with a galleace of five ranks of oars, directing his course for the nearest coasts of Epirus, and by great journeys made haste until he was come to the Roman camp: from whence after he had licensed vilius to depart, and stayed there some few days, until his forces which were at Corcyra could overtake him, he called his council together to resolve, Whether he should keep on his journey directly, and make way through the midst of his enemies where they lay encamped, or rather without any such attempt (which could not but carry with it great pain and peril) fetch a compass about with safety, and so enter into Macedon by the way of the Dassaretians country and Lingus. And verily, this latter course of the twain had taken place, but that he feared, when he were retired once far from the sea, and had let the enemy slip out of his hands, if the king happily were minded (as he had done before) to defend himself within the deserts and forest, that he should spend all the long summer and do no good. Therefore come what would of it, he resolved to assail the enemy in that vary place as difficult as it was, with all the disadvantage whatsoever. But as they determined in their intention thus to do, so they were not so ready in the means to execute and effect the same. Thus they sat still and spent sortie days within the eye of the enemy, and made no attempt. Then Philip conceived some hope to assay a peace, by the means and intercession of the Epirot nation. And after consultation had, there were certain agents chosen for that purpose, to wit, Pausanias the praetor, and Alexander General of the horse, who brought the Consul and the king together for to parley, unto a place whereas the river Aous is narrowest and the banks nearest together. The demands of the Consul in sum were these, That Philip should remove his garrisons out of the cities. Item, That whose territories or towns he had peeled and spoiled, he should make restitution again unto them all those things that were extant and to be found: as for the rest, they should be prized and valued indifferently to their worth. Philip made answer again, That all those pieces were not of like quality and condition. As for such as here had taken himself, he would be content to set them at liberty: but for those that were left unto him by his progenitors and predecessors, he would not for go the possession thereof, since he held them lawfully in right of inheritance. Finally, if those cities wherewith he had warred made complaint, that they were every endamaged by him, he would report himself to what cities and states they would themselves, and stand to their award, so they were neuters, or in peace as well with the one side as the other. The Consul here unto replied and said, That for this matter it was needless to refer themselves to the arbitrement or doom of any. For who seeth not evidently (quoth he) that he hath done the wrong, who first took arms? And that Philip, before ever that he was molested and troubled by any war from others, offered violence first unto all? After, when it was debated what cities should be set free, the Consul named first of all Thessalonica: at which word the king was in such a heat of choler, that he cried out aloud, What harder condition o Quintius, would you impose upon him that you had vanquished? and with all, he flung away in a chase from off the place of meeting and entervieu, & would no longer parley. And much `adoe they had on both sides to hold their hands from shooting one at another, for the river ran in the midst between them, that they could not try it out by the ears. The morrow after, there passed many light skirmishes between the corpse de guard on both parts by way of excursions, first in a plain that lay out broad enough for that purpose: but afterwards as the king's men retired themselves into the narrow straits and rough rugged places, the Romans of an ardent desire to be fight, entered thither soon after. The Romans had on their side the benefit of good order and military discipline, and were furnished with such kind of weapons as were fit for to maintain a medley in a set battle. The enemies again for their parts had the vantage of the ground, and the help of sundry engines to cast forth short afar off (as balists and catapults) planted and ranged almost upon every cliff and rock as it had been upon the walls of a city. After they had on both sides given and taken many a wound, so as divers of them were left slain on the earth, as if they had sought in a full battle, the night at length parted them asunder.  
Things thus standing in these terms, there happened a certain herdman sent from Charopus a Prince of the Epitotes to be brought before the Consul: who gave him to understand, that he kept cattle a grazing in that forest (which then was overspread with the king's pavilion) and knew all the cranks, all the windings, turnings, and blind ways of those mountains; promising, that if he would send out a band of soldiers with him, he would conduct them through a place that was neither dangerous, nor yet difficult and hard of ascent: which if they had once gained, they should be over their enemy's heads and able to command them. And these things (quoth he) you may surely trust upon; for Charopus willed me to make declaration, That he could wish you the Consul were master of all, rather than any other. The Consul was desirous to believe all, but durst not credit him. And thus being troubled in spirit, whiles he entertained in his heart both joy and fear together, at length the authority of Charopus induced him to resolve and give the adventure of this hope thus offered and presented unto him. And to the end that the enemy might distrust and suspect nothing, for two days following he never ceased to assail and provoke him, setting companies of armed soldiers in every place, to charge upon him, and ever seconding them with fresh men to succeed in the place of the wearied. After this, he delivered to a Tribune or Colonel four thousand chosen footmen, and three hundred horsemen; with this direction, to lead forward the cavalry, as far as the ground would give leave: and when they were come once to a place where the horsemen could not pass nor match farther, then to plant them in some plain and even ground: willing the footmen to match on as the guide should lead them, and point out their way: but after they were mounted above the enemy's heads, according as he undertook and made promise, then to give a sign by smoke, and not to shout and set up a cry, until one might guess, that upon signal of battle by him given, the medley was begun. And the Consul gave commandment to march by night (for as good hap was, the moon was at full, and shone all night long) and take their refection and sleep in the day time. As for the guide aforesaid, he made unto him may fair and large promises, if it might appear, that he meant truth, and dealt faithfully: howbeit in the mean time he delivered him bound to the custody of the said Colonel. When these companies were thus sent away, the Roman General traveled and endeavoured so much the more to gain vantage of the enemy's guards. All this while, the Romans that were sent out with the Colonel, marched forward; & upon the third day, when they had given token by smoke, that they had won the pitch of the hill as they intended, and held it still: then the Consul divided his forces into three squadrons, and entered the midst of the valley with the main strength of his army, but he led forth the wings of his battle, both the right and the left, against the very camp of the enemies. Who also for their parts were not behind to reencounter and receive him. And all these while that they advanced without their fortifications of defence upon a hot desire of conflict, it fell out, that the Roman soldier had the better a good deal, as being more valorous, more skilful, & better appointed with weapons for that kind of service. But after that the king's soldiers, whereof many were sore wounded or killed outright, retired themselves to places of safety, either by natural situation, or by art of man, the danger returned upon the Romans heads, who inconsiderately were engaged into places of disadvantage, and into narrow straits, from whence they could not retire with ease. And surely they had not returned back again unpunished for their rashness, but that the king's men hearing first an outcry behind their backs, and seeing also a skirmish begun, were astonished at the sudden terror, and put besides themselves. Some field here and there away: others that made a stand and tarried still, for that they rather wanted ground to fly than had heart enough to fight it out, were environned by their enemies both before and behind. The whole army might have been utterly defeated, if the winners had lustily followed the chase. But the straits and the roughness of the ways hindered the horse, and the weight of armour cumbered the footmen. At first the king road amain with bridle in horse neck, without regard of anything, or looking behind him: but after he was gotten five miles before, and guessing (as it was indeed) that by reason of the disadvantage of the place, the enemy could not possible make way after; he rested upon a certain mount, and sent his people all abroad over hills & dales, to rally his soldiers together, that were disparkled. Thus with the loss not all out of two thousand men, the rest of the multitude met together, as if they had repaired to a rendezvous upon some signal given, & so marched with a great train into Thessaly. The Romans pursued them as far as they might with safety, killing them, and risling the dead; yea, and ransacked the king's camp, which though it were naked without defendants, yet for the difficult access unto it, they had much trouble to win; and that night they lodged in their own camp. The next day the Consul made pursuit after the enemy along the straight, whereas the river runneth among the valleys. The king came the first day unto the hold or camp of Pyrrhus (a place so called) in Triphylia, belonging to the territory of Melotis. From whence the morrow after he marched a mighty journey with his whole army (for needs he must go that fear drives) & approached the mountain Lingos. These mountains are in Epirus, situate between Macedon and Thessaly. The side that heath to Thessaly regardeth the East: that which butteth upon Macedon, hath the North directly before it. Covered they are and overspread with abundance of woods; yet so as the very tops do afford open plains and running waters. The king keeping his camp there for certain days, was much troubled and perplexed in his mind, casting and revolving, whether it were expedient for him to return immediately into his own kingdom, or possible to retire himself into Thessaly. In sum, his resolution was to bring down his army into Thessaly. And so to Tricca he marched, the next way he possibly could. From thence he passed in great haste through all the cities that were in his way. As many men as were able to follow, he forced to quit their habitations and dwelling houses. The towns he set on fire: yet he permitted every one to carry away with him as much as he could of his own goods; all the rest fell to the soldiers share. No manner of cruelty there was, that the very enemy could exercise, but he practised among his own allies. And Philip himself in the execution thereof, grieved not a little, and was vexed at the heart; but alas, he could do not other: yet his desire was, in that country which within a while should be possessed by the enemy, to save the bodies at leastwise of his associates. In this manner were ransacked and spoiled these towns following, Phacium, Iresiae, Euthydrium, Eretria, and Palaephatus. Against his coming to Pherae, the gates were shut upon him. And because it would ask sometime to win that town by assault, and no leisure he had thereto, he gave over that enterprise, and passed into Macedon: for the bruit went, that the Aeroliams also approached. Who having heard of the issue of the battle fought by the river AEroliams, first wasted and ransacked all the country near unto Sperchiae and Macra-Come (as they call it) and having from thence passed over into Thessaly, was Cymines & Angeas with the first assault. Howbeit, a repulse they took at Metropolis, whiles they harried the fields about it, by reason, that the townsmen ran together to the defence of their walls. After this, they gave the attempt upon Callithera, where they found the like resistance and violence of the enemies but there they persisted longer, and gave not over, nay, they drove the enemies that issued forth, within their walls, and contenting themselves with that victory, they departed thence, seeing no great hope to force the town. Then they won and peeled two villages, Theuma and Calathana. As for Acharrae, it was surrendered by composition. And upon the like fear Xyniae also was abandoned of her own inhabitants. These citizens thus driven out of their own houses, strumbled at a venture upon a garrison which was a leading into Athamania, for the better guard of the foragers that were to purvey corn. This multitude, I say, marching disorderly without armour, pell mel together, with a sort that were unmeet for war, was hewn in pieces by the armed soldiers, and Xyniae was sacked, thus left and forsaken as it was. After this, the Aetolians won Cyphara, a sort and town of strength, well seated for to impeach and command 
* Onoblacha.  Dolopia. These exploits performed the Aetolians hastily, all in few days.  
Neither rested Aminander nor the Athamans' quiet and still, after they heard the news of the prosperous battle which the Romans had sought. But Aminander reposing small trust in his own soldiers, craved of the Consul a small supply of other forces: and as he marched toward Gomphi, he surprised forthwith and forced a town named Pheca, situate between Gomphi and the straits that divide Thessaly from Athamania. From thence he advanced before Gomphi, & assailed the town, which was defended right valiantly for certain days: but after that he had erected scaling ladders against it, he forced the townsmen within, for very fear to yield and render all into his hands. The surrender of this city terrified the Thessalians exceedingly: in such sort, that the citizens of Argenta, Pherinum, Thimarum, Lisinas, Stimon and Lampsum, one after another submitted themselves, with other pieces thereby of small importance.  
Whiles the Athamanians and Aetolians (secured from all danger of the Macedonians) made spoil and raised gain to themselves by the victory of others: whiles Thessaly was peeled and sacked by three armies at once, and knew nor their friends from their foes, nor whom to trust: the Consul passed over into the country of 
* Albania.  Epirus, by the way of the straits which he had opened and made clear by reason that the enemies were fled. And albeit he knew full well which way all the Epirotes in general went, and with whom they had sided, excepting only prince Charopus, yet because he saw them not only careful to make amends and satisfaction, but also willing and forward to do whatsoever he commanded, he esteemed and regarded them by their present state, more than by their demeanour past, and so by showing himself inclined to mercy and easy to pardon a fault, he won their hearts, and gained them unto him for the time to come. After this he dispatched messengers to Corcyra, to will that the bulks and ships of burden should put into the gulf of 
* Gel so deal Arta.  Ambracia, whiles himself revailed by easy journeys; and the fourth day after pitched his tents upon the hill 
* Styabo saith is is a part of the mountain Ampelos.  Cercetius: and thither he sent for Aminonder to repair with his aids, not for any need he had of his forces, so as much as of his guidance to direct him in his journey for Thessaly. Most of the Epirotes also, for the same intent were received, who voluntarily offered their help and assistance. The first city that he assaulted in Thessaly, was Phaleria, wherein there lay a garrison of two thousand Macedonians. Who at first held out and resisted most manfully, and as much as either armour of the walls were able to do, defended themselves. But the assault and battery continuing uncessantly both night & day, overcame at length the constant and resolute valour of the Macedonians. For the Consul made this reckoning, That upon this point depended the hearts and dispositions of all the other Thessalians, if the first should not be able to abide the violence and force of the Romans. Phaleria was no sooner won, but there came ambassadors from 
* A City in Thessaly, or rather Macedon, of which name are 〈◊〉 more, according to Ortelius.  Metropolis & Piera, to render up their cities into his hands, who craved pardon, and obtained it. Phaleria was burnt and sacked. From thence he set forward to Aeginium; but seeing the place defensible with any small garrison; and in manner imprenable, he bestowed some small shot of darts upon the next Corpse de guard, and turned his army toward the country about Gomphi, and from thence he marched down into the plains of Thessaly. And because his army was disfurnished of all necessaries (for that ho had forsome to make spoil in the territories of the Epirotes) after he had sent out espials afore, to discover whether the hulks above said were arrived at 
* S. Maura.  Leucas or Ambracia, he sent out his companies one after another to Ambracia, for to purvey come and victuals. The way between Gomphi and Ambracia, as it is cumbrous and hard for passage, so again, it is but short and very compendious. So that within few days he had transported certain convoys of victuals from the port of Ambracia, whereby the camp was stored with plenty of all provision. From thence he passed to Rhages, a town almost ten miles distant from Larissa. The citizens thereof are descended from Perrhoebia, and the city itself seated upon the river 
* Salampria et Pezin.  Peneus. The Thessalians were nothing afraid at the first coming of the Romans. As for Philip, like as he durst not himself in person march forward into Thessaly, so having taken a place within 
* The pleasant meadows & fields along the river Peneur.  Tempe, which he held with a standing camp, he espied into what quarters the enemies intended to go, and ever as he could find any opportunity and advantage, sent underhand succour and releese thither accordingly.  
Much about the same time that the Consul first encamped against Philip in the straits of Epitus, L. Quintius also, the Consul his brother, who by commission from the Senate had the charge of the fleer and the government of all the sea coast, failed beyond Corcyra with two Galleaces of five banks of oars: and hearing that the navy was departed from thence, seeing also there was no staying there, he made sail after apace, and having overtaken them at the isle Zamma, he dismissed Apuslius, in whose place he succeeded: from whence he went fair and softly, haling after him the most part of the ships which followed with the provision of victuals, until he came to Malea. From whence, when he had given order, that the rest should make as good speed as possibly they could after him, he went with three Quinqueremes lightly appointed, and arrived before at Pyraeeum, where he received the other ships that L. Apuslius the Lientenant had left there for the guard and defence of Athens.  
At the same time there were two Armadaes set out of Asia, the one conducted by king Attalus, consisting of four and twenty sail of Quinqueremes: the other were of Rhodians, and stood of twenty covert ships with decks and hatches, commanded by Agesimbrotus the Admiral. These fleets joining together about the island Andros, crossed the narrow seas from thence to Euboea. And first they forraied the territory of the Carystians: afterwards seeing Carystus strong enough against them, by reason of a garrison sent to them in all haste from Chalcis, they approached to Eretria, L. Quintius having intelligence that king Attalius was come, repaired thither also with those vessels which had been at Pyraeeum, and gave commandment, that as many ships as arrived thither belonging to his fleet, should bend their course for Euboea. Now was Eretria by all sorcible means assaulted, for not only the vessels of three joint navies had brought thither all sorts of engines and artillery devised for to shake and batter the walls of cities, but also the fields and country hard by, yielded them plenty of timber, and other manner to make new. The townsmen from the very first day showed no valour and courage in defending their walls: and afterwards when they were wearied, and some of them hurt, and saw withal a part of their wall overthrown by the ordinance and engines of the enemy, inclined to yield: but they had amongst them a garrison of Macedonians, whom they feared no less than the Romans. Moreover, Philocles a captain under the king, sent messengers unto them from Chalcis, assuring them, that if they could hold out still and endure the siege, he would in good time be with them, and bring relief. Thus hope and fear together constrained them to drive off longer than either they were willing or well able to do. But when they heard once that Philocles had a repulse by the way, and in great haste and fear was retired and fled to Chalcis again, then immediately they sent their ambassadors unto Attalus, to crave pardon and protection. Whiles they were wholly bend to seek peace (whereof they had some hope) and foreslacked the affairs of warre-service, opposing their corpse de guard on that side only of the wall where the breaches were, and neglecting all besides, behold, Quintius in the night season gave a cammissado in that quarter which was least suspected, and with scaling ladders won the town. The whole multitude of the inhabitants fled with their wives and children into the Castle, which also afterwards was rendered up. As for money, gold and silver, there was no great store to speak of: but images, and painted tables of antic work, artificially wrought, and such like ornaments, there were more found, than for the proportion of the bigness, or other wealth besides, of such a city as that was. From thence they set sail once again for Carystus, where the whole multitude, before the enemies were put aland, having abandoned the city, were fled into their fortress: from whence they sent their orators unto the Roman General, humbly craving their merciful protection. The townsmen presently had their lives and liberty granted them. But the Macedonians were put to their ransom, and they compounded to pay 
* 39 shil 7 pence auglishacekning a Sesterce (which is two asses and a half) as ●● d. for thing.  three hundred silver sesterces a piece, and to give up their armour and weapons, and so to depart: With this sum of money having redeemed themselves they were set over disarmed into Boeotia. These forces at sea having in few days gained two noble and renowned cities in Euboea, coasted about Sunium, a promontory or cape within the territory of Attica, and arrived before Cenchreae, a town of merchandise and traffic belonging to the Corinthians.  
The Consul all this while had a longer and more dangerous piece of service in the siege (of Rhages) than all men looked for. And the enemies within made resistance, where he would have least of all suspected. For he supposed verily that all the trouble and difficulty would be in battering down the wall, and making some breach. For thus he thought, that if he had once opened way for his armed soldiers to enter into the town, the enemies afterwards would either free or be slain, as it falleth out commonly in cities when they are forced. Howbeit, when part of the wall by the battery of the Ram lay flat along, and the enemies were gotten over at the breaches and ruins thereof: then began their labour and pains anew, as if they had had no trouble nor toil afore. For the Macedonians in garrison, who were many in number, and those approved and select soldiers, thinking how honourable a service it would be to defend the city by valour and dent of sword, rather than by the strength of walls, had ranged themselves in a battle within forth, strongly marshaled into many ranks and files close together: and when they perceived the Romans were mounting over the breaches to enter the city, they repelled & beat them back in that place of great disadvantage, where they had much ado to recover and retire themselves. The Consul hereat was much displeased, and vexed in himself: and making this account, that such a foul foil and disgrace was not only an occasion of a longer tract of time, before he could force that one city; but also material and important for the main progress and proceeding of the whole war, which commonly dependeth upon the occurrences of light matters and of small moment in the beginning: after he had rid and cleansed the place which was choked up with the ruins of the half broken wall lying there upon heaps, he reared a town or frame of timber of a huge height to overtop the walls, consisting of many stories and stoores one over another, which contained and carried a mighty number of armed men, and drove the same upon wheels and rollers close to the wall. Moreover he sent out certain ensigns one after another by turns, to break through by force (if it were possible) that strong and close battailon of the Macedonians (which they themselves call Phalanx.) But the place being so straight (for that the breach of the wall was nothing broad) the enemies had the vantage both in regard of the weapons which they used, and of the form of battle wherein they were ranged. For when the Macedonians standing close one to another with a continued roof or fence or targuets over their heads, opposed their pikes before them which were of an exceeding length: the Romans neither with their darts could hurt them afar off, nor with their swords drawn come near them to fight close at hand, or cut their pikes a two: and if it chanced that they whipped off or snapped any asunder, yet the steel and truncheon thereof being sharp still at the point (headless though it were) among the other pikes that were headed, served to make a sense as it were an hay or palaisade. Over and besides, that part of the wall that stood whole and sound still, was a sure defence unto both flanks of the enemies: neither had the Romans any large room at length to return, and from thence to fetch their beirre, and so give a violent charge, which is the thing that usually breaketh and disordereth ranks. Moreover there chanced one thing by mere fortune that encouraged them within: for as the town aforesaid was in driving over a terrace or bank whereof the floor was not fast and sound hardened with the rammer, one of the wheels happened to sink in and make a deep rut in the ground, whereby the whole frame nodded so forward, that the enemies without thought verily it was ready to fall, and the armed soldiers standing upon it within, quaked for fear, and were put well-near besides their wits. Thus when nothing that was provided might avail and come to any great effect, the Consul was vexed at the heart, to see himself so much overmatched in soldiers, in armour, and in manner of service; and withal he considered, that he had no help to force the city and to win it in any shorttime, nor could make means to pass the winter in those parts so far from sea, and left naked already and waste by those calamities that follow wars. Whereupon he raised the siege: and because there was no haven in all the tract and coast of Acarnania and Aetolia, which was able both to receive and harbour all his hulks that brought victuals for his army, and also to yield winter lodging for his legions; he thought upon the Isle Anticyra within the country of Phocis; which lying toward the gulf of Corinth, seemed to him most fit & commodious for his purpose; because they should not remove far from Thessaly, & the territories belonging to the enemies: having besides Peloponnesus affront even over against them, divided but by a small arm of the sea: at their back Aetolia and Acarnania: and of each side Locris and Boeotia. At the first assault, the Consul without any resistance wan Panopea in Phocis. Anticyra likewise long endured not the siege. Then Ambrysus and Hyampolis were received by composition. Daulis by reason that it was situate upon an high hill, could neither be scaled nor forced by instruments and engines of battery. But the Romans by lancing their darts and shooting arrows against them that were in guard, trained them forth to skirmish; and after some light seusiling to no effect, whiles one while they seemed to fly, and other while to pursue, they brought them to be so careless, so negligent and so little respective, that when the enemies fled back within the gate, they entered pellmell with them, and so were masters of the town. Other small forts likewise of Phocis yielded rather for fear than any force offered unto them. Elatia kept their gates shut, and made a countenance, that unless they were driven thereunto, they would receive within their walls neither Roman captain nor army.  
Whiles the Consul lay at the siege before Elatia, there was presented unto him the hope of a greater matter, namely, of withdrawing the nation of the Achaei from the king's alliance to the amity of the Romans. For they had expelled and banished Cycliadas the chief of that faction that sided with Philip: and Aristhenus who friended the Romans and sought to be consedered with them, was praetor for the time.  
Now the Roman Armada, together with Attalus and the Rhodians, rode at ancre in the haven of Cenchreae, & they all were agreed in common to assail Corinth. But the Consul thought good, before that they should put that designment in action, to send ambassadors to the State of Achaia, promising, if they would revolt from the king and turn to them, to deliver Corinth into their hands, for to be incorporate into the ancient league and council of their nation. And so by the advice of the Consul, there were ambassadors addressed to the Achaeans from his brother L. Quintius, from Attalus, the Rhodians, and the Athenians. And at 
* 〈◊〉  Sicyone was there a counsel and Diet held, for to give them audience. Now the Achaeans were not all of one mind and alike affected. The Athenians (a dangerous, an ordinary, and continual enemy of theirs) put them in fear of one side: the Romans they had in dread and horror of an other. To the Macedonians they were obliged and bound by many good turns and favours, as well old as new. The king himself they held in jealousy for his cruelty and treachery: and casting a proof and conjecture by those courses which he then took, and by his practices for the time, they foresaw well, that after the war ended, he would be intolerable and a very tyrant over them. They were besides not only ignorant, what every man had said in the several counsels of every particular State, and in the general Diets of the whole nation, when they were required to deliver their opinions; but also uncertain and unresolute among themselves in their own minds what to will or wish. Unto men thus doubtfully disposed and unsettled, the ambassadors above said were admitted, and licence was given them to deliver their message. First, the Roman ambassador L. Calphurnius; after him, those that were for king Attalus: and in the third place, the Rhodians spoke and made discourse: and consequently, the ambassadors of Philip were permitted to parley. The Athenians had audience given them last of all, and were reserved of purpose to confute whatsoever should be spoken and alleged by the Macedonians. And these Athenians inveighed most sharply & bitterly against the king, for none had received either more wrongs, or suffered the like indignities at his hands as they had. So this assembly verily for that time (by reason that the day was spent in hearing the continued orations of so many ambassadors) broke up about sunset. The morrow after, they assembled again: where the magistrates by the voice of the Beadle or public crier (after the custom of the greeks) gave liberty to every person to deliver his mind, and no man stepped forth. Great silence there was, and not a word among them for a long time, looking wistly one upon another who should begin first. And no marvel, if they whose spirits were astonished in some sort within them, when they of their own accord cast and tossed in their minds things so different and contrary, were now more troubled and perplexed by those orations besides that had lasted all the long day, broaching, uttering, and advising many matters so harsh, so difficult, and unpleasant unto them. At length because the Council should not be dissolved without some speech and parley, Arisbenus the Praetor of the Achaeans began to speak, 
* The oration of Aristhenas.  and said: What is become (my masters of Achaea) of those hearts of yours and courageous stomachs, whereby at all your 〈◊〉 and in your private meetings (when talk is ministered of Philip and the Romans) you can hardly hold your hands, but are ready to fly one in another's face? And now, when as this honourable court of parliaments is published and holden for the same purpose only: when ye have heard the reasons and allegations of the ambassadors of all parts; when the magistrates propound the matter to be debated in council; when the public crier calleth you to give your opinions, ye are mum and mute? If the regard of the common good and welfare of us all, will not cause you to open your lips; cannot the private respects and affections neither (which have inclined and carried your minds to the one side or the other) fetch out a word from any of your mouths? Considering especially, that no man is so gross and blockish, who can be ignorant that now is the very time or never, for each one to say and deliver his mind as he will himself, and as he thinketh best, before we resolve and determine of any course: and when a decree of act is once passed, that all men are bound (even they themselves that before misliked it) to defend and maintain the same, as a good and profitable accord. This admonition of the praetor was so far short of drawing any one of them to utter his opinion, that it caused not so much as the least noise or humming in so frequent an auditory and congregation of so many States together. Then Aristhenus the praetor began again and followed his speech in this manner. It seemeth (my masters and friends of Achaea here assembled) that ye are not so much to seek for counsel and advise, but ye are as short of your tongues and loath to speak. And every one here is unwilling to provide for their general good, for fear lest he should incur some particular peril. Myself likewise peradventure would be silent and hold my peace if I were a private person: But now being praetor, I see thus much, That either there should have no audience at all been given unto the Ambassadors, or else, that they ought not to be sent away from hence without an answer: and answer them how can I, without your ordinance? Now seeing that there is none of you all, who have been summoned hither to this Council, that either will or dare say a word to the cause: let us examine thoroughly and consider well in am of your opinions, those speeches which yesterday were pronounced by the ambassadors: let us (I say) revise them so, as if they had not demanded those things which concerned their own good and commodity, but as though they proposed such points as they esteemed profitable and expedient for us all. The Romans, the Rhodians, and king Attalius require our alliance and amity: and in that war which they wage against Philip, they think it reason to be aided from us. Philip again, putteth us in mind of our society with him, and of our oath. One while he requireth us to stand and band with him: otherwhiles, he faith he will be content that we should sit still, and meddle neither one way nor other. Is there no man here knoweth the reason, why they that are not yet our allies, demand and crave more than he that is our ally already? It is neither the modesty of Philip, nor the impudency of the Romans that is the cause hereof. The ports and haven-townes they be of Achaea, which minister confidence and assurance to those demaunders, and take away the same from them again. From Philip we see nothing but only an Ambassador. The sea-forces of the Romans and their fleet, ride in the harbour of Cenchreae: they carry afore them in show, the spoils of the cities in 
* Negropont.  Euboea. The Consul himself with his land army of the legions, we see disjoined from us by a small arm only of the sea, ranging at their pleasure all over Phocis and Locris. marvel now longer if you can, why Cleomedon the ambassador of Philip demanded erewhile so coldly and dissidently, that we should take arms for the king against the Romans: who, if we by virtue of the same league and oath, where with he seemed to charge us in conscience, required of him again, that Philip should defend us both from Nabis and the Lacedæmonians, and also from the Romans; would be to seek not only of a garrison and power of armed men to shield us, but likewise of a very answer to shape us. And verily he would be no more ready to satisfy us, than Philip was himself the last year; who notwithstanding he frankly promised to levy war against Nabis, and thereby assayed to train and draw the flower of our youth from hence into Euboea: after that he saw once that we neither agreed to send him that power, nor yet were willing to entangle ourselves, and be interessed in the Roman war, forgot soon that society that now he standeth and vaunteth so much of, and left us to the mercy and devotion of Nabis and the Lacedæmonians, to be spoiled, peeled, and wasted at their pleasures. And certes, so much as I can conceive of Cleomedon his Oration, me thinks it hangeth not well together, and one piece thereof fort not well with another. He seemed to speak of the Roman war contemptuously, as if it were a matter of nothing: saying the event and issue thereof would be like the former, which they maintained with Philip. How is it then, that he keepeth himself away, and in his absence demandeth our help, rather than with his personal presence protecteth us both from Nabis and the Romans? Us, I say, his ancient Allies? But what speak I of us? Why hath he suffered them so to force and win Eretria and Carystum? why endured he, that so many cities of Thessaly should be lost? How could he abide Locris and Phocis to be overrun so, as they are? and Elatia now at this day so straightly besieged, and hotly assaulted? Why quit he the straits of Epirus, and abandoned those imprenable holds upon the river Aous, by force, for fear, of his own accord, or howsoever? and when he had foregone and disseised himself of that pass which he held, why retired he into the inland parts of his realm for his safety? If willingly and of his own accord he abandoned so many of his allies, and left them to be spoiled and ransacked by the enemy, what can he allege or say for himself, why those allies aforesaid may not provide for themselves the best they can? If for fear, let him pardon us likewise, if we be afraid. But if he were vanquished by force of arms, and therefore retired back, shall we, good Cleomedon, sustain and endure the Roman puissance and their mighty armies, against which ye Macedonians were not able to stand? Or would you have us to believe you, that bear us in hand, how the Romans war not at this present, either with greater numbers or stronger forces than they have done heretofore, rather than trust our own eyes, and that which daily we see before our faces? In those days they succoured the Aetolians with their navy, and warred neither under the conduct, nor with the army of a Consul. The maritime cities of the confederates of Philip, were then in trouble and tumult: but all the mediterranean parts within the continent, were so secure and warished from the Roman forces, that Philip spoiled and forraied the Aetolians, imploring and seeking for help of the Romans, but all in vain. But now at this day the Romans having finished the Carthaginian war, which for sixteen years space they supported in the very heart and bowels of Italy, have not sent a garrison to succour and maintain the Aetolians in their wars, but are come themselves, as leaders and commanders General, and by land and sea at once have warred upon Macedon. And this is the third Consul of theirs, who at this present maintaineth mortal war upon it, to the uttermost of his power. Sulpitius hath encountered the king in the midst of Macedon, bidden him battle, discomfited and put him to flight, after he had laid waist and desolate the wealthiest quarter of all his kingdom. Quintius lately hath driven him out of camp and field, notwithstanding he were possessed of the straight avenues of Epirus, and bore himself boldly and confidently upon the natural situation of the ground, of his strong defences, and force of a complete army: and having pursued him as he fled into Thessaly, hath taken the garrison towns of the king, and in manner within his own sight, won by fine force his confederate cities. Suppose and say, that all those things which the Athenians erewhile have alleged concerning the cruelty, the avarice, and unbridled lust of the king, be not true, but supposed slanders; admit that those enormities and wicked parts committed within the Attic land, against the gods of heaven above, of the infernal spirits beneath, touch not us at all, and are much less pertinent, than those outrages which the Elaeuntij and the Abydenes, so far remote from us, have endured. Forget we ourselves, if ye will, the hurts, the wounds, and losses that we have received, the murders, the pilling and rifling of the goods of Messena in the midst of 
Mo●●a.  Peloponnesus. Likewise, how his friend and host Garitenes at Cyparissia, was killed against all law of god and man, even in a manner sitting at the board with meat in his month. Say we nothing also of Attalus the father and son, both Sicyonians, who were cruelly massacred, and yet he was wont to call the silly and wretched old man, Father. Also forbear we to speak of the sons wife, who was carried away into Macedon, to make her his harlot and concubine, & to abuse her at his pleasure. Let other rapes of virgins, force of honourable dames be forgotten: let us imagine that we have nothing to do, not to meddle with Philip, for fear of whose cruelty ye were all so mute, and could not open your mouth. For what other cause of silence had ye, being called hither to this counsel? Let us put the case, that we were to debate the matter with Antigonus, that most mild and just prince, at whose gracious hands we have received so many favours and pleasures above all other kings: would he demand, think ye, that we should do that which possibly then could not be done? Peloponnesus is a demie island, joined to the firm continent and main land, by the narrow straight or bank of Isthmus, lying open and exposed to nothing more than to sea-forces. If one hundred covert and decked ships with hatches, and fifty lighter vessels which are open, together with thirty Brigantines or foists of Issa, should come to pill and spoil our sea coasts, and begin to assail our towns and cities that lie open upon the river, even on the very strand and sea banks; should we retire ourselves; think ye, into our cities within the land? Why? what else? As though we were not already afflicted and plagued with intestine war, which sticketh even within our ribs and bowels? When Nabis and the Lacedæmonians by land, the Roman navy by sea shall lie upon us, to do us all annoy, how should I call upon the king's society, or sooth help of the Macedonians? Or shall we of ourselves, by our own strength and means save our cities which shall be assaulted, against the puissance & power of the Romans? For in the former war we bravely defended (did we not?) the city of Dymae. We have examples enough of the fearful calamities and losses of others, that we need not to make ourselves examples unto others. Take heed (I beseech you) how you set light and disdain, that the Romans have of their own motive offered their friendship and alliance, which indeed ye were to wish for, and seek all that ever ye could. It is for very fear (no doubt) that they are driven, being in a strange land, to fly unto you for your alliance, because they would gladly shroud themselves under the shadow of your wings, be harboured within your havens, and sustained by your victual and provision. No no, lords they are first of the seas, who can deny it? there is not a land they set foot into, but immediately it is their own, and in subjection unto them: whatsoever they seem to request, they can command if they list. And because they are willing to spare and forbear you, therefore it is that they suffer you not to enter into any action that might be cause of your ruin & overthrow. For whereas Cleomedon erewhile seemed to show and lay before you a mean and indifferent course, and that forsooth, which should be the safest way that you could take, namely to enter into no arms at all, to sit still and sleep in a hole skin; that, I say, is no middleway, no nor (to speak truth) any way at all. For besides this, that ye must either accept or refuse the alliance with the Romans, what else will become of us, but to be a prey unto the conqueror, having lost the grace and favour both of the one and the other? as men that like neutres, expecting the issue of the war, frame our designments and counsels to the blind direction of fortune. Well, once again I say, take heed you think not scorn of that which with all your heart you should wish and pray for, only for that it is tendered and presented unto you. And never think, that because to day you have the choice of both in your own hands, therefore ye shall ever have the same liberty hereafter. Occasions and opportunities are not always the same, neither do they continue long. All this whiles have ye had a desire to save and free yourselves from Philip, but evermore by wishes & prayers in secret heart, rather than by taking arms in open hand. Now there are those which with great armies and armadaes have passed the seas, who without your pain and peril are ready to deliver you from his hands. These men, if ye reject and refuse for your allies, ye are not well in your wits, and have them you must either your allies or your enemies, there is no remedy.  
After this Oration of the praetor, there arose a muttering and noise in the assembly, whiles some approved and gave assent unto that which he said, others rebuked in churlish wise those that accorded. Insomuch, as they jangled not one with another in particular, but the very States there assembled were at variance, yea, and this debate between the magistrates of the whole nation (whom they call Demiurgi, and ten they are in number) was as hotly maintained, as among the multitude. Five of them said, they would propound unto the people, and debate with them in counsel about accepting the alliance of the people of Rome, & put it to voices. The other five protested, that this was directly against a law, in that case provided, forbidding expressly that no magistrates should either propound or determine aught in any Diet, prejudicial to the society and league with Philip. Thus was this day also spent in debating & wrangling, and nothing done. There remained one day yet of a full Diet and counsel, for by law they were to conclude and decree somewhat within three days at the farthest. Against that time, the parties were so hotly bend one against the other, that the fathers could hardly forbear to offer violence to their very children. There was one Rhisiasus of Pellenae, who had a son named Memnon, and he was a Demiurgus, who took part and sided with them that would not permit the matter to be put to question, and determined by a scrutiny of voices. This Rhisiasus having instantly a long time importuned his son, and besought him to suffer the Acheans to provide for their weal public, and not by his peevish frowardness undo the state of the whole nation: when he saw once that all his prayers prevailed nothing, he swore a great oath that he would kill him with his own hands, and not take him for his son, but for an errant enemy. By which his menaces, he gained thus much in the end, that content he was the next day to join with them that put the matter to question: who now being more in number than the other, made a report, and proposed the cause to the assembly: and when all the States in manner there met, inclined thereto, and approved thereof, so as they avowed openly what they would ordain; the Dymaeans, Megapolitanes, and certain Argives, before the decree was enacted, rose up all at once, and departed out of the assembly, and no man either wondered at it, or blamed them for it. As for the Megapolitanes, no longer ago than in their grandfires days, at what time as they were expelled out of their country by the Lacedæmonians, K. Antigonus had restored them again. The Dymeans being but lately taken prisoners, and ransacked by the Roman army, Philip having given order that they should be redeemed wheresoever they were in slavery and bondage, he not only set free, but also replanted in their own country. The Argives last of all, besides that they are of a settled opinion and belief, that the Macedonian kings are descended from them, were for the most part linked unto Philip in the right and regard of private hospitality, and familiar friendship. In these respects, they went out of that assembly which inclined to the contract of alliance with the Romans, and were held excused for this departure; being thus obliged unto Philip the adverse part, by great favours and benefits, yea and those newly received at his hands. All the other States of the Achaeans, when they were demanded their opinions, without delay confirmed by their immediate decree, the society with Attalus and the Rhodians: but the league with the people of Rome, because it could not be ratified and established without the Act of the people, was referred and put off until the time that ambassadors might be sent unto Rome. But for the present it was thought good that three ambassadors should be addressed unto L. Quintius, and that all the forces of the Achaeans should march toward Corinth, for that Quintius having won the port of Cenchreae, was already at the siege and assault of that city.  
These Achaeans encamped themselves over against that gate that openeth toward Sicyone: the Romans lay against that part of the city which looketh toward Cenchreae, and Attalus having led his army through the narrow straight of Isthmus, assailed them of Lechaeus side, which is an haven of the other sea. At the first they made no hot assault, hoping that there would be some mutiny between the townsmen and the king's garrison. But perceiving they were all of one mind and resolution, and that both the Macedonians defended the city, as their own native country: and also the Corinthians were content to be at the full command and direction of Androstheus the captain of the garrison, as well as if he had been their fellow-citizen, and lawfully chosen by their own election and suffrages: then the assailants had no other hope but in the violent force of arms and engines. And of all sides they had raised banks and mures, and were come close to the walls, although with hard access thereto. Now had the Ram from that quarter where the Romans lay, beaten down a good part of the wall. To which breach, because it lay naked without defence, all the Macedonians ran to guard and defend it by strength of arms: where there was a cruel fight between them and the Romans. At the first the Romans were soon repulsed by means of the great numbers of defendants: but after the succours of the Achaei and Attalus came unto them, they received them with equal valour: neither doubted they but to be able with ease to drive the Macedonians and the Greeks from their standings, and force them to recoil. But there were within the town a multitude of Italian fugitives revolted and fled from the Romans: part of them, a residue left of Hannibal his army; who having transgressed the laws, for fear of punishment were fled from the Romans, and took part with Philip: part also were mariners and seafaring men, who for hope of more honourable entertainment and service, had abandoned their ships, and were gotten into the city of Corinth. These fellows past all hope of life, if the Romans haply should have the better hand, fared more like mad men than hardy and audacious soldiers. Now there is overagainst Sicyone a promontory of juno, which they call the cape of Acreae, and it runneth into the sea: from whence the passage over to Corinth is a cut almost of seven miles. Thither Philocles, a captain also under king Philip, had conducted through Boeotia 1500 soldiers: and certain Brigantines of Corinth were there ready to embark that supply of aid, and to transport them to Lechaeus. By this time Attalus advised to set on fire the engines and fabrics that they had made, and presently to give over the siege. Quintius persisted yet more obstinately in his enterprise begun. But he also seeing the kings guards ranged and quartered at every gate, and that if they should happen to sally out, their violence would hardly be sustained, was of the same mind with Attalus. So without effecting anything, the Achaeans were dismissed, and the rest returned to their ships, Attalus to Piraeeum, the Romans to Corcyra.  
During this service by sea forces, the (other) Consul who lay in camp before Elatia in Phocis, first assayed to gain the city by conference and parley with the principal citizens thereof: but after answer made, that it lay not in their hands, and that they who were for the king, outwent the townsmen both in number and strength; then at once from all parts he gave an assault unto the city both by force of arms, and also by engines of artillery. The Ram was bend against the walls, and as much thereof beaten down with a mighty crash and fearful noise, as stood between the towers: whereupon the town was dismantelled and laid naked; and withal a cohort of Roman soldiers entered at the open breach; so as from all parts the defendants abandoned their guards, and ran to that place that thus was distressed by the enemies. And at one instant the Romans advanced themselves over the breach, and set up scaling ladders against the wall which was standing: and whiles the enemies were amused wholly, and had their eye only upon that one place where the conflict was, the wall in many parts was scaled, and armed soldiers mounted into the city. At which sudden tumult and alarm, the armed men having quit the place which they guarded with a thick troop, fled all into the castle for fear, and the unarmed and naked multitude followed after. Thus the Consul was master of the city: which being ransacked, he sent unto the castle certain messengers, promising life to as many of the king's garrison as would depart away without arms, and offering liberty to the Elatians: and after security given hereof, within few days the castle also was rendered into his hands. Moreover, by the arrival of Philocles (a commander for the king) in Achaea, not Corinth only was delivered from siege, but the city also of the Argives, was by certain of the principal rulers betrayed unto Philocles, who before had sounded and solicited the minds and affections of the common people. There was a custom in this city, that upon the first day of their general assemblies, the Praetor should in token of good luck pronounce the names of jupiter, Apollo, and Hercules: and afterwards ordained it was besides by a law, that the name of Philip should make up the fourth. Now after the alliance accorded between them and the Romans, it happened that the beadle or public crier left out the name of Philip: whereat the multitude first began to mutter & grumble: then arose a loud cry of those that put him in mind to name the king, willing him to give him his honour due by law: until at last his name was also pronounced with great applause & consent. Upon the confidence & assurance of this favour, Philocles was sent for, who by night seized upon an hill that commandeth the city, which commonly is called the fort of Larissa; and having put a garrison there, the next morning betimes he advanced forward with banner displayed, and came down toward the common place lying under the fortress aforesaid: where there encountered him a band of armed men well appointed in order of battle. These were the garrison of the Achaei lately there placed, to the number of five hundred elect men chosen forth of all the States of Achaea: and one Atnesidemus a Dymean was their commander. Unto him Philocles (one of the king's captains aforesaid) addressed a special messenger to persuade and exhort him to quit the city; giving him to understand, That he and his company were not able to match the townsmen alone, who carried the same mind that the Macedonians had done: much less than should they stand out when the Macedonians were joined unto them; the Macedonians (I say) whom the very Romans themselves could not sustain at Corinth. At first he did no good either with leader or soldier: yea and when within a while they beheld the Argives also marching armed against them with a great troop from another part, and saw present death before their eyes, yet it seemed they would have put it to the hazard of a conflict, and sought to the last man, in case their captain would have stuck to it, and not relented. But Aenesidemus for fear lest together with the city, the flower of all the youth of Achaea should perish, capitulated with Philocles, that they might be permitted to depart and go their way: but himself kept his ground still in his armour, with some few of his followers and vassals, and removed not a foot. Then Philocles sent out unto him, to demand, What he meant thereby? Unto whom he gave no other words, but holding forth his shield before him made answer, That armed as he was he would live and die in the guard and defence of that city which was committed to his charge. Then by the commandment of the captains, the Thracians lanced their darts and shot at him, and so both he and the company about him were slain every one. Thus after the accord of alliance between the Achaeans and Romans, two most noble and famous cities (Argi and Corinth) came under the subjection of the king. These were the acts achieved by the Romans as well by land as sea this summer.  
In France there was no exploit performed worth remembrance by Sext. Aelius the Consul, notwithstanding he had under his government two entire armies: the one that he retained still with him, which by order he should have discharged, and was the same that had before been commanded by L. Cornelius the Proconsul, and now by him was committed to the charge of C. Aelius: the other, that he brought himself with him into the province. So that he employed the whole year almost in compelling the men of Cremona and Placentra to return into their colonies, from whence by sundry casualties of war they were chased and dispersed. As France that year was in quiet beyond all hope and expectation, so about the city of Rome there had like to have been a commotion and tumult of bondsluves. The Carthaginian hostages were in guard and kept at Setia, where they had attending about them (as meet was for the children of the chief nobles and princes of Carthage) a mighty train and retinue of servants. The number of them was the greater by occasion of the late African war; during which time and presently after, the Setines also themselves had bought up many of that nation which were taken captives, and came in port-sale with the rest of the prizes. These having conspired together, sent out certain of their own company to solicit also the other slaves that were in the territory of Setia, and so forth, as many as they could find about Norba and Circeij. Their plot was, that when all things were provided aforehand, they should upon the very day of the solemn games and plays (which shortly were to be exhibited and set forth in Setia) take the opportunity of the time, when as the people were busy in beholding the spectacle and show represented unto their eye, and to run upon them: and when they had by massacre in this sudden hurlyburly possessed themselves of Setia, then to go forward and surprise Norba and Circeij. This horrible complot and conspiracy was detected, and information given at Rome to L. Cornelius Merula praetor at that time of the city. For two bondsiaves early in a morning before day, presented themselves unto him, and opened from point to point in order, namely, what had been contrived and done, and what remained yet to do. The Praetor having taken order for their safe custody at home within his own house, called the Senate together; where, after he had recounted and declared unto them what these informers had revealed, he was commanded to go abroad to search out and repress this conspiracy. Forth he marched with five lieutenants of the camp, & look how many he could meet with in his way all over the fields, villages, and hamlets, he tendered unto them a military oath, and constrained them to arm and follow him. Thus in this hasty manner of levy, he armed well near two thousand, and with them all together (who knew not whither he meant to go nor to what piece of service he led them) to Setia he came. At his first entrance, he suddenly in great haste apprehended the principal heads of the conspiracy; whereupon the slaves fled out of the town. Then were sent out certain into the fields, to trace and to find them out by their tracks. In this business there were two bondslaves and one free man that performed singular good service. Unto him the LL. of the Senate gave order, that there should be paid 100000 Asles in brass coin: 
See the account of the 〈…〉 ab. 1.  but unto the slaves 25000 & their freedom. For the redemption of whom, their masters were contented their full price out of the chamber of the city. Not long after, it was reported that the remnant of this conspiracy purposed to surprise Preneste. Thither marched L. Cornelius the praetor of the city, where he executed about five hundred persons who were found guilty. The city was in great fear to see how the hostages and captives of the Carthaginians practised such troubles. Therefore in Rome a standing watch was kept in every street: and the inferior magistrates were charged to see to it and to walk the round, and the Triumvirs likewise (or three Sheriffs) to have a better eye and look to the Quartie-prison. The praetor also directed his letters into all quarters of the Latin nation to this effect, That all the hostages should be kept within doors, and not suffered to go abroad into the streets: that all captives and prisoners should have gyves about their heels of ten pound weight at least, and be kept in no other ward but in the common goal.  
The same year came ambassadors from king Attalus, who presented in the Capitol a golden crown of 246 pound weight, 
〈…〉  with great thanksgiving unto the Senate, that king Antiochus in regard of the authority and countenance of the Roman Ambassadors, had withdrawn his forces out of the confines of Attalus. The same summer two hundred men of arms, ten Elephants, and 200000 Modij of wheat sent from king Masaniss●, arrived at the camp in Greece. Likewise out of Sicily and Sardinia, there was sent great store of victual and liveries for the army. In Sicily M. Marcellus was L. governor, and in Sardinia M. Porcius Cato, an upright man and living without touch and reproach, save only he was thought somewhat too severe in restraining of usury. He banished out of that Island all usurers: he abridged also and cut off clean, the charges which the allies were wont to defray for the entertainment of the praetor.  
Sex. Aelius the Consul being returned to Rome out of France in regard of the general assembly for election of magistrates, created Consuls Cn. Cornelius Cethegus and Q. Minutius Rusus. And two days after, the election was held for Pretours. This year first were chosen six Pretours, by reason that the number of provinces increased, and the Roman Empire and signory extended farther. And these were they, to wit, L. Manlius Volso, Cn. Sempronius Tuditanus, 
Six Praetors fast 〈◊〉.  M. Sergius Silus, M. Helvius, M. Minutius Rufus, and L. Acilius. Of these, Sempronius and Helvius were Aediles of the Commons; Q. Minutius Thermus and T. Sempronius Longus Aediles of the chair. The Roman games this year were four times renewed. Cn. Corneli●s and Q. Minutius being Consuls, above all things went in hand with the provinces of Consuls and Pretours: and first they dispatched those that concerned the Pretours (a matter that might be decided by casting lots.) To Sergius fell the jurisdiction of the city, and to Minutius the foreign, over strangers. Acilius was appointed to Sardinia, Manlius to Sicily, Sempronius to that part of Spain between Italy and Iberus; and Helvius unto the other beyond the river.  
When the Consuls were upon the point to cast lots likewise for their provinces, namely, Italy and Macedon, L. Opius, and Q. Fulviús' Tribunes of the Commons, interposed themselves and stayed them, alleging, That Macedon was a province lying far off, and there was no one thing that had more impeached and hindered the proceeding of wars to that day than this, That in so remote parts, the Consul ever of the former year was called home before he were settled in his affairs, and when he should be employed most in wars. Now have there four years already gone over our heads, since we decreed and concluded to follow the Macedonian war; during which time, Sulpitius spent the greater part of his year, in seeking after the king and his army; vilius, when he should encounter the enemy, was called away before he had effected any exploit; as for Quintius, he was kept at Rome still for the most part of the year, in attendance about church matters and sacrifices: howbeit the affairs of wars under his conduct were managed so well, that if either he had gone sooner into his province, or the winter had been later, he might have dispatched the wars there: and now, that he is ready to retire into his standing camp and wintering harbours, the report is, that he hath brought the war to that good pass and forwardness, that unless he be not hindered by a new successor, in all likelihood and appearance, he will make a final end there of the next summer.  
With these speeches they prevailed so much, that the Consuls for their part promised to be ordered and set down by the Senate in this behalf, upon condition, that the Tribunes would be content to do the like. Now when of both sides they had referred themselves to a free and absolute consultation, the LL. of the Senate assigned to both the Consuls the government of Italy, and continued the command of the army still with T. Quintius, until there came another to succeed him. Two legions were appointed for the Consul, with commission to war upon the Gauls between Rome and the Alps, who had revolted from the people of Rome. And for Quintius ordained it was, that there should be sent into Macedon unto him, a new supply of five thousand foot, three hundred horse, and three thousand sea-servitours and mariners. And likewise, that the same L. Quintius Flamininus should be Admiral of the navy, as before. For the Praetors who were to go into Spain, there was an allowance of eight thousand footmen out of the allies of the Latin nation, and four hundred horsemen, so that they dismissed the old soldiers out of Spain: and enjoined they were to limit and set out the bonds of their several provinces, whereas the higher Spain and the lower should part. And for Macedon there were two lieutenants more for the army appointed, to wit, P. Sulpitius and P. vilius, who had been Consuls both, and in that province.  
Before that either Consuls or Pretours went out into their provinces, it was thought good to take order for the prodigious tokens which happened. For at Rome the temple of Vulcan and Summanus; at Fregellae, the wall and a gate of the city, were stricken with lightning. At Frusino it appeared light (as it had been clear day) in the night season. At Asculum a lamb was yeaned having two heads and five feet. Also at Formiae two wolves entered into the town, and worried some that were in their way. Last of all, at Rome there was a wolf, that not only came into the city, but went forward as far as to the Capitol.  
C. Acilius a Tribune of the Commons proposed a law, that there should be five colonies conducted to the sea side, and there planted: two at the mouth of the rivers Vulturnus and Liternus, one at 
Puzzele.  Puteoli, another in the Burrow town of Salernum, & to make the fifth 
Pisentia Nigro, or Fonsia, Ligorio.  Buxentum was adjoined to the rest. Into every Colony order was taken, that there should be thirty households sent. The three Commissaries, called Triumvirs, for the conducting of these colonies were created, namely, M. Servilius Geminus, Q. Minutius Thermus, & T. Sempronius Longus. These three had commission to continue in the charge of this office three years. After the muster, and all other matters accomplished, pertaining to God and man, that were by the Consuls to be performed, than they set forward both, into their provinces. Cornelius took his way directly against the Insubrians, who accompanied with the Cenomanes, were entered at that time into arms: Q. Minutius in his journey bare on the left hand of Italy toward the nether sea; and conducting his army to Genua, began with the Ligurians to make war. Claslidium and Litubium, towns both of the Ligurians, likewise two States of the same nation, the Celelates and the Cerdiciates surrendered unto him; insomuch as all the country on this side the Po, were in subjection to the Romans, except the Boians among the Gauls, and the Iluates among the Ligurians. By report there were fifteen towns containing twenty thousand men, which yielded unto them. From thence he led the legions into the territory of the Boians. The army of the Boians had passed over the Po a little before, and joined with the Insubrians and Caenomanes: for hearing that the Consuls would war jointly with both their forces, they intended likewise to make themselves more strong, by uniting and bringing their power together. But the bruit being blown abroad, that one of the Consuls invaded and fired the country of the Boians, presently there arose a tumult. For the Boians demanded, that they all in general would help them in their distress. The Insubrians refused and said, That they would not abandon their own confines: by which occasion they disbanded. The Boians went to the defence of their own country, and the Insubrians with the Caenomanes, sat them down upon the banks of the river Mincius. Five miles beneath that place, the Consul Cornelius also encamped himself near the said river: from whence he sent certain messengers all about the villages, and to Brixia, the head city of that nation: and being advertised sufficiently that the youth was up in arms, without the warrant and consent of their ancients; and that the Caenomanes joined not with the Insubrians in their rebellion by virtue of public counsel and authority; he sent for the principal persons among them, and began to labour and deal with them, that the Caenomanes would forsake the Insubrians, and openly with their ensigns advanced, either to return into their own country, or turn to the Romans. This they could not bring them to: howbeit they assured the Consul, that in the field they would either sit still and do nothing, or else, if any good opportunity was presented unto them, they would aid the Romans. The Insubrians knew nothing of this compiot: and yet, some doubt & suspicion they had, that their allies haulted, and were not found of all four: and therefore when there was occasion to lead forth to fight a field, they durst not trust them with either of the two wings and points of the battle, for fear if they recoiled like false brethren, they should hazard the main chance: but placed them behind the ensigns in the arriergard. The Consul in the beginning of the battle vowed a temple to juno Sospita, in case he discomfited the enemies that day, and put them to the rout. The soldiers set up a shout, & cried aloud that they would bring it to pass that the Consul should have his desire, and therewith charged the enemy right fiercely. The Insubrians could not abide the first shock. Some write, that in the very conflict the Caenomanes also suddenly set upon their back, whereby they were distressed and in danger both before and behind; and that there were slain enclosed in the mids five and thirty thousand of the enemies, and seven hundred taken prisoners, and among them Amilcar the General of the Carthaginians, who was the cause of this war: also that there were a hundred and thirty ensigns carried away, and of chariots above two hundred. All the towns that followed this revolt, yielded to the Romans.  
Minutius the Consul, at the beginning made excursions into the country of the Boians, wasting and spoiling it all over: but afterwards when they had forsaken the Insubrians, & were retired home to defend and save their own, he kept himself within camp, making full account to try a set battle with the enemy. Neither would the Boians for their part have been behind but ready to have answered them, had not the rumour of the Insubrians overthrow, daunted & broken their hearts. Whereupon they forsook their leader, quit the camp, and bestowed themselves in the towns and villages to guard every man his own, and quite altered the course of their enemy his war, and put him besides his account. For the Consul past all hope now to determine the quarrel in one ranged battle, began again to forray the fields, burn all buildings, and force towns by assault. Much about the same time Clastidium was set on fire. And from thence the legions were conducted against the Iluates among the Ligurians, who only stood out and would not come in, and yield obedience. Which nation likewise hearing that the Insubrians were defeated in a battle, and that the Boians were so scared, that they durst not venture the fortune of a field, submitted themselves. At the same time the letters of the Consuls, containing their happy affairs in France, were brought to Rome. M. Sergius the praetor of the city first read them in the Senate, and afterwards by the advice of the Senate, rehearsed them in a full audience and assembly of the people. And a procession was decreed for the space of four days.  
Now was winter come, and whiles T. Quintius after the winning of Elatia, wintered his armies in divers harbours within Phocis and Locris, there arose a mutiny in Opus. The one faction sent for the Aetolians their near neighbours to side with them: and the other for the Romans. The Aetolians came first, but the mightier faction would not suffer them to enter in: for having dispatched a messenger to the Roman General, they held the town until his coming. The king's garrison kept the fortress, neither could they be brought to abandon it either with the menaces of the Opuntians, or the authority and countenance of the Roman commander. The only let and stay why it was not immediately assaulted was this; Because there was come an herald from the king, requesting time and place of a parley, which with much ado was granted to the king: not because Quintius of himself was not desirous and wished that he might be thought to have ended this war, either by force of arms or conditions of peace; for as yet he knew not whether one of the new Consuls should be sent to succeed him, or his government continued still unto him (according as he had given his friends and kinsfolks in charge to bring that about by all the endeavour and means that he could make:) but he supposed verily, that this parling would be to good purpose for him, if it might be in his liberty to drive matters unto war if he stayed still, or draw to a peace if he departed home. So upon the strand and shore of the gulf Malea, they chose a place near unto Nicaea. Thither came the king by water from Demetrias with five brigantines or pinnaces, & one ship of war with a brass beakhead. There accompanied him the chief LL. of Macedon, and Cycliadas a noble parsonage of great mark among the Athaeans, and one that was from thence banished. With the Roman General were king Aminander, Dionysidorus an ambassador of king Attalus, and Agesimbrotus Admiral of the Rhodian fleet, Phaneas the chief & principal magistrate of the Aetolians, and two Achaeans Aristhenus and Xen●phon. The Roman General in the mids of these, advanced himself forward to the edge of the very shore, even to the bank side, whiles the king came forward to the foredeck of his ship standing at anchor: and thus he began & said unto the king, Sir, you may do better to come ashore that we may commune and confer together close, and both speak and hear one another more easily. The king refused so to do: and why so? quoth Quintius, who is it that you scare, if a man may know? Then with an haughty spirit and kinglike: I fear none (quoth he) but the immortal gods; but I trust not the fidelity of all that I see here about you, and namely the Aetolians lest of all other. Why (saith Quintius again) this is the common case of all them that come to parley with enemies, namely, to be in danger one of another. Yea mary, quoth the king, but by your leave Quintius, the price and recompense of treachery & falsehood (if it should come to that) is not all one for killing Philip and Phaneas: for the Aetolians should not find it so hard a matter to substitute another Praetor, as the Macedonians to create another king in my room. This said, there was not a word more to the point: while the Roman general thought it reason that he should begin who sought for a parley; and the king supposed it meet that it was his part to speak first who should give conditions, and not for him that stood at receipt, and was to accept thereof. Then Quintius began and said, that his speech should be plain & simple: for he would say no more, but propose only those points, which if they might not be performed, there would be no peace upon any condition at all. First, that the king must withdraw his garrisons out of all the cities of Greece. Item, That he is to deliver up all the prisoners and fugitive revolts that he hath, unto the allies of the people of Rome. Item, That he restore again to the Romans all those pieces in Illyricum, which after the peace concluded in Epirus, he had seized upon. Last of all, that he surrender unto Ptolomeus king of Egypt, all those cities which he possessed himself of, after the death of Ptolemy Philopator. These (saith he) are the conditions, that I and the people of Rome do demand: but meet it is besides, that you hear the demands also of the allies. Then the Ambassador or agent for king Attalus required, that the ships and captives which had been taken in the sea-fight before Chius, should be rendered, and that Nicephorium and the temple of Venus, which he had peeled and spoiled, should be restored as good and entire, as they were before. After him, the Rhodians made claim to Peraea (a country in the continent right over-against their Isle, and an ancient appertenance of their signory) and demanded withal, that the garrisons should quit jassus, Bargyllae, and the city of the Euromensians, and about Hellespontus, likewise the cities of Sestos and Abydos. Item, that Panopolis should be restored unto the Bizantines, with the ancient chartre of their franchises and liberties. Finally, that all the Merchant towns and Ports in Asia might be freed from paying custom. Then came upon him the Achaei, and challenged Corinth and Argi as their own. After them, when as Phaneas (the praetor of the Aetolians) had demanded in a manner the same that the Romans had before, namely, that the king's forces should depart out of Greece, adding moreover, that those cities should be rendered unto the Aetolians which in times passed belonged to their dominion and jurisdiction: then one of the heads of the Aetolians named Alexander, an eloquent man among them, as any other, presently inferred and said, That he had a long time sitten still, and opened not his mouth, not because he thought that in all this conference they would grow to any point or conclusion, but for that he would not interrupt any of his allies in their speech. And as for Philip quoth he, he dealeth not sound and bona fide in treaties of peace, no more than ever heretofore he hath managed his wars with virtue and true valour. For in all these parleys and conferences he layeth trains, and lieth to catch advantages: in war he never striketh a battle in plain field, nor cometh to close fight hand to hand; but in his retreats and flights, burneth and sacketh cities: and thus being himself vanquished, spoileth and maketh havoc of that which by right is the due reward and recompense of conquerors. But the noble Macedonian kings in old time, took no such courses. Their manner was to fight it out in open field, and to spare cities and towns, all that ever possibly they could; to the end that their dominion might be more wealthy and puissant. For what kind of policy is it, for him to ruinate and destroy utterly that, about the possession whereof he is in question, and reserve nothing for himself but only war? This Philip the year past hath laid desolate in Thessaly more cities of his allies there, than all the enemies have done that ever Thessaly had: and hath taken more from the Aetolians themselves, while he was a confederate friend with them, than all the time that he was their professed enemy. He hath seized upon Lysimachia, expelled their praetor, and chased out the garrison of the Aetolians. Chios also, a city under his own subjection he hath razed subverted and quite destroyed. By semblable falsehood and deceit he is possessed of 
〈…〉  Thebes in Phthia, Echinum, Larissa, and Pharsalus. Philip nettled and galled at these words of Alexander, commanded that his ship should approach nearer to the bank, to the end that himself might be better heard. And as he began to frame bitter invectives against the Aetolians principally, Phaneas cut him off, saying, That the quarrel was not to be decided by word, but with the sword: and either he must win it by fine force, or yield obedience to the mightier. That is true quoth Philip, and so evident, that a blind man may see it; jesting merrily at Phaneas, who was troubled with a pair of bad eyes. And given he was by nature to be pleasantly conceited, yea and fuller of his frumps iwis, than beseemed the majesty of a king: so as many times even in treaty of serious matters and of great consequence, he could not forbear but make himself merry and laugh a good. Afterwards he fell to a fit of choler and indignation, that the Aetolians should take upon them like Romans to command him out of Greece, who if they were put to it, were not able upon their knowledge to set down the bounds of Greece, and limit how far it reached. For as much as the Agrei, the Apodeotes and Amphilochi, which take up a great part of Aetolia, are not within Greece. And what just cause (quoth he) of complaint have they, in that I have not spared some of their allies? Why? even they themselves hold this old custom for a law, namely, to permit their youth to take arms and serve against their own allies, so they do it without the public order and warrant from the State: and very often a man may see Aetolians in contrary armies, and come to aid as well the one side as the other: As for Chius, it was not I that forced it; I did no more but aid Prusias my friend and ally, in the siege and assault thereof. And as touching Lysimachia, I defended it against the Thracians: but for as much as of necessity I was called away from the guard thereof unto this war, the Thracians now hold it. Thus much by way of answer to the Aetolians. Now concerning Attalus and the Rhodians, by right I owe them nothing: for it was not I but they, that began the war. Howbeit, for the honour that I bear to the Romans, I will make restitution to the Rhodians of Peraea, and restore I will to Attalus the ships and the captives as many as are forthcoming and may be found. As for the restitution and making good again of Nicephorium & the temple of Venus, what answer should I return to them that demand it, but this, that I will endeavour and be at charge of planting new trees (which is the only way and means whereby groves and woods that are cut down and fallen, may be recovered again) seeing that ye will needs have it, that kings (forsooth) must commun and reason to and fro about such matters as these. In the last place, he framed his speech to answer the Achaeans: wherein, first he began with the benefits and pleasures that Antigonus had done unto that nation; then, of the favours and good turns they had received from his own self; and withal he commanded their decrees and edicts to be red, containing all kind of honours as well divine as human: adding moreover the late and fresh revolt of their army from him: and albeit he inveighed sharply against their disloyalty and treachery, yet he promised to render Argos unto them. As for Corinth, he would confer and consult with the Roman General, and demand of him, whither he thought it reason that he should depart from those cities which he won by arms, and held by right of conquest, or dispossess himself of those also, which he received from his progenitors as his lawful inheritance? The Acheans and Aetolians addressed themselves to answer those points; but the sun was well-near down: whereupon the conference was adjourned until the morrow. Philip retired to the harbour from whence he came, and the Romans with their allies to their camp. The day following, Quintius at the time appointed was ready before the city of Nicaea (for that was thought a convenient place.) But Philip appeared not, nor for the space of certain hours came there any at all from him, not so much as a messenger. Now when they were out of all hope of his repair thither, behold of a sudden his ships were descried. For himself he said by way of excuse, that considering how hard, how grievous and intolerable indignities were imposed upon him, he had employed all that day time until then in consultation, and could not resolve. But it was generally thought among them all, that he had of purpose prolonged the time, and made it so late even toward evening, because the Achaeans and Aetolians should have no leisure to answer unto him. And this opinion of theirs himself confirmed, in that he requested that he alone might parley with the Roman General himself, and that all others should go aside and absent themselves; to the end they two might spend and lose no more time in debate and wrangling, but go briefly to the point, and make an end one way or other. This petition of his would not at first be accepted by Quintius, pretending that he would not have it seen that the allies were excluded out of the conference. But afterwards upon his importunate suit, by the advice of them all, the Roman General together with Ap. Claudius a Colonel, when the rest were voided away, avanced forward to the bank side: the king with the other two whom he had with him the day before came aland. There after they had parled in secret together a certain time, they parted. What Philip related unto his company is not certainly known: but Quintius made report unto his allies of their conference in this wise: namely, that Philip was content to quit the whole coast and tract of Illyricum, for the Romans to enter upon. Item, to send back all the traitorous renegates, and as many captives as were to be found. Item, to redeliver unto Attalus the ships and the mariners taken prisoners therein. Item, to render unto the Rhodians the country of Peraea: but in no wise to be deseized of jassus and Bargyllae. Item, to deliver unto the Aetolians Pharsalus and Larissa, but not Thebes in any case. Last of all, to part not only with Argos, but with Corinth also, for the behouse of the Achaeans. There was not one of them all well pleased at this limitation and setting out of particular parts, which he would deliver, and which he would not. For in this reckoning and account they should be more losers than winners. For unless (say they) he remove his forces and garrisons out of all Greece throughout, he will never cease to give or take occasions of quarrel. As they all cried out from the whole assembly to this effect, their high voice was heard of Philip, albeit he stood aloof. Whereupon he requested Quintius to refer the whole matter once more unto the next day; and then certainly without fail, he would either persuade him and his allies and bring them to his mind, or else would come off and suffer himself to be persuaded and overruled by them. The place of meeting was appointed upon the strand near Thronium; and thither they repaired on both parts betimes. There Philip first and foremost, besought both Quintius and all those that were present, not to disturb the hope of peace, but that it might come to some effect: and in conclusion, craved time wherein he might send his ambassadors unto the Senate of Rome; assuring them, that if he could not obtain peace under those articles above said, he would accept of any other conditions, which it should please the Senate to put upon him. All the rest misliked hereof, supposing that he sought for nothing else but delays and tract of time, whiles he might gather his forces together. But Quintius inferred again, That well it might so be, and a truth indeed that they alleged, if it were summer time and a season fit for war and martial exploits: but now, considering winter was at hand, they could lose nothing by granting him respite to address and embassage. For neither (quoth he) will any capitulation and composition which we should make with Philip stand good and firm without the approbation of the Senate: and in this one winter (when of necessity we must surcease from war) it may be known what the Senate by their authority will approve. To this advise the chief of the confederates accorded, and therein rested. So there was a cessation of arms for two months granted: in which mean time it was thought good, that each of them likewise should dispatch one ambassador to advertise the Senate, to take heed they were not over-raught by the subtlety and fraud of the king. But provided it was in the covenant of the truce aforesaid, That incontinently the king's garrisons should void the territories of Phocis and Locris. Quintius also himself scent (together with the Ambassadors of the allies) Aminander king of the Athamanes; and to make the embassage more honourable, Q. Fabius (his own wife's sister's son) Q. F●lvius and P. Claudius' accompanied the king.  
When they were arrived at Rome, the Ambassadors of the allies had audience given them before those that were sent from king Philip. Most of their speeches were spent in railing against the king: but in this one point they most of all moved the Senate to give ear unto them, namely, when they described by demonstration (as in a map) the situation of those countries as well by land as sea, that all men might plainly see, that if the king might hold in his hands the city Demetrias in Thessaly, Chalcis in Euboea, and Corinth in Achaia, Greece could not possibly be at liberty, considering that Philip himself was wont to term them (no less truly than tauntingly) The shackles and setters of Greece. After them were the king's ambassadors permitted to enter into the Senate house: and having begun to make a long oration, their speech was cut off with this one brief and short interrogatory, Whether Philip would quit those three cities aforesaid or no? Whereunto they made this answer, That they had no express warrant in their commission touching that matter by name. So the king's Ambassadors were seut away without conclusion of any peace: and Quintius had full authority to determine of war or peace at his pleasure. Who seeing plainly by this, that the Senate was not weary of war, and being himself more desirous of victory than peace, he would never after grant Philip any more parleys, but gave him to understand, that he would admit no other embassage from him, but that which should bring him news of his departure quite out of Greece.  
Philip seeing no other way now but that he must needs fight and try the issue by a main battle, and that he was to gather his forces together from all parts: being perplexed most of all for the cities of Achaia (a country far remote from him) and yet more careful in regard of Argi than Corinth; he thought it best policy to make it over (as it were upon trust) into the hands of Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedæmonians, upon condition, That if he obtained the victory, Nabis should deliver it up unto him again; but if aught should come to him but well, than Nabis himself to have and hold it as his own. Unto, Philocles, governor of Corinth and Argi, he dispatcheth his letters, That he should himself in person commune with the tyrant abovenamed about it. Philocles, besides that he came now with a present, added moreover of his own head (for the better assurance and pawn of amity between the tyrant and the king) That Philip would give his daughters in marriage to Nabis his sons. The tyrant refused at the first to accept of that city, unless he were sem for, by a decree of the Argives themselves●● come for to aid the city. But afterwards when he heard say, That in a frequent assembly there, they not only rejected him, but also detested and abhorred the very name of a tyrant, as an execrable abomination; supposing now that he had a good occasion and quirel offered to make a spoil of them, he willed Philocles to deliver the city unto him when he would. So the tyrant was received into the town in the night season, without the privity and knowledge of any person: and by break of day he seized upon all the higher places. The gates were shut, and few of the principal heads in the beginning of the tumult made shift to escape. Those that were absent had their houses ransacked and their goods peeled: as many as were present, had all their gold and silver taken from them; besides, great sums of money were imposed upon them to be paid. They that made speed and were not long about it, but tendered ready coin, were let go without any outrage or hurt done unto their bodies: but such as were suspected either to hide or keep aught back, were mangled and tortured like bondslaves. After this, he assembled the people together and published two laws; the one, for crossing all debt-books and canceling obligations: the other, for division of lands among the people by the poll: two firebrands to serve their turn that seek for change and alteration in a State; enough to set on fire the Commons against the Nobles and chief of a city.  
When the city of Argos was thus brought in subjection under Nabis, the tyrant never remembering at whose hands, not upon what condition he had received it, sent Ambassadors to Elatia unto Quintius, likewise to Attalus wintering then in Aegina, certifying them, That Argos was in his hands and at his devotion; and if Quintius would repair thither to parley with him, he doubted not but they two should agree well enough in every point. Quintius granted to come thither, to the end, that by this means he might disfurnish Philip of that garrison: and he sent likewise to Attalus, willing him, that he would depart from Aegina and meet him at Sicyone: himself loosed from Anticyra, and with ten galeaces called Quinqueremes; which (as hap was) L. Quintius his brother some days before had put to sea out of the wintering harbour of Corcyra, crossed over to Sicyone. Now was Attalus there already, who making remonstrance unto Quintius, That it became a tyrant to come unto a Roman General, and not a Roman General to go unto a tyrant, induced Quintius to condescend unto his opinion, and not to enter the city of Argos. Not far from the city is a place called Mycenica, where they agreed to meet and commune together. Quintius came to the place, accompanied with his brother & certain colonels. Attalus was guarded with his princely and royal train. Nicostratus the praetor of the Achaeans repaired thither, attended with some few auxiliary soldiers: and there they found the tyrant expecting their coming with all his forces. And armed as he was, with his guard likewise armed, he advanced himself into the midst (well near) of the plain that lay between. Quintius unarmed, came forward with his brother and two colonels. King Attalus likewise between the praetor of the Achaeans of the one hand, and a courteour of his on the other, both unarmed. The tyrant began the speech with an excuse, That being in arms and attended with a guard of armed men, he presented himself to a parley, seeing the General of the Romans and king Attalus unarmed: and said, that he stood not in fear of them, but of certain exiled persons of the Argives. After this, when they came to treat as touching the conditions and covenants for the contract of an amity, Quintius the General demanded two things: the one, That Nabis would make an end of warring with the Achaei: the other, That he would send with him certain aids against Philip. And verily to send succour he granted: and in am of peace he was content there should be a truce, until the war with Philip was dispatched. Also about Argos king Attalus began to enter into some question, saying: That having the city treacherously betrayed unto him by Philocles, he now held it by force of arms: but he answered again, That he was sent for by the Argives themselves, for to protect them. Then the king required that the Argives might be assembled together, that he might know the truth. The tyrant made no denial thereof. The king replied again, that the assembly should be free, and at their liberty to speak, and to that effect the garrisons were to be removed out of the city, & no Lacedæmonians intermingled among them; to the end that the Argives might frankly speak their mind. But the tyrant flatly denied to withdraw from thence the guards. So this arguing came to no conclusion, and the conference broke up, after that the tyrant had given the Roman General six hundred Candiotes, and a truce made for the term of four months, between Nicostratus praetor of the Acheaeans, & Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedæmonians. From thence Quintius departed to Corinth, and approached the gate with a regiment of Cretensians, that it might appear to Philocles the king's captain there, that the tyrant was revolted from Philip. Philocles also entered into a parley with the Roman General, and when he was exhorted by him to depart out of hand and yield the city, he returned such an answer unto him, that he seemed rather to defer, than to deny the thing. From Corinth Quintius crossed the sea to Anticyra, from whence he sent his brother to sound the nation of the Acarnanians. And Attalus departed directly from Argos to Sicyone. Where the city not only increased the ancient honours of the king, with the addition of new: but also the king over and besides that he had purchased for them in time past, the sacred land of Apollo, with a great sum of money; because he would not seem now also to pass by this friend city allied unto him, without some royal bounty and munificence, he gave freely unto them six talents of silver, and ten thousand Medimnes of corn: and so returned to his ships at Cenchreae. Nabis also having strengthened the garrison in Argi, returned to Lacedaemon: and after himself had robbed the men of their money and goods, he sent his wife thither to do the like by the women. Who sending for the honourable and worshipful dames of the city, inviting them one by one to her house, & otherwhiles many together at once, such as were of kin one to another, by flattering and by threatening got from them not only all the gold that they had, but in the end stripped off their apparel also, and all the jewels and ornaments that they ware.   

THE XXXIII. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the three and thirtieth Book.  
Titus' Quintius Flamininus the Proconsul, ended the war with Philip, after he had vanquished him in a pight field near Cynocephalae in Thessaly. L. Quintius Flamininus, brother to the said Proconsul, having forced Leucas the head city of Acarnania, received the Acarnanians upon their submission and surrender. C. Sempronius Tudisanus the praetor was slain, and his army defeated by the Celtiberians. Attalus being fallen suddenly sick, was removed from Thebes to Pergamus, and there departed this life. Peace was granted to Philip upon his suit, and liberty restored to Greece. L. Furius and C. Claudius Marcellus, the two Consuls, subdued the Boians and Insubrians in Gaul, Marcellus triumphed. Hannibal having practised in Africa to raise war, but to no effect, was thereupon accused unto the Romans, by letters sent from the principal of the adverse faction: but for fear of the Romans, who had dispatched their ambassadors to the Carthaginian Senate about him, be fled unto Antiochus' king of Syria, who also prepared then to make war upon the Romans.  
The beginning is not extant in the Latin.  
adjoining in those quarters to Acarnania. There was a straight pass or gullet there, half a mile almost in length, but not half a mile in breadth: at the end of this straight standeth the city Leucas planted against an hill that turneth to the East, & looketh toward Acamania. The base town is built upon a plain, reaching along the sea that devideth Leucadia from Acarnania. Whereupon the city, as well on the land side as by sea is easy to be forced. For the fourds of the water resemble a standing lake rather than a sea, and the whole soil is a light earth, minable and easy to be wrought into, so that in many places at once the walls either undermined or shaken with the ram, came tumbling down. But as the town itself was assaultable, so the hearts of the townsmen were invincible. For night and day they gave not over, to repair the cracks of the shaken wall, to fill up the open breaches and ruins, to make head lustily, and skirmish with the enemy, and rather to defend the walls by force of arms, than to save themselves by strength of their walls. And surely a longer siege they would have made of it than the Romans hoped, but that certain banished persons, Italians borne, dwelling in Leucas, let in and received armed soldiers on the castle side. Howbeit, the Leucadians embattelling themselves in their market place, encountered them as they ran down from the higher ground with a great cry and noise, and maintained battle with them for a long time. In this mean while, the walls in divers places were scaled with ladders, and the enemies mounting over the heaps of stones that lay at the breaches, entered the town. And now by this time the lieutenant in person, with many companies environed them as they fought: some were slain in the midst, others flung away their weapons, and yielded to the conqueror. After few days, upon the news of the field fought at Cynocephalae, all the States of Acarnania came in, and submitted themselves to the lieutenant.  
At the same time, whiles fortune turned thus about, and bore down a side all at once; the Rhodians also sent out Pausistratus their praetor, with eight hundred footmen of Achaea, and about 1900 soldiers well armed, gathered out of all sorts of auxiliaries, to regain and reconquer from Philip the country of Peraea, lying in the main and firm land, which had been held sometime, and possessed by their ancestors. And these aids were compounded and mixed of French, Nisuetes, Pisuetes, Tanians, and Areans of Africa, and Laodiceans of Asia. With these forces Pausistratus encamped in the territory of Stratonicea, and there he seized of a commodious place, and very good for his purpose, unwares to the king's company that had holden the same. Thither came also to aid them in very good time, a regiment of a thousand foot and a hundred horse of Achaeans, levied for that purpose, and were commanded by Theoxenus. Dinocrates' a captain under the king, willing to recover the said hold again, first pitched his tents, hard against the enemy camp. But afterwards he removed to another fort in the territory likewise of Stratonicea, which they call Astragon: and having rallied together all the garrisons, dispersed asunder in divers places, and sent for the auxiliary bands also of Thessalians, even from Stratonicea, he took his way and marched toward Alabanda, where the enemies were. The Rhodians likewise for their part were ready for battle, and after they were encamped of both sides near together, immediately they entered into the field to fight it out. Dinocrates' placed in the right point five hundred Macedonians, and the Agrians he put in the left, in the main battle he bestowed all those that he had gathered together out of the garrisons belonging to the forts above said, who for the most part were Carians, the points he flanked round about with his cornets of hoary. The Rhodian cohort was marshaled in this manner: The auxiliaries of the Candiotes and Thracians kept the right point, the hired soldiers (and they were a power of elect footmen) stood in the left, in the midst were the aids (a medley of many nations:) the cavalry and all the light armed soldiers that were, compassed the corners like wings. All that day the two armies stood only upon the bank of a brook which ran between them with a small and shallow water: and after some loose shot discharged, they retired into their tents. The next day they were ranged in like order, and struck a battle exceeding the proportion of their number; for on each side there were not above three thousand foot, and upon a hundred horse: but they were even matched not in number only and armour, but also in equal courage and hope alike. The Achaei first passed over the said brook, and charged upon the Agrians: afterwards the whole army ran as one would say, over the river. The fight continued long doubtful. The Achaei being of themselves in number a thousand, disordered some four hundred of the other, and forced them to recoil, and afterwards the entire right point of the battle began to shrink and give ground. As for the Macedonians, so long as their battaillon called Phalanx, kept their array and stood close together, could not possibly be stirred or removed; but after their left side was laid naked, and they began to reach out on all hands their long pikes against the enemy, charging them across upon the flank, they were presently troubled: and first they put themselves in disarray, afterwards they turned their backs, and last of all flung their weapons from them, and ran away for life, until they were come to Bargilia. Thither also was Dinocrates fled. The Rhodians having followed the chase as long as they had any day to see, retired into their camp. And for certain it is known, if in this train of victory they had presently made speed to Stratonicea, they might have been masters of the town, and never drawn sword for it: but whiles they spent time in recovering the burrow towns and forts of Peraea, they let this opportunity slip out of their hands, and lost it for ever. For in the mean space, they that lay in garrison and held Stratonicea, were encouraged, and took better heart. Dinocrates also anon with those forces of his that remained, put himself within the walls. Then was the tower besieged and assailed, all in vain, neither could it be forced and won but by Antiochus, a certain time after. Thus went the affairs in Thessaly, in Achaea, and in Asia, much about one and the selfsame time.  
Philip being advertised that the Dardanians were entered within the confines of his realm, and wasted the high country of Macedon, albeit he saw that almost in all parts of the world unhappy fortune still followed and coursed both him and his wheresoever they were: yet esteeming it more grievous and heavy than death itself to be dizseized of the possession of Macedon also, he made a levy in great haste out of all his cities of six thousand foot, and 500 horse; with which power of Macedonians, he suddenly surprised the enemy (unprovided and not ware of his coming) about Stobi in 
* Orherrisecalled Tripolei●, of three cities therein.  Pelagonia. Great numbers of men were slain in conflict, but more in the fields, such as were disbanded, and ranged abroad for greediness of booty and pillage. But as many as could make means to fly more readily and easily away, never stood out the trial of a battle, but returned home into their own country. Having thus put life as it were again into his men by this one expedition and exploit (a matter of no consequence to the total adventure of his whole estate) he retired himself to Thessalonica.  
The Punic war was not achieved and brought to an end so happily and in so good a time for the Romans (who otherwise should have warred at once both against the Carthaginians and Philip) but it fell out as well and in as fit a season, that Philip was now vanquished; just against the time that Antiochus in Syria prepared to levy war against them. For besides that the service was much more easily managed against them single and apart, than it would have been if they had banded both at once, and brought their forces together, it chanced also that Spain about the very same instant broke out to a tumultuous insurrection.  
Antiochus being returned to Antioch there to winter, after he had the summer before brought under his subjection all the cities belonging to Ptolomoeus, within the country of 
* Boca, cr Bo●●● ba●●●.  Coele-Syria, was yet never the more at quiet, & mindful of peace afterwards. For when he had assembled a puissant power both of land and also of sea-forces, and purposed to employ the whole strength of his realm, he sent afore by land in the beginning of the spring, his two sons Ardues and Mithridates with a mighty army, commanding them to attend him at Sardis: himself in person set forth a voyage by sea, with a fleet of a hundred sail of couvert ships with decks and hatches, besides two hundred lighter vessels, as Galleons and Brigantines, purposing at one time to assay all the cities in 
* Turcomania, and ●●●●chia,  Cilicia & Caria, coasting along the sea side, which were within the dominion of Ptolomaeus: and with all to aid Philip as well with shipping as soldiers, for as yet Philip was not utterly subdued, not the war with him brought to a final end. Many brave and worthy exploits enterprised the Rhodians both by sea and land, in their loyalty and faithfulness to the Romans, and for the safeguard and defence of all the Greekish nation. But no one thing showed their magnificence more than this, that being nothing terrified at that time with such a world of wars threatened against them, they sent ambassadors to the king, to let him understand, that if he sailed forward and stayed not his Armada, they would encounter him at the Bay of Nephelis (which is a promontory or cape of Cilicia, renowned for the ancient league of the Athenians.) And this they did, not upon any hatred they bore to his person, but to impeach him only for coming to join with Philip, thereby to hinder the Romans in their good course of setting Greece at liberty. At the same time Antiochus was busied in the siege and assault of Coracelium, against which he had placed all ordinance and engines of battery: for he was already master of the cities of 
* Seardehra.  Zephyrium, Soli, 
* S. Theodero.  Aphrodisias and 
* 〈…〉  Corycus, and having doubled the point of 
* 〈…〉  Anemurium (a cape or forland also of Cilicia) he had won likewise the city of 
* 〈…〉  Selinus. All these, and many other forts of that coast being yielded unto him by composition, either for fear or willingly, without any assault, only Coracesium shut their gates against him, and stayed his progress beyond his expectation. There the ambassadors of the Rhodians had audience. And albeit that embassy was such as might have set a king into a fit of choler and chased his blood, yet he tempered his anger, and made answer that he would send his ambassadors to Rhodes, and give them in charge to renew the ancient rights and privileges as well of his own as of his ancestors with that city and State, and to will them not to stand in fear of the kings coming, for that neither they nor any allies of theirs should sustain harm or damage by him. For it was no part of his meaning to infringe and break the amity which he had with the Romans, as it may appear as well by his late embassy sent unto them, as also by the honourable decrees and answers made by the Senate and sent unto him. For it fortuned that even than the ambassadors of king Antiochus were returned from Rome, having had a friendly audience there, and a gracious dispatch, according as the time required: for as yet the issue of the war against Philip was uncerteine. Whiles the king's ambassadors, delivered these points in the assembly of the Rhodians, there arrived a post with news, that the war was ended by means of a victory ' achieved by the Romans against Philip at Cynoscephale. These tidings being once heard, the Rhodians past all fear now of Philip were of advise to meet Antiochus at sea with their navy. For they had a second care besides which they neglected not, to maintain the liberty of those allied cities pertaining to king Ptolemy, against which, war was menaced from Antiochus. Some they succoured with sending aid unto them, and others by forecast and geving them warning of the designments and enterprises of their enemies: whereby they were a cause, that the Caunij, Myndij, they of Halicamassus and Samos enjoyed still their entire freedom. But needless it is for me, to prosecute all the occurrents and affairs that passed in these parts, considering how I shall have enough to do, and hardly be able to set down and go through with those that properly concern the Romané war. At the same time also king Attalus was brought sick from Thebes to Pergamus, and there departed this world in the 71 year of his age, 
The cenmendadetion of king sitalus.  when he had reigned 44. This man was beholden to fortune for nothing else but riches, that might commend him to the hope of a kingdom. He employed the same with such wisdom and magnificence, that first in his own conceit, and afterwards in the judgement of others, he was not thought unworthy to be a king. Afterwards when he had vanquished in one battle the Gauls (a nation at that time newly arrived in Asia, and therefore the more dread and terrible) he took upon him to be styled king, and ever after carried a mind answerable to the grandeur and majesty of that name. His own subjects he governed with singular justice. To his allies he showed himself most fast and faithful. His friends he used with all kindness and bounty. A wife and four children he had living when himself died: and left his kingdom so sure and well settled, that the possession thereof continued firm to the third descent and generation after him.  
Whiles things stood thus in Asia, Greece and Macedon, and the war with Philip scarcely ended, or at leastwise, peace not fully concluded, there arose a mighty war in the province of Spain beyond the river Iberus. M. Helvius at that time was governor there, who by his letters advertised the Senate, That Colcas and Luscinus, two princes in those parts, were gone out, and had taken arms; that with Colcas there banded seventeen towns, and with Luscinus the strong and puissant cities Cardo and Bardo; that the whole sea coast, which hitherto by open revolt showed not their rebellion's heart, would doubtless upon the commotion of those their neighbours, make likewise an insurrection together with them. After these letters were red by M. Sergius the praetor, who had the jurisdiction between citizens and aliens, the LL. of the Senate ordained, that after the election of new Pretours was past, he to whose lot the government of Spain fell, should propose unto the Senate in all convenient speed as touching the war in Spain.  
About that very time the Consuls repaired to Rome, (from their provinces) who held an assembly of the Senate in the temple of Bellona: and when they demanded triumph in consideration of their good service, and happy exploits in war achieved: C. Atinius Labeo and C. Visanius, Tribunes of the Commons required, That the Consuls should speak severally by themselves concerning triumph: for suffer them they would not jointly to propound that thing in the house, to the end, that equal and semblable honour should not be conferred upon persons of unlike quality, worth, and desert. And when Minutius inserred again and said, That the province of Italy fell unto them both in one commission, and Cornelius seconded him with all, avening, That he and his companion in government had managed all their affairs with one mind by common counsel and advise; that the Boians who passed over the river Po against him for to succour the Insubrians and Caenomans, were forced to turn back again to defend their own, by reason that the other Consul his colleague made such waist and pillage in their fields and villages. The Tribunes confessed, that Cornelius indeed had achieved so worthy exploits in war, that there was no more doubt to be made of his triumph, than of rendering praise and thanks to the immortal gods: but neither he nor any other citizen stood ever at any time in such grace, favour and credit, that having obtained the honour of a triumph for himself, he should impart that glory unto his colleague and fellow, if he were so shameless as to crave it. As for Q. Minutius (say they) he made some sleight skirmishes with the Ligurians not worth the talking of: mary in France he lost a good number of his soldiers. And with that they named T. Invencius and Cneus the brother of Labeo, two colonels or Tribunes of the camp, who were slain in an unfortunate battle, with many a brave and hardy man besides, as well citizens as allies. And to conclude, there were some few towns and villages colourably yielded and rendered up for the time, without any assurance and security. These janglings and debates between the Consuls and the Tribunes continued for two days: but in the end, the Consuls being overcome with the importunity of the Tribunes, were content to propose the matter distinctly by themselves. And with the general voice and accord of all, a triumph was decreed for Cn. Cornelius. The Placentines also and men of Cremona, were a great cause that this Consul found more favour, by reason that they gave him thanks, and reported on his behalf, that they were delivered by his good means from the siege, yea and most of them recovered from servitude out of the hands of their enemies. Q. Minusius having only cast a proffer and made an assay of proposing his cause to the Senate, seeing them wholly banded and set against him, said aloud, That in maintenance of Consular authority, and by virtue of that place, yea and according to the good example of divers noble and renowned personages, he would triumph, and ask them no leave, in the mount Alban. But Cn. Cornelius whiles he was still in office, triumphed over the Insubrians and Caenomanes. He carried in pomp before him a number of military ensigns: he caused great store of French spoil and pillage to pass in a pageant upon chariots taken from the enemies. Many noble men of France were led in a show before his own triumphant chariot: among whom (as some write) was Amilcar General of the Carthaginians. But above all others, the goodliest fight was, a number of coloners & inhabitants of Cremona and Placentia, who with 
* In taken that they were by him find from cap●●●●●●.  bonnets or caps of liberty on their heads, followed his chariot. He bore in triumph 237500 Sesterces, 79000 Bigates of silver coin. He divided among his footmen seventy Asses apiece, to every horseman he gave double, and to each Centurion triple so much. Q. Minutius likewise triumphed in mount Alban over the Ligurians and the Boians in Gaul. The honour of this triumph as it was less, in regard of the place, and of the name that went of his acts, as also because all men knew full well, that the charges went not out of the common chest or chamber of the city: so for number of ensigns, of chariots and spoils gained from the enemies, it was in manner equal and comparable to the other. And of money he brought well near as much as Cornelius: for of brass coin he had in show 254000 Asses, of silver coin in bigate pieces 53200. To common soldiers or footmen, to Centurians and horsemen, he gave as much as his colleague. After this triumph, there was a general assembly held for the election of magistrates: wherein were created Consuls, L. Furius Purpurio, and M. Claudius Marcellus. The next day after, these Pretours were chosen, Q. Fabius Buteo, T. Sempronius Longus, Q. Minutius Thermus, M. Acilius Glabrio, L. Apustius Fallo, and C. Laelius.  
In the end of that former year, letters came from T. Quintius with this intelligence, That he had fought in battle ranged with king Philip within Thessaly, where the army of the enemies was defeated and put to rout. These letters were first read in the Senate by Sergius the praetor, and then by order from the LL. in the public assembly of the people. For this happy success, it was ordained, That there should be solemn processions for five days. Shortly after, there arrived ambassadors both from T. Quintius and also from the king. The Macedonians ambassadors were brought without the city to the place or hamlet called Villa publica, where they were appointed their lodging, rich presents were given them, & allowed they were the charges for themselves and their train. In the temple of Bellona the Senate was assembled, where there passed not many words by reason that the Macedonians promised, That the king should perform whatsoever the Senate would set down. So (according to the ancient custom and manner) there were appointed ten Committees or Delegates, by whose advice and council T. Quintius the General, was to present and tender unto Philip, articles and conditions of peace: provided, that in the said number of Delegates, P. Sulpitius and P. Valerius should be comprised by name; who when they were Consuls governed the province of Macedon. The same day, the Cossanes demanded and made suit, That the number of their coloners or inhabitants might be augmented: where upon an order was granted, That there should be a thousand new enroled to the former: with this proviso, that in this number none of them should be matticulated, who after the Consulship of P. Sulpitius and P. vilius had been enemies to the people of Rome. The Roman games and plays were that year exhibited, as well in the Circus as upon the stage in the Theatre, by the Aediles Curulè L. Cornelius Scipio, & Cn. Manlius Volso: which, as they were set out with more state and magnisicence than ever before, so they were beheld with more joy, contentment, and pleasure, in regard that all things fell out so fortunately in the wars: and they were renewed and represented all thrice over. As for the plays called Plebeij, they were set forth no less than seven times one after another. Acilius Glabrio and C. Laelius exhibited those pastimes: who also of their silver that arose of fines and forfeitures, caused three cast images of brass to be made, and erected them to the honour of Ceres, Liber, and 
* Venus.  Libera.  
Now when L. Furius and M. Claudius Marcellus were entered into their magistracy, and after question made concerning their provinces, the Senate passed a decree, That both of them jointly should govern Italy; they requested that they might cast lots for Macedon and Italy together. Marcellus more desirous of the twain of the province of Macedon, alleged, that the peace was not found, but sergeant, pretended, and deceitful; and that the king would take arms and war again, in case the army were withdrawn from thence: by which words he put the LL. of the Senate into a deep study and suspense, what to do, or to think of it. And haply the Consuls had obtained their request, but that Q. Martius Rex, and C. Atinius Labeo, two Tribunes of the Commons, protested, that they would oppose themselves and cross it by their negative voice, unless they might first propose unto the people to know, Whether their will and pleasure was to entertain peace with king Philip, or no? This bill being preferred and read in the Capitol before the people, was granted, and all the tribes or wards, even five and thirty, every one gave their affirmative voice, Vti rogâtis [i. So be it as ye demand.] And to the end, that all men might have more cause to rejoice that peace was confirmed with Macedon, there came heavy news out of Spain, and letters were divulged abroad, containing thus much, That C. Sempronius Tuditanus the Viz-pretour in the hither province of Spain, was vanquished in battle, that his army was discomfited and put to flight, and divers men of name and mark slain. That Tuditanus himself was carried forth of the medley greevously wounded, and soon after died. The province Italy was assigned for both the Consuls with those two legions which the former Consuls had in charge, and order granted, that they should levy and enrol four new legions, where of two should be sent whether it pleased the Senate to appoint. And T. Quintius Flamininus was commanded to rule his province still with the same army, and his commission of longer government was renewed. After this, the Pretours cast lots for the parting of their provinces. L. Apustius Fullo obtained the jurisdiction of the citizens of Rome, and M. Acilius Glabres was lord chief justice between citizens and foreigners. Q. Fabius Buteo had the government of the base or farther Spain, and Q. Minutius Thermus of the higher or hither Spain. to C. Lalius fell Sicily, and Sardinia to T. Sempronius Longus. And ordained it was, that unto Q. Fabius Buteo, and Q. Minutius, to whom the rule of the provinces in Spain befell, the Consuls should out of those four legions which they had enroled, deliver one legion apiece, which they thought good, and of allies and of the Latin nation, four thousand footmen besides, and three hundred horsemen to either of them. And these Pretours were enjoined to go to their charges with all speed possible.  
The war in Spain began afresh, in the fifth after that the former together with the Punic war was ended. But before that these Pretours went forth to this war (which may be counted as it were new, in regard that the Spaniards now first, and never before, warred in their own proper name, without either leader or army of Carthage) and before that the Consuls themselves departed out of the city, order was given, that according to the old custom, they should provide for the prodigious tokens that were reported L. julius as he road on horse back into the Sabines country, was both himself and his horse under him strucken dead with lightning. The temple of Feronia in the territory of Capena, was likewise smitten and blasted from heaven. At the temple of Moneta, the iron heads of two spears were seen to burn on a light fire. A Wolf happened to enter into the city at the gate Esquilina, and ran through the most populous part thereof as far as unto the market place, and so forward to the Tuscan street, and from thence through the Melium, and passed forth again at the gate Capena untouched, and in manner without taking any harm.  
These prodigious signs were purged by the sacrifices of greater beasts. At the same time Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, who had governed the province of high Spain before Tuditanus, entered the city by order from the Senate in a kind of triumph, and carried before him in pomp 1515 pound weight of gold: of silver likewise in bullion 20000 pound weight: and in coin, 34550 deniers. L. Stertinius from the nether Spain, brought into the treasury 50000 pound weight of silver, and never pretended any hope that he had to obtain a triumph. Moreover, of the prizes and spoils won from the enemies, he caused two arches to be erected in the beast market, even before the temple of Fortune, and the goddess Matuta: and one besides in the grand Cirque or show place. And upon these arches he set up guilded Statues. These were all the affairs, to speak of, that passed this winter season.  
There wintered at that time in Athens, Quintius. And among many other suitors that came unto him with their petitions, the Boeotians exhibited a request, and obtained the same, to wit, that as many of their nation as had served in the wars under Philip, might be restored and sent home again unto them: which was easily granted by Quintius, not so much, for that he thought them worthy of that favour, but because he was to win the love and affections of the States in Greece unto the Roman name, now especially that he had some doubt of king Antiochus. They were not delivered so soon, but seen it was, how little the Boeotians would be beholden to him for it. For they sent presently unto Philip, and gave him thanks for the rendering of those men, as if they had been delivered by him, and not by Quintius and the Romans. And in their next assembly general for their solemn election, they chose one Barcillas' for their Boeotarches, or lord governor of Boeotia; for no other reason, but because he had been the Colonel of those Boeotians that bore arms for the king: but they passed by Zeasippus, Pisistratus, and others, that had persuaded to make a league with the Romans. This wrought discontentment in these persons for the present, and fear for the time to come. For thus they reasoned with themselves, If they would do thus whiles the Roman army lay encamped near to their gates, what should become of them when the Romans were departed into Italy, and whiles Philip was so near at hand to assist those that sided with him, and to annoy those of the adverse part and faction? Therefore they complotted and concluded in the end to make away Barcillas', the head of the kings bend, whiles the Roman forces were at hand. And so choosing a convenient and fit opportunity for their purpose, at what time as he returned homeward drunk from a public solemn feast, accompanied with certain pleasant and effeminate persons, who to make sport and mirth had been at that great feast; he was forlaied and beset with six armed men, whereof three were Italians, and three Aetolians, and so murdered. His train that attended him ran away, and raised hui and cry, and called for help. Much trouble & hurly burly there was through out the city, much running to and fro with torchlight. But they that did the deed, were escaped out at the next gate. In the morning betimes the people in great number assembled in the Theatre, being called together by the voice of the common beadle, as if the murderers had been detected. Openly it was in every man's mouth, that he was killed by his own retinue, even those filthy want on persons that he had about him: but secretly in their minds they deemed Zeusippus the author of the murder. For the present it was thought good to apprehend them that were in his train, and that they should be examined. Whiles search was made for them, Zeusippus came forth into the assembly, with the like intent to avert all suspicion of crime from himself, saying, that men were much deceived to think, that so horrible and strange a murder was committed by such weaklings and persons as they were. This he argued and discoursed by many likelihoods and prohabilities to the same effect: by which means some were verily persuaded that if himself had been guilty of the fact, he would never have offered and presented himself in the face of the assembly, or broached any words at all of the murder, especially when no man urged him thereto. Others there were again, who made no doubt, but by this impudent face, his drift was to prevent an accusation, and to turn away all suspicion from himself. The innocent and guiltless creatures within a while after being examined upon the rack and tortured, knowing what was the general opinion and conceit of men, made their 〈◊〉 of the same for to bolt out and reveal the fact; and so they named Zeusippus and 〈◊〉 for the principals; without any presumption or light given how they should seem to come to the knowledge of anything. Howbeit Zeusippus (accompanied with one Strattoni●a●) fled by night to Tanagra, fearing the remorse and prick of his own conscience more than the appeaching and information of those persons who neither were party nor privy to any thing. But Pisistratus making no regard of these accusers, remained still at Thebes. Now had Zeusippus one bondslave, (whose hand was in all this action, and had been a courriour between) whom Pisistratus feared that he would bewray him, and by that very fear caused him to open and declare the whole matter. He dispatched therefore his letters unto Zeusippus, advising him to rid that slave out of the way, who was privy to their dealing; advertising him, that in his conceit he was not so meet to conceal the thing now done, as he was a fit instrument at the time to execute the same. The bearer of these letters he straightly charged to deliver them unto Zeusippus immediately with all speed. But he because he could not spy a convenient time to meet with him himself; gave the letters to the very same slave, whom he supposed to be most fast and trusty to his master: adding moreover and saying, That they came from Pisistratus unto Zeusippus, and imported matter of great consequence. The bondslave promised to deliver them incontinently, but being touched in conscience, he was so bold as to break them open; and when he had read them through, he fled back in great fear to Thebes (where he bewrayed Pisistratus.) Zeusippus troubled in spirit for the flight of his bondman, retired himself to Athens, supposing it a place of more security to live in, as a banished man. As for Pisistratus, after he had been divers times examined upon the rack, was put to death in the end. This murder wondrously estranged the Thebans and Baeotians, and set their hearts against the Romans; in so much as they hated and detested them to death, taking great indignation that Zeusippus (a principal & chief parsonage of their nation) had committed so foul and heinous a fact. To rebel in open terms, they had neither force sufficient to maintain them, nor a principal head to direct and lead them, Whereupon they fell to that which is next cousin to plain war, even to thieving and robbing by the high ways side, in such sort, as they surprised as well some soldiers who lodged near unto them, and were their guests, as others that wandered and ranged abroad-from the garrisons in winter time, and travailed about their affairs, who other whiles were caught up by the way, and came short home. Some passengers were killed in the port-rode-ways, by those that lay in wait for them in notorious thievish corners: others were trained and led deceitfully through by-lanes into desert places, there to take up their inns and lodging, and then were murdered. At length they played these pranks, not only of malice unto them, but also for greedy desire of booty and spoil, by reason that commonly these waisaring men went about their trade & merchandise, and therefore had some charge about them, and carried silver in their belts. Now when as at first there were some out of the way, and every day more than other many men missing, and no man knew what was become of them, all 
* Stramuzupa.  Boeotia began to have an ill name, and the soldiers were more afraid to travail there, than in the enemy's country. Then Quintius sent certain ambassadors to all the cities for to make complaint of these robberies and enormities. Many footmen there were found dead about the mere or lake 
* Lago slivo.  Copais, where their cark asses were raked forth of the mud and mire, and drawn out of the standing water, tied and fastened as they were to heavy stones or some great vessels, that by their poise they might be plunged, and sink to the bottom. Many such like outrages were found to have been committed at Acraephea and Coronea. Quintius at the first demanded to have the offenders delivered unto him, and for five hundred soldiers (for so many were caught up by the way and murdered) he enjoined the Boeotians to make payment of five hundred talents of silver. But the cities would do neither the one nor the other only they paid them with bare words, and excused themselves in that nothing had been done by public warrant or counsel from the State. Where upon the ambassadors were sent to Athens, and into Achaea, to make protestation unto their allies, that they would pursue the Boeotians with open war, upon good ground and just cause offered. And so after he had given commandment unto P. Claudius to go unto Acraephea with one part of his forces, himself with the other set him down about Coronea, & planted siege unto it. But first the territory was laid waste all the way as the two armies marched from Elatia in divers quarters. The Boeotians plagued with these losses and calamities, seeing nothing but fear and flight in every place, sent their ambassadors unto him: but when they could not be admitted into the camp, the Achaeans and the Athenians were feign to come with them. The Achaeans were of greater credit, to entreat in their behalf: for unless they might obtain pardon and peace for the Baeotians, they determined also to enter into the quarrel, and to make war themselves. By whose mediation the Baeotians had access unto the Roman general, and audience once granted. Who after they were enjoined to deliver up the offenders and malefactors to Justice, and to pay thirty talents for amends and satisfaction, obtained peace; and so the siege was raised.  
After some few days, the ten Delegates or Committees from Rome were arrived, by whose advice and counsel peace was articled and capitulated with king Philip, upon these conditions: Imprimis, That all the Greek cities, as well in Europe as in Asia, should enjoy their liberty, and live under their own laws. Item, That Philip should withdraw his garrisons out of as many of them as had been in subjection under him. Item, That he do the like by those which were in Asia, to wit, Euromos, Pedasae, Bargyllae, jassus, Myrina, Abydus, Thassus, and Perinthus: all which, the Romans required to be free. As concerning the liberty and freedom of the Cyani, it was covenanted, That juintius should write his letters to Pratias the king of the Bithynians, giving him to understand the advice and pleasure of the Senate, and the ten Delegates aforesaid. Item, That Philip render all the prisoners and fugitive traitors, to the Romans, and yield up all the covered ships with hatches: and over and besides, one huge royal Galiace or Argosy, which by reason of the exceeding bigness was unwieldy and of little use, and was directed with 16 banks of oars on a side. Item, That he should not have above five hundred men in arms, nor one Elephant at all. Item, That he should not war (but by leave and permission of the Senate) without the marches of Macedon. Item, That he pay unto the people of Rome a thousand talents, the one half in hand, and the other at ten payments, within the term of ten years. Valerius Antias writeth moreover, that there was imposed upon him a tribute of four thousand pound weight of silver yearly, for ten years: and besides, twenty thousand pound weight presently. The same author saith, that expressly it was capitulated, that Philip should not war at all with Eumenes the son of Attalus, who was newly come to the crown. For the assurance of these covenants, there were received hostages, and amongst them. Demetrius' king Philip his son. Valerius Antias hath written moreover, that the Island Aegina, and certain Elephants were given In pure gift to Attalus in his absence: and that upon the Rhodians was bestowed Stratonicea, a city in Caria, with other cities also which Philip had possessed. To conclude, that the Athenians received of free gift these jiles following, to wit, Paros, Imbros, Delos, and Scyros.  
When all the States of Greece approved and thought well of this peace, only the Aetolians secretly muttered and sound fault with this order set down by the ten Delegates abovesaid: geving out, that they were but bare letters and vain words, shadowed with a counterfer appearance of liberty. For to what end, say they, should some cities be delivered, to the Romans, and those not named? others again be named, and yet order taken, that they without delivery should be free? but only for this purpose, that those cities which are in Asia should beset free, because they be far off and therefore in more safety; but those that are in Greece, being not precisely named, should be seized upon by them, to wit, Corinth, Chalcis, and Oreum, with Eretrias and Demetrias. And to say a truth, this finding fault of theirs was not altogether srivolous, and without occasion given: for some doubt there was of Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias: because in the order and act of the Senate, by virtue whereof those ten Delegates aforesaid were sent from the city, all other cities of Asia and of Greece were doubtless in plain terms freed: but as touching the three before named, the Delegates had in commission to take order, as they should see it stand with the good of the Commonwealth, according to their own judgement and discretion, and the trust that was committed unto them. For well they wist that king Antiochus would pass over into Europe, so soon as ever he could bring his affairs about to his mind, and unwilling they were on any hand, that these cities so commodious for his designs, should lie open and ready to his hand for to seize upon at his pleasure. So juintius together with the ten Delegates, sailed from Elatia to Anticyra, and from thence to Corinth, where they held their counsel and consulted of their affairs. juintius would est 'zounds say unto them, That all Greece might be delivered and set at liberty, if they could restrain the tongues of the Aetolians: if they were willing that their good affection should be deemed sincere, and the majesty of the Roman name maintained among all: finally if they would pretend and make it known abroad, that they were passed the seas to set Greece free, and not after they had shaken off the signory of Philip, to translate it unto themselves. The other again, contradicted nothing as touching the liberty of those cities: howbeit, they made remonstrance, that it was the safer course for them, to remain awhile under the protection and safeguard of the Romans, than that in steed of Philip they should receive Antiochus for their Lord. In conclusion decreed it was, That Corinth should be rendered to the Achaens, but yet so, that there should be a Roman garrison in the highest quarter of the city called Acrocorinthus. Item, That Chalcis and Demetrias should be retained still, until such time as they were no more in fear and doubt of Antiochus.  
Now approached the ordinary solemnity of the Isthmian games, unto which at all times usually there was great recourse of people, as well in regard of the natural disposition of that nation (desirous to see such sports and pastimes, wherein was represented the trial of masteries in all kind of arts, in all feats either of agility and nimbleness of the body) as also in respect of the commodious seat of the place: whereunto from all parts of Greece they repaired thither by two divers and sundry seas. But being amused in expectation to know what the estate of Greece, and what their own particular condition would be hereafter, divers men not only devised secretly with themselves, but also gave out and whispered in their speech and talk. Well, the Romans were set to behold this solemnity: and the public Crier with a trumpeter went forth into the mids of the Cirque of show place, from whence the manner was to proclaim the sports and games aforesaid in a solemn set form of words: and after he had by sound of trumpet made silence, he pronounced with a loud voice in this manner, Be it known unto all men, that the Senate of Rome, and Q. juintius the General of their army, having vanquished king Philip and the Macedonians, do ordain, that the Corinthians, the Phocensians, and the Locrensians, be all free, and delivered from all taxes whatsoever, and to live according to their own laws. Item, That the Isle Euboea, the Magnesians, Thessalians, Perrhaebians, Acheans, and Phthiotes do enjoy the like freedom and immunity. And consequently he rehearsed all the nations which had been in subjection to Philip. Upon this proclamation of the beadle, there was such joy, that men were not able to conceive and comprehend it. Every man could hardly believe that had heard the thing which he so wished and desired afore to hear: one looked upon another wondering at the matter as if it had been a vain vision or illusion of some dream: and well they trusted not their own cares in hearing that which particularly concerned every one, but inquired of them that stood next unto them. The crier was called back again: such a desire had each one not only to hear the glad tidings, but also to behold the happy messenger of this their liberty: and no remedy there was, but once again he must publish & pronounce the same. Now when their joy was once confirmed, they set up such a shower, & followed it so with clapping of hands, redoubling the same so often, as evidently it appeared, how there is no earthly good in the world more pleasing and welcome unto a multitude, than is liberty. After this, the games were, performed in such haste, that neither the mind of any man was bend to intend, nor the eye to behold the sight thereof, so wholly had that one joy possessed them and forestalled the sense of all other pleasures and delights. But when the pastime were once ended, they all in manner ran apace to the Roman General, in such sort, that his person was in some danger of the multitude, crowding so hard upon him alone, for desire they had to come unto him, touch his right hand, and to cast garlands of flowers and labels of sundry colours upon him: but being a man fast upon three and thirty years of age; both the vigour of youth, and also the joy that he took for the accomplishment of so glorious an act, afforded him strength enough to abide the press of the people. This gladness of all men, showed itself not only for the present, but continued also for many days space, entertained not only in thankful minds, but expressed also in joyful discourses: namely, That there was one nation yet in the world, which at their proper cost and charges, with their own pain and peril, made war for the freedom of others: who afforded this favour and pleasure not to neighbours and borderers only, or to those that were joined near to them in the continent and firm land, but passed over the seas; to the end, that throughout the whole world, there should be no unjust and tyrannical government, but in all places, right, reason, and law, might prevail most and carry greatest sway. Lo, how by the only voice of one Beadle all the cities of Greece and Asia are set free. To conceive and enterprise so great a thing, proceedeth from a brave mind and noble heart: but to effect the same, is a singular virtue and rare felicity.  
This done, juintius and the ten Delegates gave audience to the embassages of divers kings and princes, nations and states. And first of all others were the ambassadors of king Antiochus called in: who used the same speech in manner that they had at Rome, vaunting great words without any ground and substance of credit. But answer was returned unto them, not covertly by way of circumstance as aforetime (when Philip was on foot and things stood doubtful) but openly in plain terms. Inprimis, That Antiochus must quit and abandon all the cities of Asia, which belonged at any time either to king Philip or king Ptolomeus. Item, That he meddle not with any free city or state, and especially with those of Greece: but above all, warned he was and forbidden, either to pass over himself, or to send any forces into Europe. After the king's ambassadors were licenced to depart, all the nations and states had a general session and meeting together, which was the sooner dispatched, for that in the decrees of the ten Delegates all the cities and states were pronounced by name. Unto the Orestians (a people in Macedon) for that they revolted first from the king, their own lands and privileges were restored. The Magnesians, the Perraebians and Dolopians were likewise declared free. Unto the people of Thessaly over and above the grant of their liberty, the Phthiotian Achaeans were annexed, excepting the city of Thebes in Phthia and Pharsalus. As for the Aetolians who required, that according to covenant Pharsalus and Leucas should be rendered unto them, they were put over unto the Senat. But they awarded them the Phocenses and Locrenses, with other appertinances adjoined before by virtue of the decree. Corinth, Triphylia, and Herea (which also is a city of Peloponnesus) were rendered unto the Achaeans. Moreover, these ten Delegates gave Oreum and Eretria unto Eumenes the son of Attalus, but by reason that juintius would not agree thereto, the matter was referred over to the Senate for to be decided: and the Senate granted freedom unto these cities, together with Caristus. Unto Pleurasus were freely given Lingus and Parthenius, 
* Selavonia.  which were two nations in Illyricum, and had been both subject to Philip. It was ordained also, that Aminander should hold those castles still, which during the wars he had won from Philip. When the assembly was dissolved, the ten Delegates having divided between themselves their several charges, departed every man to set free the cities of their particular regions and quarters. P. Lentulus to Bargyllae. L. Stertinius to Hephaestra, Thassus, and other cities of Thracia; P. vilius & L. Terentius toward king Antiochus; and Cn. Cornelius toward Philip. Unto whom, after Cornelius had declared his commission concerning some smaller matters, and withal demanded of him, Whether he could with patience abide to hear council not only profitable unto himself, but also necessary? The king made answer again and said, That he would not only give him the hearing, but also yield him, thanks besides, in case he would deliver aught unto him for his good. Whereupon he persuaded him earnestly, that for as much as he had obtained peace already, he should send his ambassadors to Rome, to crave league also and amity: to the end, that if Antiochus began to stir, he might not be thought to have attended and waited for some occasions and opportunities to make war. [This conference and communication with Philip was at Tempe in Thessaly.] And when he answered, That he would immediately dispatch his ambassadors; Cornelius came to Thermopylae, where a solemn Diet and assembly of all Greece is wont to be held upon certain set days, and thither resort great numbers of people. Which meeting is called Pylaicum: where he advised the Aetolians especially to persevere constant and faithful in the amity of the people of Rome. Some of the principal Aetolians seemed to complain between while, that the Romans were not so well affected to their nation after victory, as they were in time of the war: but others, more sharply blamed and reproached them, yea and upbraided them with this, That Philip could not have been vanquished, no nor the Romans ever able so much as to pass over into Greece, without the help of the Aetolians. Cornelius forbore to make answer against to those points, for fear of farther wrangling and altercation; and promised, that if they sent to Rome they should obtain any thiug that was reason. Whereupon by his advice and approbation, there were deputed Ambassadors. This was the issue and end of the war with Philip.  
Whiles these affairs thus passed in Greece, Macedon, and Asia, all Tuscan in manner was gone out & risen up in arms, by occasion of a conspiracy of bondslaves. For to inquire into these troubles and to repress the same, there was sent M. Acilius a praetor (who had the civil jurisdiction between citizens and aliens) with one of the two legions of Roman citizens. Some of them, who were already assembled together and grown to an head, he overcame in fight: of whom, many were slain, and many taken prisoners. Others he scourged and roundly trussed up, hanging them on gybbets, even as many as were the principal and chief of the conspiracy: and others there were whom he sent home again to their masters.  
Now the Consuls were gone into their provinces. Marcellus so soon as he was entered into the marches of the Boijs, and had overwearied his soldiers with marching all day long, sat him down upon a certain rising of a hill, and there as he was in camping himself and his men, Corolamus a prince or great L. of the Boijs, with a mighty power assailed and charged him, and slew upon three thousand of his men. In which sudden and tumultuary skirmish, certain brave men of mark were slain; among whom were T. Sempronius Gracchus, and M. junius Syllanus two Colonels of the allies: also A. Ogulnius and P. Claudius' two knight marshals or Tribunes of the second legion. Howbeit the Romans strongly fortified their tents and defended them valiantly, which the enemies upon their fortunate victory had long assailed to no effect. And in the same standing camp he continued certain days, whiles he cured his soldiers of their wounds, and recovered their hearts after so great a fright. The Boijs (as they are a nation that of all things can not endure any tedious delay of time) dispersed themselves into their towns and forts. Then Marcellus presently crossed ihe Po, and led his army into the territory of Comun, where the Insubrians lay encamped after they had solicited and caused those of 
* Comb.  Comum to take arms. The legions made no more ado, but gave them battle in the very way: and at the first encounter the enemies charged them so hotly, that they forced the forefront of the battle to recoil. Which when Marcellus perceived, fearing lest being once disordered they should be repulsed and discomfited, he made out a cohort of Marsians to make head; and at once set forth all the troops of the Latin cavalry against them. Their first and second charge both, mightily impeached and quailed the enemy, advancing forward lustily and pressing upon them in great fury: whereby the rest of the Roman army taking heart again and being encouraged, at the first received them manfully and made resistance only, but afterwards followed fiercely upon them: in so much as the Gauls were able no longer to abide their violence, but turned their back, took them to their heels, and ran away by heaps. Valerius Antius writeth, that in this battle there were 40000 men slain and above, 507 military ensigns taken, with 432 chariots: besides many chains of gold, where of Claudius presented one (very massy above the rest and of great weight) unto jupiter, which was hung up within the temple in the Capitol, as he writeth. The same day was the camp of the Gauls forced and ransacked, and the town of Comum also within few days taken by assault. Upon this there were eight and twenty boroughs or forts, that fell away and revolted to the Consul. But the Historiographers agree not upon this, Whether the Consul led his forces against the Insubrians first, or the Boians; and whether he razed out the dishonour of a former foil and defeature by a fortunate victory in this battle: or chose, after a prosperous fight achieved before Comum, he blotted and defaced the same with a shameful overthrow received at the Boians hand.  
During this variable and alternative fortune, L. Purpurio the other Consul, marched into the Boians country through the tribe Sappinia. And when he was approached near to a castle called 
* Mutilina, Blondo. Modiana, Leandro.  Mutilum, he feared lest he should be enclosed and intercepted by the Boians and Ligurians: whereupon he retired with his forces the same way that he came, and fetching a great compass about through the open country in safety & security, he came at length to his colleague. Who having joined both their powers together, first ranged over the Boians territories, wasting and spoiling until they came as far as 
* Bologna.  Felsina. This town with other strong burroughes and forts, and in a manner all the Boians yielded themselves, save only their youth, who were up in arms to pill and spoil, and were at that time retired unto the forest and glins out of the way. After this the army marched toward the Ligurians. The Boians making full account to assail the Roman army at unwares, which marched without good regard of themselves, and not close together (for that their enemies seemed to beefarre oft) followed after through the blind and couvert forests. But when they saw that they could not overtake them, they suddenly all at once passed over the Po in small bothomes and punts, and after they had spoiled and peeled the Levians and Libuans, as they returned from thence with a booty raised out of the country, they chanced in the utmost frontiers of Liguria, to light upon the army of the Romans in their march. Sooner and with more eagerness fell they to fight, than if they had appointed both time and place, and been prepared aforehand to strike a battle. There it well appeared, of what force anger is to prick on and sharpen men's spirits to conflict. For the Romans more greedy of murder and bloodshed, than of victory, fought so, as they scarce left the enemies one messenger to carry the news of their unhappy overthrow. In regard of these exploits, upon the Consul's letters brought to Rome, ordained it was, that there should be a solemn procession and thanksgiving to the gods for three days. Shortly after Marcellus came to Rome, unto whom was granted a triumph with great consent of the LL. of the Senate; and whiles he was in his magistracy he triumphed over the Insubrians and Comians, leaving for his Colleague good hope likewise of a triumph, because himself (to say a truth) in that nation fought but unfortunately, whereas his colleague sped well enough, and had a lucky hand. Much spoil of the enemies was carried in a pomp, upon the chariots that were taken and won from them. Many ensigns and banners were borne in a show, besides in money, to the value of 320000 asses of brass coin; and 234000 bigate pieces of silver. The footmen had 800 asses given them apiece, every horseman and centurion had thrice as much.  
The same year king Antiochus, whiles he kept his winter at Ephesus, assayed to reduce all the cities and States of Asia unto the ancient form of government and subjection, assuring himself, that the rest would not be hard to be subdued and brought under, because the towns were either situate upon plains, or nothing well fortified with walls, and not furnished with men and munition. As for 
* 〈…〉  Smyrna and 
* 〈…〉  Lampsacus, they stood upon their freedom, and challenged it. Doubted it was, and great danger, that if he should let them go clear away so, some cities in Aeolis and jonia would take after Smyrna, and others in Hellespontus follow the example of Lampsacus. Therefore both himself sent from 
* 〈◊〉.  Ephesus to lay siege unto Smyrna, and gave commandment, That the forces which were at Abydus (leaving only a small garrison behind) should be led to the siege and assault of Lampsacus. And yet he threatened and terrified them not so much with forces and violence, but assayed them rather by fair means, sending to them his ambassadors, so as, partly by flattering and gentle words wherewith he entertained them, and partly by mild reproof for their rashness and obstinacy, he endeavoured to put them in some hope, that shortly they should have whatsoever they desired: & then, both they themselves, and all others should evidenly see, that they had obtained their liberty by the especial grace and favour of the king, and not usurped and gained it by occasion of some advantage and opportunity. To this they answered again, That Antiochus ought neither to marvel, nor be offended and displeased at them, if they could not well endure the hope which they had of freedom, thus to be deferred from time to time. Then he departing from Ephesus in the beginning of the spring failed unto Hellespontus with his fleet. 
* Maitos.  His land forces he transported over to Madytos a city in Chersonnesus, & joined them to his strength by sea. And because the shut the gates upon him he environned the town with armed men, and when he was at the point to give the assault, and to bend his engines of battery against the walls, it was surrendered into his hands. Upon the like fear the inhabitants also of other cities in Chersonesus yielded themselves. After this he came to 
〈…〉  Lysimachia, with his whole power, as well of land-soldiours as sea-servitours. And finding it abandoned, ruinated, and lying (as it were) along, (for but few years before the Thracians had forced, sacked, and burn it) he had a great desire to rear and set upright again that noble and famous city, seated in so good and commodious a place. And therefore he took great care, and employed all his endeavour to re-edify the walls, to rebuild the edifices, to redeem and ransom the Lysimachians that were in slavery, to seek out all those that were dispersed over Hellespontus lespontus and Chersonesus, and gather them together, yea, and to enrol new inhabitants upon hope of gain and profit, and by all means possible to store and people the city again. And withal, because he would ease them of the fear they had of the Thracians, he went in person with the one half of his land forces to waste and spoil the confines of Thrace; the other part with all the sea-souldiours and mariners the left hard at work about the repairing of the city.  
About this time as L. Cornelius (being sent by the Senate to compose the controversies and variance between the two kings, Antiochus and Ptolomeus) abode at Selymbria; so of the ten Commissioners abovesaid, P. Lentulus departed from Bargyllae, P. vilius and L.T. Terentius from Thassus, and arrived all three at Lysimachia: where L. Cornelius likewise met them from Selymbria; and a few days after king Antiochus, being newly returned out of Thracia. The first meeting and saturation between him and the Commissioners was friendly and courteous, yea, and there passed to and fro afterwards divers amiable kindnesses and loving entertainments mutually. But when they entered once to parley of their commission that they had in charge, and of the present State of Asia, then there was frounsing, and their blood up. The Roman agents stuck not to tell him to his face, that all that he had done, since he took the sea, and departed with his fleet out of Syria, was displeasant unto the Senate, saying, That they thought it meet, that all the cities should be restored unto king Ptolomeus, which had been under his dominion. For as touching those towns, which sometime Philip had been possessed of, and which Antiochus had surprised and seized upon, taking this time and vantage, when Philip was employed another way in the Roman wars, it was no reason, nor a thing tolerable, that the Romans should for so many years space, by land and sea endure so great toil, and hazard such perils, and suffer Antischus in the end to go away with the fruit & reward of all the service. But set the case, that the Romans would take no knowledge of his coming into Asia, as a matter impertinent unto them; can they dissimule also, that now he is come over into Europe with all his forces both for land & sea, and little wanteth of making open war upon the Romans? Marry, as for him, he will not let to deny, that he levieth any war, although he were arrived and landed in Italy. To these challenges the king made answer and said, That he saw well enough and knew before, that the Romans were inquisitive and curious enough to search what king Antiochus ought to do, but they never once thought of their own selves, how far forth they should by right proceed, as well by lands as by sea. As for Asia, it pertained not at all to the people of Rome, neither had they more reason to inquire what Antiochus did in Asia, than Antiochus to search into the actions of the people of Rome in Italy. As concerning Ptolomeus, from whom they complain, that he had taken certain cities; he did them to understand, that there was amity between him and Ptolomeus, and they were now in terms of knitting themselves shortly in nearer bonds of alliance & affinity. Neither sought he the spoil of Philip, and to enrich himself by his adversity and misfortune: or passed over into Europe against the Romans ***** But when he was vanquished once, 
Somewhat wanting in the 〈◊〉.  all that ever he had, by right and law of war, became the possesions of Selencus, and so consequently (as he took it) appertained unto him. And during the time, that his progenitors and predecessors, were busied and troubled with other affairs, first Ptolomeus catched at some things, and Philip after at other, & so between them they usurped & seized upon on other men's possessions, and namely, of certain places near and hard by in Thracia, which without all controversy belonged unto Lysimachus. For to reduce which into their ancient State, he was thiter come, and now was in hand to re-edify Lysimachia anew, lately destroyed by the violence of the Thracians, to the end, that Seleucus his son might hold it as the royal seat of his kingdom. Thus as they continued arguing an d debating for certain days, there ran a rumour, but without any certain author, that king Ptolomeus was dead: whereupon they could grow to no conclusion of all their parleys: yet they made semblance on both sides, that they heard nothing thereof. And as well L. Cornelius, who was sent in embassage to both the kings, Antiochus and Ptolomeus, requested respite of some small time to confer with Ptolomeus, to the end that himself might be arrived in Egypt, before any alteration were made in the new possession of that kingdom: as also Antiochus made reckoning, that Egypt would be his, if this good occasion than were presented unto him. Therefore having dismissed the Romans, and left his son Selencus behind him with all the land forces, for to finish the building again of Lysimachia which he had begun, himself with all his fleet sailed to Ephesus: and having sent his ambassadors to juintius, to treat soberly about a league and amity, he coasted along Asia, and so arrived in 
* Briqui●, Giraum.  Lycia. And when he heard for certain at 
* Patera.  Patarae that Ptolomeus was yet living, he gave over his purpose of sailing into Egypt: yet nevertheless he shaped his course and set sail for Cyprus: and when he had doubled the point of Chelidonium, he stayed awhile in 
* Secilia, whereof the No●h part is called Caraman, and the rest Scandilo●●m, Niger.  Paymphylia about the river 
* Zacuth, Theveto.  Eurymedon, by occasion of a mutiny among the mariners and oremen. From thence he weighed ankar, and when he was sailed as far as a place called [The heads of the river 
* Sangis.  Sarus] there arose agoust and fearful tempest, wherein he had like to have been cast away and drowned with all his fleet. Many of his ships were run aground, & many of them swallowed up of the sea, so as there escaped not one of them by swimming to land. A number of men there perished, not of base mariners only, and unknown common soldiers, but also his near and especial friends. Having rallied the dispersed relics of this shipwreck, seeing he had no means and was not able to reach and gain Cyprus, he returned again to Seleucia, with an army nothing so puissant not so well furnished, as when he set out in his voyage. There he commanded his ships to be haled aland, and laid up in their docks (for winter now approached) and himself took his journey to 
* Anticchia, Nigro. Aleppo, Villenovano.  Antiochea, there to lie all that winter time. And in these terms stood the affairs of the kings.  
At Rome, there were first instituted in this year three Triumvirs called Epulones, to wit, C. Lecimius Lucullus, T. Romalesus (who was the man that put up the bill for their creation) and P. Percius Lecco. And by a law in that behalf ordained, these Triumvirs were allowed as well as a Bishop, the long embroidered rob of purple. But in this year great debate and variance there was between the Questors or Treasurers of the city Q. Fabius Labeo, and L. Aurelius of the one side, and all the Priests on the other side. These Treasurers were at some fault for money, because they were minded and appointed to make the last payment unto certain private persons, for the loan silver which they had disbursed for the wars: these moneys the Treasurers demanded of the Augurs and Bishops, to furnish out the said payment; for that during the wars, they only had not been contributers in any levy. The Priests appealed to the Tribunes, and called for their lawful favour: but all was in vain, and so they were forced to satisfy all the arrereages for the years past, wherein they had paid nothing. This year there died two Bishops, and new were installed in their towns. M. Marcellus the Consul entered in place of T. Sempronius Tuditanns, who deceased praetor in Spain; and L. Valerius instead of M. Cornelius Cethegus. I. Fabius Maximus also an Augur died a very young man, before he had borne any office of State: but for that year there was not substituted a new Augur in his town.  
After this, M. Marcellus the Consul held the solemn assembly for the election of Consuls. And Consuls were created L. Valerius Flaccus, and M. Porcius Cato. Then were the Praetors chosen, namely, C. Fabricius Luscinus, Cn. Atinius Labeo, C. Manlius Volsse, Ap. Claudius Nero, P. Mantius, and P. Porcius Lecca. The Aediles of the chair M. Fulvius Nobilior, and C. Flaminius divided among the people 1000000 Modij of where, at two asses a modius. This store of come had the Sicilians brought to Rome, for the honour of C. Flaminius and his father. And Flaminius was content that his companion in office should reap a full part of the thanks for this gratuity. The games called Romain were exhibited in most sumptuous manner, and thrice represented all over again. The Aediles of the Commons Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, and C. Sempronius, who also was the high parish-Priest, and Superintendent, called Cairo Max. called in question many of the city bailites that gathered their rents for pastures, judicially to answer upon their accompts before the people. Three of them were condemned, and of their silver-raised upon two days, and a solemn public feast was celebrated in regard of them.  
The same day that L. Valerius Flaccus and M. Porcius entered their office, they proposed unto the Senate concerning the government of the provinces. And order was given by the LL. of the Counsel, that for as much as the war increased so in Spain, as required not only a Consular army, but a Consul also for the leader; the Consuls should either agree between themselves for the government of the two provinces, to wit, the hither Spain, and Italy, or else to cast lots therefore: that he whose hap it was to rule Spain, should have with him two legions, five thousand Latin allies, and five hundred horse; and likewise to have the conduct of a fleet of twenty galleys of war: that the other Consul should levy and enrol two legions; which were thought sufficient to defend and keep France in obedience, considering the courages of the Insubrians and Boijs, were well cooled and abared the last year. Cato by lot had the charge of Spain, and Valerius of Italy. Then the Pretours cast lots for their provinces. To C. Fabricius Luscinus sell the jurisdiction over the citizens of Rome: to C. Atinius Labeo over the strangers. C. Manlius Volso governed Sicily, and Ap. Claudius Nero the farther Spain. M. Porcius Lecca was assigned to rule 
* 〈◊〉  Pisae, to the end he might be upon the back of the Ligurians, and P. Manlius was appointed as an assistant and coadjutor to the Consul in the higher Spain. As for T. juintius, his commission was renewed for one year longer, in regard that not only Antiochus and the Aetolians, but also Nabis the Lacedaemonian Tyrant, were doubted and suspected not to stand found to the Romans: & for him were set out two legions: and if need were of any supply to make up the companies thereof, the Consuls were enjoined to enrol new soldiers, and to send them over into Macedon. Also Appius Claudius had a warrant to take up 2000 foot and two hundred horse, over and above that legion which Q. Fabius had. The like number of fresh horse and foot was appointed for P. Mantius to be sent into the hither Spain: and the same legion was granted unto him, which was commanded by Minutius the Praetor. Moreover P. Porcius Lecca was to have the leading of two hundred footmen, and fifty horse, drawn out of the Gauls army, for tolye in Hetruria about Pisae. Last of all in Sardinia P. Sempronius Longus continued still in place of command. Thus the provinces being distributed, the Consuls before they departed out of the city, by advice and counsel of the Bishops, performed the solemnity of the sacred Spring which was vowed before by the praetor C. Cornelius Mammula, according to the mind of the Senate and the good liking of the people, in the year when Cn. Servilius and C. Flaminius were Consuls: and so it was celebrated one and twenty years after it was first vowed. Much about this time was C. Claudius Pulcher the son of Appius, elected Augur, & invested in that Sacerdotal dignity, in the place of Q. Fabius Maximus, who died the year before.  
When as men began now to marvel that there was so little account made of the war begun already in Spain, there were letters brought from Q. Minutius with news, That he had fought a fortunate field before the town of Turba, with Budares and Besasides, two Spanish Generals and great commanders: that he had slain twelve thousand enemies, taken Budares the general himself prisoner, and that the rest were discomfited and put to flight. Upon the reading of these letters, less fear there was of Spain, from whence they looked for great wars.  
After the return of the ten Delegates of Commisioners abovesaid, all the care was, and no talk else but about Antiochus and his affairs. These men, after they had declared first how their proceedings went with king Philip, and upon what conditions they had granted peace, informed and gave them to understand, That there was as great a war behind from Antiochus: that he had passed over the seas into Europe with a mighty Armada, and as puissant an army for land service; and had he not been averted another way by a vain hope to invade and seize upon Egypt, which he conceived of a vainer bruit and rumour of Ptolemy his death, all Greece would have been anon on a light fire, and up in arms. For the very Aetolians themselves, a nation naturally of an unquiet spirit, and incensed besides against the Romans, would not have sit still and been in rest. Moreover, there was another malady and mischief as dangerous, settled as it were within the ribs and in the very heart of Greece: to wit Nabis, the Tyrant at this present of the Lacedæmonians only, but shortly, if he may be let alone, of all Greece; who for avarice and cruelty is equal to all the famous and noted tyrants that ever were: and if he be suffered to possess himself of Argos, and to hold it as a fortress to command all Peloponnesus, when the Roman armies shall be once transported home again into Italy, in faith, Greece may make small boast of being delivered from Philip: for this they shall be sure of at least, if of nothing else, to have a near neighbour tyrant, in steed of a king far off, for to be their lord and imperiously to command them. The ancient Senators, hearing these intelligence from grave persons of good quality, and who made report of all things, no by hearsay, but upon their own knowledge, were of advice and resolved to have a good eye and regard with all speed unto Antiochus, considering the king was passed already into Syria, whatsoever the occasion was. But as touching the Tyrant, after they had disputed and debated the matter long time, Whether they had sufficient cause already to determine upon some small conclusion, or should refer unto the wisdom & judgement of T. juintius the managing of those affairs, therein to proceed and do according as he should deem it good & expedient for the Commonwealth; in fine, they permitted him to use his own discretion concerning the Lacedaemonian Tyrant: supposing that the matter was not of such weight and consequence as to concern the main state of the weal public so materially, whether it were hastened or protracted; but rather it behoved them to be advised & consider well, what Hannibal and the Carthaginians would do, if happily the war with Antiochus were begun and once a foot. They [at Carthage] that sided with the adverse faction of Annibal, had sent divers & sundry letters unto the principal LL. at Rome, every one privately to his friends to this effect, That there passed messengers & letters from Hannibal to Antiochus, and that there were ambassadors again that secretly came from the king to him. And like as there be some beasts so wild & savage as never can be named: so the courage & spirit of that man was such, as might not possibly be dulced or appeased. For he daily complained that the city languished and grew feeble with idleness, and by sitting still & doing nothing, was overgrown as it were with moss, and impossible it was to raise & stir it up but with sound of armour and weapons. These advertisements carried likelihood of truth and good credit with them, in regard of the late war so fresh in memory, which he alone began first, and managed to the last. Over and besides, he had provoked by a late act of his, many great and mighty personages, who set their hearts against him. The order and degree of judges at the time bore chief sway and sovereign authority in Carthage: in this respect principally, for that the same judges were perpetual. The goods, the honour and reputation, yea and the life of every man lay in their hands. He that displeased one of that bench, was sure to have all the rest his enemies and to be upon him: and there never wanted one promoter or other to carry tales and give information to these judges against a man, if they saw them ill affected once and bend against one. During the time of this imperious and tyrannical rule of theirs, (for as their power was exceeding all measure, so they bore themselves there in as outrageously beyond the limits of civility) it was Hannibal his hap to be praetor; and by virtue of his place he sent for one of the treasurers to come before him: but he made no reckoning of his authority, and refused to obey: for the said treasurer was one of the contrary side; and because from the degree of those treasurers they mounted presently into the highest order of the judges, therefore he carried with him an haughty mind already, in regard of the high room that he was shortly to stepinto. Hannibal you may be sure, took this as a great disgrace and indignity to his person, and therefore he sent a pursuivant or sergeant to attach the body of the Treasurer aforesaid: and presently calling the people to a general assembly, he commanded him there to be presented: where he accused and blamed the party himself, no more than the whole order and degree of the judges: through whose insolent pride and excessive power, both laws and magistrates were nothing regarded but trodden under foot. And perceiving that these words of his tickled the itching ears of the people, considering also that their proud demeanour prejudiced the liberty of the meanest persons: immediately he published a law, and gate it enacted. That those judges should be chosen every year, and that from thence forth one and the same man might not be a judge two years together. But look how much thank he had at the commons hands for this act, so much he offended many of the great men and principals of the city. Another thing besides he did, whereby he purchased to himself the ill will of some private persons, in tendering the common good of the weal public. The financies and revenues of the State, partly through negligence went to decay, and partly were shared out in dividends, between some certain of the head citizens and magistrates: and more than that, the money which by way of tribute was to be paid yearly unto the Romans, was too short and not to be found: and it appeared, that a sore levy would be imposed upon private persons shortly, to make those payments out of their own purses. Hannibal, after he had cast up the books, and made an estimate and just abstract how much the rents and revenues of the city amounted unto, as well from customers by sea as land, and to what uses they were employed; and perceiving thereby, what was desrayed in the ordinary charges of the State, & what went a wrong way, and was averted by these thieves to their own selves, he pronounced aloud in open audience of the whole assembly, That the arrearages should be gathered up & brought into the common chest: and so private persons might be discharged and eased of their impositions of tribute, and the commonwealth would be rich enough and able to perform and furnish out the moneys due to the people of Rome. And as he thus said, so he was as good as his word, and executed it accordingly. Then these caterpillars, who for certain years lived by robbery of the common treasure, and fed upon the fruits of the city, fared spitefully against Hannibal, as if he had done them great wrong in taking their own goods from them, and not proceeded in justice to wrest out of their hands their stolen substance: and in great malice and bitterness ceased not to provoke against Hannibal the Romans, who were ready enough of themselves to pick some quarrel to him, to seek occasion of hatred, and to find an hole in his coat. Scipio Africanus for a long time gave the dease ear unto them, and misliked the course: for he supposed it was not for the honour and majesty of the people of Rome to subscribe unto those imputations charged upon Hannibal, to entertain the spite and hatred of men, and to interest and insert public authority within the private factions of the Carthaginians; and not to be content to have vanquished Hannibal in war, unless they also took upon them the persons of accusers, and preferred as landerous libel & bill of indictment, & swore thereto Billa vera. But at length they wrought and brought about, that ambassadors should be sent to Carthage, who in the Senate there might charge Hannibal categorically, with plotting and practising with Antiochus for to wage war against them. And these three were addressed to this embassy, C. Servilius, M. Cladius Marcellus, and Q. Terentius culeo; who being arrived there, caused it to be given out to as many as should demand the cause of their coming, (and all by instruction from the adversaries of Hannibal) that their errand was to composed and end the debates between Masanissa king of the Numidians, and the Carthaginians. This was commonly divulged and belleved for truth. But Hannibal found them straight and smelled this juggling, and was not ignorant that he was the only man that the Romans shot at, and howsoever peace was granted to the Carthaginians, yet they continued an endless and inexpiable war with him alone still. Whereupon he resolved to frame himself to give place to the time and yield unto fortune. And being furnished aforehand with all things requisite to take his flight, when he had of purpose all the day long showed himself in the public place of assembly very formally, to turn by all suspicion of his intended resolution, so soon as it began to be dark night, in his citizen's gown as he went all day, and attended in the hall, he gate him soorth strait to the city gate, accompanied only with two persons, and those not privy at all to his purpose and designment. And having found his horses ready in the place appointed, he mounted and road apace that night until he was come to a certain quarter of the territory of Voca: and by the next morning, he passed between Acylla and Thapsus, and recovered a town or fort of his own; where he was embarked in a ship ready rigged and appointed with sail and ore to take sea and away. Thus departed Hannibal out of Africa, lamenting more often the hard hap and calamity of his country, than of his own friend and kinsfolk. And the same day he fell with the island Cercina: where the Carthaginians found in the road certain hulks charged with merchandise: and when at his coming a shore out of his ship, there came many running toward him for to salute & welcome him thither, he charged his own company, that if any asked concerning him, they should make answer, That he went upon an embassage to Tyrus: but fearing least any of their barks should disanker that night, and make report at Thapsus or Acylla, that he was seen in Cercina: he caused a beast to be killed for sacrifice, and invited the masters of the ships and all the merchants to supper; and there with commanded all the sails and cross saile-yards to be had out of the vessels, to make thereof a large pavillon, that they might sit in the shade at their supper: for that, as it fell out, it was then midsummer. And as the time and such provision as they had, would give leave, he set out a feast and banquet; he spared for no wine, and continued the mertiment far within night. Then Hannibal, so soon as he could espy his time for to deceive those that were in the harbour, weighed ancre. The rest were fast asleep; and when the next day they awoke and roused themselves, with their drunken and drowsy nols (and far forth day it was and late ere they arose) they were feign to spend some hours in sitting their oars again in their right-places, and the tackling of the ships in good order.  
In this while, at Carthage the ordinary multitude that used to frequent the house of Hannibal, repaired as their manner was to his gatehouse: and when it was voiced abroad, that he was not to be found, all the company gathered together in the market place, seeking and inquiring for the principal and chief parsonage of their city. Some gave out (as the truth was) that he was fled: other said plainly, that he was murdered and made away through the falsehood and villainy of the Romans; and this they sticked not to avouch. There might a man have seen sundry and divers countenances (as it fareth commonly in cities where there is siding and parts taking) as each one is affected to his own bend and faction. At last, news came that he was seen at Cercina. The Roman Ambassadors having upon audience given, declared in the Senate of Carthage, that the LL. of their Senate had certain intelligence, that both aforetime, king Philip was by Hannibal especially solicited and set on to make war with the people of Rome; and also now there had been letters and messengers with credence sent from him to king Antiochus; and that he would never rest until he had set all the world together in arms and therefore if the Carthaginians were desirous to content and satisfy the Romans, they should not suffer these parts of his to escape unpunished: then the Carthaginians made answer and said, That nothing of all this passed by public council or consent and allowance of the State, howbeit they would be willing to do whatsoever the Romans thought to be reason.  
Hannibal this while had a boon voyage, and with a merry gale of wind arrived at Tyrus, where he was received of the Tyrians, the first founders of Carthage, as if he had been in another country of his own: received he was, I say, and entertained with all kind of honour, be seeming a man so famous and renowned. After he had so journeyed there some few days, he sailed to Antioch: where understanding that the king himself was already departed from thence, he repaired to his son, and conferred with him, as he was setting out an yearly solemnity of games & plays near Daphne, and being courteously also by him entreated, he made no stay, but to shipboard and sea again. And at Ephesus overtook the king, whom he found floating and wavering still in his mind, and unresolved what to do as touching the Roman war. But this coming of Hannibal, was no small poise to turn the balance, and to move him to enter into the enterprise thereof. The Aetolians likewise at the same time were estranged and alienated in affection from the Roman league and society, whose ambassadors demanding to have Pharsalum and Leucas again, with other cities, according to the tenure and form of the first league, the Senate turned over and referred to Quintius.   

THE XXXIIII. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the four and thirtieth Book.  
THe law Oppia, propounded and enacted by C. Opius a Tribune of the Commons, in the time of the Punic war, for the abridging and restraint of the excess in women's apparel, was after much variance and debate repealed, notwithstanding that Porcius Cato laboured to the contrary, that it might not be abolished. This Cato made a voyage into Spain, and by force of arms (beginning first to war at Emporiae) brought the hither province of Spain on this side Iberus to quietness. T. Quintius Flamininus levied war against the Lacedæmonians and Nabis their tyrant, in which be sped fortunately, and so prevailed, that be made an end thereof, granted them peace to his own good liking and pleasure, delivered Argos, and set it free, which was before in subjection to the tyrant. The Senate then, and never before, beheld the public games and pastimes by themselves, apart from the rest of the people: Which to bring about, Sex. Aelius Paetus, and L. Cornelius Cetbegus the censors, set in foot and intermeddled themselves, to the great indignation and discontentment of the Commons. More colonies were planted with Roman citizens. M. Porcius Cato triumphed over Spain. The wars also which fortunately were achieved against the Boijs and the French Insubres are here recorded. T. Quintius Flamininus, who had vanquished Philip king of the Macedonians, and Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedæmonians, yea, and freed all Greece from their oppression, for these many and noble exploits, rode in triumph three days together. The Carthaginian ambassadors brought word, that Hannibal who was fled unto Antiochus, banded with him and combined to wake war. Hannibal had besides assayed by means of one Aristo a Tyrian (sent as a courier with oedence only and no letters, to Carthage) for to move and solicit the Carthaginians to rebellion.  
Between the troublesome cares of great wars, which either were not fully ended, or at hand ready to begin, there happened an occurrence, which in itself being but a small matter to speak of, and of little regard; considering the sides and partaking about it, grew to a mighty head and contention in the end. M. Fundanius and L. Valerius Tribunes of the Commons, preferred a bill unto the people touching the abrogation of the law Oppia. For C. Opius aforetime, even when the Punic war was at the hottest, and whiles Q. Fabius and T. Sempronius were Consuls, had promulged a Statute, by virtue whereof, No woman of what degree soever, might either have in ornaments and jewels above half an ounce weight of gold, nor wear any habiliments wrought of sundry colours, ne yet ride in coach within the city of Rome, or any other town, nor nearer than a mile from thence, unless it were upon occasion of some solemn feast or public sacrifice. Now M. junius Brutus, and P. junius Brutus, both Tribunes likewise of the Commons, stood in defence and maintenance of the said law Oppia, and affirmed plainly they would not suffer it to be annulled. Many a nobleman was seen in this quarrel: some spoke for the law, and others gain said it. The Capitol was full of people, either taking part and favouring the cause, or else opposing themselves, and urging the contrary. The very dames of the city themselves, could neither by persuasion and advise, nor by any reverend and womanly regard, ne yet by the express and absolute commandment of their husbands be kept within doors; but do what they could, they bespread all the streets of the city, beset and kept all the ways into the common place, beseeching and entreating their husbands as they passed by and went down thither, to permit and give their consent, That seeing the good estate of the Commonweal now flourished, and the private wealth of every man increased daily, their wives also and matrons might be allowed to have their ancient ornaments and gay attire again. The number of these women grew every day more than other, for now they flocked also out of the towns, villages, and other places of resort in the country, and showed themselves at Rome. In so much, as they took heart at length, and were so bold as to encounter the Consuls, the Pretours, and other magistrates, requesting and beseeching their favour, to stand with them, and forward the cause. But as for one of the Consuls, Marcus Porcius Cato by name, they could not with all their prayers entreat him to incline unto their suit: who in the maintenance of the said law, and that it might not be revoked, spoke in the frequent assembly of the people to this effect. 
The Oration of M. Perci● Cato, in maintenance of the law Oppia.  My masters and citizens of Rome, If every one of us had fully resolved and purposed with himself to hold his own, and keep the rightful authority and pre-eminence that he hath over his own wife, less ado and trouble were should have had with them all together at this day. Now having given them the head at home so much, that the curstness and shrewdness of women hath conquered our liberty and freehold there; behold, here also in public place it is trodden down and trampled underfoot: and because we were not able every man to rule his own in several, now we stand in fear and dread them all in general. Certes, I myself thought ever until now, that it was but a seined fable and devised tale that went of a certain 
* Lemnos.  Island, wherein by a conspiracy of women, all the men were murdered every one, and that sex utterly made away and rooted out. But well I see now, be they creatures never so weak, so silly and feeble, let them once have their meetings, their conventicles and secret conferences, they will work mischief in the highest degree, and be as dangerous as any other. And surely for mine own part, I cannot resolve in mine own conscience and determine, whether of the twain be worse; the thing I mean in itself, or the precedent example & consequence thereof, considering the manner how it is handled. Of which two, the one toucheth us that are Consuls and the rest of the magistrates, the other concerneth you rather my masters and citizens of Rome. As for the matter in question, and proposed unto you, whether it be good and expedient for the weal public or no, that resteth in you to determine & judge, who are to give your voices and suffrages. But this seditious insurrection here, of women, be it of themselves, or procured by your motion and instigation, M. Fundanius and L. Valerius, no doubt it argueth and emplieth a great default in the magistrates, and I wot not whether it will be a souler blot and dishonour to you that are Tribunes, than to us Consuls. Yours will the blame be, if ye have brought women now to raise and stir up tribunitious seditions; and ours the shame, if we needs must admit & accept of laws, whether we will or no, for fear of a commotion & separation of our women, as sometimes we were forced to do by the departure & insurrection of our Commons. I assure you for mine own self, when I passed erewhile into this common-place through the press and throng of these women, I was abashed and could not choose but blush. And had I not been more respective of the reputation, the honour and reverence of some in particular, than of them all together, because it should not be thought and said, that they had been checked and taken up by the Consul; I would have said unto them, What new fashion is this, good wives, to run gadding abroad into the open streets, to beset the passages, and to affront, yea and hang upon other women's husbands as ye do? What? could ye not every one at home have dealt with your own goodmen in the cause, and craved their help? or can ye speak fair and flatter better, can ye be more pleasant and affable abroad in the town, than within your houses? or make love to other men, rather than to your own husbands? And yet to speak uprightly, if wives were of that modesty and womanly carriage, as to keep themselves within the compass and bounds of their own liberty, and pass no farther; it were not besitting you iwis, so much as at home to trouble yourselves about our laws here, not to busy your brains, to know either what new Statutes passed, or what old were cass. Our ancestors in old time would not, that women in any wife should dispose so much as of their own private matters without the advice and direction of a governor and overseer: and therefore in great wisdom they ordained, that they should be ordered and ruled, by their parents, by their brethren, by their husbands. But we (and God will) can abide them to intermeddle in state-matters, to govern the weal public, to converse with us in the common place, in public assemblies and courts of parliament. For what else do they now in the streets, in the cross ways and Quarrefours, but, some of them give their voices that the bills of the Tribunes may pass, and others advise and be of opinion, that the law Oppia may be repealed? Let this outrageous & unreasonable nature of theirs have the head; let these unruly creatures & untamed animalshave their will, and bridle them not; see then how of themselves they will keep a mean and measure in their licentiousness, unless you kerb them and hold them in. Tush, this is the least matter of all that displeaseth these women: there are a thousand things besides that they think hardly of, and are discontented to be held unto by old customs and positive laws. Liberty in all things; nay to speak more truly, a loose and dissolute licentiousness, is the very thing they long after and desire. For, go they away clear with this once, what is it that they will not attempt and give the venture for? Do but run through and count the laws provided in this behalf for women, whereby our forefathers and predecessors have kept down and restrained their disorderly appetites, and with which they have sought to subject them to their husbands: yet, hardly can ye with the help of them all, keep them in awe and tied fast, but break out they will, and have their own ways. What then? how and if ye suffer them to catch this and that, and to their thing to it: if I say, ye let them wrest from you one thing after another, until at length they be checkmates with their husbands, think ye that ever you shall be able to support and endure them? Begin they once to be equals, they will soon be superiors: make them your fellows, and streightwaies they will be your masters. But, alas, we lay to hardly to their charge. The thing that they stand upon is no more but this, That no new Act and statute pass against them: for no equal and reasonable thing do they refuse: their desire and prayer is only that they might not be wronged. No, no, it is clean contrary: That law which ye have received and admitted, that which by your suffrages you first granted, that which by the practice and experience of so many years you have allowed and approved, they would have you to revoke and abolish: which is as much to say, as by anulling that one, to infringe, impair, and diminish the authority and virtue of the rest. No law is there so well devised, that is good, commodious and agreeable unto all. This only is intended principally to be considered, that it may be profitable to the most part, and serve in general. For if as each person shall find an act prejudicial, hurtful, and offensive to himself, he may be allowed by and by to undo and demolish the same: to what end should all the people assemble together to the making of those statutes, which they anon against whom they were enacted, may abolish and overthrow? But gladly would I know the great occasion and cause, for which our dames in such trouble and uproar run out into the streets, and have much ado to forbear the common place, and to mount up into the Rostra to make an oration to this audience? Is it for this, to redeem out of the hands of Hannibal, their fathers, their husbands, their children & brethren, whom he keepth prisoners? Nay, that calamity is far enough off at this day, and far may it ever be I pray God from our city and Commonweal. And yet when the time was of that hard fortune and calamity, you would not hearken to their piteous and kind prayers in that behalf. But it may well be, that it is neither natural love and kind affection, nor careful regard of their dear friends, but mere touch of conscience and sense of religion that hath brought them thus together in a congregation. And ready they are, it may be, to receive and entertain dame Cybill or Idas, coming from Pescinus out of Phrygia. What honest colour & show, so much as in word only can be pretended to bear out and cover this mutinous sedition of women? Mary this (say they) that we may glitter in our golden jewels, and shine in purple robes to be seen a far off: that as well on work days as holidays, we may be set up and ride in our coaches and chariots through the city, as it were in triumph, for the conquest and victory of a law by us repealed and disannulled: for winning from you, and wring out of your hands, maugre your beards, the liberty of your voices and suffrages: to the end that we might not be stinted and gauged in our excessive expenses, in our dissolute profusion, in costly vanities and superfluities. Many a time ye have heard me complain of the wasteful and sumptuous bravery of women: and as often have you known me to inveigh against the lavish spending of men, not private persons only, but magistrates also in higher place: and how this city of ours is sick as it were at one time of two contrary diseases & maladies, to wit, pinching avarice, and superfluous prodigality, two plagues I say, that have been the bane and overthrow of all great monarchies and flowering empires. These pestilent mischiefs I dread so much the more, as our state and commonweal increaseth to the better; groweth wealthy every day more than other; & as our dominion extendeth still farther & farther. And now that we are gotten over into Greece and Asia, provinces full of all enticing pleasures and alluring delights of the world, now that we are come to finger and handle the rich treasures of mighty monarchs, I fear me that even these things have rather captivated us, than we them. The goodly images, statues and pictures that came from Syracuse, are (trust me truly) dangerous to this city, and threaten no less than so many ensigns of the field displayed against it. And I hear say already, that there are many, and too too many, that praise and have in admiration the beautiful ornaments of Corinth & Athens, and begin to make a scorn & game of the images of the Roman gods made of potter's earth only, laughing a good at them, where they see them standing forth of the walls. Well, for my part I had rather have these gods so propice and favourable to us as they be, than such as those: and so I hope they will ever be, if we can suffer them to abide still in their usual shrines & places accustomed. No longer ago than in our father's days, king Pyrrahus sent his ambassador Cyneas of purpose and assayed by rich & goodly gifts, to tempt the minds not only of our men, but also of our women. There was no law Oppia as then in force, to bridle and keep down the costly pomp and bravery of women: and yet not one of them all received aught at his hands. And what think ye was the cause? even the same and no other, for which our ancestors in times past, never so much as thought upon the providing of any such law. There was no pride then, nor riotous superfluity to restrain. And like as the skill and knowledge of diseases, must precede and go afore their cures and remedies: even so evil desires and enormous losts had need to bud forth and spring before the laws, which should repress and cut them down. What caused the law Licinia to be made, Concerning five hundred acres of ground, for bidding that no man should possess above; but the exceeding covetousness of men, encroaching still and laying land to land? What brought in the law Cincia as touching gifts and presents, but this, that the Commons began already to be vassals as it were and tributaries to the Senat. No marvel therefore it is, nor strange may it seem, that neither the law Oppia, nor any other providing for the cutting off the unmeasurable expenses of women, was required and thought needful in those days; when gold, when purple freely tendered and offered unto them was refused. If now at this day Cyneas were come, and went with such gifts round about in the city, he should find receivers enough of women, standing in every street ready for him. And verily, with all the wit I have, I can not devise what the cause & reason should be of many lustful desires and appetites that reign in this age. For say, that if one of you were kept short and debarred of that, which another might lawfully have: per adventure there might rise in your hearts (through infirmity) some shame & abashment in nature, or else displeasure & discontentment in reason: so being all as ye are brought within one compass of furniture and apparel, and no odds at all between you, what need any one of you to fear, lest she should be looked into, marked or observed, more than another. I must needs say, the shame that followeth & attendeth either upon nigardise or poverty, is worst of all others: but the law quitteth & freeth you of both, when you want but that only which by law ye may not have, & no man will reproach you therefore. Yes mary, quoth some rich and wealthy dame, this same equality & no distinction at all among us, of all things I can not abide: Why may not I according to my calling, be seen arrayed in purple, & adorned with gold? And why is not the poor estate of others known, but lieth hidden under this pretext and cloak of a law: so as they may be thought yet (were it not for the law) that such & such things they would have; where as indeed they are not able to maintain and bear it out? Would ye (in faith) my masters and citizens of Rome, have your wives to strive thus, that the richer sort might deserve to have that, which no other can reach unto: and the poor again because by that means they would not be despised, over-streine themselves to go above their calling & ability? Certify I dare avow, if they begin once to shame at that which is not shame-worthy, they will not bash at any thing, be it never so shameful. Have it she will out of her own, so long as it lasteth: and when all is gone, to her husband's purse she will go. Alas poor man and woe begun is that husband, as well he that is entreated by his wife, to stretch his purse strings, as he that is not, when he shall see another man to give her that, which he would not allow himself. And even now ye see how openly in the street (unshame faced as they be) they are in hand with other women's husbands, yea and that which more is, they keep an entreating for to casse the law, and for the favour of their voices only. For of some they have got the good wills no doubt already, whiles themselves will not be entreated, but draw misery upon thee, upon thy state, and upon thy children. Well, let the law once cease to set down a gage & proportion of thy wives expenses, and never think to have remedy, and to stay the same of thyself with all thou canst do. Be not deceived sirs, to think that the world will be ever again at the same pass, as it was before this law took place. And as it is a safer course and less dangerous to let a naughty and obstinate person alone, that he be not called into question at all; than after he is once accused to suffer him to be quit and go away unpunished: even so this excessive superfluity, would have been more tolerable, if it had not been meddled and tempered with all, than it will be now upon the very binding and curbing there of: much like a wild and savage beast let loose after it hath been tied up a time, and so made more fell and angry. To conclude therefore, of this opinion am I, that of no hand the law Oppia be repealed: and so I pray all the gods to vouchsafe for to bless and turn to good, whatsoever you do or go about. When he had thus said, those Tribunes also of the Commons, 
The Oration of 〈…〉 the law 〈◊〉  who openly promised and protested to oppose themselves, and to cross the repealing of the law, made some brief speeches to the same effect. Then L. Valerius rose up to maintain the bill by him proposed for the revoking of that law, and spoke as followeth. If private men had stepped forth and advanced forward either to approve and persuade, or to reject and dissuade, that which by us is proposed, I myself also without opening my mouth would have attended your will & expected the delivery of your suffrages, as thinking it had been sufficiently debated & discoursed already, whatsoever might be said for both parties. But now sith that the Consul M. Porcius Cato, a man of so great reputation and gravity, not only by his countenance and authority, (which alone without any word at all spoken had been important) enough and effectual) but also in a long premeditate Oration framed with much study and forthinking, hath impugned and inveighed against our proposed ordinance, I must of necessity answer him again as briefly as I can. Who nevertheless hath spent more words in reproving and chastising the matrons and dames of the city, than he hath bestowed reason to the purpose in dissuading our new law: and all verify for this intent, that he might leave it doubtful, whether the women had done that which he blamed them for, as induced by their own motives, or seduced by us and our suggestions. As for me, the protection directly of the cause I will take in hand, and not busy and trouble my head in defence of our persons, against whom the Consul hath rather glanced and girded at, by way of big words, than charged indeed by found reasons. It hath pleased him to call this, An assembly and mutinous meeting: yea and other whiles he termeth it, An insurrection and secession of women; because the wives in open place entreated you to repeal that law, now in time of peace, in the flourishing and blessed state of the Commonweal, which during those troublesome days of war, had been enacted against them. I wot full well, that both these words and other besides are very significant, sought out, and picked for the nonce, to enforce and aggravate the matter. And we all know, that M. Cato is an Orator not only grave and earnest, but otherwhiles also fell, sharp, and bitter, however otherwise by natural disposition he be of a mild spirit and courteous enough. But to the point. What new and strange thing is this that our wives have done, in coming abroad and assembling themselves in companies, about a matter that so much concerneth and importeth themselves? What? were they never seen before now, abroad in open street? I will take the pains, o Cato, to turn over your own book of Originals against yourself. Listen and mark how often they have done the semblable, and always truly for the common good and benefit of the State. And first and foremost, in the very beginning and infancy of this city, even in the reign of king Romulus, when the Capitoll-Keepe was taken and held by the Sabines; when in the midst of the Common place, they were ranged in battle array and ready to fight a bloody field, was not the quarrel ended and the conflict stayed by the dames and wives that ran in, and put themselves between the two armies? After the KK. were driven out and expelled, What happened tho? When as the legions of the Volsciens under the conduct of Coriolanus Martius encamped within five miles of Rome, were they not the matrons of the city that turned back this army, which doubtless would have forced our city and put it to ransack? And is not this likewise as true, that when the Gauls were possessed of Rome and masters thereof, the dames of the city and none but they, even by the consent of all men, came forth into the open streets, made a contribution, and laid down that gold which paid for the ransom and redemption of the city? No longer since than in the last Punic war (because I will not stand so much upon antiquities) was it not thus, that not only when the city was at a fault for money, the widows stocks supplied the want of the common treasure? but also at what time as we were driven to seek for new gods, and to send for them afar off to succour us in our extremities; all the wives and matrons of the city went to the sea side for to receive the goddess Mother Idaea? The occasions (quoth he) are different, and the case is not alike. Neither is it my purpose or any part of my meaning to compare causes, and toproove they are all one. This only I stand upon, and take it sufficient to excuse and clear the women, for bringing up no strange novelty, in that they showed themselves in open place. To proceed therefore: seeing that no man made any wonder then, of that which women did in under taking the affairs that concerned all alike as well men as women: marvel we now that they do the semblable, in a cause that properly and peculiarly pertaineth to themselves? And what great thing was it they did? Now in good faith we are too coy and squeamish of our hearing, and our ears over nice and delicate, if when masters disdain not to hear the prayers of their servants and slaves, we scorn to give ear to the requests of ladies and dames of honour. But now I come to the matter in question, in regard where of the Consul his Oration consisted in two points. For first, he took it very ill, that any law at all once enacted should be revoked: and secondly he stood upon this, that above all others the law devised and made for repressing the superfluous ornaments and attire of women, should remain in force for ever. So it should seem, that the first part (a common defence as it were, of all the laws) was a speech befitting the place and person of a Consul: but the other against the exceeding pomp of women, more properly became a man (as himself) of most severe life and precise carriage. And therefore it is great doubt and to be feared, lest we should seduce you into some error, if we lay not down and show plainly the vanity and defect both in the one & in the other. For as I confess, that of those laws which are devised and established not for a time and by occasion of some particular occurrence, but for ever and to the perpetual good of a city, none ought to be abolished; unless it be so that by use and experience the same be checked and found hurtful, or by some change of the State become needless and superfluous: so I see evidently, that those statutes and ordinances which are brought in to sit and serve some seasons, are mortal (if I may so say) and mutable with the times. And oftentimes we see, that war disclaimeth those laws which peace proclaimeth; and peace pulleth down that which war set up: like as in the government and rule of a ship, one thing is requisite in fair weather and calm sea, another in soul and troublesome tempests. These things thus being in nature divers and distinct, let us consider I pray you, of whether sort is this law that now we are in hand to revoke. What? is it one of the ancient and royal laws made by the kings, and equal in time with the foundation of our city? or (that which is the next in time and authority) was it set down and written in the twelve tables by the Decemvirs, created of purpose to devise and make laws? Is it of that nature without the which as our ancestors were of opinion, that the honesty and honour of matrons could not be preserved: so we are to fear likewise, least by the repealing thereof, we overthrew the modesty, chastity, and integrity of married women? Why? who knoweth not that this is a new law of twenty years standing and continuance and no more, made whiles Q. Fabius and Titas Sempronius were Consuls? And seeing that without it, wives lived so many years before in good name and same and in passing good order: tell me what danger can ensue, and why we need to fear lest if it be annulled, they should break out to all looseness and disorder. Mary, if this law had been made at first, to gauge the wantonness of women, believe me then it were greatly to be doubted, that the putting down thereof, would stir them up again to their former outrage. But to what end it was devised, the time itself is able to show and testify. Hannibal being in Italy, had won a victory at Cannae: he was now master of Tarentum, lord of Arpi, and possessed of Capua: every hour men looked when he would march forward and advance his ensigns against Rome: our allies were revolted and gone: soldiers we had no more of our own to supply and make up the decayed bands: no mariners and sea servitors could we find for the maintenance of our Armada: all our treasure in the city chamber was spent and consumed. Driven we were to this exigent, as to take up bondilaves for to serve in wars, and to buy them of their masters for day, yea, and to make payment of their price after the war was ended. For want of money also the Publicans and farmers of our domain and public profits, undertook to serve the army with corn, and to furnish us with all things needful for war at a certain price, and gave us the like day and time of payment. The galley slaves that served at the oar we found and maintained with our own proper & private charges; & a rate and proportion was set down according to our revenues and worth in the subsidy book, what number every one should be charged with. All the gold and silver that we had in private we brought forth in common, and the Senators themselves led the way first, and gave good ensample. The widows and orphan children brought in their stocks of money to the city chamber. Straight order was given, that we should not have in our houses either of gold or silver, wrought in plate or otherwise above so much, nor of silver and brass in coin and currant money beyond a certain proportion limited. At such a time, our dames (be like) were set all upon their braveries, prunning, trimming, and tricking themselves, in such sort, as the law Oppia must needs be devised, there was no other remedy to keep down their excessive pride and superfluous expense in their attire and ornaments: even then, I say, when by occasion that the solemn feast and sacrifice of Ceres was discontinued, by reason of the general mourning and heavy cheer of all the wives of the city, the Senate was feign to take order, that they should finish and end their sorrowful mourning within thirty days. Who is so blind that seeth not, how in regard only of the poverty and extreme calamity of the city, and because all the moneys of private persons should be converted into a common stock, and for a public use, this law was first framed, drawn, and set down, so long only to stand in strength and virtue, as the cause of penning and writing it should endure and continue? For otherwise, if those acts and decrees of the Senate, if those orders and ordinances of the Commons, respective unto that present time, should be in force, and observed forever; Why make we payment of the loan money unto private men? Why do we set and to ferm let our commodities, our customs and revenues of the city, unto farmers for ready rent? Why put we forth our public works for present money paid down upon the nail? Wherefore buy we not slaves to serve in our wars? Lastly why are we not put to find mariners and oarmen, at our own proper charges, as than we did? All other estates and degrees, all men else, of what calling soever, feel a great change in the state of the city, from woe to weal, from adversity to prosperity; and shall our wives only miss the good thereof, and not once taste nor enjoy the fruits of peace, and public repose and tranquility? Shall we that are men, be in purple & scarlet? Shall we wear our embroidered gowns and robes when we are magistrates? shall we put on our rich amyces and copes, when we exercise the function and ministery of the high priests? shall our children go in their side garments, pursuled afore with purple? shall we permit and privilege the head officers and magistrates in our Colonies and Burrough towns? nay, shall we suffer here at Rome the masters and constables of every parish, the meanest and basest officers of all other to wear embroidered gowns, and studded with purple? and not only so, for to grace and credit themselves, with these goodly ornaments and badges of worship and honour during their life, but also after their death, the same to be burned and buried with them? And shall we debar and forbid our women only to use purple and scarlet in their apparel? And when you the husband may have purple and scarlet, carpets, counterpointes, and foot-cloths, what reason is there to deny your wife, the mistress of the house, a gown or mantle of the same? And shall your horse be attrapped and barbed more richly, and better set out with his capparison, than your wife arrayed in her apparel? But in truth, for purple and scarlet, which are the worse for the wearing, and waxeth bare, me thinks I see some reason, such as it is (although it be very hard) of sparing and restraint: marry for gold, wherein little or nothing is lost but the fashion and workmanship, what nigardise, what misery is this, to make spare of it, and to deny it them: Nay, I dare avow and abide by it, there is great benefit and use there of in time of extremity? and it may help at a pinch both in public affairs, and in private occasions, as ye have found by good experience. But Cato said moreover, There would be no emulation and envy between this good wife and that, if neither one nor other were allowed that liberty of apparel and ornaments. True it is, but in steed thereof they all are mightily discontented and grieved at the heart in the mean while, disdaining to see the wives of our allies of the Latin name and nation, permitted to wear those ornaments which they are forbidden to have, to see them, I say, all gorgeously set out with spangles and jewels of gold, clad in their purple and scarlet clothes, riding in their coaches all over their cities, whiles they at Rome take pains to go afoot on their ten toes, as if the State of the Empire were seated in their towns, and not in this their own city of Rome. This indignity were enough to wound the hearts of men, & make them bleed; what hurt doth it then, think you, to silly women, whom small matters, God wot, are wont to trouble? Alas poor souls: no magistracy and place of government in State, no sacerdotal dignities in the church, no triumphs, no ornaments and titles of honour, are they capable of, no gifts, no spoils and prizes gotten in wars, can fall to their shares. Neatness and fineness, gay garments, trim attire, and gorgeous habiliments, are the honour and ornaments of women: in it they take delight, on it they set their hearts, of it they make their joy. And therefore well have our ancestors called all furniture for the decking of women [Mundus Muliebris]. What lay they off in time of sorrow & mourning, but their gold & purple? what put they on & resume again, when their mourning is past, but their gold & purple? what hang they on them besides in time of public joy and solemn processions, but their better apparel, their richest attire & most costly ornaments? But per adventure, after ye have once repealed the law Oppia, it will not be in your power to overrule them, if happily you should forbid them to wear any thing, that now the law restraineth them of. And perhaps some shall have more ado with their daughters, their wives, & sisters, & find them less tractable and pliable unto their minds, than now they are. Never fear that: women cannot shake off their obedience, so long as their governors (be they fathers, husbands, or brethren) are alive; nay, of all other things they abhor & cannot brook to be at their own liberty, when it cometh by the death either of husbands or parents: Widows state and Orphan's life, they may not abide. Be sure therefore, they had leifer have their ornaments and attire to be at the disposition of yourselves, than of the law. And therefore, to speak a truth, you must in equity and reason protect and defend them in kindness, and not oppress them with hardness and bondage: delight ye must to be called their fathers and husbands, rather than their lords and masters. It pleased the Consul erewhile to give them hard words and odious terms, calling this their meeting. A mutiny of women, and a very insurrection and departure of theirs: and danger there is, no doubt, least being up once, they will seize upon the mount Sacer, as sometimes the Commons did in their furious anger, or else possess themselves of the Aventine, and there encamp and keep an hold. Well, this weak and feeble sex, borne to bear, must suffer and endure whatsoever ye shall ordain & set down against them. But take this with all at the loose for a final conclusion, that the greater power & authority ye have over them, the more discretion and moderation ye ought to use in that sovereignty of yours. After debate of words passed in this wise, in favour and disfavor of the law, the day following the women flocked in greater multitudes into the open streets, and banding themselves together, as it were, in one troop, they be set the doors and houses of the Brutt, who by interposing themselves, had hindered and crossed the bill preferred by their fellow Tribunes: and never gave they over to keep this stur, 
The low Oppia repealed.  until those Tribunes slaked in their opposition, for to inhibit the same. Which done, there was no doubt then, but all the tribes with one voice would abrogate and abolish that law. Thus twenty years after the enacting thereof, it was repealed and annulled.  
M. Percius Cato after the abrogation of the law Oppia, presently departed with a fleet of five and twenty galleys, whereof five were set out by Allies, and arrived in the port of 
* Porto Vene●a.  Luna, to which place he commanded his forces to assemble: and after by virtue of an edict sent out along the sea coast, he had gathered together vessels of all sorts as he loosed from Luna; and proclaimed that they should all follow after him to the port of Pyreneus, from whence he purposed to set forth against the enemy, with an Armada of many sail, and well appointed. Who having passed beyond the mountains of Liguria and the gulf of Gaul, arrived and met all together, at the day and place appointed. From thence they came against 
* Roses.  Rhoda, where they expelled the Spanish garrison that held the fortress. From Rhoda with a good gale of wind, they sailed to Emporiae. Where, all the whole army, excepting the mariners, were set a land. At the same time Emporiae were two towns, separate one from the other by a wall. The one of them was inhabited by greeks, who came from Phocaea, from whence the Maffilians also are descended: the other was possessed by Spaniards. But the Greeks town lieth out into the sea, so as the whole compass of the wall is not half a mile about: but the Spanish town seated farther into the land, and divided from the sea, is defended with a wall three miles in circuit. A third sort of Roman inhabitants were joined unto them by 
* 〈◊〉  Caesar the Emperor of famous memory, after he had vanquished Pompey's children. And at this day, they are confused and meddled one with another, and become one entire body, by reason that first the Spaniards, and afterward the greeks, were made free denizens of the city of Rome. A man might well marvel, seeing how open they lie of the one side to the main sea, how exposed they are on the other side to the danger of the Spaniards, a nation so fierce and war like, what thing it was that guarded and protected them? Discipline it was and good government, and nothing else, which maintained and preserved them in that weakness of theirs; discipline I say, which is ever best entertained of them, who live in fear of the mightier that are round about them. One quarter of the wall looking to the fields, is passing strong and exceeding well fortified, having but one gate in all that side; which ordinarily is always warded by one of the Magistrates. In the maintained not for custom and fashion, nor by virtue of any law: but they performed it with as great care, yea and went the round and saw to the setinels with as much diligence, as if the enemies were hard at gates. A Spaniard came not within the city; neither went they forth themselves, unless it were upon just occasion. But on the sea side the issue was open for any man at his pleasure. By that gate which turneth toward the Spanish town, they never used to go forth but in great number, even a third part well-near of the townsmen, and those who the night before had watched upon the walls. And this cause induced them to go abroad, for that the Spaniards being no men at sea, gladly would traffic and trade with them: willingly buying of them their strange merchandise from foreign parts brought in by ships: and venting unto them again their land commodities and fruits arising of the main. The desire of this mutual commerce and necessary intercourse was the cause, that the Spanish town was open to the Greeks. And in greater safety and security they were also, by reason that they were shadowed under the wing of the Roman amity, which they entertained with as great loyalty as the Maffilians, although they were nothing so mighty and puissant. And even at this time they received the Consul and his army with great courtesy and liberality. Cato sojourned there some few days, whiles he was advertised by his espials where his enemy's abode, and what their forces were: and because he would not be idle whiles he stayed there, he bestowed all that time in training and exercising his soldiers. It happened to be that season of the year, when the Spaniards had their corn within their granges ready for the thrashing floor, where upon he for bad the comepurveiours to provide grain, and sent them home to Rome. War, saith he, shall feed and maintain itself. Being departed from 
* 〈…〉.  Emporiae, he wasted and burnt the territory of the enemies, forced them to run away in every place where he came, and put them in exceeding fright.  
At the same time, as M. Helvius departed out of the farther province of Spain with 6000 garrison soldiers delivered unto him by the praetor, he was encountered by a great army of the Celtiberians, before the town Illiturgum. Valerius writeth, that they were twenty thousand strong: that twelve thousand of them were slain, the town Illiturgum won again, and all above fourteen years of age put to the sword. From thence Helvius marched to the camp of Cato: and because the country was clear from enemies, he sent back the garrison into the nether Spain, and took his journey to Rome, where he entered the city Ovant in petty triumph, for the happy success achieved in his affairs. He brought into the treasury, of silver in bullion or Ingots, 14732 pound weight: of silver coin 17023 bigate pieces: and of Oscane silver 120338 pound weight. The cause why the Senate denied him full triumph, was this, for that he warred under the conduct and name of another, and not in his own province. But it was two years before he returned, by reason that the year between he was stayed there, lying sick of a long and grievous disease, and put over his government to Qn. Minutius his successor. Whereupon Helvius likewise entered the city of Rome in that manner of triumph, two months only before his successor Qu. Minutius triumphed. He likewise brought into the chamber of the city 34800 pound weight of silver in mass: of bigates in coin 78000: of Oscane silver 278000 pound.  
All this while the Consul lay encamped in Spain not far from Emporiae. Thither repaired unto him from Bilistages a prince of the Ilergetes, three ambassadors, where of his son was one: complaining that their forts were assailed by force of arms, and they had no other hope to make resistance, unless they might have a guard of Roman soldiers to defend them, and 5000 say they will be sufficient: for never would the enemies abide by it if such a power came against them. The Consul answered them and said, that he had a feeling and compassion of the peril of fear (whether it was) wherein they stood: howbeit, he was not at that time furnished with such forces, that he might safely spare so many out of his main army, thereby to dismember the same and to impair his strength, considering a mighty host of his enemies was not far off, with whom he looked every day, and he knew not how soon, to join battle in open field with banner displayed. The ambassadors hearing this, sell down prostrate at the Consul's feet, and shed tears, humbly beseeching him not to forsake them in this piteous plight. For whither (say they) shall we go, if we be repulsed from the Romans? No allies we have besides, nor other hope in all the world. This danger we might have avoided well enough, if we would have been false and disloyal; if we would have banded and rebelled with other Spaniards: but no menaces, no terrors presented unto us, could drive us to renounce our fealty, hoping always that we should have help and succour enough from the Romans: but now if no meed, if no relief come from thence; if we be denied at the Consul's hand; heaven and earth we call to witness, that we must be forced, full against our wills and upon mere necessity, to revolt from the Romans, for fear we drink of the same cup that the Saguntines have done afore us: and choose we will to die with the rest of the Spaniards for company, rather than perish alone by ourselves. So for that day they were dismissed without other answer. But all at the night following, the Consul was much distracted in mind, and careful in both respects. Unwilling he was to cast off his allies and see them destitute; and as unwilling again to break his army: considering that in so doing, he might either delay the opportunity of geving battle, or endanger himself in the very innstant of conflict. But at length he resolved, in no wise to diminish his own forces; doubting lest in the mean while he should receive some dishonour at the enemy's hand. As for his associates, he thought it best to entertain them with good hopes, for want of better helps; considering that often times and especially in war, outward semblances and vain shows, are held and taken for truth and substance, and serve the turn well enough: and when a man is thoroughly persuaded that he hath aid and succour, the very trust and confidence there of hath ministered hart to give the venture of some exploit, and preserved him as well as the thing itself. The next morrow he delivered this answer unto the ambassadors, That albeit he feared to abate his own strength, in serving other men's turn with any part of his forces, yet he had at this present more regard of their occasions and dangerous estate than of his own. Where upon he gave commandment, that a third part of all his bands and companies should have warning to bake and dress viands with all speed, for to bestow & lay in the ships; and straightly he charged, that they should be rigged and ready appointed against the third day: and willed with all, two of the ambassadors to report so much to Bilistages and the Ilergetes. As for the young prince his son, he detained still with him, used him graciously, and bestowed savours & rich gifts upon him bounteously. The ambassadors took not their leave nor departed, before they saw the soldiers embarked: and thus by making relation hereof, as a thing assured and passed all per adventure, they filled the heads not of their own friends only, but also of the enemies, with the bruit of Roman aids coming near at hand. The Consul now, when he had set this countenance of the matter, and made sufficient semblance to serve his purpose, gave order that the soldiers should be disbarked again & set a land: and himself seeing now that the time of the year approached commodious for action and execution of martial affairs, dislodged and removed his standing winter camp within a mile of Emporiae. From whence (as any occasions and opportunities were presented) he led fourth his soldiers a for aging and boothaling into the enemy's land, sometime one way and sometime another, leaving always a competent guard to defend the camp. Ordinarily their manner was to steal out by night, to the intent, that both they might go on still farther from their leaguer, and also surprise the enemies at unawares and unprovided: by which means not only his new and raw soldiers were exercised, but also many of his enemies were caught up and came short home: where upon they durst no more peep out of their forts and holds of delence. Now after he had made sufficient proof of the hearts as well of his own men as of his enemies, he commanded all the marshals, 
The oration of ●ate to his cap●●●● and 〈◊〉.  colonels, horsemen, and centurions, to assemble before him: and unto them he made this speech. The time (quoth he) is now come, that you so often have wished for; in which you may show at full your virtue and valour. Your service hither to hath been more like the manner of forraiers than warriors: but now shall ye come to a main battle, and as enemies, fight hand to hand with professed enemies. From henceforth you may if you will, not waste their fields only and spoil their territory, but ransack the pillage of rich and wealthy cities. Our fathers before us and ancestors in times past, when as in Spain there were both Generals and armies of Carthaginians, having themselves no leaders and commanders, no soldiers and forces there, yet would they needs have this article among others capitulated in the accord and composition with the Spaniards, That the river of Iberus should limit their signory and dominion. Now at this day, when two Pretours and a Consul, when three entire Roman armies have the government and charge of Spain; now, I say, after ten years space almost, wherein no Carthaginians have set foot and been seen in all these quarters of both provinces, we have lost our signory on this side Iberus. This must ye recover and win again by force of arms, by manhood and valiancy: ye must I say, compel this nation, more rash and inconsiderate in rebelling, than constant and resolute in maintaining war, for to receive once more the yoke of subjection, which they have shaken from off their necks. Having exhorted and encouraged them in this manner, he gave them to understand, that he would set forward in the night and lead against the enemy's camp. And so he let them depart to refresh their bodies. At midnight, after he had devoutly taken with him the signs and approbations of the birds for his better speed, he put himself in his journey: & because he might be seized of some place to his liking before the enemies should descry him, he set a compass in his march, and led his soldiers clean beyond their camp. And having by day light set his companies in battle array, he sent out three cohorts, even close to the rampire and trench of the enemy. The barbarous people wondering to see the Romans show themselves behind at their back, ran too and fro to take arms. Mean while, the Consul held his men with these and such like speeches: My soldiers (quoth he) there is no other hope now left, but in clean strength and valour, and I of very purpose have wrought it so. Between us and our camp the enemies are encamped all: behind at our back we have our enemy's land. The bravest courses are ever safest, namely, to build and ground our hope surely upon virtue. And here with all he gave order, that the cohorts aforesaid should retire of purpose to train forth the barbarous people, by making semblance of retreat and flight. And so fell it out in very deed as he thought and supposed: for they imagining that the Romans for very fear were retired, issued forth by heaps out of the gate, and bespread with armed men all the ground, that lay between their own camp and the enemy's battle. And whiles they made great haste to embattle themselves, the Consul who was already arranged in battle ray, & in all respects well appointed, charged upon them before they were marshaled and set in order. First he put forth the cornets and wings of horsemen from both points and flanks of the battle: but they of the right side were straightways repulsed, and by their hasty and fearful reculing, caused the footmen also to be mightily afraid. Which the Consul perceiving, he commanded two elect cohorts of footmen to wheel about the right flank of the enemies, and to show themselves at their backs before the other companies of foot encountered and charged one another. This sudden terror affrighted the enemies, but set all upright again and recovered the battle of the Romans, which through the fear of the cavalry began to shrink and go down. Howbeit the horsemen and footmen both of the right point, were so troubled and so far out of order, that the Consul was forced to pluck some of them back with his own hand, and turn them with their faces affront the enemy. Thus all the while that the shot lasted, the skirmish was doubtful: so as now the Romans in the medley, had much ado to make head and stand to it in the right side, whereas the fright and flight first began. But on the left and all affront, the barbarous had the worst, and with great horror they looked behind and saw their enemies how they played upon their backs & rested not. After they had done with flinging their iron darts and lancing their fiery javelins, they drew their swords; and herewith began the conflict afresh. They were not wounded now from a far off by blind chance and haphazard, they knew not from whence; but foot to foot they stood, and hand to hand they coped and let drive one at another: no hope at all was now but to trust in pure strength and main force. The Consul seeing his men wearied, encouraged and refreshed them by sending for to relieve and maintain the fight, certain cohorts out of the rearward. This new battaillon well in heart, and with fresh weapons, charged the enemies toiled and tired: and being ranged in pointed wise like a quoin or wedge, at the first hot onset broke their arrays: and being once disordered, they put them to flight, and in scattering wise they ran as fast as their legs would carry them, to their camp. Cato seeing them fly on all hands, mounted on horseback and road himself to the second legion which was in the arrereward for supply, and commanded to advance the standards and ensigns before him, to march apace, and to approach the camp of the enemies for to give an assault. If he espied any one to step out of his rank, he would ride before and rap him with his light javelin that he had in his hand; commanding the marshals and captains to chastise him for it. Now was the enemy's camp at the point to be assaulted, and the Romans were with stones, pikes, perches, and all kind of weapons set back and driven from the trench. But when this fresh legion approached near, then both the assailants were more encouraged, and also the enemies fought more lustily in defence of their rampire. The Consul cast his eye all about him, to spiehow to break in at some place or other where least resistance might be made: and seeing the guard thin about the left gate, thither he conducted the Principals and the Haslati of the second legion: but the corpse de guard which warded that gate, was not able to endure their violent charge. The rest on the other side, seeing the enemies within the rampire, abandoned the camp, and flung away their ensigns and weapons. The soldiers of the second legion followed the chase and killed them as they ran away, whiles the other ransacked and rifled their tents. Valerius Antias writeth, that there were 60000 fell that day upon the edge of the sword. Cato himself (that never loved to make the least of his own praiseworthy acts) saith, there were many slain; but setteth not down what number. He is thought to have performed that day three pieces of service worthy of great praise and commendation: first, in that he set a compass with his army far from his ships, far from his camp, and gave battle in the midst of the enemies, where his men could repose no hope at all but in their own virtue and valour: secondly, for sending those cohorts behind the enemies to charge upon their backs: and thirdly, for that he caused the second legion to march a great pace under their colours displayed, ranged as they were and ordered in battle array, for to approach and assail the gates of the enemy's camp, whiles all the rest were disbanded and spread all abroad to pursue the enemy in chase.  
After this victory archieved, he sat not still in rest and repose, but having sounded the retreat and brought his own soldiers laden with pillage into the campc, he allowed them some few hours for their night sleep, and led them forth into the territory of the enemy to forage and spoil: which was as effectual to enforce the Spanish Emporitanes and all their neighbour borderers to yield subjection, as the unhappy battle fought the day before. Many also of other cities, which were retired to Emporiae for refuge, rendered themselves to his devotion: whom he entertained all with gracious words, and when he had made them good cheer, bestowing wine and cates plentifully upon them, he sent them home to their own houses. Then immediately he dislodged and removed his camp. And all the way as he marched with his army, there resorted ambassadors from divers States that yielded themselves unto him. By that time that he was come as far as Taracon, all Spain on this side Iberus, was wholly subdued: and the barbarous people brought in as presents unto the Consul, all the captives and prisoners, as well Romans as Allies, and namely Latines, who by many and sundry chances had been taken in Spain. The bruit went commonly abroad, that the Consul would lead his power into Turdetania. There was a false alarm likewise given, and spoken it was, That he would visit the mountainers that lay out of the way. Upon this vain and headless rumour, there were seven forts belonging to the State of the Bergistanes that revolted from him: but the Consul led his army against them, and without any memorable battle reduced them under obedience. And the Consul his back was no sooner turned, and he gone to Taracon, but they rebelled again, even before he was departed from thence in any other expedition. Subdued they were the second time, but they found not the like favour as before, to have pardon: for they were all sold like slaves in ouvert market, under the garland, because they should not thus every while trouble the peace.  
In this mean time P. Manlius the praetor, after he had received the old army at the hands of Q: Mutius whom he succeeded, and joined thereto the other army of old soldiers belonging to Appius Claudius, and which were come out of the farther Spain, he made an expedition into Turdetania. Now these Turdetanes of all other Spaniards are counted to be the worst soldiers, howbeit, in confidence of their great numbers and multitudes, they came forward and encountered the Roman forces. But the men of arms had no sooner charged them, but presently they were disarraied. As for the footmen, they fought in manner not at all. The old approved soldiers, who knew the enemies very well, and were experienced in feats of arms, made a quick dispatch of this skirmish, and soon put all past peradventure. Howbeit, the war was not so ended, nor determined in one battle. The Turdetanes levied and waged ten thousand Celtiberians, and so maintained war afresh with foreign mercenary forces.  
The Consul being stung already with the rebellion of the Turdetanes, and supposing that other cities would do the like, upon any good occasion and opportunity, disfurnished all the Spaniards on this side Iberus of their armour and munition. Which they took for such an indignity, that many of them for very melancholy killed themselves: a martial and warlike nation, that thought they were as good be out of the world, as turned out of their arms; and reckoned no life, without their weapons. The Consul having intelligence hereof, commanded the Senators of all those cities to repair unto him: and when they were assembled together, he used this speech unto them. It concerneth you (quoth he) no less than us, to give over this rebelling and warring. For never yet to this day have ye entered into the action, but with more loss and damage of Spaniards, than toil● and travel of the Roman army. To prevent this mischief that it should not happen, I suppose one good way it is, to contrive and work so, that ye might not possibly be able to rebel. Effect this I would rain, by the easiest mean and course of all other. Assist me I pray you herein with your good counsel: I assure you I will not be directed by any advice more willingly, than by that which you yourselves shall give me. When they held their tongues, and would not speak a word, he said unto them again, that he was content they should pause upon the matter, and consult thereof a few days. When they were called again, and kept silence in this second meeting and conference as well as in the former; he made no more ado, but in one day razed the walls of all their cities: which done, he went forward against those that hitherto were not come in, nor yielded obedience: and into what quarters soever he came, he received all the States one after another, there bordering and adjoining, into his protection; save only Segestica, a wealthy city and of importance, the which he forced with mantelets and rolling pavoi●es, and such like fabrics. More difficulty in subduing these enemies he found, than others afore him who first came into Spain; in this regard, for that in times past the Spaniards at the beginning revolted unto them, as being weary of the tedious yoke of subjection under the lordly government and tyranny of the Carthaginians. But Cato had more ado with them now, in that out of liberty and freedom, which they had usurped and been used to, he was to vouch them (as it were) bond, and to bring them again to servitude. Besides, he found all out of frame and order, whiles some of them were up in arms, others were forced by siege to revolt, as not able to have held out long, unless they had been rescued and succoured in time. But of this nature and courageous mind was the Consul, that he would himself in person be present and manage all affairs, as well those of smallest moment, as also those of greatest weight and consequence: and not only devise and give direction what was best to be done, but would himself set to his hand, and execute most of the exploits and effect them fully. There was not one amongst them all, that he commanded with more severity and rigour, than his own self. In living nearly, in spare feeding, in much watching, in painful travel, he strove to surpass and outgo the meanest common soldiers. And no privilege challenged he, no advantage sought he to himself in his whole army above others, but only honour and sovereign command.  
The Praetor P. Manlius had the more trouble in his war-service, by reason of the Celtiberians, whom (as it hath been said before) the enemies had levied & hired with their money. And therefore the Consul being sent unto by the Praetor his letters, led his legions also thither. Being there arrived, (now the Celtiberians and Turdetanes were severally encamped apart one from the other) the Romans fell presently to maintain light skirmishes with the Turditanes, and eftsoons charged their corpse de guard: and how rashly and inconsiderately soever they began the game, yet they ever went away winners. As for the Celtiberians, the Consul sent certain Tribunes or knight marshals unto them to emparle, giving them in charge to make them an offer and tender unto them the choice of three conditions. First, if they could be content to arraunge themselves to serve under the Romans, and to receive at their hands double wages to that they bargained for with the Turditanes. Secondly, whether they would be willing to go their waics home under safe conduct and public security, besides that their siding with the Roman enemies should not be laid to their charge, nor bring them within the compass of any danger. Thirdly, if they had more mind to war, then, that they should set down some time and place, when and where they might come to an issue, and try it out in a set battle. The Celtiberians required to take a day for to consider better upon these points. So they assembled together in counsel, with great trouble and confusion, by reason that some Turdetanes were thrust in among them; upon which occasion, they might worse grow to any conclusion. Now albeit uncertein it was, whether there would be any war or peace with the Celtiberians, yet the Romans gathered their provision out of the territory and borroughes of their enemies, like as in time of peace: yea and more than that, they entered oftentimes within their fortifications and defences as if there had been some common traffic and commerce agreed between them, by way of private truce. The Consul seeing he could not draw the enemy to a battle, first led certain companies lightly appointed with banners displayed, to raise booties in one quarter of the country, which as yet was free, & had not tasted of the wars: but afterwards hearing that all the bag and baggage and other carriage of the Celtiberians was left at 
* Gigoncae in Andalusia, Motali.  Saguntia, he set forward thither to give an assault to the town. But seeing that nothing would move and stir them, he paid not only his own soldiers their wages, but also the Pretours army their due, and leaving the main host in the praetor his camp, himself returned to the river Ebre, accompanied only with seven cohorts. With these forces, as small as they were, he won certain towns, and there revolted unto him the Sedetanes, Ausetanes, and Suessetanes. The Lacetanes (a nation living out of the way after a savage manner within the wild's and woods) kept still in arms, not only upon a natural and inbred wildness, but also upon a guilty conscience, in that whiles the Consul and his army was employed in the Turdulois war, they had made sudden roads and incursions into the lands of their Allies, and pitifully wasted the same. And therefore the Consul advanced forward to assault their town, and led against it not only his own cohorts and bands, but also the youth of his Allies, who had good cause to be angry, and to oppose themselves unto them. The town which they inhabited, lay out in length, but was nothing so wide and large in breadth: and within one half mile or less, he pitched down his ensigns, and planted himself. There he left behind a guard of choice companies, and straightly charged them not to stir out of that place, before he came unto them himself. The rest of his forces he led about unto the farther side beyond the town. Of all the aid-souldiours that he had about him, the greatest number were the youth of the Suessetanes, and those he commanded to approach the wall for to give the assault. The Lacetanes, when they took knowledge of their armour & colours, calling to mind how often they had overrun them at their pleasure, & wasted their lands without check or impeachment, how many and sundry times they had in ranged battle discomfited and put them to flight, all at once set open the gate, and sallied out upon them. The Suessetanes were so little able to sustain the forcible charge of their onset; that they hardly could abide their very shout & first cry. The Cos. seeing now, that come to pass indeed which he suspected would be so, road a gallop upon the spur to those said cohorts of his own that were left on the other side under the town, and taking them with him in great haste, whiles all the townsmen were spread abroad in following the chase after the Suessetanes, he led them into the town at a place where there was no noise, no stirring, and not a man to be seen; and made himself master of all, before the Lacetanes were returned back: but within a while he received them to mercy upon their submission: who, poor men, had nothing to yield and lose but their bare armour and weapons. Immediately he followed the train of this victory, and led his forces against the hold or strong town of Vergium. This was a receptacle and place of sure receipt for certain rovers and thieves, who from thence used to make many roads into the peaceable parts of that province. The principal and chief person of Vergium quit the place, and be took himself unto the Consul, and began to excuse as well himself as the townsmen, saying, that the government of the town and the state thereof lay not in their hands. For why? these robbers after they were once received in among them, seized themselves wholly of that strength, and had all at their command. The Consul willed him to go home again, and to devise and forge some likely & probable cause why he had been absent and out of the way; with this charge & direction that when he saw him approach under the walls, and the robbers aforesaid wholly amused and occupied in defence thereof, than he should remember to join with the rest of his part and faction, and be possessed of the fortress and keep of the town. This put he in practice and execution accordingly. So whiles the Romans of one side scaled the walls, and they on the other side had taken the fortress, these barbarians were suddenly at once surprised with a twofold fear before and behind. The Consul when he had gotten the place into his own hands, gave order, that all those who were gotten into the castle and held it, should remain free, themselves and all their kindred, and likewise enjoy their goods. The rest of the Vergetanes he commanded the Treasurer to sell and make money of them. As for the Rovers, they suffered according to their deserts. After he had set the province in quiet, he laid great tributes and imposts upon the mines of iron and silver: which being once ordained and established, the whole province grew in wealth and riches, every day more than other. For these his exploits achieved in Spain, the LL. of the Senate decreed, that there should be a solemn procession at Rome, to endure for three days.  
The same winter, L. Valerius Flaccus the other Consul, fought in France a set field with the power of the Boians, near the forest of Litania, and won the victory. And by report, there were eight thousand Gauls there slain: the rest abandoned the war, and slipped every one into their own wickes and villages. The rest of the winter the Cos. kept his army at Placentia and Cremona about the Po, and repaired in these cities whatsoever had been decayed and demolished during the wars.  
The affairs in Italy and Spain standing in these terms: when T. Quintius had so passed the winter in Greece, that setting aside the Aetolians (who neither had been recompensed according to the hope that they conceived of the victory, nor yet could long time like of repose) all Greece throughout in general enjoying the blessing of peace and liberty, flourished and maintained their state exceeding well, admiring no less the temperance, justice, and moderation of the Roman General after victory, than his valour and prowess in war: there was an Act of the Senate of Rome brought & presented unto him, importing thus much, That war was determined against Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedæmonians. Which when Quintius had red, he published and proclaimed a general Diet or Counsel at Corinth against a certain day, when and where all the States associates should assemble by their delegates and ambassadors. Now when there was met together from all parts a frequent number of princes and great personages, in such fort, that the very Aetolians also were not absent, Quintius used unto them this or the like speech. The Romans and greeks have warred against king Philip as ye well know; and as with one mind and common counsel they have so done, so either of them had several quarrels unto him, and private causes and occasions by themselves to take arms. For Philip had broken the league and amity with us Romans, one while by sending aid and maintenance to the Carthaginians our enemies: otherwhiles by assailing our allies in these parts: and to youwards he hath so demeaned himself, that albeit we could forget and put up all the wrongs that he hath done unto us, the very injuries that ye have received at his hands, minister sufficient cause unto us to war against him for your sake. As for this days consultation, it resteth wholly in yourselves. For, this I propound unto you, Whether your will is to suffer Argos (which as ye know yourselves Nabis the tyrant holdeth) to remain still under him in obedience: or whether you think it meet and reason, that a most noble and ancient city as it is, seated in the very hart of Greece, should be reduced unto liberty, to enjoy the same condition and state wherein other cities of Peloponnesus and Greece do stand. This consultation I say, as you well see, entirely toucheth you and your good, and concerneth us Romans no farther than thus, that by the servitude of that one only city, we can not have the full and entire glory of setting Greece wholly in liberty. But if you regard not the state of that city, and are not moved with the example thereof and the danger, for fear the contagion of this mischief spread farther: we for our parts are content, and take all in good worth, and will not set you down and teach you what to do. Only I require your advice in this point, minding to resolve upon that, which the major part of you shall carry by voices. After the Roman General had ended his speech, all the rest began to deliver their opinions. And when the deputed delegate or agent for the Athenians had magnified and extolled as highly as possibly he could, the good demerits of the Romans toward Greece, yielding them great thanks, that upon their request they had granted their aid against Philip, and without any petition at all, offered their help and succour against Nabis the tyrant; and seemed therewith to be offended and displeased at some, who nevertheless in their talk and speeches found fault and carped at these so great favours and deserts; yea and spoke badly of future events, whereas it behoved them rather to acknowledge and confess how much they were bound and beholden already to the Romans for good turns past: it well appeared that he pointed out directly the Aetolians, & girded at them. Whereupon Alexander, a principal and chief man of their nation, inveighed first against the Athenians, who having been in times past the head captains and maintainers of freedom, betrayed now the common cause, for love of their own private flatteries. Moreover he complained that the Achaeans, who first served Philip in his wars, and at the last (when they saw him down the wind and fortune to frown upon him) fell away like disloyal traitors, and possessed themselves of Corinth to their own behoof, practising also to compass and gain unto them the city of Argos. As for the Aetolians, the first and principal enemies of Philip, and always allies and friends to the Romans, howsoever they had expressly and precisely covenanted in the league, to enjoy their towns and tetritories, after Philip was vanquished, were notwithstanding put besides Echinum and Pharfalus. He charged the Romans with fraud and faiterie, who pretending an outward show, a vain title and colour of liberty, held the cities of Chalcis and Demetrias with strong garrisons: and yet when Philip made some stay and hasting to withdraw and void from thence his armed guards, they were ever wont to object and say, that Greece would never be in freedom, so long as Chalcis, Demetrias and Corinth were in his hand: and finally he alleged against them, that under pretence of Argos and Nabis, they sought occasion to remain still in Greece and keep their armies there. Let them (quoth he) transport their legions once into Italy, the Aetolians would then undertake and promise, that Nabis should remove his garrison out of Argos, upon composition & with good will, or else they would compel him by force and arms, to be overruled by the puissance of all Greece united together in one general consent. By this vain babble of his, he roused Aristenus first, the Praetor of the Achaeans, who spoke in this wife. Never will jupiter Opt. Max. quoth he, and Queen juno the patroness of Argos, suffer that city to be the recompense or prize between the Lacedaemonian Tyrant, and these pilling and thieving Aetolians: to be brought to this hard point and these terms of extremity, as to sustain more misery and calamity when it is recovered by us, than when it was won and taken by him. O Quintius, it is not the sea lying between us & them that can defend us from these robbers. What will then become of us, in case they should make themselves a fort and castle of strength in the mids of Peloponnesus? Nought have they of the greeks but their language, like as they carry nothing of men but their shape and visage. For look into their manners, their fashions and behaviour, they are more rude and cruel than any barbarians, nay they are more savage than the most wild and ravenous beasts that be. We beseech you therefore o Romans, both to recover Argos out of the hands of Nabis, and also to establish the State of Greece in such sort, that ye leave these parts also safe & secure enough from the robberies & thieving hostility of these Aetolians. The Roman General Quintius, seeing them of all sides to blame and rebuke the Aetolians, said that he would have answered them himself, but that he perceived them all so hatefully bend against them, that more needful it was that they were to be appeased, than farther provoked. And therefore holding himself satisfied and contented with that opinion which was conceived of the Romans and Aetolians, he said, that he would demand what their pleasure was to advise, concerning the war against Nabis, unless he rendered Argos to the Achaeans? And when they all were of one mind to make war, he exhorted them to send aids proportionably to the power and strength of each state and city. To the Aetolians he sent an ambassador, more to discover and lay open their intention (as it fell out accordingly) than upon any hope he had to obtain aught at their hands. Unto the Provost Marshals of the camp, he gave commandment to send for the army from Elatia.  
About this time, when the Ambassadors of king Antiochus came unto him to treat about alliance and a league, he answered, That he could say nothing to them nor determine of that point in the absence of those Delegates abovesaid; and therefore they were to repair unto the Senate of Rome. Then, himself in person prepared to make an expedition and voyage against Argos, with those forces which were brought from Elatia. And when he was about Cleonae, Aristaenus the praetor, with 10000 foot of Achieans and 1000 horse met him in the way: and not far from thence, they joined both their forces and encamped together. The next day after, they came down into the plain of Argos, and chose a place to fortify and lie in leaguer about four miles from Argos. Now was Pythagoras the captain of the Lacedaemonian garrison, who had both married the tyrant his daughter, and was his wife's brother besides. This Pythagoras against the coming of the Romans, had fortified with strong guards both the castles (for two there are within Argos) and other places, which either had easy access or were suspected. But as he was employed in these provisions and preparatious, he could not dissimule and hide the fear which this arrival and approach of the Romans strake into him: and beside this foreign terror from without, there happened also an intestine mutiny within. There was one Damocles and Argive, (a young gentleman of more spirit and courage than wisdom and discretion) who at the first by interposing a mutual and reciprocal oath, had conferred with certain persons of good sufficiency, about expelling the garrison: but whiles he studied to strengthen the conspiracy and his own side, he was not well assured of their fidelity, and could not judge which of them were true and which not. As he talked upon a time with his complices, the captain of the garrison sent for him by one of his guard; whereupon he perceived, that his complot was revealed: he exhorted therefore the conspirators that were in the way, to take arms with him, rather than to die by torture upon the rack: and so with some few about him he marched forward into the market place, crying eftsoons aloud, That as many as loved the safety of the commonweal should follow him as their head and maintainer of their liberty: but no man moved he with his speech to go after him and take his part; for no hope saw they of any succour at all near at hand: so far off were they from making good account of a sure guard of defence. And as he spoke those words, the Lacedæmonians were come round about him, and killed both him and his fellows. After this, were others also apprehended; the more part of them were slain, and some few cast into prison. A great number the night following, slid down the wall by ropes, and fled to the Romans. These assured the Romans, that if their army had been near the gates, the commotion and conspiracy aforesaid would have taken effect: and in case their camp approached nearer, the Argives would not be in quiet, but make some insurrection: whereupon Quintius sent out the footmen lightly appointed, together with the horsemen; who skirmished with the Lacedæmonians about Cylarabis (a public school and place of exercise about a quarter of a mile out of the city) who were sallied out at the gate, and without any great difficulty chased them within the town: and in that very place where the conflict was, the Roman General encamped. One day he spent in escouting an espial, whether any new trouble and uproars arose among them within the city. But when he perceived once that they were all amort for fear, he assembled a counsel to take advise, Whether he were best to give the assault upon Argos, or no? All the heads of Greece (except Aristaenus) agreed with one accord, that since there was no other cause of war elsewhere, it should begin there especially. Quintius in no case would like of that course, but willingly he gave ear with evident approbation unto Aristaenus, as he discoursed and reasoned against the general opinion and consent of them all: and over and besides added this of himself, That considering the war was enterprised and taken in hand in the behalf of the Argives against the tyrant, there was nothing less beseeming and more without sense, than to leave the enemy himself, and to affaile and batter the poor city of Argos. For his part he would fight at the head, even against the Lacedæmonians and their tyrant, the principal cause of this war. Then having dissolved the council, he sent certain cohorts lightly appointed to purvey store of grain. As much as could be found ripe in those parts was cut, mowed, & reaped down immediately & laid up: all that was green they trampled under foot and spoiled, that the enemies soon after might have no good thereof. So he dislodged and removed from thences and having passed over the mountain Parthenius, at three days end he encamped in the territory of Caryae near to Tegea. In which place he expected the aids of his allies before he would invade the territory of the enemies. From Philip there came a thousand and five hundred Macedonians, and of Thessalians, forty horse. The Roman General stayed not now for succours of men (where of he had sufficient and plenty) but for his provision of victuals, which he had commanded the towns bordering near hand to furnish him withal. Besides, there came great forces by sea, and met him there: for by this time was Lucius Quintius arrived with forty fail from Leucas: also eighteen covered ships of Rhodes. And now also was Eumenes the king, about they lands Cyclades, with ten close hatched and decked ships, thirty galleons, with other smaller vessels among of sundry forts. Likewise of Lacedæmonians that were exiled and banished persons, there were very many; who, chased and driven out by the oppression and wrongful dealing of their tyrants, repaired now into the Roman camp, in hope to recover their native country again. Now a great many had been expulsed in divers and sundry ages, since time that the tyrants first usurped rule, and were possessed of Lacedaemon. The chief of these exiled persons was one Agosipolis, a man to whom by right of descent and lineage, the inheritance of the kingdom of Lacedaemon appertained. He whiles how as but an infant, happened to be expelled by Lycurgus after the death of Cleomenes, who was the first tyrant at Lacedaemon.  
The tyrant beset thus round about with wars threatening both from sea and land, and destitute in manner of all hope, (considering the proportion of his forces to the power of his enemies:) yet nevertheless neglected not to wage war, but levied out of Creta one thousand more (even the chosen flower of all their youth) to the other thousand that he had from thence already. He had besides of mercenary soldiers three thousand in arms: also ten thousand of his own subjects and citizens of Lacedaemon, together with those that he had taken out of the boroughs and villages in the country. Moreover, he fortified the city with trench and mure. And that there might arise no trouble and stir within the town, he held the spirits of men in awe with fear of sharp and rigorous punishments. And for as much as he could not hope nor imagine that they desired and wished his good and safety, for that he held some citizens in suspicion and jealousy: after he had brought forth all his forces into the plain, which they call 
* l. a running race.  Dromos, he commanded the Lacedæmonians to assemble together without any armour and weapons, to an audience; and when they were assembled, he environed them with his armed guard. And after some few remonstrances by way of a short preamble, Why they ought to hold him excused at such a time, if he feared every thing, and made all sure as well as he could: considering withal, it was expedient even for them also (as many as the present state of the world might bring in suspicion) to be kept short for being able to execute any attempt, rather than be surprised in the mids of their practices and complots, and so be punished accordingly: even for this cause (quoth he) I will have certain persons in safe custody and durance, until such time as the tempest be overblowen which now is coming. And when the enemies be once repulsed, (from whom less danger there will be, in case domestical treasons may be prevented) then incontinently will I enlarge them and set them at liberty. This said, he commanded the names to be called of fourscore or thereabout of the principal of the youth; and as every one of them answered to his name, he clapped him up fast in prison: and the next night following, murdered them every one. After this, certain Ilotes (these were they who ever of old time were the Burghers & Villagiers, a kind of peasants and country kerns) were accused to have intended to fly unto the enemy and to band with him who likewise were whipped and scourged throughout all the streets, and then put to death. By the fearful example of this cruelty, the courages of the common sort were well cooled and abated, yea and so astonished, that they durst not once quetch nor give attempt of any new designments tending to change and alteration. His forces he kept within his strength and places of defence, for neither thought he himself strong enough to enter the field and fight a set battle, nor durst abandon the city, seeing the minds of men so wavering, and their affections so unconstant.  
Quintius having made his provision and set all things in good order, departed from his standing camp, and the second day came to Sellasia upon the river Oenus: in which very place Antigonus sometime king of the Macedonians, struck a battle (men say) with Cleomenes the tyrant of the Lacedæmonians. And there, having intelligence, that from thence he was to mount up an hard ascent and narrow passage, he set a short compass through the mountains, having sent before certain men to level the ground and make the way even, and so got into a large and broad port-gate, until he came to the river Eurotas, which runneth in manner hard under the walls of the city of Sparta: where, as the Romans were pitching their tents; even as Quintius himself with the horsemen and light vauntcourriers gone before, the aid-souldiours of the tyrant charged upon them: who looking for nothing less, because no man had encountered them all the way as they marched, but passed on in their journey as in a peaceable country, were much troubled and affrighted herewith. This fear of theirs continued a good time, while the horsemen called unto the footmen, and they again unto the horsemen; and both the one sort and the other trusted in themselves but little or nothing at all. At length the standards of the legions with their ensigns came forward; and were within sight, and so soon as the companies of the vanguard advanced soorth to fight, they who erewhile teirified others, were driven in fearful haste themselves into the city. The Romans being retired so far from the wall, as that they were without dartshot, stood a while ranged in battle array. But after that they saw none of the enemies come abroad against them, returned to their leaguer. The next day after Quintius took his way and marched with his army in order of battle along the town side, near unto the river, hard at the foot of the hill Maenalus. The companies of the legionary footmen led the march in the vanguard, the light footmen and the horsemen followed in the rearward, and flanked the rest. Nabis kept within the walls his mercenary soldiers (in whom he reposed greatest confidence) arraunged under their ensigns, and in readiness to fight, purposing to charge the back of his enemies. And the arrierguard of the Romans was not so soon passed by, but they sallied out of the town at sundry places at once, with as tumultuous a noise as they made the day before. Appius Claudius had the leading of the rearward, who having prepared beforehand the hearts of his soldiers, and advertised them to be priest and ready for what occurrent soever might happen, presently turned the ensigns, and set a compass with the whole army to make head against the enemies. Whereupon there ensued a hot sight which endured a good time, as if two armies had directly encountered one another. In the end, the soldiers of Nabis began to recoil and fly: in which flight of theirs they had made less haste, and better saved themselves, but that the Achaeans who were acquainted well with the ground, and knew the coasts of the country, hotly followed the chase: these made a soul carnage and butchery among them; and the most part, such as were dispersed here and there in their flight, they disarmed. Then Quintius encamped neete unto Amycla, and having harried and wasted all the territory round about the city (which places were well peopled and very pleasant:) when he saw no enemies issue out at the city gates, heremoved his camp hard to the river Eurotas. From whence he made excursions, wasted all the vale lying under the hill Taigetus, and the lands butting and adjoining close to the sea.  
Much about the same time L. Quintius made himself master of the towns, situate on the sea side: some yielded willingly, others for fear or perforce. And being afterwards advertised, that the town Gyttheum served for a place of safe retreat and refuge unto the Lacedæmonians in all their exploits and service at sea, and that the Romans lay encamped not far from the sea side; he resolved to assail it with all forcible means. This town at that time was very strong, well peopled with citizens and other inhabitants, and sufficiently furnished with all warlike provision and munition. And in very good time it fell out, that as Quintius was entered unto this difficult enterprise, king Eumenes and the Rhodian fleet arrived. A mighty number of mariners and sea-servitours, gathered out of three Armadaes, within few days made and finished all engines and fabrics, which were to assault a city so well fortified both by sea and land. Now was the town wall broken down with the undermining of the tortues, now was the wall shaken by the push of the ram, and with all there was one tower that by continual battery was overthrown, and with the fall thereof, all the wall that stood of each side, came tumbling down & lay along. And the Romans endeavoured at one time to enter the town, both from the haven (where the passage was more plain and easy) to the end, that the enemies might abandon the defence of the more open place; and also at the breach made in the wall: and they miss but very little of entrance there where they intended, but the hope they conceived of yielding the city, which anon was crossed again, and turned to nothing, stayed their violence and heat of assault. Dexagoridas and Gorgopas governed the town then, in equal authority. Dexagoridas had dispatched a courier to the Roman lieutenant, to signify that he would betray the town: and when the time and place of execution of this designment was agreed upon between them, the traitor was killed by Gorgopas: by occasion whereof, the city was the better defended with more careful heed by him alone; yea, and the assault thereof had been more difficult, but that Titus Quintius came to succour and help with four thousand chosen soldiers. He was no sooner discovered with an army arraunged in battle array from the brow and top of the hill that is not far distant from the town; while L. Quintius withal from another side followed the assault with his ordinance and artilleric both by sea and land, but Gorgopas then began himself to despair in very deed, and was driven perforce to take that very course, which in another he had punished by death: and upon composition that he might depart and have away with him those soldiers which he had in garrison, he delivered up the city to Quintius.  
Before that Gyttheum was rendered, Pythagoras left as captain at Argos, leaving the guard and defence of the city unto the charge of Timocrates of Pellenae, came with a thousand waged soldiers, and two thousand Argives unto Nabis at Lacedaemon. And Nabis like as at the first arrival of the Roman fleet, and the surrender withal of the towns standing by the sea side, was much affrighted, so he had recovered again some little hope and was well quieted in mind, so long as Gyttheum held out still, and his garrison within the town kept their own. But after he heard once, that it also was yielded unto the Romans, and lost; seeing no hope left by land side, which was wholly possessed by the enemies, and that he was altogether shut up from the sea, he thought it best to yield unto fortune. And first he sent an herald into the camp, to know whether the enemies would permit and suffer him to send his ambassadors unto them. Which being granted, Pythagoras repaired unto the General with no other charge and commission, but only to request, that the tyrant might parley with the Roman General. Hereupon the Council was assembled: and generally opined it was, that there should be granted unto him a conference; insomuch, as both time and place was agreed upon and appointed. Now when they were come to the hills standing in the midst of that quarter, with some small companies of soldiers attending on either side upon them; they left their cohorts behind them, standing in guard, within the open view and fight of both parts: and then Nabis came down with a certain chosen guard for his body; and Quintius accompanied with his brother, Eumenes the king, Sobilaus the Rhodian, and Aristhenus the Praetor of the Athaeans, with some few knight Marshals and Colonels. And then the tyrant being put to his choice, whether he would speak first, or hear another, began his speech in this wise.  
If I could have be thought myself (o Quintius, 
The Oration of Nabis.  and you all that are here present) and imagined what the cause should be, that you either proclaimed or made war first against me, I would have attended the issue of my fortune with silence. But now I could not have that mastery and command of myself to forbear, but that before I perish, I would needs know the reason and cause of my ruin and overthrow. Certes, if ye were such men as the Carthaginians are reported to be (with whom there is no regard of truth, no trust and security in covenants of society and alliance) I would not then marvel at all, if you made small reckoning, and cared but little what measure ye offered unto me. But now, when I behold and advise you well, I see you are Romans, whose manner is to entertain most duly and precisely the observation of holy rites and divine religion, and the faithful keeping of human league and alliance. When I consider and look into myself, I hope & think verify that I am one, with whom in general, as well as with the rest of the Lacedæmonians ye are linked by virtue of a most ancient league: and in particular regard of myself, a private amity and society hath been lately renewed by the war with Philip. But peradventure some man will say, That I have broken and overthrown the same first, in that I hold the city of the Argives. And how shall I be able to answer this, and excuse myself? Shall I plead to the substance of the matter, or to the circumstance of the time? The thing itself presenteth unto me a twofold plea for my defence. For being called by the inhabitants themselves of the city, who offered the town unto me, I received it at their hands, and in no wise seized upon it by force: I received it, I say, when it sided and took part with Philip, before it was comprised within your league. As for the time, it justifieth and cleareth me also and my doings. For even then when as I was possessed of Argos, I was allied and associate with you in good accord: and in our covenants, we articled and capitulated to send aids unto you for your wars, and not to withdraw the garrison from Argos. And verily, in this difference and question about Argos, I have the vantage, as well in regard of the equity of the fact (in that I received a city not of yours but of your enemies, received it I say, not surprised by force, but offered and delivered willingly) as also by your own confession, for that in the conditions of the association agreed between us, ye left Argos free unto me. But it may be that the name of Tyrant hurteth me: and some of mine actions condemn me much, and namely, that I set slaves free, and divide lands to the poor commons. As for the name, thus much I am able to answer: that, such as I am, better or worse, still I am the very same man, and no other than I was when you, even you o Quintius entered alliance with me: then, I remember well, I was called King among you: and now I see I am termed a Tyrant. And therefore if I myself had changed the title and stile of my dignity and government, I must have yielded a reason and account of my levity and inconstancy: but seeing you have altered it, ye ought to answer for your vanity. Now as concerning the multitude, so augmented by the enfranchising of slaves; as touching the land also, parted and distributed among the poor and needy; I can maintain and justify my doings herein, and protect me under the defence and privilege of the very time. For all these things, be they as they be may, I had done already, when ye made a league and covenant with me, and received aids at my hand in the war against Philip. But in case I had done so at this very present, I stand not upon this, whether I either had offended you or broken your amity, but thus much I aver, that done I had according to the custom and fashion of our ancestors. And ye must not think to square and try the practice of Lacedaemon according to the rule and squire of your laws and ordinances. For, to let pass many other things (and needless it is to compare particulars:) ye choose your gentlemen or men of arms according to their revenue: according to revenue ye choose likewise the footmen. Your will is that some few should excel in wealth and power, and the commons be subject and vassals unto them. Our Lawgiver thought not good that the Commonwealth should be ruled by a few, whom you call a Senate; nor that one or two States should excel and have pre-eminence in the city; but he thought thatin the equality of wealth and worship, there would be many more to bear arms for their country. I have made a longer discourse I confess, than the ordinary and natural 
* 〈…〉 〈◊〉 and that 〈◊〉 or La 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉  brevity of our speech in these parts will bear. And I might have knit all up in one word and said, that I had done nothing after I was entered into amity with you, wherewith you needed to have taken any offence and been displeased. Then the Roman General made answer to these points in this manner. No friendship nor association at all have we made with you, but with Pelops the true and lawful king of the Lacedæmonians: whereof, I must needs say that the tyrants also who afterwards held the signiory and sovereignty of Lacedaemon, have usurped the right, and enjoyed the benefit during the time that we were otherwise employed, and wholly busied, one while in the Punic wars, another while in the Gauls, and evermore in one or other: like as you also have done in this last Macedonian war. For what was less unsitting and more absurd, than for us who waged war against Philip for the liberty of Greece, to conclude amity with a tyrant? and such a tyrant, as of all others that ever have been is most cruel, most violent and outrageous with his own subjects? And considering that we were entered into the course and train of setting all Greece at liberty, albeit you had not possessed yourself of Argos by covin, nor held the same by force, ye it behoved us to restore Lacedaemon also to her ancient liberty, and to settle her in her own laws, whereof erewhile you would seem to make mention, as if you had followed the steps of Lycurgus. Shall we make care and take the pains to void the garrisons of Philip out of lassus and Bargillae: and when we have so done, leave to be trodden under your feet, Argos and Lacedaemon, two most noble cities, the two lights as it were in times passed of all Greece; which remaining still in servitude and slavery, might deface the rest of our glory, and mar the title that we aim at, of Saviour's and Deliverers of Greece? But you say, that the Argives friended Philip and took his part. We are content well enough, that you should not trouble yourself, and be angry for our sake. For we know for certain, that this was the fault of two or three persons at most, and not of the whole city: and we know as well, that it was not agreed in any public counsel, that you and your garrison were sent for and received into the Castle. As for the Thessalians, the Phoceans & Locrians, they sided with Philip, we wot right well, by a general consent of all: and yet when we enfranchised all Greece besides, we also set them at liberty. What think you then should we do in regard of the Argives, who are innocent for any public counsel intended against us? You said that you were blamed and charged sore for setting bondslaves free. No small objections these are, I assure you, nor of little importance. But what are they in comparison of other bad parts and heinous facts, committed by you and your followers day by day, one in the head of another? Grant but liberty of an Assembly General either at Argos or Lacedaemon, wherein the people may speak their minds freely, and what they know by you without impeachment: if you would learn the truth indeed, and hear the particulars of a most proud and unsupportable dominion and tyranny. And to let all old matters go by. What a bloody massacre committed this son in law of yours Pythagoras, even almost within my very sight in Argos? nay, what a carnage and butchery made you yourself, even when I was well-near within the marches of Lacedaemon? But come on: those persons whom in a general assembly you caused to be attached, and promised in the presence of all the citizens to keep them safe and sure in ward: come on, I say, command them to be brought forth now bound as they be; that their poor fathers and mothers may understand they are alive, whom they have mourned for so much, without cause, as if they had been dead. But you will say, Set case all this be true, what is that to you Romans? Dare you in deed speak out and say so much to those that deliver Greece and set it free? to those I say, that for the freedom thereof have passed the seas, have warred both by land and sea? And yet all this while (say you) I have not directly and truly wronged you, nor properly infringed and broken your friendship and amity. No have you? How often would you have me to convince you of the contrary? But I will not use many words and much circumstance, but come to the very catch and point of the matter. What be the things I pray you, wherewith friendship is commonly broken? I take it they are these two especially, namely, if you take my friends for your foes; and join yourself to my enemies. You have done both the one and the other: for you have taken by force and arms Messena, a city received into our society and alliance by the very same conditions and covenants that Lacedaemon was; you I say our ally, have forced a city allied unto us. Again with Philip our enemy, you have not only concluded amity, but (God save all) contracted alliance and affinity by means of Philocles a Colonel and commander of his: and making war against us, you have kept the seas all about Malea with your men of war and rovers: and I think I may safely say, you have taken prisoners, and killed more Roman citizens than Philip himself. And the whole sea coast of Macedon hath less infested our ships that use to bring provision unto our armies, and been more safe for passage than the promontory & cape of Malea. Do you for bear therefore to make such vaunt of fidelity: spare you, of all other, to speak of the rights of alliance; and laying off the mask of popular language & civil speech, talk as a tyrant and enemy as you are. Upon this, An●lenus dealt with Nabis, one while admonishing & advertising him, another while requesting and entreating him, now that the opportunity was offered, to provide for himself and his whole estate: he began to discourse unto him of the Tyrants of all the states confining thereabout one after another by name, who when they had resigned up & laid down their absolute sovereignty of command, and restored liberty to their subjects, passed their old age among their citizens, not only in repose & security, but also in great honour and reputation. These words uttered and heard between them too and fro, the night drew on apace & parred the conference. The morrow after Nabis promised, seeing the Romans would have it so, to quit the city Argos, to withdraw his garrison from thence, and to deliver again all the captives & fugitive traitors that were under his hands: and if they demanded any more of him, he requested that they would set it down in writing, that he might consult thereof with his friends. So, both the Tyrant had respite and time granted to take advise, and also Quintius sat in counsel with the principal heads of his allies what to do. The most part were of opinion to maintain the war shall, and to kill the tyrant out of the way; for never would the liberty of Greece be otherwise firm and sure: and better far had it been, never to have entered into arms with him, than being once begun, to give it over. And he will, say they, be greater and more strong hereafter, as if his tyrannical government were approved, and no doubt he would vouch the people of Rome for author of his unjust rule and dominion, and will induce and incite by his example many in other free States and cities, to lie in wait to work means to overthrow the liberty of citizens, and to bring them into thraldom and bondage. The General, of himself, was more affected and inclined to peace: for he saw, that if the enemy were once driven within the walls, there was no way but to lie in siege against the city, and that would require long tract of time: for as much as it was not Gyttheum (and yet that was betrayed and rendered, and not forced by assault) but Lacedaemon, a most strong town both for men and munition, that they were to lay siege unto and assault. And whereas the only hope was, that when they approached with the army, there might some dissension and sedition have risen among themselves within: now when as they saw the ensigns in manner advanced hard to the city gates, there was not one that mutined or stirred at all. He added moreover and said, That vilius the Ambassador newly returned from Antiochus, reported, how all was not found there, not the peace like to continue: and that he had passed over into Europe with far greater forces both for land and at sea, than at any time heretofore: and if (quoth he) the army should be wholly employed in the siege of Lacedaemon, what other power have we to maintain war withal against so puissant and mighty a prince as is Antiochus? These were the remonstrances that openly he gave out; but secretly he was troubled in mind for fear lest a new Consul should come in his place, and have the government of the province of Greece: and so he should leave unto his successor, the honour of the victory of a war commenced by him, and in good forwardness. But when he perceived that his allies were nothing inclined to his ways, notwithstanding all his contradiction and bending to the contrary, by making semblant that he now drew with them and was of their mind, he won them all to approve his designment and intention. Well, God speeed our hand (quoth he:) let us besiege Lacedaemon since ye will needs have it so: but considering that the laying siege unto cities, is a thing as ye well know, that goeth so slowly forward, and oftentimes maketh the assailants sooner weary than the defendants: you ought even now to cast this account presently with yourselves, that we must lie all winter long about the walls of Lacedaemon. And were there nothing but travel and peril, that during so long time we were to endure, I would exhort and encourage you to suffer and abide the same, with stout bodies and resolute minds. But besides all that, we must be at great cost and expenses about fabrics, engines, and instruments of artillery, requisite to the assault of so great a city: we must I say be provided of victuals good store against winter, as well to serve us as you. Be well advised therefore (to the end that you should not suddenly in haste huddle up these matters, or after ye are once entered into the action, give over and abandon it with shame) that ye dispatch your letters aforehand every one to the State wherein he liveth, and found them to the depth, how their hearts serve them, and what strength and forces they have. Of aids and succours I have enough and to spare: but the more in number we are, the more maintenance shall we need. At this time the territory of our enemies hath nothing but bare soil and naked ground: and withal, the winter is coming on apace, all which season, carriage (especially far off) is cumbrous and hard. This Oration at the first caused them every one to regard and look homeward to domestical difficulties and inconveniences, namely, the idleness, the envy and backbiting of those which tarry at home, against them that are employed in warfare: the common liberty (which causeth men of one society and commonalty hardly to accord and sort together) the public want of treasure, and the nigardise of private persons, when they are to part with any thing out of their own purses. And therefore suddenly changing their minds, they put to the discretion of the Roman General, to do and determine what he thought expedient for the good of the people of Rome and their allies. Whereupon Quintius taking the advise only of his own lieutenants and Provost-marshals, engrossed these articles and conditions following, according to which, peace should be concluded with the tyrant. Imprimis, That there be a truce made for the term of six months, between Nabis and the Romans, king Eumenes and the Rhodians. Item, That both T. Quintius and Nabis should immedaitly send Ambassadors to Rome, that the peace might be ratified and confirmed by the authority of the Senate. Item, That from that day forward, wherein the conditions put down in writing should be presented unto Nabis, the truce aforesaid should begin. Item, That within ten days next after ensuing, all the garrisons quit Argos and the rest of the towns within the territory of the Argives: and then those pieces to be delivered void and free unto the Romans. Item, That no slave taken captive in wars, belonging either to the king or to any public state or private person, be had away from those towns: and if any before time had been carried forth, they should be restored again duly to their right masters. Item, That Nabis should deliver again those ships that he had gotten from the maritime cities, and that himself have no vessel at all but only two galleons, and those to have no more than six and twenty oars a piece to direct and rule them. Item, That he render all the rennegate traitors and captives unto all the cities confederate with the people of Rome, as also make restitution to the Messenians of all their goods again, that either could be found, or the owners know certainly to be theirs. Item, That he restore to all the banished Lacedæmonians their wives and children; but of the wives, so many only as would be content to follow their husbands: and that none of them should be compelled against their wills to go with any exiled person. Item, That to as many mercenary soldiers of Nabis, as were either gone from him into their own cities or to the Romans, all their own goods should be justly and truly delivered again. Item, That in the island of Crete he should not be possessed of any one city: and look what cities he then held, he yield them to the Romans. Item, That he enter into alliance with no Candiote nor with any other whatsoever, ne yet make war with them. Item, That he remove all the garrisons out of all the cities that himself had delivered up, and which had surrendered themselves and all they had, under the protection and obedience of the people of Rome, & not molest them neither by himself nor any of his. Item, That he build no town nor castle, either in his own land or in any other. Item, That for the more assurance of performing these covenants he give five hostages, such as it should please the Roman General to choose; & namely, his own son for one of them. Last of all, That he make present payment of one hundred talents of silver, and fifty more yearly until the term of eight years be run out. These articles engrossed, were sent to Lacedaemon, after the camp was removed nearer to the city. But nothing well pleased was the tyrant with any of them. Only he was wnll apaied, that beyond his hope and expectation, there was no mention at all therein of reducing the exiled persons home into the city. But that which offended and displeased him most was this, that both shipping was taken from him, and also the maritime port towns: for great commodity he got by the sea, in scouring the coast from the cape of Malea with his pirates and men of war: and besides, the youth and able men of those cities, served his turn very well to furnish and man his ships with the very best soldiers and men of service that were. And albeit he scanned and considered upon these articles in great secrecy with his friends, yet were they all of them divulged abroad and current in every man's mouth: so vain are these courteours commonly and hardly to be trusted, as in all things else, so especially in keeping of secret counsel. These conditions were controlled and found fault with, no so much by all men in general, as by each one in particular, as they took exceptions against those points that touched and concerned themselves. They that had married the wives of the banished, or were possessed of any part of their substance, chafed and stormed thereat, as if they were to lose and forego their own, and not to render and restore the goods of others. The slaves who had been freed by the tyrants, were now not only to lose the benefits of that freedom, but also to endure harder servitude and bondage than aforetime; setting before their eyes how they should return again into the houses and hands of their old masters, angry and incensed now against them. The hired soldiers were malcontent, for that they saw they should lose their pay after peace concluded: and saw full well, that there was no being for them in those stars and cities, who hated the tyrants themselves no more than their followers and attendants. At first they muttered and murmured, whispering these things among themselves in their secret meetings and conventicles: afterwards they mutined, and on a sudden ran and took arms. The tyrant seeing the multitude disquieted enough of themselves with this tumult, assembled the people together. Where, after he had declared the conditions imposed upon him by the Romans, and in every article had untruly put to somewhat of his own devising, to aggravate all matters and make them seem more grievous and intolerable, at the rehearsing of every particular the whole assembly one while cried out, and another while the sundry parts thereof, set up a note of unter dislike. Then he asked their opinion what answer they would have him to return unto those articles, and what to do? They all in manner with one voice accorded and said, that there was no answering of the matter, but that he should plainly go to war, and make no more ado. And that every man for his own part (as the usual manner is of a multitude, when they are together) should take a good heart, and hope the best, saying, that Fortune favoureth Fortitude. The tyrant incited with these their words, seconded them himself, and assured them that Antiochus and the Aetolians would take their parts and assist them: and if they did not, yet were they strong enough of themselves, and had sufficient means to endure the siege. No more talking now nor thinking of peace, but every man was ready to run in haste to his several quarter, and stand upon their own guard, without any rest or repose from thenceforth. The Romans so soon as they saw some few of them to sally out of the city, and to discharge their darts among them, were soon put out of all doubt, that no other remedy there was, but they must to war again. After this, there passed certain light skirmishes four days together, at first without any assured issue of good speed, either of the one part or the other: but the first day, after one conflict fought in manner almost of a set battle, certain Roman soldiers following the chase upon their enemies, and killing them in their flight, entered the city at certain void places, where the wall was not united: for in that order were the wall built of that town in those days. Quintius then verily, having well bridled & tamed by this terror his enemies for making any more excursions, and supposing that there remained no more, but lustily to go to an assault, sent out certain of purpose for to call the mariners and sea-servitours from Gyttheum, while himself in person, accompanied with the Provost marshals, rode about the walls to view the situation of the city. This Sparta in times past stood without murage. And the tyrants of late days had built walls against the open flattes and plain fields. The higher ground and of harder access, they fortified with strong corpse de guards of armed soldiers, in steed of bulwarks of defence. When Quintius had sufficiently considered every corner, he supposed there was no other way but to invest it round about, and thereupon with all his forces united (which being all together Roman citizens and Latin allies, foot and horse, land soldiers and sea-servitours one with another, amounted to 50000 fight men) he compassed and environment the city. Some brought scaling ladders, some fire, every man one thing or other, not only to give an assault, but also to terrify & amaze them: with direction and express commandment, with a loud cry and shout at once in all places to approach the walls, and give the venture upon them; to the end, that the Lacedæmonians affrighted at one instant on every side, might not know which way to turn them, and be to seek, where first to make head against the enemies, and in what place to come with succours. Having therefore divided the whole power of his army into three parts, he gave the one of them in charge to assail that quarter which was called Phoebeum; a second likewise to set upon that which is named Dictynneum, & the third to force the canton Heptagoniae; places all lying open and without a wall. The city being thus seized on all sides with so great fear, the tyrant moved and troubled to hear those sudden outcries and fearful news brought unto him by hasty messengers: according as any place stood most in danger, at the first, either presented himself in proper person, or else sent some to help but afterwards, seeing the fear so general, and no one place void of danger, he was so astonished, that unneath he was able either himself to give good direction to others, or to hear theirs. So void was he, and disfurnished of advice and counsel, yea, and be rest of his right wits and senses. The Lacedæmonians at first hand sustained the furious violence of the Romans in the narrow straits and passages, and at one time in divers places, three armies fought on either side: but afterwards, as the heat of the medley increased, the service was nothing equal of both parties; for the Lacedæmonians discharged shot, from which the Roman soldiers easily saved themselves, by means of their large targuets, and withal much thereof either fell short and besides, or else so feebly flung from them, that little or no harm they could do. For by reason of the straightness of the place, and the multitude so thronged and thrust together, they had not only no space to take their run, when they should lance their darts (the best means of all other to enforce them) but not so much as sure footing, and at ease, to drive and level them with all their strength. Insomuch, as of all the darts and javelines which were directly shot a front them, none at all pierced to their bodies, & very few so much as stuck in their bucklers. Marry some happened to be wounded from the higher places, by those that stood near unto them, and about their sides. And anon as they advanced forward, they chanced to be hurt, not only with arrows and darts from off the houses, but also with tiles and slates are they were aware. But afterwards, they covered their heads with their targuets, which they set so close united together one under the other, seatherwise, that not only there was no place of entrance for the darts thrown and cast at random afar, no nor so much as any room for a weapon to get between, leveled though it were, and aimed near at hand; so as under this targuet-fence they approached nearer and nearer in safety. At the first the narrow and straight avenues filled with the throng both of themselves and also of the enemies so thrust and crowded together stayed them for a while; but afterwards, when they had by little and little gathered upon the enemies, and put them back, and were come into a larger and more spacious street of the city, than their force and violence could not possibly be endured any longer. Now when the Lacedæmonians turned their backs, and fled apace to gain the higher places for their vantage, Nabis verily for his part trembling and quaking, as if the city had been quite lost, looked about him on every side, which way himself might escape and save his life. But Pythagoras as in all things else he performed the devoir and part of a courageous captain, so he was the only cause that the town was not lost: for he commanded to set fire on the houses standing next to the wall, which in the minute of an hour burned out on a light flame, as being set forward by the help of those, who otherwise were wont to quench the like skarefires: whereupon the houses came rattling and tumbling down upon the Romans heads, and not only the tileshards, but also the timber pecces half burnt, fell upon the armed soldiers, the flame spread still far and near, & the smuddering smoke put them in fear of more danger than was. And therefore, as well those Romans who were without the city in the hottest of their assault, recoiled from the walls, as also those that were entered already, for fear least by the fire behind them they should be separated from their fellows, retired themselves. Quintius also seeing how the case stood, caused to found the retreat, and so being recalled, they returned out of the city which they had as good as won, into the camp. And Quintius conceiving more hope by the fear of the enemies, than of the thing itself and the service done, never gave over for three days to terrify them, partly by skirmishing, and partly by entrenching and stopping up certain quarters, that they might have no passage at all to fly and shift for themselves. They tyrant constrained at length with these dangers menaced, sent Pythagoras again as an Orator unto Quintius. But he at first rejected him, and commanded him to avaunt out of the camp: yet in the end, after he had made most humble supplication, and cast himself prostrate at his feet, he gave him audience. The beginning of his speech was this, that he yielded all to the discretion and former award of the Romans. But seeing that he gained nothing thereby, and that his words took no effect, they grew at length to this point, That upon the same capitulations which few days before were exhibited up in writing, a truce should be made, and hereupon was both the money, and also the hostages received.  
Whiles the tyrant was besieged and assailed, there came post upon post to Argos, that Lacedaemon was at the point of being lost: whereupon the Argives took such heart and courage unto them (by reason that Pythagoras with the best part of the garrison soldiers was departed before out of their town) that contemning the small number which remained in their fortress, under the leading of one Archippus, they expelled the rest of the garrison. As for Timocrates of Pellene their captain, because he had behaved himself in his charge and government gently & mildly, they sent him away alive with safe conduct. At the very instant of this joyful occurrent, T. Quintius arrived, after he had granted peace to the tyrant, & sent away from Lacedaemon, Eumenes and the Rhodians, together with L. Quintius his brother to the fleet. The city of Argos in great joy proclaimed the celebration of their most solemn feast, and those so famous and renowned games and pastimes called Nemea, against the coming of the Roman army and their General, which they had forelet upon the ordinary time and day, by occasion of the troubles of war. And for the honour of Quintius, they ordained him to be the overseer of these solemnities. Many things there were to redouble and increase this their joy and solace to the full. The citizens were reduced from Lacedaemon, whom Pythagoras of late & Nabis aforetime, had carried away. They also were returned home again who had fled and escaped, after the conspiracy of Pythagoras was detected, & the massacre begun. Now they saw their liberty again, whereof they had lost the sight along time: now they beheld the Romans the authors thereof, and who for their sakes were induced to take arms and enterprise ●he war with the tyrant. Also, upon the very day of the Nemean games, the liberty of the Argives was published and proclaimed by the voice of the public beadle and crier of the city. But look how much joy and hearts content the Achaeans conceived in their common and general counsel of all Achaea, for the restoring of Argos into their ancient freedom, so much troubled they were again, in regard that Lacedaemon was left still in servitude, and the tyrant so near unto them ready ever to prick their sides, whereby their joy was not so found and entire. But the Aetolians in all their Diets inveighed mightily against this, saying, That the Romans never gave over the war with Philip before he had abandoned all the cities of Greece: as for Lacedaemon, it was left still under a tyrant, and in the mean while the lawful and natural king who had been in the Roman camp, and all the rest of the noblest citizens should live in exile. For now the people of Rome was become a pensioner to guard the body of tyrannising Nabis. Then Quintius brought back his army from Argos to Elatia, from whence he departed to the Sparrane war. Some write, that the tyrant when he fought with the Romans, came not immediately out of the city; but that he was lodged without by himself full opposite to the Roman camp: and that after he had made good a long time, expecting the aid of the Aetolians, he was driven in the end to a battle, by occasion that the Romans charged upon the foragers and purveyors of his camp: in which battle he was vanquished and beaten out of the field, and craved peace, after that fifteen thousand of his men were stain and four thousand taken prisoners, and above.  
At one and the same time in a manner, were letters brought both from T. Quintius touching the affairs achieved at Lacedaemon, and also from M. Porcius the Consul, out of Spain. And by order from the State, there was granted in the name of either of them, a solemn procession to continue three days. L. Valerius the Consul, after he had governed his province in quietness upon the diffeiture of the Bolans about the forest of Litana, returned to Rome against the general assembly for election of magistrates, and created Consuls, P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus the second time, and T. Sempronius Longus: whose fathers had been Consuls in the first year of the second Punic war. Then the Assembly was holden for the election of Pretours, wherein were chosen P. Cornelius Scipio, and the two Cneij Cornelij, the one Merenda, and the other Blafio: Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, Sextus Digitius, and T. juventius Talva. When these elections were finished, the Consul returned again into his province. That year the Ferentinates assayed to obtain a new privilege: to wit, That as many Latins as were enroled in any Roman Colony, should be citizens of Rome. But they of Puteoli, Salernum, and Buxentum, who were coloners and had their names entered there, and by that means carrying themselves as Roman citizens, were adjudged by the Senate to be no citizens of Rome.  
In the beginning of this year, wherein P. Scipio Africanus was Consul the second time, with T. Sempronius Longus, two ambassadors of Nabis the tyrant, arrived at Rome. For to give them audience, the Senate assembled together without the city in the temple of Apollo. Their petition was, That the peace agreed upon with Quintius, might be ratified: and their suit was granted. When it was moved, as touching the government of the provinces; the Senate (assembled in great frequency) were all of this opinion, That for as much as in Spain and Macedon the war was ended, both Consuls should have the government of Italy. Scipio was of advice, That one Consul was sufficient for Italy, and that the other should be employed in Macedon. And why? there was cruel war menaced from king Antiochus: himself already was passed over into Europe: And what think ye, quoth he, will he then do, when the Aetolians (who doubtless are enemies) of one side shall solicit and call upon him for to war, and Hannibal, a warrior and commander so renowned for the defeatures and overthrows of the Romans, shall prick him forward of the other? Whiles they debated thus about the provinces of the Consuls, the Pretours cast lots for their several governments. The city jurisdiction fell to Cn. Domitius, the foreign to T. juventius. To P. Cornelius the farther Spain was allotted, and the hither to Sex. Digitius. Cn. Cornelius Blasio had Sicily assigned unto him, and Merenda was charged with Sardinia. It was not thought good that a new army should be transported over into Macedon. But concluded it was, that the army should be brought back by Quintius into Italy, and discharged. Item, That the army likewise should be casled, which had served under M. Porcius Cato in Spain. Item, That both Consuls should govern Italy, and levy two legions of citizens to go thither, that when those forces were dismissed and licenced to go home, which it pleased the Senate to set at liberty, there should be eight Roman legions in all, and no more in pay.  
In the former year, when M. Porcius and L. Valerius were Consuls, there had been held a solemnity of a sacred Spring. But when P. Licinius the high Pontifees made report first to the college of the Priests, and by the advice and authority of that college, unto the LL, of the Counsel, That there was some error committed, and that it was not performed accordingly: the Senators ordained, that it should be done again a new, according to the discretion and direction of the Pontifees aforesaid. Also that the great Roman Plays, which together with that Spring were vowed, should be exhibited with the accustomed cost & expenses: And that all young cat-tail that fell between the kalends of March, and the last day of April, in that year wherein P. Cornel. Scipio and T. Sempronius Longus were Consuls, should be accounted as consecrated for that sacred Spring above named. After this, there was an assembly held for the choosing of Censors, wherein were created Sex. Aelius Patus, and C. Cornelius Cethegus: who elected P. Scipio the Consul, Precedent of the Senate, like as the Censors before them had done. In the survey and review of the whole Senate, they left out and discarded three only, and none of them who had borne office of State, and sit in the ivory chair. Great love these Censors won amongst them of that calling and quality, in geving commandment to the Aediles curule, that at the Roman games and plays they should set out places apart from the rest of the people for the Senators to behold the said disports. For aforetime they beheld the sports and pastimes all together, without regard and distinction. Few also of the gentlemen or knights of Rome, had their horses of service taken from them: and rigorously dealt they with no estate and degree. The porch of Liberty, and the hamlet called Villa publica, were by them repaired and enlarged. The sacred Spring was celebrate; and the games vowed by Serv. Sulpitius the Consul, were by them exhibited. And whiles all men were amused, and their minds occupied thereupon, Q. Pleminius who had been cast in prison for divers and sundry outrages committed at Locres, to the great offence of God and man, had procured certain persons, who in the night season at one instant should set on fire many places of the city, to the end that whiles all the people were affrighted in this night-tumult, he might break prison and escape. This complot was discovered and reported to the Senate by some of them that were privy and accessary thereto. And Fleminius was let down into a lower dungeon and there killed.  
That year were certain Colonies of Roman citizens conducted to Puteoli, Vulturnum, and Liternum, and three hundred men planted in each of them. Likewise Coloners' of Roman citizens were brought to Salernum and Buxentum. The Triumvirs who had the placing of them, were T. Sempronius Longus, Consul for the time being; M. Servilius and Q. Minutius Thermus. The territory of the Campanes was divided among them. Three other also deputed for the like purpose, D. junius Brutus, M. Babius Tamphilus, and M. Helvius, placed a colony of Roman citizens in Sipontum, to enjoy the lands of the Arpines. Likewise other colonies of Roman citizens were planted in Tempsa and Crotone. The lands belonging to Tempsa were won from the Brutij, who had expelled the greeks: and the greeks remained in Crotone. The Triumvirs for Crotone were Cn. Octavius, L. Aemylius Paulus, and C. Pletorius: and for Tempsa L. Cornel. Merula, and C. Salonius. Also that year were seen at Rome divers wonders and prodigious sights: and some were reported from other parts. In the common place, in the public Hall, Comitium, and Capitol, were seen certain drops of blood. And oftentimes it reigned earth. The head of Vulcan was on fire. News came that at Interamna there ran a stream of milk. Also that at Ariminum, there were two infants both of three condition, borne without eyes and nose, and another in the Picene country handless and footelesse. These strange tokens were by order given from the chiefe-Pontifees, looked unto and expiated, and a Novendiall sacrifice continued for nine days, because the Adrian's brought word, that in their territory it reigned stones.  
In Gaul near to Mediolanum, L. Valerius Flaccus the Proconsul, fought a set field with the french Insubrians and Boians. Which Boians under the conduct of Deruacus passed over the river Padus, for to solicit and raise the Insubrians. In which conflict were slain ten thousand enemies. About the same time his colleague in government M. Porcius Cato triumphed over Spain. In this triumph he carried in pomp and show 25000 pound weight of silver in bullion, and in come 123000 Bigate pieces: of Ofcan silver 540 pound weight, and of gold 400000 pound weight. Of the booty won from the enemies he dealt among his soldiers that were footmen 270 asses a piece, and triple so much to every man of arms.  
T. Sempronius the Consul having put himself in his journey toward his province, led first his legions into the Boians country. Boiorix at that time their Prince with his two brethren, having raised the whole nation to rebellion, encamped in certain commodious places: so as it appeared that if the enemy entered their confines, they were ready to give him battle. The Consul perceiving how strong and confident the enemies were, dispatched a courier to his Colleague, to make haste if he thought so good and come unto him: for until his coming he would fall off, seem to retire, and not fight. But the same cause that moved the Consul to stay, gave occasion to the Gauls to make more haste: for besides that the hasting and linger of the Consul, encouraged the enemies, they were desirous to have the trial of a battle before the forces of both Consuls were joined together. Howbeit, for two days space they did nothing but stand ready ranged for fight, if any should have come forth to brave and dare them. On the third day they approached the trench and rampire of the Consul's camp, and on every side at once gave the assault. The Consul immediately commanded the soldiers to arm. And when they were armed, he kept them in awhile, of intent to increase the foolish confidence in the enemies, and to dispose of his own forces and give direction, what companies should ●ally out at every gate. The two legions he commanded to issue forth under their colours at the two side gates called Principales' but in the very passage without forth the Gauls stood thick and made head again, so that the way was stopped up. A longtime they fought in those very straits. And they bestirred themselves no more with their hands and swords, than they pr●●sed one upon another with their bodies and targets: whiles the Romans strove to advance their ensigns out of the gates, and the Gauls endeavoured no less, either to enter themselves within the camp, or else to impeach the Romance for going forth. But in this conflict there was nothing between them either won or lost, no ground gained the one of the other, before that Qu. Victorius a principal Centurion of the Pilani in the second legion, and C. Atinius, a Tribune or Marshal of the fourth, caught the banners from the ensigne-beareres (a thing often practised in time of extremity) and flung them among the enemies. For whiles these laboured and strained themselves to recover each one a banner, they of the second legion first broke through and got forth of the gate: so as now, they maintained skirmish without the trench, and the fourth legion stuck still in the gap. By which time, there arose another tumult and noise in the contrary side of the camp: for the Gauls were broken in at the Questors gate (or the gate against the 
* The quarter and lodging of the Treasurer.  Questorium) and slain those that valiantly made head and held them play; to wit, Lucius Posthumius a treasurer surnamed Tympanus, Marcus Atinius and Publius Sempronius two colonels of the allies, and well near two hundred soldiers besides. Thus the camp on that part was won, until such time as one extraordinary cohort was sent from the Consul to defend the Questors gate aforesaid: which either flew those that were within the rampire, or else drove them forth, and so withstood those that would have rushed in. And much about that very time, the fourth legion also with two extraordinary squadrons, broke forth at the gate. Thus at once there were three several battles in sundry places about the camp: and the dissonant cries and noises (according to the divers occasions of each party ministered by their fellows) turned and withdrew the minds and spirits of those that were in fight, from the present skirmish before them. In this manner maintained they the medley until noon; equally matched in strength and number, and little or no odds between them for hope of victory: but tedious travail and soultering heat compelled the Gauls (whose bodies are soft and open, and soon running to sweat, and who of all other things can least away with thirst) to abandon the battle: and those few that remained behind, the Romans ran upon, ruffled their colours, and chased them into their own hold. Then the Consul founded the retreat: at which signal given, the more part retired themselves; but a sort of them, upon a hot desire of fight, and good hope to be masters of their camp, persisted still, close to their trench. The Gauls disdaining their small number, issued all forth out of their camp: and then the Romans being discomfited, were glad now of themselves for fear and fright, to trudge unto the strength of their own hold, which they would not retire unto at the commandment of the Consul. Thus on both sides, there was one while victory, and another while fearful flight: howbeit, when all cards were told and the reckoning made, the Gauls had the worst of the game: for of them were slain eleven thousand, whereas of Romans there died but five thousand. Then the Gauls retired themselves into the most inward parts of their country, and the Consul marched with his legions to Placentia. Some write, that Scipio and his colleague with their joint forces, invaded and spoiled the countries of the Boians and Ligurians, so far forth as they could pass for woods and bogs: others again record, that he, having done no memorable exploit at all, returned to Rome about the assembly for election of Consuls.  
The same year T. Quintius spent the whole winter season at Elatia (whither he had retired his forces for winter harbour) in hearing men's causes and ministering justice to every one; also in reforming and redressing all such disorders as had passed in the States and cities, through the licentious government and jurisdiction either of Philip himself or his captains, whiles he advanced those favourites of his own faction, and put down the right and liberty of others. In the beginning of spring he came to Corinth, where he had given summons, that there should be holden a general Diet of the States. There in the assembly of all the ambassadors and agents from the cities, gathered about him as it were to hear an Oration, he made a speech unto them; beginning first with the amity contracted between the Romans and Greece: and proceeding to the acts achieved in Spain by the Generals afore him, and those also of his own. All that he spoke, was heard and received with great applause, until he touched the point concerning Nabis: for it was generally thought unsitting, that he undertaking to set all Greece at liberty, had left a tyrant (not only a grievous oppressor of his own subjects, but also dangerous to all the cities about him) to remain still as a fearful malady settled in the very bowels and heart of a most noble and renowned State. Quintius, not ignorant of their affections and dispositions, confessed, that he should not indeed have given any care at all to the motion or mention of peace with the tyrant, in case that Lacedaemon could have stood in safety without so doing: but now since that Nabis might not possibly be confounded and overthrown, without the present ruin and fearful downfall of the city, he thought it a better course in policy to leave the tyrant enfeebled and disfurnished of all means to offend and hurt any man, than to suffer so goodly a city to die in the cure, and under the hand as it were of the Physician, amid those quick and sharp remedies which it were never able to endure: and so in seeking to recover liberty, to perish and die for ever. And after he had discoursed of things past, he inferred, that his purpose and intent was, to go into Italy, and to have away with him his whole army: also that within ten days they should hear news how all the garrisons had quit Demetrias and Chalcis: and that he would deliver out of hand unto the Archaeans in their very sight, the fortress of Corinth: that all the world may know, whether it be the Romans guise, or the fashion of the Aetolians, to overreach and lie; who in their common talk have not let to discourse, to sow surmises, and to buzz into men's heads, that it was dangerous for Greece to put their liberty into the Romans hands: and that they had but made an exchange of their lordly rulers, admitting the Romans in am of the Macedonians. But as for them (quoth he) their tongue is no slander, being such persons as never took heed and made regard what either they did or said. But the other cities he advertised to weigh their friends by deeds and not by words: to be wise and well advised whom they are to trust, and whom they are to beware of: to use their liberty in measure and moderation; which if it be well attempered and qualified, is good and wholesome to particular persons and general States: but excessive if it be, it would not only be grievous and unsupportable to others, but also untruly, dangerous, and pernicious to themselves that have it. He gave them counsel, that the princes and States in each city should maintain concord not only among themselves, but also with all other in one community: for so long as they accord and agree together, no king nor tyrant should be strong enough for them: whereas discord and sedition maketh overture and openeth easy way to enemies that lie in await for the vantage; considering, that the side which in civil contention is the weaker and goeth to the walls, will band rather with a foreigner, than give place and stoop to a citizen. In conclusion, he advised them, to keep and preserve by their careful regard, this their liberty purchased for them by foreign forces, and delivered unto them with faithful security of strangers and aliens; that the people of Rome might see, that they have given freedom to well deserving people; and this their great benefit hath been well bestowed upon worthy persons. Whiles they harkened to these sage admonitions, as uttered out of the mouth of a very father, the tears gushed plenteously out of their eyes for kind heart and joy; in so much as they troubled him in the delivery of the rest of his speech. For a while there was a plausible noise heard among them as they approved his words, and advised one another to ponder these sage saws, and to imprint them deeply in their hearts, proceeding as it were from divine oracle. After silence made, he requested them to seek up all those Roman citizens (if haply there were any) who lived in servitude and slavery among them, and within two months to send them unto him into Thessaly: for it were a great disworship and shame even for them, that in their countries there should remain in bondage any of those, by whose means they themselves were set free and delivered out of bondage. With that, they all cried aloud with one voice, That for this above all the rest they rendered thanks unto him, in that they were admonished and warned by him, to perform their devoir and duty, so honest, so religious, and so necessary. Now a mighty number there was of captives in the Punic war; such as Hannibal (when their friends redeemed them not by ransom) had sold in open market. And how great the multitude of them was, this may prove and testify which Polybius writeth; to wit, that this cost the Achaeans for their part 
* By this accour. s of Livy, a talon in this place amounteth to 187 lib. 10 shil. s●es●.  one hundred talents: and yet they ordained and set down, that there should but 500 Denarij Bee repaid unto their masters for the redemption of every poll: for by this account Achaea had 1200 of them. Add now unto them as many as all Greece was like to have by that proportion [and see what number may arise.] The assembly was not broken up and dismissed, before they might see the garrison descending from the fortress of Corinth, who marched directly to the gate and went their ways. The General presently followed after, and being accompanied with them all, who called him with a loud voice, Their saviour and redeemer; he took his leave and bade them farewell: and so returned the same way he came to Elatia. From thence he sent his lieutenant Ap. Claudius with all the forces, commanding him to conduct him to conduct the army to Oricum by the way of Thessaly and Epitus, and there to expect and wait his coming: for he purposed there to take sea and set over his army into Italy. He wrote also to L. Quintius his brother and lieutenant, and Admiral likewise of the fleet, to gather all the ships of burden from along the sea coast of Greece into that place. Himself went to Chalcis, and having withdrawn the garrisons not only from thence but also from Oreum and Eretria, he held a general council there of all the cities of Euboea: and after he had made remonstrance unto them in what case he found them, and in what estate he left them, he dismissed the assembly. From thence he departed to Demetrias, where also he removed the garrison, and being attended with a train of all the citizens, like at Corinth and Chalcis before, he took his journey into Thessaly: where the cities were not only to be set free, but also to be reform, and from a general mingle mangle and confusion wherein they stood, to be reduced and framed into some tolerable order and form of government. For they were not only tainted and infected with the corruption of the times, and the violent current of licentious outrage, which had taken head under the government of the king; but also of an inbred troublesome spirit and humour of their own, whereby, since their first beginning and uprising, even unto our days they never held Parliaments, Elections, Diets, Counsels, or any other assemblies whatsoever, without much trouble & sedition. He chose the Senate and judges there in regard especially of their wealth, & in all cities he made that part more mighty, unto which it was more expedient and beneficial to have all quiet and in peace. Thus having visited Thessaly, and taken a general review thereof, he came by the way of Epirus to Oricum, from whence he minded to cross the seas. From Oricum all his forces were transported to Brundisium, and so they passed forward throughout Italy to the city of Rome, in manner of triumph, sending before them as great a train of prizes by them taken, as they made themselves in their march. After they were come to Rome, the Senate assembled without the city for Quintius, where he had audience to declare and discourse of his worthy exploits: and willing they were to grant him triumph, according to his deserts. Three days together he road in triumph. The first day he made a show of all the armour, as well defensive as offensive, also of brazen and marble images, of which he had taken more from king Philip, than he found in the saccage of the cities. The second day there was carried in pomp, the gold and silver both unwrought and wrought into plate, yea, and cast into coin. Of silver unwrought there was eighteen thousand pound weight: of wrought, two hundred and seventy pound weight. Many vessels of plate of all sorts, and most engraven, some of right curious and exquisite workmanship. Likewise brazen vessels, cunningly and artificially made: and besides, ten shields of silver, and in coin eighty four thousand Attic pieces of silver, which they call Tetradraclima, weighing almost four Roman deniers apiece: of gold there was three thousand seven hundred and fourteen pound weight, and one shield full and whole of beaten gold: and of Philip golden pieces in coin, fourteen thousand five hundred and fourteen. The third day were borne in view for a pageant, a hundred and fourteen coronets of gold, which were the presents of cities given unto him. Moreover, there were led that day the beasts for sacrifice: and before his chariot went many noble prisoners and hostages, and among them, Demetrius, king Philip his son, and Armenes the son of Nabis the tyrant, a Lacedaemonian borne. Then road Quintius himself in a chariot into the city, and a great number of soldiers followed after, by reason that his whole army was retired with him out of his province. To every footmen he gave two hundred and fifty Asses, duple as much to a centurion, and triple to an horseman. Those who were redeemed out of captivity, followed his chariot with their heads shaved, and much beautified the glory of the triumph.  
In the end of this year, Q. Aelius Tubero a Tribune of the Commons, presented a request or bill unto the people, and they granted & enacted it, to wit, that two Colonies of Latins should be conducted, the one into the Brutians country, and the other into the territory of Thurium. For the conduct and planting whereof, there were ordained three Deputies called Triumvirs, whose commission was in force for three years, namely, Q. Nevius, M. Minutius Rusus, and M. Furius Crassipes for the Brutians: and for Thurium, A. Manlius, P. Aelius, and L. Apust●us. For the choosing of these officers, Cn. Domitius the praetor in the city, called two several assemblies in the Capitol. In that year were certain temples dedicated, one of juno Sospita in the hearbe-market, which had been vowed and set out to building four years before, by C. Cornelius the Consul, during the war with the French: and he in his Censorship dedicated it. Another temple of Faunus: the Aediles C. Scribonius and Cn. Domitrus, had likewise bargained for the building thereof two years before, and laid by the money therefore; and this Cn. Domitius being now praetor of the city dedicated it. Also Q. Minutius Ralla, dedicated a temple to Fortuna Primigenia upon the hill Quirinalis, having been created Duumvir himself for that purpose. P. Sempronius Sophus had vowed the same ten years before, in the time of the Punic war, and agreed for a certain price to have it built. Also C. Servilius the other Duumvir consecrated the temple of jupiter within the island. Vowed it was six years before in the Gauls war by L. Furius Purpurio praetor, and by him afterwards (when he was Consul) order was given for the edifying thereof. And these were the affairs which passed that year.  
P. Scipio returned out of his province and government of Gaul for the election of new Consuls, and to that purpose was the general assembly summoned; wherein were chosen L. Cornelius Mernla, and Q. Minutius Thermus. The next morrow after were created Pretours, L. Cornelius Scipio, M. Fulvius Nobilior, C. Scribonius, M. Valerius Messala, L. Porcius Licintus, & C. Flaminius. C. Attilius Serranus, and L. Scribonius Libo, Aediles of the chair, were the first that exhibited the stageplays called Megalesia. And the Roman plays or games represented and set out by these Aediles, the Senate now first & never before beheld a part from the rest of the people. And this (as all novelties and new fashions) ministered much talk: whiles some gave their opinion and said, That now at length that was given to this most noble and honourable State, which long ago was due; others again construed thus, and gave out, That whatsoever was added to the majesty of the Senators and nobles, was derogatory from the dignity of the people: and that all such kind of distinctions, whereby estates and degrees are severed one from another, are prejudicial as well to common peace as public liberty. For these five hundred and eighty years say they, these plays and games have been beheld and looked upon pell mel, without any such precise difference. What new accident is suddenly befallen, why the Nobles should not be willing to let the Commons be intermingled with them in the Theatre? and why a rich man should disdain his poor neighbour to sit by him? This is a new appetite and strange longing of theirs indeed, full of pride and arrogancy, a thing never desired nor taken up and practised by the Senate of any nation whatsoever. So as in the end even Africanus bethrewed himself (men say) and repented thereof, for that he in his Consulship moved and persuaded the bringing up of this nashion. So hard a matter it is to alter an old custom, and make a new order to be well liked of. And men are ever more willing to keep them to ancient customs, unless they be such, as practise and experience do evidently check and condemn.  
In the beginning of the year, wherein L. Cornelius and Q. Minutius were Consuls, news came so thick of many earthquakes, that men were not only weary of the thing itself, but also of the holidays and solemnities that were published and proclaimed in that regard. For the Consuls could not intend either to assemble the Senate and sit in counsel, or manage the affairs of the Commonweal, for being wholly employed about sacrificing and appeasing the wrath of the gods. In conclusion, the Decemvirs were commanded to peruse the books of Sibylla, and according to their answer & direction, a procession & supplication was for three days solemnised. And before the altars and shrines of the gods & goddesses, they made their prayers with garlands and coronets on their heads: yea, & commandment was given, that every household and family by itself should fall to their prayers and devotions. Also the Consuls by order from the Senate made proclamation, That upon what day a feast or solemnity was ordained by occasion of one earthquake, no man the same day should bring news of another. Then the Consuls cast lots for the government of their provinces, and after them the Pretours did the like. Unto Cornelius befell Gaul, and to Minutius the Ligurians; C. Sempronius had the charge of the civil jurisdiction, and M. Valerius of the foreign; L. Cornelius governed Sicily, L. Porcius Sardinia, C. Flaminius high Spain, and L. Falvius the lower. The Consuls looked for no war that year: but even then at that instant were letters brought from M. Cincius lord precedent of Pisae, which gave notice, that twenty thousand Ligurians were up in arms, having conspired together in all market towns and places of resort throughout the whole nation, and that they had already wasted the territory of Luna, and having invaded and passed through the Pisane land, had overrun also sea coasts. Wherefore Minutius the Consul, unto whom the government of Liguria was allotted, by the advice of the LL. of the Senate mounted up into the pulpit Rostra, and published an act, That those two legions of Roman citizens, which the former year had been enroled, should within ten days present themselves at Arretium, in am whereof he would levy two other legions out of the city. Also he commanded the allies and magistrates of the Latin nation, and their ambassadors leaguers, who owed knight-service, and were bound to find soldiers to come before him into the Capitol. And from among them he enroled fifteen thousand foot and five hundred horse, according to the number of young and serviceable men that were to be found in each State: which done, he commanded them forthwith, to go directly from the Capitol to the gate of the city, and presently to take musters that all might be done with greater expedition. Unto Fulvius and Flamimus were appointed three thousand Roman footmen and two hundred horsemen apiece, for to supply and strengthen their forces: also five thousand foot to either of them of allies of the Latin nation, with two hundred horse. Moreover the Pretours were charged to dismiss and casse the old soldiers, so soon as they were arrived into their provinces. Now, when as the soldiers who were enroled in the citie-legions, resorted thick unto the Trib, of the Com. that they should take knowledge of as many of them as were exempted from warfare, for that they either had served out their full time by law appointed, or were sickly and diseased: behold the letters of Sempronius dashed all this, and cleared every difficulty and scrupulosity: wherein it was written, that fifteen thousand Ligurians were entered the territory of Placentia, and had made great waist and saccage therein, putting all to fire and sword as they went, even as far as to the very walls of the Colony itself, and the banks of 
* 〈◊〉  Padus. Also that the nation of the Boijs made countenance and gave suspicion of rebellion. In which regards seeing there was a tumultuous and sudden war toward, the Senate passed a decree, wherein they signified that it was not their pleasure that the Tribunes should accept any excuses pretended by the soldiers, but that they should all meet and assemble together, according to the Edict. Over and besides they gave order, that the allies of the Latin nation, who had served in the armies of P. Cornelius and Titus Sempronius, and were discharged from soldiery by them being Consuls, should now be ready to show themselves, against that day which L Cornelius the Consul should appoint, and at what place soever of Hetruria he should command by way of proclamation: Also that the said L. Cornelius the Consul in his march and journey toward the province, might take up, enrol, and arm, what soldiers he thought good, out of all the burroughes and villages in his way, and have them with him whither soever he would, yea and have commission to dismiss whom of them he thought good, and when soever he listed at his good pleasure.  
After that the Consuls had taken musters, and were gone into their provinces, than T. Quintius demanded to have a day of audience in the Senate concerning those affairs that he had concluded with the assistance of the ten Delegates above said: and that it would please them to confirm and establish the same by virtue of their assent and authority. Which they might do with more ease, in case they would hear the ambassadors themselves speak, who were come out of all Greece, a great part of Asia, and from the kings. These embassies were admitted into the Senate by C. Scribonius the praetor for the city, and all dispatched with a gracious answer. But because the dispute about Antiochus required long time of debate, therefore it was referred and put over to the ten Delegates, of whom some had been in Asia, or at Lysimachia with the king. And Quintius was commanded, that together with those said Delegates he should hear what the king his ambassadors could say, and so return unto them such an answer, as might stand with the honour and welfare of the people of Rome. The chief of this embassage from the king were Menippus and Hegesianax. Then Menippus began and said, That he knew no such perplexed difficulty in their embassage, considering they were come simply to treat for peace, and to contract a league and alliance. For, saith he, there are three sorts of confederacies and associations, whereby States and KK. ordinarily conclude league and amity one with another. The first, when they that are vanguished in war, have conditions and articles imposed upon them: for when all is yielded into the hands of him that is the mightier and more puissant, than it is in his power and at his discretion and will, to give unto the conquered party what he list, or to take from him as he pleaseth. The second is, when they that are equal in warlike forces give over on even hand, and be content to make peace and amity, upon indifferent and equal conditions, one with the other: in which case, demand and claim is made, restitution and amends performed according to the accord and agreement: and if in time of the wars, any have been molested and troubled in their possession, they fall to composition either by the form and tenor of ancient law, or respective to the good and profit of both parties. The third is, when they that never were enemies, meet and confer together about concluding some friendship, by way of solemn alliance and society, who neither give nor take any conditions: for that belongeth properly to conquerors, and those that are conquered. Seeing then that Antiochus is comprised in this last kind, I marvel (quoth he) that the Romans should think or say, It is reasonable to render articles unto him, or to prescribe and set down, what cities of Asia they would have to be free & exempt, and which they would have to be tributary: & into what cities they would expressly forbid the king his garrisons, or the king himself to enter and set foot. For in this wise aught they to make peace with Philip their enemy in times past, and not to draw a contract of amity and association with Antiochus, a friend at this present. To this oration Quintius shaped his answer in this sort. For as much as it pleaseth you to make your speech thus distinctly by way of division, and severally to rehearse all kinds of confederacies & accords, I also will set down as methodically in order two conditions, without which, you may let the king your master to understand, that he must not look to entertain any friendship with the people of Rome. The one is this, that if he would debar us to intermeddle with the cities of Asia: he likewise himself have nothing to do with all Europe. The other, that if he cannot contain himself within the compass of Asia, but will needs encroach upon it, the Romans likewise may have liberty and power both to maintain those amities which they have already, and also to entertain new with the States of Asia. Hereat Hegesianax inferred and said, That this was an indignity intolerable, and which he could not abide to hear, namely, that Antiochus should be disferzed of those cities of Thrace & Chersonesus, which Seleucus his great grandfather had conquered with singulet honour from king Lysimachus, whom he vanguished in war and slew in field, and settled the same in him as his rightful inheritance. As for the same cities possessed by the Thracians, Antiochus himself with as great praise and glory hath partly by force of arms regained out of their hands, and partly repeopled with the old inhabitants called home again, whereas they lay abandoned and desolate, and namely Lysimachia itself, as all the world seeth: and more than that, hath re-edified to his exceeding charge & expense, those that lay along in their ruins, and were consumed with fire. What likeness then is there between these two demands: namely, that Antiochus should quit the possession of that which either he acquired or recovered in that sort: and that the Romans should abstain & forbear Asia, which never appertained unto them? To conclude, Antiochus (saith he) is desirous of the Romans friendship, but in such terms as may stand with his honour, and not purchase himself shame and reproach. Then Quintius rejoined again in this manner: For as much as quoth he, we balance and weigh things according to honesty (as in truth it is besitting the chief and principal state of the world, and so great and mighty a king to poise that only or at leastwise principally above all other regards) I would gladly know of you, Whether ye think it more honest of the twain, either to will and wish that all the cities of Greece whatsoever and wheresoever should enjoy liberty: or to make them homagers and tributary? It Antiochus thinketh it be an honourable thing for him to reduce into servitude and bondage as his own, those cities which his great grandfather held by right of arms, and whereof neither his father nor grandfather afore him were in possession: the people of Rome likewise esteemeth it a material point that toucheth their faithfulness and constancy, not to forsake the greeks, whose protection and defence they have enterprised and taken in hand. And like as they have freed Greece out of the hands of Philip, so they intent to deliver those cities of Asia which are of Greekish race and descent, from the subjection of Antiochus. For the Greek Colonies were not sent into Aeolis and jonia, to live in servitude under the king, but to increase and multiply, that a most ancient nation might spread over the face of the whole earth. Now when as Hegesianax knew not how to shift and turn himself, and could not deny but that the cause of liberty which the Romans pretended in the title of their quarrel, was of more honesty and credit, than that other of slavery: Let's lay away all these circumstances of words (quoth P. Sulpitius, the ancientest person of all the ten Delegates) and choose ye one of the two conditions which even now were expressly offered unto you by Quintius, or else make no more talk about amity with the Romans. Then quoth Menippus, As for us, we may in no case, neither will we capitulate and covenant any thing prejudicial to the kingdom and royal state of king Antiochus. The morrow after Quintius when he had brought all the Embassies of Greece and Asia into the Senate, that they might know what affection the people of Rome carried, and what mind Antiochus bare to the cities of Greece, he declared before them all as well his own demands, as those of the king's part: willing them to make report unto their own cities, & assure them, that the people of Rome would maintain them against Antiochus (unless he departed out of Europe) with the same virtue, valour, and fidelity wherewith he had defended their liberty against Philip. Then Menippus was earnest with Quintius and the LL. of the Senate, beseeching them instantly not to proceed in haste to a decree whereby they should set all the world in trouble and uproar; but both take leisure themselves and give respite unto the king to deliberate farther of the matter: for no doubt, upon the relating of the conditions, he would consider upon them, and either obtain somewhat at their hands, or for peace sake yield his consent to all. Thus was the matter wholly and entirely deferred: & agreed it was, that the same ambassadors should be addressed unto the king, who had been with him at Lysimachia, to wit, P. Sulpitius, P. vilius, and P. Aclius.  
Scarcely were they gone from the city and entered upon their journey, but ambassadors arrived from Carthage, who reported, that without all doubt Antiochus made preparation for war, and therein used the hand and ministery of Hannibal: in so much, as it was feared also that a third Punic war would break out withal. Hannibal as we said before, having fled his native country, repaired unto Antiochus, and was in great account and estimation with the king, for no other cause and policy in the world, but that the king who projected and plotted long time in his spirit to levy war upon the Romans, could find no man more sit than Hannibal to break his mind unto, and with whom to discourse upon a matter of such consequence. Hannibal his song and resolution was ever one and the same still, namely, To make war within Italy: and that Italy was able to furnish a foreign enemy, with men, munition, and victuals. For this he cast with himself and considered, that if all were quiet there and no troubles set a foot, but that the people of Rome might with the forces and riches of Italy, furnish themselves to make war without Italy, there was no monarch nor nation under the sun able to make head against the Romans. He demanded therefore to have the command of 100 close ships with hatch and deck, 16000 foot, and 1000 horse: and with the said fleet he would first sail into Africa, where he assured himself that he should be able to solicit & induce the Carthaginians to rebellion: but if they held off & made it goodly and strange, yet would he settle in some part of Italy and levy war against the Romans. His advice and counsel furthermore was, that the king should with all his other forces pass into Europe, & in some one part of Greece keep his power together, and not to take the sea, but to be ready ever to cross over; which would be sufficient to make a show and raise a bruit all abroad of war. When he had persuaded the king to this designment and resolution, supposing that he was likewise to found and prepare the hearts aforehand of his own countrymen to this purpose: he durst not dispatch any letters unto them, for fear they might chance to be intercepted by the way, and so discover the whole plot. He happened at Ephesus upon a Tyrian one Ariston, a man whose industry and dexterity he had tried in some small services wherein he had employed him. Him he plied with gifts in hand, but fed him more with large promises of great rewards, which king Antiochus also himself seemed to make good and give his word for; and so sent him to Carthage with credence & instructions. He redied him in the names of all those persons with whom he was to talk and confer: he furnisheth him with secret tokens, whereby they might assuredly know, that he was no counterfeit, but came with a message from him. Now whiles this Ariston conversed in Carthage, the friends of Annibali knew no sooner about what errand he came, than his very enemies. At the first, much talk and discourse there was in every corner of the city where they met, and at their feasts and merriments, of this matter. Afterwards at their council table some stuck not to say, that the exile of Hannibal was to little or no purpose, if whiles he was absent he could contrive and compass new plots, and by soliciting and tempting men's minds, disquiet and trouble the state of the city. There is a stranger, say they, one Ariston a Tyrian, hither come with instructions from Hannibal and king Antiochus: certain men there are, that daily have privy conference with him, and devise in secret of that, which anon will break out to the utter ruin and overthrow of all. Whereupon they all cried with one voice to convent Ariston peremptorily before them, & to examine him about what business he was thither arrived; & unless he would bewray and declare the matter, to send him with ambassadors of purpose, to Rome: For why? we have (say they) felt the smart enough, and paid sufficiently for the folly and rash head of one harebrained man already. Let private persons bear their own load hereafter, and at their own peril commit acrespasle: provided always, that the Commonweal be preserved clear not only from all fault, but also from all appearance and bruit of any such intent. Ariston being called before them, stood stiffly upon his integrity and excused himself, and evermore used this for his best and surest defence, That he had brought no letters at all to any person: howbeit he could not render a ready and found reason of his coming thither: but especially he was shrewdly troubled and put to his triumphs when they charged him, That he had talk & communication with those only of the Barchine faction. Hereupon arose some debate & altercation in the house; whiles some were of opinion, that he should be apprehended for a spy, and clapped up fast in ward: others again were of mind, that there was no cause to make such a stir and tumult; for it was an evil precedent to be given, that strangers coming to their city, should be troubled and hardly entreated: and the like measure no doubt would be offered to the Carthaginians in Tyrus and in other towns of merchandise, whereunto they use to have resort for exchange and traffic. So for that day the matter was put off. Ariston framing himself to play the crafty Carthaginians among these Carthaginians, wrote a certain bill, & in the shutting in of the evening, hung it up in the most conspicuous & public place of all the city, even over the seat where the head magistrate useth daily to sit; and himself about the third watch got to shipbord and escaped. The morrow after, when the Suffetes were set on the bench to minister law, the bill aforesaid was seen, taken down, and read: wherein to this effect was written, That Ariston was not come with a message to any person in particular, but to all the Seniors or Elders in general (for so they call the Senat.) After that the thing was by this means made a public matter, and the whole state of the Senators reputed culpable, they were not so earnest to search into private persons. Howbeit thought good it was, that Ambassadors should be sent to Rome to give information hereof to the Consuls and the Senate, and withal, to make complaint of certain wrongs done by Masanissa.  
Masanissa understanding that the Carthaginians were suspected and in some ill name among the Romans, and also at jar and variance within themselves; and namely, that the great and principal men were had in jealousy by the Senate for their conferences with Ariston; and their Senate likewise suspected by the people, by reason of that writing abovenamed of the said Ariston: taking this for a good advantage and opportunity to do them some injury, not only invaded their maritime parts & made spoil, but also forced certain tributary cities to the Carthaginians for to pay himself tribute. That quarter of the country they call Emporia. It is the sea coast of the lesser Syrtis, and the country is exceeding fertile: there is in it one only city named Leptis, which paid to the Carthaginians for tribute, a talon every day. All this region Mosanissa then had plagued sore, yea and for one part thereof he made some claim, as being litigious whether it pertained to his kingdom, or the signory of the Carthaginians: and because he knew for truth, that the Carthaginian ambassadors were about to go to Rome, as well to purge themselves of some crimes wherewith they were charged, as to complain of him; therefore himself also addressed his ambassadors to Rome, who should lay open more matter against them of deeper suspicion, and debate withal as touching the right of those tributes. The Carthaginians were no sooner heardspeake concerning that Tyrian stranger, but the LL. of the Senate grew into some doubt lest they should wage war with Antiochus and the Carthaginians both together. And this presumption of all the rest made the suspicion most pregnant, because when they had the party among them and were purposed to send him to Rome, they neither made the man himself sure, nor the bark wherein he arrived. After this, they fell to debate and argue with the king's Ambassadors, about the territory and land in controversy. The Carthaginians pleaded for themselves, and stood much upon their bounds and limits, for that the land in suit lay within that precinct, by which P. Scipio the conqueror limited out that territory which pertained to the stegniorie of the Carthaginians. Also they alleged the confession of the king himself, who at what time as he pursued Apheres, that fled out of his own realm, and with a company of Numidians ranged abroad about Cyrenae, made request unto them to give him leave to pass through this very ground, as if (without all question) it belonged to the Carthaginians. The Numidians answered again to these points and said plainly to their faces, that they lied in their throats, as touching that supposed limitation and bounding by Scipio: and moreover, if we would go (say they) and search the very original indeed of the law, what land at all aught the Carthaginians have of their own proper inheritance? For being but mere strangers, they had after much prayer and entreaty, as much ground allowed them and no more, to build them a city in, as they could compass with thongs cut out of one bull hide. And look whatsoever they had encroached upon; without that nest and seat of theirs in Byrsa, they got and held it by force and violence. And as for the land now in strife, they are not able to prove, that they always held the same in possession, no not that they kept it any long time together. But as occasion and opportunities served of advantage, one while they, and another while the Numidian kings made reentry and enjoyed it, and evermore he went away with the possession thereof that was the stronger, and had the keener sword. In these considerations they requested the Romans to leave the thing in that state and condition, wherein it stood before that the Carthaginians were enemies, or king Masanissa friend and ally to the Romans; and not to intermeddle between, not take a part, but let the winner wear it, and him have it that can hold it. In conclusion, it was thought good, that to the ambassadors of both parties this answer should be returned, namely, That they would send certain Commissioners into Africa, to decide this controversy about the land in question, between the people of Carthage and the king. So there were sent of purpose, P. Scipio Africanus, C. Cornelius Cethegus, and M. Minutius Rufus. Who having heard what could be said, and seen the thing, left all hanging still in suspense and undecided, without adjudging it by their definitive sentence to the one or the other. But whether they so did, on their own head and selfe-accord, or by direction from the Senate, is not so certain, as it seemeth agreeable unto that present time in policy, to leave them as they found them, and the controversy still depending. For unless it were so, Scipio himself alone, in regard of the knowledge that he had of the thing, and of his authority with the persons (so much bound they were unto him on both sides) might with a word of his mouth, or a nod of his head, have ended all this matter.   

THE XXXV. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the five and thirtieth Book.  
PYblius Scipio Africanus being sent ambassador unto Antiochus, talked at Ephesus with Hannibal (who had sided with Antiochus) to this end, that he might rid him of that fear which he had conceived of the people of Rome, as touching the taking away of his life. Among other matters passed between them, when he demanded of Hannibal, whom he judged to have been the noblest and greatest warrior that ever was, he answered, that it was Alexander king of the Macedonians: set that he with a small power had discomfited and defeated an infinite number of armies, and withal, passed through those far dissite and remote parts of the world, unto which a man would not believe, that it were possible for any person to go and see them. When he asked again of him whom he deemed for the second: Who but Pyrrhus (quoth he?) because he taught the manner how to pitch a camp, and besides, no man had the cast to gain places and holds for advantage, nor could set his corpse de guard, or plant garrisons better than he. And when he proceeded still to know whom he took to be the third, Hannibal named his own goodselfe. At which answer Scipio fell a laughing: And what would you have said then (quoth he) if your hap had been to have vanquished me? Marry then (saith he) I would have set myself before Alexander, before Pyrrhus, and before all other. Among other prodigious sights, whereof there were reported very many, it is said, that in the year wherein Cn. Demitius was Consul, an exe spoke, and said these words, ROME, LOOK TO THYSELF. The Romans prepare to war with Antiochus. Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedæmonians, provoked by the Aetolians, who solicited both Philip and also Antiochus to wage war against the people of Rome, revolted from the Romans, and after he had levied war against Philopamen, praetor of the Achaans', was by the Aetolians slain. The Aetolians likewise abandoned the friendship of the people of Rome, with whom Antiochus king of Syria banded: who warred upon Greece, and surprised many cities, and namely Chalcis and Euboea among the rest. Besides, this book contameth the martial affairs in Liguria, and the preparation of Antiochus for the wars.  
IN the beginning of that year wherein these affairs thus passed, Sext. Digitius Praetor in high Spain, fought battles (rather ordinary, and for number many, than otherwise memorable and worth the speaking) against those States, whereof after the departure of Cato a great sort had rebelled. And those battles for the most part were so unfortunat, that hardly he could deliver up to his successor the one half of those soldiers which he had received. And doubtless all Spain would have taken heart again, if the other praetor P. Cornelius Scipio, the son of Cneus, had not sped better in many of his conflicts beyond Iberus. Upon which terror, no fewer than fifty good towns revolted unto him. And these exploits performed Scipio, as praetor. Who also in quality of Propretour, encountered the Lusitanes upon the way, as they returned homeward charged with a mighty great booty raised out of the base Spain, which they had utterly peeled and spoiled: where he fought from the third hour of the 
* after sunrising.  day unto the eight, with doubtful event. For number of soldiers he was inferior to his enemies, but for all things else he had the vantage, and went beyond them. For his battaillons were well appointed and close compacted of armed men, and so he charged upon the enemies marching in a long train, and the same encumbered with a deal of cattle: besides, his soldiers were fresh and in heart, whereas the other were wearied with long travel. For the enemies set forth at the third watch, and besides their night journey, they had marched three hours also of the day, and without any repose or rest at all, they came to a conflict presently upon their travel on the way. And therefore at the beginning of the battle, so long as they were in any heart, and their strength served, they troubled and disordered the Romans with the first charge they gave; but afterwards for a while they came to be equal in fight. In which hazard of doubtful issue the Propretour vowed to set forth certain solemn games to the honour of jupiter, in case he might discomfit the enemies, and kill them in chase. At the length the Romans advanced forward more hotly, and the Lusitanes recoiled, yea, and anon turned their backs quite. And when as in this train of victory the Romans pursued them hard in the tout, there were of the enemies slain upon twelve thousand, five hundred and forty taken prisoners, all in manner horsemen; and of military ensigns they carried away one hundred thirty and four. Of the Roman army seventy and three only were lost. This battle was fought not far from the city Ilipa. And thither brought P. Cornelius his victorious army, enriched with prey & pillage. Which was laid all abroad before the town, and everyman had leave given to challenge and claim his own. All the rest was given to the Treasurer for to be sold, and the money raised thereof, was parted among the soldiers.  
Now had not C. Flaminius the praetor as yet taken his leave of Rome, when these things fell out in Spain, and therefore both he and his friends talked and discoursed much upon these occurrents both good and bad: and forasmuch as a great war in his province was broken out to a light fire, and himself was to receive from Sext. Digitius but a small remnant of an army, and the same timorous still & full of fright, as not well recovered of their former flight, he had assayed to bring about, that the Senate would assign unto him one of the citie-legions; to the end that when he had joined thereto those soldiers which himself had enroled according to an order set down by the Senate, he might out of all that number choose forth six thousand and five hundred footmen, and three hundred horsemen. With which legion (for in the army of Sext. Digitius he reposed small confidence) he minded to make war. The ancient Senators denied and said, That acts of the Senate were not to be made upon every flying tale and report set abroad and blazed by some particular persons in favour of magistrates. Neither would they hold anything for certain, but that which either the Pretours themselves wrote out of the provinces, or ambassadors sent of purpose, related. And if there were any such commotion & trouble in Spain, they were of advice, that the praetor should levy in haste without Italy, such tumultuary soldiers, as in that case were usually taken up. The intent and mind of the Senate was, that soldiers should in that sort be priest out in Spain. Valerius Antias writeth, that C. Flaminius both sailed into Sicily to levy and muster men, and also as he made sail from Sicily toward Spain, was by wind and tempest put with the shore of afric: where he found certain soldiers dispersed over the country, remaining of the army of P. Africanus: of whom he took a military oath to serve him in his wars: and that to these levies raised in two provinces, he joined also a third in Spain.  
The war of the Ligurians likewise grew as fast: for they had already besieged and invested Pisae with forty thousand men: and thither resorted and flocked daily unto them great multitudes as well for hope of pillage, as upon the bruit and rumour that went of the war. Minutius the Consul came at the day appointed to Arretium, which was the Rendezvous where he had commanded all his soldiers to meet him: from whence he marched with a foursquare Battailon toward Pisae. And when the enemies had removed their camp a mile from the city on the other side of the river, the Consul entered the town, which no doubt by his coming he preserved. The next day himself also encamped on the other side of the river, almost half a mile from the enemies, from which place he made light skirmishes with them and saved the territory of his allies from the excursions and robberies of the enemies. He durst not as yet try a battle in pitched field, as having but raw and new soldiers, and those gathered out of many kinds of men, and not so well known among themselves, that one might surely trust another. The Ligurians bearing themselves bold of their numbers, not only came forth into the field ready to bid battle, and hazard all upon a throw: but having multitudes at commandment and to spare, sent out into all parts sundry companies to spoil and raise booties as far as to the marches and frontiers of the country. And when they had gathered together much cat-tail and great store of pillage, they had a strong place of defence ready at hand, well manned and guarded, by means whereof all was convoyed into their burroughs and towns.  
Thus while the Ligurians war was settled about Pisae, the other Consul L. Cornelius Merula entered with his army by the utmost confines of the Ligurians into the territory of the Boians: where the war was managed far otherwise than with the Ligurians. For the Consul entered the field in battle array, but the enemies fell off, and would not fight. In so much as the Romans seeing none to come forth and present themselves, ran abroad into all parts to speed their hands with pillage. And the Boians chose rather to suffer their goods to be ransacked, making no resistance, than to save the same with the hazard of a battle. The Consul when he had wrought his pleasure, and consumed all with fire and sword, departed out of the territory of the enemies, and marched toward 
* Modenna.  Mutina securely without any regard of himself, as through a peaceable country of his friends. The Boij perceiving once that they were gone out of their limits, followed after with a still and silent march, seeking some convenient place for to lay an ambush. And having in the night season pass beyond the Roman camp, they seized themselves of a straight passage within a fastness, through which of necessity the Romans must pass, and there they forlayed them. This was not so closely carried, but the Consul had an yokling thereof: and therefore whereas his manner was to set out in his march early in the morning, long before day light, now for fear lest the darkness of the night should increase the terror of a tumultuary skirmish, he waited for the day. And albeit the sun was up before he removed and set forward, yet he sent out a troop of horsemen to scour and discover the quarters. And after he was advertised by these espials what number there was of enemies, and in what place they were, he commanded that all the baggage and carriage of the whole army should be bestowed in the mids, and that the Triarij should stake and pale it all about, whiles he with the rest of his forces marched in order of battle, and approached the enemy. The like also did the French, after they once saw that their ambush and trains were detected, and that they must of necessity fight a set pitched battle, where downright blows, clean strength, and pure valour, was to carry away the victory. Thus about the second hour of the day they affronted one another. The left wing of the horsemen of the allies and the extraordinaries fought in the vanguard, under the conduct of two Lieutenants that had been Consuls, to wit, M. Marcellus, and T. Sempronius, Consul the year before. The new Consul one while was in the front of the battle, another while at the tail to keep in the legions, lest for eager desire of fight they should advance forward to the conflict before that the signal was given. As for the men of arms belonging to the legions, he commanded Quintius and P. Minutius, Marshals on Colonels, to bring them forth, and conduct them without the battle into a large plain, from whence out of the open ground they should on a sudden charge the enemies, when he gave them a signal by sound of Trumpet. Thus as he was marshalling and directing his men, there came a messenger from T. Sempronius Longus with a report, that the loose Extraordinary soldiers aforesaid were not able to abide the violence of the Gauls: that very many of them were slain, and those that remained, partly for weariness of travade, and partly for fearful cowardice began to quail their heat of fight: and therefore if he thought so good, he should send one of the two legions to succour, before they had received farther dishonour. Whereupon the second legion was sent, and the Extraordinaries retired themselves out of the battle. Then began the conflict anew, by reason that the soldiers came in fresh and in heart, and the legion besides was complete and fully furnished with all her companies: the left wing of horsemen aforesaid was retired out of the battle, and in am thereof, the right wing advanced into the forefront. By this time the sun with extreme skorching heat, roasted and fried the bodies of the Frenchmen, which of all things can least abide heat: howbeit, standing with their ranks thick and close together, one while they leaned one upon another: other whiles they rested and bore themselves upon their targets, and sustained the violence of the Romans. Which when the Consul perceived, he commanded C. Livius Salinator who had the conduct of the light horse in the wings, to send in the quickest horse in all his company, with full career to break their ranks: and gave charge that the legionary horsemen should abide behind in the rearguard. This tempest and storm of cavalry first shuffled and put in dissaray the battle of the Gauls, and afterwards broke their ranks and files clean, yet not so, that they turned their backs: for why, their captains and leaders would not suffer them, laying about with their truncheons upon the backs of them that so trembled for fear, and forced them again into their ranks: but the light horsemen aforesaid riding among them would not permit them to stand to it, and keep their place. The Consul for his part encouraged and exhorted his soldiers to stick to it a while, for the victory was in their hands; and to charge still upon them, so long as they saw them disordered and affrighted: for if they suffered their ranks to close again, they should abide another conflict, and the same perhaps doubtful and dangerous. The Ensigne-bearers he commanded to advance their banners: and thus at length with putting all their power and good will together, they discomfited the enemy, and put him to flight. After they showed their backs once and took them to their heels, running away on all sides, than the legionary horsemen were sent out after to follow the chase: fourteen thousand Boians that day were slain, a thousand and nine hundred taken prisoners alive: 221 horsemen: three of their leaders: and of ensigns were won 212, and chariots 63. The Romans likewise won not this victory so clear, but it cost them some blood. For of their own soldiers and allies together, there died above five thousand: 23 Centurions, besides four Colonels of Allies, and two Marshals of the second legion, to wit, M. Genutius, and M. Martius.  
Atone and the self same time in manner, both the Consuls letters were brought to Rome. Cornelius his letters, touching the battle fought at Mutina with the Boians: but the other of Q. Minutius from Pisae, were written to this effect, That whereas by lot it belonged to him to hold the assembly for the election of new magistrates, yet considering in how doubtful terms of hazard his affairs stood in Liguria, that he might not possibly depart from thence without the utter ruin of the allies, and hindrance of the weal public: therefore if it might seem so good unto the LL. of the Senate, he would advise them to send unto his brother Consul, That he, who had finished his war, might return to Rome for to hold the foresaid general assembly for the election: but in case he should think much thereof, because this charge properly appertaineth not to him; he promised them, that himself would do whatsoever the Senate should think good. But he requested them to consider and be well advised, Whether it were not more expedient for the commonweal to proceed rather to an interreigne, than that he should leave the province in that state of jeopardy. The Senate hereupon gave in charge to C. Scribonius for to send two ambassadors both of Senators calling, unto L. Cornelius the Consul, who should carry also with them unto him the letters of his colleague written and sent unto the Senate: and withal, to let him understand, that unless he would come himself to Rome for the election of new magistrates to succeed, the Senate would suffer an interreigne rather than call away Q. Minutius from the war unfinished, and wherein he was wholly employed. The Ambassadors that were sent, brought word back, That L. Cornelius would repair to Rome himself for the choosing of new magistrates. As touching the letters of L. Cornelius, wherein he did them to understand, what happy issue and success he had in the battle with the Boians; there was some reasoning and debate in the Senate house: for M. Claudius' his lieutenant had written other letters privately to most of the Senators, to this effect; That they were much beholden and bound to give thanks unto the good fortune of the people of Rome, and the valour of the soldiers, in that they sped so well as they did: for by means of the Consul, not only there were a good number of men lost, but also the army of the enemies was escaped out of their hands, when they had fit opportunity presented unto them, of a final diffeiture and overthrow thereof: and that by this occasion there was a greater number of the soldiers miscarried; for that they who should have rescued and succoured those that were distressed, came too late out of the rearguard: and the reason why the enemies got away and escaped was this, because the legionary horsemen had not the signal soon enough sounded unto them, and could not possibly pursue them in the chase. Therefore as concerning that point, they would not determine any thing rashly and hand over head, but the matter was referred and put over to a more frequent assembly of Senators.  
A greater object there was to trouble their heads; for the city was much oppressed with usury: and albeit the avarice and covetousness of men had been well gauged and bridled by many laws concerning usury, yet there was a cautelous devise and shift found out, to avoid all statures in that behalf: to wit, that all obligations should pass in the names of allies, and be sealed unto them, who were not tied and bound to observe the laws aforesaid. By which means the creditors enwrapped their debtors in what bonds they list, and forced them to pay extreme interest as they would themselves, without stint. For to see into this disorder and enormity, and to redress the same, it was thought good and order taken, to set down and limit a certain day, namely, upon which the usurers were last restrained. From which day all those allies should come in and declare and profess, what money they had put forth upon usury to any citizens of Rome; and that the creditor should have right to recover those moneys put forth from that time, according to such conditions as the debtor would himself. Hereupon, after there were discovered great sums of money and debts contracted by this fraudulent practice, M. Sempronius a Tribune of the Commons, by advice of the Senate propounded a law, and the Commons allowed it, That the same course of putting out money practised between citizen and citizen of Rome, should likewise be in force among the allies of the Latin nation. In this sort went matters in Italy, both within the city of Rome, and also in the wars abroad.  
In Spain the war was nothing so much as the bruit that ran thereof. C. Flaminius in high Spain, was Ilucia, a town in the Oretans country: after which exploit, he laid up his soldiers in their winter harbour. And in winter time there passed certain light skirmishes (not worth the naming) against the excursions of brigands and thieves, I may rather say, than enemies: and yet the fortune was variable, and not without some loss of men. As for M. Fulvius he achieved great matters: for he fought in a ranged battle with banner displayed against the Vacceans, the Vectones, and the Celtiberians, before the town Toletum; where he discomsued and put to flight the army of those nations, and took prisoner alive, their king Hilermus.  
Whiles these things thus passed in Spain, the day drew near, of the solemn election of magistrates at Rome: and therefore L. Cornelius the Consul having left M. Claudius' lieutenant in the army, came to Rome: who, after he had discoursed in the Senate house of his own exploits, and in what estate the province stood, he complained to the LL. of the Senate, that considering so great a war was brought to an end, by one battle so fortunately and happily fought, there was no solemnity to the honour of the gods, performed in that behalf. Over and besides, he demanded, That they would decree a procession and triumph with all. But before the Senators were to deliver their opinions to this demand, Q. Metellus, who had been Consul and Dictator, rose up and said, That there had been letters brought at one and the same time; both from the Consul Cornelius to the Senate, and also from M. Marcellus to a great many of the Senators, and those letter importing contrarieties: whereupon the consultation of that matter had been deferred and put off, to the end that it might be argued and debated in the presence of them both, who wrote the letters: and therefore I ever looked (quoth he) that the Consul (knowing especially that his lieutenant had written and informed somewhat against him, and considering that himself was to repair to Rome) would have brought him also with him; seeing that it had been more meet and besitting him to have delivered the army to T. Sempronius, one that was in the commission and had a command, than to a lieutenant. But it should seem now, that he was left behind far enough off of very purpose, for fear he would avow and justify personally his handwriting, and charge him face to face: and that if the Consul should make report of any untruth, he might be challenged therefore, and the thing sisted and canvased, until the truth appeared clearly and came to light: and therefore my opinion is (qd. he) that nothing be determined at this present, as touching the demands of the Consul. But when as he persisted not with standing, and followed the suit still, namely that they would ordain a solemn procession, and that himself might enter the city, riding in triumph: then Marcus and C. Titinius, both Tribunes of the Commons, protested, that they would interpose their negative, and cancel the order of the Senate in that behalf.  
The Censors for that time, were Sex. Aelius Paetus and C. Cornelius Cetbegus, created the year before. Cornelius took a revieu of the city and numbered the people; and there were accounted by his survey 143704 polls of citizens. Great floods arose that year, and Tiber over flowed all that flats and plain places of the city: and about the gate Flumentana certain houses and buildings were overthrown withal, and laid along. The gate Caelimontana besides, was stricken with lightning, & the wall about it was likewise blasted from heaven. At Aricia, Lanuvium, and in mount Aventine, it reigned stones. And reported it was from Capua, that a great swarine of wasps came flying into the market place, and settled upon the temple of Mars; which being with great care taken up and gathered together, were afterward consumed with fire. In regard of these prodigious tokens, order was given, that the Decemvirs should search and peruse the books of Sibylla; whereupon a novendiall sacrifice (to continue nine days) was appointed, a public procession solemnised, and the city was cleansed and hallowed. About the same time M. Porcius Cato, dedicated the chapel of Virgin victory, near to the temple of the goddess Vinctorie, two years after that he had vowed it. In that year also the Triumvirs, C. Manlius Volso, L. Apustius Fullo, and P. Aelius Tubero, (who had preferred a bill of request about the planting of a Colony) had commission granted, to conduct a Colony of Latins into the country of Thurium: and thither went three thousand footmen and three hundred horsemen; a small number in comparison of the largeness and quantity of the territory. There might well have been set out thirty acres for every footman, and threescore for an horseman: but by the motion and advise of Apustius, one third part of the lands was excepted and reserved, to the end, that afterwards in time, they might enrol new Coloners if it pleased them. And therefore the footmen had twenty acres, and the horsemen forty apiece.  
Now approached the end of they year, and more ambition there was, and hotter suit for place of dignity in the election of Consuls, than ever had been known any time before. Many mighty men, as well of the Patrity and nobles, as the Commoners, stood and laboured hard for the Consulship, to wit, P. Cornelius Scipio, the son of Cneus, who lately was departed out of Spain after he had atcheeved many worthy deeds. L. juintius Flaminius who had been Admiral of the navy in Greece, and Cn. Manlius Volso, all of the Nobility. But of the Commons were C. Laelius, Cn. Domitius, C. Livius Salinator, and M. Acilius. But all men's eyes were fixed upon juintius and Cornelius: For they desired one place, being both of them nobly descened, and their fresh glory for feats of war, recommended both the one and the other. But above all other things, the brethren of these competitors, two most renowned warriors of their time, set the debate on a light fire. The glory of Scipio, as it was the greater of the twain, so it was more subject to envy. The honour of juntius was more fresh, as who that year had newly triumphed. Over and besides, the one of them had been now almost ten years continually conversant in the eyes of men (a thing that maketh great men not so highly regarded, by reason that they are grown stale, and the world is full already of them) also he had been twice Consul, and Censor since he vanquished Hannibal. But in juintius all was fresh & new, to win the good grace and favour of men. And more than that, he neither after his triumph had obtained aught of the people, not, to say a truth, requested any thing. He alleged, that he made suit for his own natural and whole brother by both sides, & not for a cousin german; in the behalf of a very companion and partaker with him in the managing of the war (for as himself served by land, so his brother performed many exploits by sea.) So he obtained, that Quintius should be preferred before his competitor, whom Africanus & his brother [Asiaticus] brought in and graced, whom the whole race of Cornely seemed to countenance, even then when a Cornelius, Consul, was precedent of the election, & held the assembly, whom the Senate had given so grave a testimony of, in adjudging him to be the best man simply in all the city, & thought most worthy to receive the goddess, dame Idea. 1, coming from Pessinus to the city of Rome. Thus were L. Quintius, & Cn. Domiws Aenobarbus created Consuls, in such sort, that Africanus was of no credit, and bore no stroke at all (ye may be sure) in the election of a Consul out of the third estate of Commons, albeit he employed himself, and did his best for C. Laelius. The next day after were the Prectors elected, namely L. Scribonius Libo, M. Fulvius Centimalus, A. Attilius Serranus, M. Baebius Tamphilus, L. Valenius Tappus, and Q. Salonius Sarra. In this year M. Aemylius Lepidus and L. Aemylius Paulus, the Censors, bore themselves so in their office, as they made their year to be notable and much spoken of. They condemned & fined many of the city graziers or farmers of the common pastures: and of that money which arose of their amercements, were certain gilded shields made, which were set up on the finiall or lantern of jupiter's temple. They made one terrace or gallery without the gate Trigemina, with a merchant's hall or Burse adjoined there to, near Tiber: and another from the gate Fontinalis they built in length as far as to the altar of Mars, leading to Mars field.  
For a long time nothing was done in Liguria worth the remembrance. But about the end of the year, twice were the Romans in great jeopardy: for both the camp of the Consul was assailed and hardly defended, and also not long after, as the Roman host marched through a straight pace, the army of the Ligurians kept the very gullet of the passage, and the Consul seeing he could not make way through, turned his ensigns, and began to retire the same way he came: but by that time, some of the enemies had gained also the back part, of the pace, insomuch as the lamentable remembrance of the Caudine overthrow, not only presented itself to their spirit and mind, but also was in manner an object to their eye. Now had he amongst his auxiliary or aidforces, to the number almost of eight hundred horse. Whose captain promised the Consul, that he and his would break through whether way he would, let him only but tell him which of the two quarters were better peopled and inhabited: for the first thing that he did, he would fire their villages and houses; to the end, that the fear and fright there of might force the Ligurians to depart out of the chase which they held and beset, and run to succour their own neighbours. The Consul commended him highly, and said him with hope of large rewards. Whereupon the Numidians mounted on horseback, and began to ride about the corpse de guard of the enemies, without offering to charge upon any man. At the first, a man that had seen them, would have thought nothing more contemptible, being both men & horse, little, spare and gaunt. The horseman unarmed and without weapon, save that he carrieth about him some light darts: the horses without bridles; and as they ran shutting out their stiff necks, and bearing their heads forward without any reining at all, they made a very ill favoured sight. And the riders, for to make themselves more despised, would for the nonce seem to take falls from their horses, and make their enemies good sport. Whereupon they (who if at first they had been assailed, would have been heedful and ready to have received the charge) now sat still (many of them unarmed) to behold this pleasant pastime. The Numidians would gallop toward them, and presently ride back again, but so, as by little & little they gained ground, and advanced nearer to the pace, yet making semblance, as if they had had no rule of their horses, but were carried thither against their wills. At the last, they set spurs to their horses indeed, and broke through the mids of the enemy's guards: and so soon as they had recovered the open ground, they set on fire all the houses near the high way side, and so forward they burned the next village they came unto, & destroyed all afore them with fire and sword. First the smoke that was descried, afterwards, the outcry heard of them that were affrighted in the villages, and last of all, the children and old folk that fled to save themselves, made a trouble and hurlyburly in the camp: in some much, as every man of himself without advice, without warrant or direction, made what haste he could to run and save his own. Thus in the turning of an hand, the camp was abandoned, and the Consul delivered from siege, arrived thither where he intended.  
But neither Boians nor Spaniards (with whom that year the Romans made war) were so despiteous and maliciously bend against them, as the whole nation of the AErolians. They at the very first were in very good hope, that presently upon the remove of the forces out of Greece, Antiochus would have entered Europe, and seized upon the vacant possession thereof: and that neither Philip nor Nabis would be in rest and do nothing. But seeing them not to stir in any place, they thought it high time to make some trouble and confusion themselves, for sear least by delays and linger, all their designments would turn to nothing: and therefore they published a Diet or Council to be holden at Naupactum. In which assembly Thoas their praetor, after he had made grievous complaint of the wrongs received by the Romans, moving and soliciting the state of Aetolia (for that they of all other nations and cities of Greece, were least honoured and set by after that victory, where of they had been the cause) gave his advice, That there should be ambassadors sent to all the neighbour kings, not only to found their minds and affections, but also to incite and prick them every one forward to enter into arms against the Romans. So Damocritus was addressed to Nabis, Nicander to Philip, and Dicaearchus the brother of the praetor unto Antiochus. Damocritus had in commission to signify unto the tyrant of Lacedaemon, That by the loss of his maritime cities, the very strings and sinews of his tyranny and kingdom were cut in sunder. For from thence was he furnished with soldiers, from thence had he his ships and fervitours at sea: where as now, he might see the Archaeans LL. and rulers of Peloponnesus, whiles himself was pinned up and enclosed within his walls, and never should he have opportunity to recover himself, if he let pass this that presently was offered unto him. No Roman army was now in Greece: and never would the Romans think it sufficient cause, to pass over the seas with their legions into Greece, for any occasion of Gyttheum or other Laconians inhabiting the sea coasts. These reasons were laid forth to incense the courage of the tyrant, to the end, that when Antiochus was once passed over into Greece, he being touched in conscience, that he had broken the Roman league, by committing outrage upon their allies, might of necessity join and band with Antiochus. Semblable remonstrances and reasons used Nicander for to provoke and persuade Philip: and much more matter he had to enforce that point, as the king was deposed from much higher degree of estate than the tyrant had been, and also had sustained far greater losses. To this, he alleged the ancient name and renown of the KK. of Macedon; and how that nation had over run the whole world, and filled all places with their noble conquests & victories. Moreover he said, That he advised him to take a course, which was safe both to be enterprised, & also easy to be executed. For he gave not Philip counsel to stir, before that Antiochus were passed over with an army into Greece: and considering that he without the aid of Antiochus had maintained war so long against the Romans and Aetolians, what possible means had the Romans to with stand him, assisted with Antiochus' and the Aetolians his allies, who even then were fiercer enemies than the Romans? Over and besides, he inferred this reason also, what a brave and doughty captain Hannibal was, a man even borne to be an enemy to the Romans, and who had slain already more leaders and soldiers of theirs, than were left behind. These were the allegations of Nicander to Philip. As for Dicaerchus, he had other motiver to persuade with Antiochus. First and principally above all others, he affirmed, That howsoever the price and booty of Philip fell to the Romans, the victory was gained and atcheeved by the Aetolians, and none but they either gave the Romans entrance and passage into Greece, or furnished them with forces for the performance and accomplishment of the victory. Then he showed and made promise what power as well of foot as horse they would present unto Antiochus toward his wars, what places they would give him for his land-forces, and what havens and harbours for his strength and army at sea. After all this he stuck not (to serve his own turn) for to overreach and tell a loud lie as touching Philip and Nabis, in giving out confidently that they were both of them ready and at the point to renew war: and would take the vantage of the very first opportunity and occasion that could be presented, to recover those things which by war they had lost. Thus the Aetolians laboured to set all the world at once upon the top of the Romans. Howbeit, the KK. were either not moved at all with their soliciting, or bestirred them more slowly than they looked for. But as for Nabis, he sent immediately about all the towns by the sea side, certain persons of purpose to sow discord and kindly seditions among them: and some of their principal citizens he won by gifts and presents to his own purpose and designments: but such as stiffly continued fast and firm in alliance and allegiance with the Romans, those he made away and murdered. Now had T. juintius given in charge and commission to the Achaeans, for to guard all the Laconians that dwelled upon the sea coasts: and therefore presently they both dispatched their ambassadors unto the Tyrant, to put him in mind of the confederacy and association with the Romans, and to warn him and give him advertisement, that in no wise he would trouble that peace, which he had so earnestly craved and sought for: and also sent aid unto Gyttheum, which now the tyrant began to assault; yea, and addressed other ambassadors also to Rome to give intelligence of these occurrents.  
Antiochus the king after he had that winter time given his daughter in marriage to Ptolomaeus the king of Egypt at Rhaphia a city in Phoenicia, retired to Antiochia; and in the very end of the same winter, passed through Cilicia over the mountain Taurus, and came to Ephesus. And from thence in the beginning of the Spring, after he had sent his son Antiochus into 
* Soria.  Syria for to defend and keep in obedience the utmost frontiers of his kingdom, lest in his absence there might arise some troubles behind his back, he marched with all his land-forces against the Pisidians, who inhabit about 
* 〈◊〉.  Selga.  
At the same time the Roman ambassadors P. Sulpitius and P. vilius, who as we said before had been sent unto Antiochus with direction, first to visit king Eumenes, arrived at 
* Riso. Carpesso. , Elea, and from thence went up to 
* Pergamo.  Pergamus, where Eumenes kept his royal court. Eumenes was desirous in this heart that Antiochus should be warred upon: supposing verily, that if he were at peace, being a prince so much mightier than himself, he would be but an ill and dangerous neighbour to near unto him: but if war were once afoot, that he would be no more able to beard and match the Romans than Philip had been: and that either he should wholly be overthrown and come to utter ruin; or if, being vanquished he had peace given unto him by the Romans; then, as he lost much thereby and would be weaker, so himself should gain by the bargain, and grow mightier, that afterwards he might be able easily of himself to make his part good, and hold his own against him, without the help and aid of the Romans: or if any misfortune should happen unto him, he were better by far, to hazard any fortune whatsoever in the Roman society, than either alone to endure the lordly dominion of Antiochus & be subject, or in refusing to obey, be compelied there to by force and arms. For these causes he employed all the credit and authority he had, yea and addressed all counsel that he could devise for to prick on and set forward the Romans in this war. Sulpitius remained behind sick at Pergamus. But Vilius advertised that the king was occupied and busied in the Pisidian war, went to Ephesus: and whiles he abode there some few days, he endeavoured and made means to have conference often times with Hannibal, who haply at that time so journed there, both to sound his mind if possibly he could, and also to secure him of all fear from the Romans. In these meetings and communications, no other thing passed nor was done between them. But see what ensued hereupon of itself, as if it had been a thing wrought and compassed of mere policy. Hannibal by this means was less set by and in smaller credit with the king, yea and in all matters began to be more and more suspected and had in jealousy. Claudius (the Historian) who followeth the greek books of Acilius, writeth that P. Africanus was joined in that embassage, and that he talked and devised with Hannibal at Ephesus: and namely maketh report of one conference and speech between them twain: and that is this. Africanus demanded of Hannibal, whom in his judgement, he took to have been the greatest commander for feats of arms, that ever was: to which he made answer, that he judged Alexander the king of the Macedonians was simply the most excellent warrior; in this regard, that he with a small power had defeated innumerable armies; and besides had passed as far as to the utmost bounds of the whole earth, even to those lands, that a man would think incredible, for any one to reach unto. And when he asked again whom he deemed worthy to stand in the second place: he answered, that Pyrrhus was the man; for that he first taught how to pitch a camp, and above all other points of military skill, no man knew better to choose out commodious ground and places of advantage, or more cunningly to plant and dispose garrisons: besides he had such cast and a dexterity, to draw and win men unto him, that the Italian nations had leiser have been subject to him a foreign prince, than to live under the people of Rome, not with standing they had of long time the signory and rule of those parts. And when he proceeded still to know whom he reputed for the third, he made no sticking at the matter but named himself. Whereupon Scipio took up a laughter and replied again: What would you say then, if your hap had been to have subdued me? Mary than quoth he, I would think I were worthy to be set before Alexander, before Pyrrhus, yea and before all other martial men and commanders in the whole world. At this answer, Scipio took delight and pleasure, to see how surrelly and caurelously he had like a cunning Carthaginian, couched his words in a certain kind of flattery, as if he had sequestered him from out of the range and rank of all other captains, as being by many degrees incomparable, and far above all others. Then vilius went forward from Ephesus to Apamea: and thither Antiochus also repaired for to meet him, hearing of the coming of Roman legates. In this communication and conference at Apamea, the matter was debated much after the same sort, as it had been at Rome between Quintius and the king's ambassadors. But the news of Antichus the king's son his death (whom I said a little before to have been sent into Syria) broke off the peace. Great mourning and sorrow there was in the king's court, and much was that young prince miss and moaned. For, that good prose he had given of himself, that if he had lived any long time, he would have proved by all likelihood of his towardness, a great, a mighty, and a righteous king. The dearer and better beloved he was of all men; the more suspicious was his death and namely that his father doubting that he would press forward and be instant to succeed him in his old age, took order by the ministry of certain eunuchs or gelded men (persons greatly accepted with kings for such services) to have him poisoned. And they say, that another cause also set him forward to commit this secret act, because having given the city Lysimachia to his son Selencus, he had no such place to bestow upon Antiochus his son, for to keep his residence in, whereunto he might have removed him farther off from his own person, under colour of doing him honour. Howbeit, great semblance and show there was of much mourning and lamentation all over the court for certain days: in so much as the Rom. ambassador retired himself to Pergamus, because he was loath to converse there uncivilly, at so unseasonable a time. The king returned to Ephesus, and gave over the war that he had enterprised. Where, the court gates being shut by occasion of the mourning time, he devised and consulted in great secret with one Minio, an inward friend unto him, and whom of all other he loved best, and trusted most. This Minio, a mere stranger and altogether ignorant in foreiene affairs and forces, measuring & esteeming the power and greatness of the king by his exploits done in Syria or in Asia, deemed verily, that Antiochus had not only the better cause, in that the Romans demanded unreasonable conditions; but also should have the upper hand in the trial thereof by war. When as now the king refused to have any conference and dispute with the ambassadors, either for that he knew by good experience that it would be bootless for him so to do, or because he was troubled in spirit upon this late and fresh object of grief and sorrow: Minio undertook the business, and processed that he would speak to the point of the matter & to good purpose: and so persuaded the king to send for the ambassadors from Pergamons. By this time Sulpotius was recovered of his sickness, and therefore both of them repaired to Ephesus; 
The Oration of Minio.  where excused the king, and in his absence they began to treat about their affairs. Then Minio with a premeditate oration began in this wise. I see well (qd. he) that you Romans pretend unto the world a goodly title of setting free the cities of Greece, but your deeds are not answerable to your words: and ye have set down unto Antiochus one manner of law to be tried unto, and practice yourselves another. For how cometh it about that the Smyrneans & Lampsacenes should be greeks, more than the Neapolitans; the Rhegines, and Tarentines, of whom you exact tribute and require ships, by virtue of the accord and covenants between you? Why send you yearly to Saracose and other Greek cities of Sicily, a Praetor in sovereign authority, with his rods and axes? Cerres, ye have nothing else to say, but that ye have subdued them in war, and by right of conquest: have imposed these conditions upon them. The like; yea and the same cause know yea that Antiochus allegeth as concerning Smyrna, Lampsacus, and other cities and states of jonia & Aeolis: For having been conquered in war by his ancestors & progenitors; having I say been made tributary and taillable, he challengeth of them the ancient rights & duties due from them, and to him belonging. And therefore if ye wil' debate and treat the question according to aquitie and reason, and not rather pick quarrels and seek occasion of war, I would gladly know what ye will answer to him in this point? To this Sulpitius made answer in this wise. Antiochus (quoth he) hath done very well, & with good regard of modesty, in that having no other matters to plead unto for his defence & the maintenance of his cause, he hath made choice of any other rather than himself to be the speaker. For what one thing is there alike in those cities which you have named and put in comparison? Of the Rhegines, Neapolitans and Tarentines, we demand that which is our due according to the deeds of covenants indented, and hath ever been since time that first they were in subjection under us; that I say which we have challenged & enjoyed by virtue of one continued course and tenor of right, by us ever practised without any intermission or interruption. And are you able to avouch, that as those nations neither by themselves nor by any other, have altered and changed the accord between us and them; so the cities of Asia, when they once became subject to the ancestors of Antiochus, remained always in the perpetual possession of your kingdom? And not rather, that some of them have been under the obeisance of Philip, and others obedient to Ptolomaee? Yea and divers of them for many years have been free and used their own liberties without contradiction, and no words or doubt made thereof? For admit this once, that (because these cities sometimes were in bondage through the iniquity of those times where in they were oppressed) there shall be a right pretended, and the same be effectual to reduce them again after so many ages into servitude? What wanteth it but ye may as well say, that we have done just nothing, in delivering Greece out of the hands of Philip? and that his successors and posterity, may claim againeand lay title to Corinth, Chalcis, Demetrias, and the whole Thessalian nation? But what mean I to maintain the cause of the cities of Greece, whom it were more meet and reasonable, that both we and the king himself would give audience unto, and let them plead what they can for their own selves? With that he commanded the embassages of the cities to be called in, which were prepared and instructed asorehand by Eumenes, who made this reckoning, that whatsoever strength went from Antiuchus, should accrue and come unto him and his kingdom. Many were admitted to speak: & whiles every one set forward his own cause, some by way of complaint, others in manner of demand, each one putting in for himself without regard of right or wrong, so he served his own time, they fell at length from reasoning to warbling and wrangling: in so much, as the Ambassadors returned to Rome as uncertain and doubtful in all matters as they were when they came, without releasing or obtaining any one thing at all.  
When they were dismissed and gone, the king held a council as touching the Roman war. In which assembly, some delivered their opinion more freely and stoutly than others: but generally the more bitter speech that any one used against the Romans, the greater hope he had to enter into especial grace and favour with the king. One above the rest, inveighed much and spoke against those proud and insolent demands of the Romans, who imposed hard laws and conditions upon Antiochus, the mightiest king of all Asia, as if he had been no better than Nabis, whom they had conquered and subdued. And yet (faith he) they left unto Nabis some signory and dominion in his own country and city of Lacedaemon: whereas if Lampsacum and Smyrna should be at the command of Antiochus, they deemed that an unworthy thing and a very indignity. Others opined and said, that those two cities were but small causes, and not worth the naming, for so puissant a prince to stand upon and to war for. But always (say they) men begin with just and reasonable demands, to make an overture and way to compass and obtain that which is unjust. Unless one would believe, that when Persians requested of the Lacedæmonians, water and earth, they stood in need of a clot and turse of ground, or a draft of water. In like sort for all the world the Romans do but sound and try the king, in their demands touching these two cities. For other cities likewise, so soon as they shall perceive that those two have shaken off the yoke of obedience, will soon revolt and turn to that people which is their deliverer, and at whose hands they hope for liberty. And say, that freedom were not to them more dear and precious than bondage, yet it is the nature of every man to feed and please himself with a bare hope of a change and new world, much more than with the assured hold of any present state whatsoever. There was in place at this council, Alexander of Acamania, one who sometime had friended Philip; but of late days was fallen from him and followed the court of Antiochus, a more wealthy and magnificent prince: and being taken for a politician who had a special insight into the state of Greece, and was not ignorant of the affairs of Rome, had would himself into high favour and inward friendship with the king, that he was taken in to be one of his privy counsel, and acquainted with all his secrets. This man, as if the question in hand had been, not, Whether war should be levied or no; but, Where, and by What means, and How it should be managed, spoke aloud and said, That he made full reckoning and account in his very spirit and heart of the victory, in case the king would pass the seas over into Europe, to plant and settle himself in some part of Greece, and there wage war: for at his very first coming he should see in arms already the Aerolians, that inhabit the very heart and centre of Greece, who would be the only chieftains and port-ensignes to march before them, ready to venture and enter upon the most difficult and dangerous enterprises of war. Again, in the two cantons and angles as it were thereof, he should find Nabis of the one side from Peloponnesus, at hand to rise and raise those quarters, with intent to regain the city of the Argives, to win again the maritime cities, which the Romans have dizseized & dispossessed him of, and have mewed and shut him within the walls of Lacedaemon. On the other side from Macedon, Philip would no doubt take arms, so soon as he shall hear the first alarm and sound of trumpet. Full well (qd. he) know I his courage, & of what spirit and stomach he is: right well I wore that he hath fostered in that breast of his for a long time, anger & despite; like to these wild and savage beasts, which either are kept within iron grates, or fast tied and bound: and as well I remember, how many a time he was wont (during the wars) to pray heartily to all the gods, to vouchsafe for to give him Antiochus for his helper and assistant: and if now he might enjoy his wish, and have the thing so long desired and prayed for, he would without any delay, enter into arms and war incontinently. Only (quoth Alexander) we must not linger and stay nor drive off, for as much as herein consisteth the very point of victory, even betimes to seize upon commodious places of advantage, before the enemies be possessed of them. Also with all speed, Hannibal to be sent into Africa, where by the Romans may be distracted, & compelled to turn themselves sundry ways. Hannibal only was not called to this counsel; for by reason of the foresaid conferences with vilius, the king had him in some jealousy, and therefore he was out of favour, and of no credit and account with him. At the first, he put up this disgrace and made no words, but afterwards he thought it a better course, both to demand the cause of sudden strangeness and alienation of his, and also to take some good time to excuse and purge himself. And therefore upon a day having simply asked of the king, and heard the cause of his anger toward him. My father Amilcar (qd. he) o Antiochus, when upon a time he sacrificed unto the gods, caused me (a very little one) to be brought and presented before the altar, where he forced me to touch the same with my hand, & to take an oath, Never to be friend unto the people of Rome. To accomplish and fulfil this oath, I maintained the wars for the space of six and thirty year; by virtue of this oath, in time of peace I was driven out of my native country; and being fled from thence, this oath brought me into your court: and by the guidance & direction of this oath, if you should disappoint me of my hope, yet wheresoever I know there are forces, wheresoever I hear there is any stirring and rustling of arms, I shall seek all the word over, until I find some Roman enemies. And therefore, if there be any of your Courteors that have a mind and desire to advance themselves in your good grace, and would grow by carrying tales and accusing me unto you, let them find some other subject and matter to do this by me: for I hate the Romans, and am likewise hated of them. That this is truth which I say, my father Amilcar and the gods in heaven, can testify. Wherefore, whensoever you shall think to make war with the Romans, see you entertain Hannibal for one of your greatest and most assured friends: but if any occurrent shall force you to peace, seek some other counsellor and not me, to consult withal about that point. This speech was so effectual, that not only it prevailed with the king, but also reconciled Hannibal unto his grace. And so they departed out of the council with a full resolution to make war.  
At Rome it was commonly talked and discoursed, that Antiochus was an enemy, but no provision and preparation there was for war, but only whetting the edge of their stomachs. For both Consuls had no other province but Italy assigned unto them to govern. And they were either to agree between themselves, or else to cast lots, whether of the twain should hold the general assembly, and be precedent of the election for that year. And he whose hap was not to be charged with that business, was to be in readiness to lead forth the legions into any place out of Italy, as need should require. And to this Consul it was permitted to enrol two new Legions of citizens, and besides of allies and Latins twenty thousand foot, & eight hundred horse. To the other Consul were appointed those two legions, which L. Cornelius the Consul of the former year had under his governance: also of allies and Latins fifteen thousand footmen out of the same army, and five hundred horse. As for Q. Minutius, his commission was continued still for the conduct of that army which he had in Liguria. And for to supply and make up the broken companies, he was allowed to enrol four thousand Roman footmen, and one hundred and fifty horse, and likewise to levy of the allies five thousand foot, and two hundred and fifty horse for that service. To Cn. Domitius it fell by lot, that he should go with a power out of Italy, whither soever the Senate gave order; and unto Quintius to govern Gaul. Then the Pretours election followed, who likewise cast lots for their provinces. M. Fulvius Centimalus had the civil jurisdiction, and L. Scribonius Libo the foreign. L. Valerius Tappus governed Sicily, Q. Salovius Sarra, Sardinia: M. Babius Tamphilus high Spain, and A. Attilius Serranus the base. But these two changed their provinces, first by an order from the Senate, and afterwards by an act also of the Commons. For to Attilius Macedon was assigned and the navy, and to Baebius the country of the Brutij. Falminius and Fulvius continued in the government and command of Spain, and to Baebius Tamphilus for the rule of the Brutij, were those two legions appointed which the year before lay in the city, with commission to take up and levy of allies fifteen thousand foot, and five hundred hórse to go thither. Aulus Attilius had in charge to cause thirty galicaces to be made with five banks of oars on a side, and to take out of the harbours and dockes as many old vessels as were sit for service, and to enrol mariners and towers. The Consuls also were enjoined to deliver unto him two thousand allies of the Latin nations, and a thousand Roman footmen. It was commonly voiced, that these two Pretours with two armies both by land and at sea, were prepared against Nabis, who openly now assailed the confederates of the people of Rome. But still the ambassadors were looked for, who had been sent unto king Antiochus, and the Senate commanded the Consul Domitius not to depart from the city before their return. The Pretours, Fulvius and Scribonius, whose charge it was to minister law and execute justice in Rome, had commission to provide a hundred galeaces, besides that fleet which Attilius was to command. But before that either Consuls or Praetors went forth into their provinces, there was a procession holden, in regard of the prodigies and fearful sights that were reported. For word was brought out of Pincenum, that a she goat had yeaned six kids at once, and that it reigned earth at Amiternum; and at Formiae, that a gate and wall of the city were smitten with lightning; and (that which most of all troubled and frighted the Consul Domitius) that an ox spoke these words, ROME, TAKE HEED TO THYSELF. In regard of the other prodigious tokens, there was a supplication holden; but as for the ox, the soothsayers & bowel-priers gave commandment, that he should with great care be kept & nourished. The Tiber also with more violence overflowed into the city than in the former year, and overthrew two bridges and many buildings, especially about the gate Flumentana. Moreover, a mighty huge stone shaken out of the Capitol cliff, tell from thence into the street called jugarium, either by the force and violence of rain, or some earthquake (which if there were any, was so little, that it could not be perceived) & that stone killed many a man. In the country also, by reason of this deluge, much cattle was carried away with the flood, and many farm houses and graunges were borne down and laid along.  
Before that L. Quintius the Consul was arrived into his province, Q. Minutius fought a batteil with the Ligurians in the territory of Pisae, and slew nine thousand enemies; the rest he discomfited, put to flight and chased into their camp; which being assailed, was defended manfully with much fight until dark night: and then the Ligurians slipped away in the night season secretly. And by the dawning of the next day the Romans entered & seized thereof when it was empty of the enemies. Less pillage was there found, for that ever and anon what booties soever they gate in the country they sent home to their houses. Minutius not with standing gave the enemies no repose from that time forward. For being departed out of the territory of Pisae he came into Liguria, where he destroyed their borroughes and castles, and put all to fire and sword. There the Roman soldiers filled their hands with the Tuscan prizes; sent thither by the foragers and robbers.  
Much about this time the ambassadors returned to Rome, from the KK. who brought word and made relation of nothing that was sufficient to enforce them to proceed in any haste to war, but only against the Lacedaemonian tyrant, by whom (as the Achaean ambassadors also gave intelligence) the sea coasts of Laconia were wronged and assailed, against the covenants of the league. Whereupon Attilius the praetor was sent with a fleet to defend the associates. And for as much as there was no imminent peril from Antiochus, it was thought good, that both the Consuls should go into their provinces. Domitius took his journey, and went the nearest way by Ariminum, and Quintius came into the Boians country by the way of Liguria. And these two Consuls armies in divers quarters, wasted all abroad the enemy's country. At the first some sew of their gentlemen and horsemen, together with their captains; afterwards, all those of Senators calling; and last of all, as many as were of any havoir, worth and worship, to the number of fifteen hundred fled to the Consul.  
Likewise in both Spain's that year, the affairs went prosperously: for not only C. Flaminius won by force of mantelets and engines of battery the rich and strong town Litabrum, & took prisoner alive their lord Corribilo a noble prince, but also M. Fulvius the Proconsul fought with two armies of the enemies twice, and put them to the worse: and won by assault two towns of the Spaniards Vescelia and Holone, with many other fortresses: the rest of themselves revolted unto him. After this he made a journey into the Oretanes country, and there having gotten two towns, 
* or Noliba.  Noliba and Cusibi, he set forward and marched to the river Tagus. In that quarter there stood 
* Toledo.  Toledo, a small city, but strongly seated: whiles he assaulted it, there came a mighty army of the Vectones to aid the Toletanes, with whom he fought a set field, and won the day, and having defeated the Vectones, he forced the Toletanes with engines of battery, and won the town.  
But all the wars which at that time were in hand, nothing troubled the LL. of the Senate, so much as the expectation of the war, which Antiochus had not yet begun and enterprised. For albeit they had ever and anon certain advertisements and intelligences of all things by their ambassadors, yet many flying tales and headless bruits there went without any certain authors, reporting lies as well as truths. And among the rest there ran a rumour, that Antiochus, so soon as he was come into Aetolia, would presently put over a fleet into Sicily. Whereupon the Senate, not with standing they had sent Attilius the Praetor with a fleet into Greece, yet for as much as there was need not of forces only, but also of authority to entertain the hearts and affections of their allies, they sent over T. Quintius, Cn. Octavius. Cn. Servilius, and P. vilius, as ambassadors into Greece, and gave order, that M. Babius should advance his legions out of the country of the Brutians, toward Tarentum and Brundisium, that from thence if need required, he might sail over into Macedonia. Moreover, That M. Fulvius the praetor should put out a steer of thirty sail, for the defence of the coast of Sicily, and that the admiral thereof should have full commission there to command (now L. Opius Salinator, who the former year had been one of the Aediles of the Commons, had the conduct of those ships.) Also, that the same praetor should address his letters unto L. Valerius his Colleague, and advertised him that it was to be feared, that the armada of King Antiochus would cross over out of Aetolia into Sicily; and therefore it was the will and pleasure of the Senate, that he should take up and enrol into that army which he had already, of tumultuary soldiers twelve thousand footmen, and four hundred horse, by whose means he might defend that coast of the province which looketh toward Greece. For the levy of these forces, the praetor took musters not only in Sicily, but also in the Isles adjacent and lying there about, and fortified with good garrisons all the towns upon the sea side which lie toward Greece. Those rumours aforesaid were fed still and maintained by the coming of Attalus the brother of Eumenes, who reported that king Antiochus was passed over Hellespontus with an army: and that the Aetolians were in that forwardness, that they would be priest and ready in arms against his arrival. Great thanks were given as well to Eumenes in his absence, as to Attalus there present in place. Also order was taken, that he should have a lodging allowed him at his pleasure, and his charges borne for his diet and housekeeping. Moreover, over, there were given him as presents, two great horses of service, two pair of horsemen's armours, as much silver plate as amounted to an hundred pound weight; and of gold plate, as much as weighed twenty pound.  
And for as much as messengers one after another advertised and gave warning, that war was at hand, it was thought requisite and expedient, that the new Consuls should be chosen in all convenient speed: whereupon a decree passed from the Senate, that M. Fulvius the Praetor should forth with dispatch his letters unto the Consul, to certify him of the Senate's pleasure, namely, that he should commit the government of his province and the army unto his lieutenants, and remine himself unto Rome, and in his way send out his writs aforehand for the publishing of an assembly general for the election of Consuls. The Consul obeyed these letters, directed forth his summons in manner aforesaid, and came to Rome. In this year also great ambition there was, and much suit for the dignity of government. For that three noblemen stood for one place, namely, P. Cornelius Scipio the son of Cnius, who the former year had the repulse, L. Cornelius Scipio, and Cn. Manlius Volso. The Consulship was conferred upon P. Scipio, so as it might appear to the whole world, that this honour was deferred only, and not fully denied to so worthy a parsonage. His adjoinct companion in government was M. Acilius Glabrio, a man by calling a commoner. The morrow after were the Pretours chosen, to wit, L. Aemylius Paulus, M. Aemylius Lepidus, M. junius Brutus, A. Cornel. Mammula, C. Livius, and L. Opius, both surnamed Salinator. This Opius was he that had the conduct into Sicily of a fleet of thirty sail. Mean while that these new Magistrates cast lots for the government of their provinces, M. Babius was commanded to pass over with all his power from Brundisium into Epirus, and to keep his forces about Apollonia. And M. Fulvius the Praetor of the city had in charge to build fifty new Galeaces called Quinqueremes, of five banks of oars on either side. And thus verily the people of Rome was provided against all enterprises and attempts of king Antiochus whatsoever.  
Neither was Nabis behind for his part in levying war; but assaulted with great force the town of Gytheum; and of a mischievous and malicious mind against the Achaeans, for sending a garrison to aid the besieged townsmen, he forraied & wasted their country. The Achaeans durst not go in hand with war, before their ambassadors were returned from Rome, and until they might know the pleasure & will of the Senate: but after the return of those ambassadors, they both published a Diet and general Counsel at Sicyone, and also sent their ambassadors to Quintius for his advice and counsel. In this Diet, all their opinions inclined and tended to make war out of hand: only the letters of T. Quintius made some stay of the enterprise, wherein he advised them to expect the Praetor and navy of the Romans. Now when the States there assembled in counsel were distracted, some persisting still in their former opinion, and others of mind to take with them the advise of him unto whom they had sent for counsel: the multitude at length looked what Philopaemenes would say in that behalf. The Praetor he was for the time, and in those days surpasied all other in wisdom & authority. Then he rose up and used this preface & said, That it was a good custom among the Aetolians, and well ordained and provided, that the praetor himself in all consultations of war should not deliver his own opinion; and therefore willed them of their selves to resolve and determine with all speed possible what they pleased. As for the Praetor, faith he, he will be ready to execute with fidelity and careful diligence their decrees accordingly: yea and indevor, so far forth as man's policy may reach unto, that they snal not repent of their resolution, be it war or peace. This brief speech of his was more forcible and effectual to incite them to take arms, than any persuasive oration, wherein he openly could have showed his desire to follow the wars. And therefore with exceeding accord of all in general they agreed upon war. As for the time and means of managing the same, it was wholly referred to the discretion of the Praetor, to use his own liberty & pleasure. Philopamenes, besides that Quintius so advised, was also himself minded to wait for the Roman fleet which on the sea side might defend Gytheum: but fearing again that their present necessity could abide no delays, and least not only Gytheum should be lost, but the garrison also miscarry, which was sent to the defence of the war, he set aflore and put to the sea the Achaeans shipping. The Tyrant likewise had rigged and dressed a small fleet to impeach any aid and succours that haply might be sent to the besieged by sea, to wit, three covered ships with hatch and deck, three Brigantines or Pinnaces, and as many Galleons. For the old ships were by composition and covenant delivered up to the Romans. And to make proof and trial of these new vessels; how swift and nimble they were, and withal to see how all things else were well fitted for a battle, if need were; he made every day certain shows and representations of fight at sea, and exercised both mariners and soldiers by such kind of false alarms: supposing: that herein principally consisted the hope of his siege, in case he could cut off all their aid from the sea side. Now the Praetor of the Achaeans, as he was equal to any of the best and most renowned commanders and captains of that time in land service, either for experience and practise, or wit and policy: so at sea he was but a novice and a learner, as being an Arcadian borne, an Inlander far within the main, and ignorant besides of all foreign forces, but that he had borne arms and served a little in Candie, whiles he had the leading there, of some aid-souldiers. One old Galley there was a Quadrireme, taken at sea 80 years before, at what time as she carried Nicaela the wife of Craterus from Naupactum to Corinth. And having heard much talk of this ship (for indeed she had been sometime of great name in the king's royal ●●eete) he commanded her, all rotten as she was now, and ready to fall in pieces, to be shot into the sea from out of the Bay of Argium. This ship as admiral, made way before the rest, wherein Tiso of Patra, a captain general of a fleet was aboard; and encountered the ships of the Laconians, making sail from Gythaeum And at the first the chanced to affront and run against a new strong ship, and being old of herself, leaking and taking water at every joint she was rend asunder and fell apieces. All within her were taken prisoners. The rest of the fleet having lost their captainesse, fled as fast as possibly their oars could make speed and away. Philopaemenes himself was in a light foist, frigate or pink, and fled amain, and never stayed until he was arrived at Patrae. This mishap nothing discouraged and abated the heart of this martial warrior, who had run through many and sundry adventures: but chose wrought this effect, that he assured himself and said, That if he were overtaken and put to the worse in service at sea, wherein he had no skill, he would so much the rather quit himself so upon the land (where he had such experience and was so ready) as that the Tyrant should not long joy and make boast of his win. Nabis puffed up with pride of his fortunate victory, and persuading himself assuredly that he had no cause to fear any more danger from the sea, purposed likewise to stop up all the avenues & passages by land; and therefore beset all the ways betimes with strong guards, which he bestowed in convenient places. And retiring with a third part of his forces from the siege of Gythaeum, he encamped before Pleiae. This is a place that overlooketh and commandeth Leuca and Acra, by which ways it seemed that the enemies would make their approach with their army. Whiles he kept a standing camp there, and few of his soldiers were provided of tents and pavilions, and the rest of the common fort had made them cabins of reeds, wound and interlaced one within another, and the same covered with leaves only to give them some shade; Philopaemenes devised, before that he were discovered and came in sight of the enemies, to assail them at unwares and not looking for his coming, after a new fashion of war that they little doubted. Certain small crays or boats he got together into a secret blind bay, lying within the territory of Argos: in which he bestowed certain soldiers nimbly appointed, most of them having round bucklers, with slings, darts, and such like offensive light weapons. From thence he coasted along the river near the shore, until he was come to the promontory or cape adjoining close to the enemy's camp: then he went aland, and by known ways he came by night unto Pleiae: and whiles the watch was fast asleep, as mistrusting no such fear near hand, he set fire upon the cabins aforesaid in every quarter of the camp. Many men were consumed with the fire before they wist that the enemy was come: and they that were ware of them, had no means to help and save their fellows: so with fire and sword all went to wrack. Some very few escaped out of this extremity of danger, and fled to the main camp before Gythaeum. Thus Philopaemenes having discomfited and frighted his enemies, led his army forthwith to waist Tripoli in the territory of Laconia, bounding fast upon the confines of the Megalopolitanes: and having driven from thence great prizes of men and cat-tail, he departed before that the Tyrant could send any guards from thence for the defence of the country. And when he had gathered and assembled his army at Tegea, and published and made known unto the Achei and other Allies, a Diet or general counsel to be holden there, whereat also were the chief States of the Epirots and Acarnanians: he determined (for as much as both the hearts of his own people were sufficiently recovered after the disgrace and shameful dishonour received at sea; and also the courages of his enemies well cooled and they affrighted) to lead his forces against Lacedaemon: supposing that, the only means to draw the enemy away from the siege of Gythaeum. And first he encamped before Cariae within the enemy's ground. But that very day was Gythaeum forced by the enemies and won. Philopaemenes nothing ware thereof, set forward, and encamped near Barbosthenes, a mountain, ten miles from Lacedaemon. Nabis also, having gained Gythaeum, departed from thence with his army lightly appointed; and marching apace beyond Lacedaemon, seized upon a place, called, The Camp of Pyrrhus: which he made no doubt but that the enemies intended to be possessed of. And then from thence he went to mere them. Now by reason of the narrow way, they took up in their march almost five miles of ground in length. At the tail of the army were the horsemen, and especially, where the aid-soldiers marched: because Philopaemenes thought, that the tyrant would charge his men behind with his mercenary soldiers, in whom he reposed his greatest trust. Two things fell out contrary to his expectation at once, which troubled him much: the one was, that the place was gotten by the enemies before, which he intended to have seized upon for his own advantage: the other was, for that he saw the enemy affront his vaward in a place so rough and rugged, that without the guard of his lightarmed soldiers, he could not possibly march forward and advance his ensigns. Now Philopaemenes had a singular dexterity and skill, yea and great experience in leading an army, and in making choice of his ground either to pitch or fight: and not only in time of war, but also in peace, he busied his head and employed himself principally therein. His manner was, when he road forth any whither and was come to a straight passage hard to pass through, to look every way, and diligently to vieu and consider the situation and positure of the place on all sides: and if he were alone, to cast about and devise with himself; but if there were any in his company, to ask their advice, in this wife: What if the enemy appeared and showed himself in that place; How if he came affront or aflanke on this or that side; nay, How if he should charge upon our back, what were best to be done? It may be the enemies will encounter us directly ranged in battle array; it may be they march disorderly and loosely, minding nothing else but their way, and to travail on. Thus I say, would he either devise with himself or seek advise of other, what place he were best to seize for his own purpose and commodity: also what number of armed men he should need to employ; or what kind of armour and weapons were needful to use (for therein also lay no small importance.) Moreover, where he should bestow his carriages? where he should lay his baggage? and where he should place and dispose of the multitude that were not meet to bear arms? what strength and what manner of guard was needful for their defence? and whether it were more expedient to go forward still the way that he was entered into, or better to go back again as he came? likewise, what ground was meet to be chosen for to pitch his camp upon? what compass and space were necessary to be taken up for the fortification of the place? from whence he might have convenient watering? from what quarter he might be best provided of fodder and fuel? Finally against the morrow, which way were safest to remove the camp? and what form and manner of march were best? In these courses and discourses, he had from his childhood so enured and exercised his spirits, that he was never to seek what to do upon any such sudden occasion or occurrent presented unto him. And now at this present, seeing his enemies so near, first and foremost he made a stand with his vanguard; then he sent out toward the foremost ensigns, his auxiliar Candiotes that came to aid him, and those horsemen which they call Tarentine, whose manner is to have with them, two horses a piece; and then commanding his own men of arms to follow after, he possessed himself of a rock standing over a brook or running rill, from whence they might water commodiously: into that place he gathered together all his bag and baggage; there he bestowed all the pages and horseboys, and followers of the camp, whom he environed also with armed men: and as the nature of the place would give him leave, he fortified his camp. But to pitch pavilions in a craggy, rugged, and uneven ground he found much ado. Now were the enemies about half a mile off: and at one and the same riveret they watered both, with the guard of their light armed soldiers: but before that they could scuffle and skirmish together (as commonly they do when the camps stand so near one to another) the night overtook them. It appeared plainly there would be some fight the next day about the brook for water: and therefore in the night season he bestowed close in a valley, farthest out of sight from the enemies, as many of his targuettiers as possibly the place would contain and hide. When daylight was come, the light armed Candiotes and those Tarentine horsemen (of both sides) entered into skirmish upon the very banks of the brook. Letemnastus the Candiot had the leading of his countrymen; Lycortas the Megapolitane commanded the light horse. The Candiots, who likewise were auxiaries and aid-souldiors to the enemies, and the same sort also of the Tarentine horsemen, guarded those that came to water for them. Doubtful was the skirmish for a good while (as being managed and maintained of the one side and the other by men of one nation, and those furnished with the same kind of weapons) but those that were for the Tyrant, were more in number than the other. And by reason that Philopaemenes had given charge & direction to the captains, after they had held skirmish a while, to seem to recoil and fly, thereby to train the enemy into the aforesaid place of ambush; they followed hard in chase upon them as they fled along within the valley, and most of them were either slain or wounded before they saw the enemies hidden there within. Now those targuettiers aforesaid, were set in that order (so far forth as the breadth of the valley w●●ld permit) that they might easily receive their fellows as they fled, within the spaces between their ranks and files. Then at once they arose, fresh in heart, and ordered in good array, and charged upon the enemies, disordered, disbanded, loose, scattered, weary with travel, and faint of their wounds. Then was it out of doubt and past all peradventure where the victory went: for presently the Tyrant's soldiers turned their backs, fled a good deal faster than they made pursuit before, & were beaten into their camp: many were either killed or taken prisoners as they fled: and they had been put in affright also within the camp, but that Philopaemenes commanded to found the retreat, searing more the rugged and broken ground, & the disadvantage and difficulties thereof, in case he had rashly ventured forward any farther, than he did the enemy. Then he, taking his conjecture by the issue of the fight, & guessing by the nature of Nabis the General, in what fear and fright he mought be, sent unto him one of his auxiliaries that were strangers, counterfeiting himself to be a rennegate revolt, to inform him assuredly, that the Achaeans determined the next day to march as far as to the river Eurotas, which runneth hardby the walls of Lacedaemon, for to stop the passage, that neither the tyrant might retire himself into the city when he would, nor any munition or victuals be carried from thence into the camp: moreover, that they would give the attempt, and assay if they could solicit any of the citizens to revolt from the tyrant. This counterfeit, carried himself so in this errand, that the tyrant believed not so much his words, as took hold thereby of a good pretence & honetis occasion for to quit & abandon the camp: and therefore the next morrow, he commanded Pythagoras, with the auxiliary soldiers and the horsemen, to keep a good guard about the trench and enclosure of the camp: himself in person with the strength of his army, marched as it were to abattaile, and commanded to advance forward the ensigns in all haste toward the city, 
* or rather, Philopaemen.  Philopamenes perceiving that the army marched so fast through the narrow passage down the hill, put forth all his own horsemen and the auxiliary Candiots, against the guards of the enemies that warded before the camp. They, seeing the enemies to approach, and themselves forsaken of their own fellows, at first went about to retire within their hold: but afterwards when they perceived the whole army of the Achaeans advancing against them in order of battle, fearing that they and their tents should be at once surprised, made apace after their own host which was gone a good way before. With that, the targuetiers of the Achaeans assailed the camp, entered upon it, and ransacked the tents, whiles the rest went forward and pursued the enemies. The way was such, as that an army at liberty and free from fear of enemies, might hardly and with much ado rid any ground and march without encumbrance: but so soon as the skirmish began in the tail of the rearward, & the noise and cry of them affrighted behind was heard in the vanguard: every man made shift for one, flung away weapons, and fled into the woods on either side of the way; and ere one could turn about, all the ways were strewed and choked up with armour and weapons, and especially with darts or javelins, which lighting for the most part with one end full against the enemies, were instead of a staked or impaled palaissade to hinder their passage. Philopaemenes having given commandment to his light armed aid-souldiours to press forward still, and to follow the chase as fast as they could (knowing well that the horsemen would have much ado and trouble in their flight) conducted himself the main army and heavily charged, by a more open way to the river Eurotas: where he encamped himself a little before the going down of the sun, and there he stayed for his light appointed soldiers, whom he had left to follow after the enemies. Who being come about the time of the first watch, brought word, that the tyrant with some few was entered into the city, but the unarmed multitude were dispersed, and wandered all about the forest and the woods. Then he willed them to repose and refresh their bodies: which being done, himself chose out of all the soldiers besides (who because they were come first into the camp, had well heartened themselves with taking their refection and some small sleep) certain elect and special men, and took them forth immediately with him, having about them nothing but their swords, and set them in good order to keep two port-ways, by which men go to Pharae & Barbosthenes, where he presumed that the enemies would take their way and retire themselves upon their flight: and nothing was he deceived. For the Lacedæmonians, so long as the day light lasted, had with drawn themselves to the middle of the forest, through by-lanes and blind paths; but when the night was once come, and that they descried lights within their enemy's camp, they kept themselves aloof overagainst them within close and secret lanes; and when they were once passed beyond, and thought all to be in safety and security, they came down into the more open high ways, where they were received and caught up by their enemies that forelaied them in ambush: so they were every where by numbers either killed or taken prisoners; insomuch as scarce one fourth part of their whole army escaped. Philopaemenes having shut up the tyrant close within the city, spent almost thirty days consequently ensuing, in wasting and spoiling the territory of the Laconians: and when he had thus weakened and in manner broken the back of his enemy, he returned home, and the Achaeans held him a paragon, and equal to the Roman General for glorious deeds of arms, nay, in the service of the Laconian war they preferred him before the other.  
During the war between the Achaeans and the tyrant, the Roman ambassadors, who carefully and diligently visited the cities of the Allies, for fear lest the Aetolians had alienated any of their affections from them to king Antiochus, traveled but little in going about to the Achaeans, whom by reason of the hatred they bore to Nabis, they hoped verily to be fast & faithful enough unto them in all other things. And first they came to Athens, from thence to Chalcis, and so into Thessaly: and after they had conferred with the Thessalians in a frequent counsel of theirs, they turned their way to Demetrias, where there was published a solemn Diet to be holden by the Magnetes. Where they were to frame their speech more curiously than in other places, because certain of their great men and potentates were estranged from the Romans, and altogether made for Antiochus and the Aetolians. The reason was this, because when news came that Philip his son, who was left hostage with the Romans; should be rendered again unto him, and likewise the tribute remitted which had been imposed upon him, among other false tales and untruths, it was reported, That the Romans would redeliver Demetrias also into his hands. And rather than that should come to pass, Eurylochus (a principal & chief man among the Magnesians) and some others of that faction, desired to have a new world and an alteration, by the coming of the Aetolians and Antiochus. To these Magnesians, they were to couch and place their words so, in ridding them of that foolish vain fear which they had conceived, that thereby they did not put Philip clean beside his hope, and so give him occasion to be ill affected unto the Romans; considering that he alone was to them of far greater importance in all respects, than were the Magnesians, put all together. Thus much only they said by way of advertisement, That as all Greece generally was much beholden and bound unto the Romans for the benefit of Liberty, which they by their means enjoyed, so that city and State especially above all others was obliged unto them. For there, not only a garrison of Macedonians had been maintained to keep them in awe, but also the king had built him a royal palace, to seat himself there, to the end, that they might evermore have in their cie, their lord to command them. But in vain, and to no purpose was all this, in case the Aetolians brought Antiochus in his steed to make his resiance in the house and palace of Philip; and would needs entertain a new and unknown king in am of the old, so long a time and so well known. The sovereign magistrate of that city, they call Magnetarches; and for that time Eurylochus was the man: who bearing himself big and stout of his high place, said plainly, That he knew no cause, why either he or the Magnesians should suppress and smudder the rumour that ran so rife touching the delivery of Demetrias into Philip his hands. For rather than to suffer that, the Magnesians were to oppose themselves, yea, to do and dare any action whatsoever. And in the vehement heat of speech he went to far, that inconsiderately he cast out one word & laid, That Demetrias seemed free in outward show and appearance, but in very truth was at the command and devotion, yea, and at every beck of the Romans. At this speech there arose a dissonant bruit and murmuring of the assembly, which jarred and varied one from another, whiles some soothed him up, others were offended, and took it in great despite, that he should presume to utter and speak so much. And Quintius was in such an heat of choler there with, that stretching forth his hands to heaven, he called the gods to witness this ingratitude and disloyalty of the Magnesians. At whose words they were all greatly terrified. Then Zeno one of the chief, a man at that time of great authority and reputation, as well in regard of the honourable port that he ever carried in the whole course of his life, as also for that he always stood firm and sure to the Roman side, be sought Quintius and the rest of the ambassadors with tears, Not to impute the folly of one man to the whole city, for every man is to bear his own burden, and as he hath brewed, so to drink, and abide the smart of his own scratching. As for the Magnesians (saith he) they acknowledge to owe unto T. Quintius and the people of Rome, not only their freedom, but all other things else that are most dear and precious unto men. Neither could a man pray or with at the hands of the immortal gods for any thing, which the Magnesians had not received by their means: and sooner would they like frantic persons pluck the very heart out of their own bellies, yea, and tear themselves in pieces, before they would violate and break the amity which they had with the Romans. This speech of his was followed and seconded with the humble prayers of the multitude. Eurylochus departed out of the assembly, and through byways and blind lanes recovered the gates, and from thence fled straight into Aetolia. For now by this time, and every day more than other, the Aetolians discovered and showed themselves how they were affected to revolt. And happily at the same time, Thoas, a principal parsonage of that nation, whom they had sent as ambassador to king Antiochus, was newly returned, and brought with him Menippus the king's ambassador. Who, before they had audience given them in a counsel assembled for them, had filled every man's ears and blabbed forth, what forces were prepared both for land and sea, what a mighty power was coming, both of foot and horse, how Elephants were sent for out of India, and above all (where with they thought the minds of the people would be most moved) That there was such a mass of gold brought, as would buy all the Romans out and out. It was easy to see what trouble and broil such language might make in the general diet and assembly. For the Roman ambassadors had intelligence, both of their coming, and of all that ever they did. And albeit there was little hope or none at all to do any good, yet Quintius thought it not amiss, that some ambassadors from the allies and associate cities should be present at that Counsel, such as might admonish and put the Aetolians in mind of the Roman alliance and society, and not stick to speak their minds frankly, yea, & thwart the king his ambassador. The Athenians of all other were thought the meetest men for that purpose, both in regard of the authority and reputation of their city, and also for the ancient league between them and the Aetolians. So Quintius requested them to send their ambassadors to the Panaetolian parliament. When the assembly was met, and the Counsel set, Thoas first declared his embassage: and after him was Menippas' called in, who being entered in place, spoke in this manner: It had been (quoth he) the best course for all them that inhabit both Greece and Asia, that Antiochus had intermeddled in these affairs, during the upright fortune & entire state of Philip: then, every man had enjoyed his own, and all had not been reduced to the appetite and devotion, nor brought under subjection of the Romans. And even yet (quoth he) in case ye persist still in the same mind, and purpose resolutely to accomplish and finish these your designs and commenced enterprises, possible it is by the favour and help of the gods, and by the means of the Aetolian association, that Antiochus may recover the State of Greece, crazed as it is, and much broken, & bring it again to her first fresh hue, to her lively & lightsome lustre, which consisteth in true liberty, even that which is able to stand alone and maintain itself, and dependeth not upon the will and pleasure of others. The Athenians, who first (after the king's embassage was delivered) had audience given them and liberty to speak their mind, without making any mention at all of the king, Advertised the Aetolians of the Roman society, and put them in mind of the favours and good turns done by Quintius to all Greece in general: advising them to take heed, that without discretion they overthrew not the welfare thereof, by running rashly and too soon into a new world of strange courses and fine devises: for hot, hasty, and heady counsels are at the first sight and entertainment, pleasant and amiable; in the handling and managing, hard and difficult; in the end and issue, heavy and dangerous. Consider how the Roman Ambassadors, and namely Quintius among them, are not far off: and whiles things stand in good terms of integrity, it were better to treat & debate of matters in question and doubt, by words and reasons, than to set all Asia and Europe together to take arms and to make lamentable and deadly war one upon another. The multitude desirous of a change, inclined altogether, and were wholly devote to Antiochus, being of opinion, that the Roman Ambassadors were not to be admitted into the Counsel: but the more grave and ancient persons of the nobility and statesmen, obtained thus much by virtue of their authority, That they should have audience granted unto them. And when the Athenians had made relation of this decree and conclusion passed, Quintius was of mind to go into Aetolia: for this account he made, either to obtain somewhat that he came for, or else to have all gods and men to bear him witness, that the Romans would enter into the action of war justly, and in manner upon constraint and necessity. Quintius being thither come, began at first to discourse before the whole assembly, as touching the society of the Aetolians with the Romans, and how often they had broken for their parts the faithful accord between them: and when he had so said, he used a brief speech concerning the right of those cities that were in question. And if they thought that they had any law and reason of their side, how much better (quoth he) were it to send ambassadors to Rome, either to argue and expostulate the matter with them, or to demand their advice (whether they would themselves) than to cause the people of Rome to make war with Antiochus and the Aetolians together, not without great trouble of the whole world, and certain ruin of all Greece? For none should feel the smart and calamity of this war sooner than they that are the very causes thereof and began first. Thus spoke the Roman ambassador by way of prophesy, but in vain and to no effect. After him Thoas and the rest of that faction, were heard with the general applause of all: and they effected so much; that without any farther protoging of the Diet, and referring the matter to another day, yea and without staying so long until the Romans were out of the place and absent, they concluded to make a decree, by virtue whereof Antiochus should be sent for to affranchise Greece, and to decide the quarrel between the Romans and the Aetolians. This decree was not so proud and insolent, but Damocritus their Praetor accompanied it with as arrogant & reproachful a frump of his own. For when Quintius required of him to see the said decree, he without any respect of the honourable parsonage of the man, made answer, That for the present time he had somewhat else to do of greater importance; but he would give him the decree & an answer with all shortly, & that within Italy, encamped upon the bank of Tyberis. So great a spirit of senseless folly in those days had possessed the nation of the Aetolians, and their chief magistrates! Then Quintius & the delegates returned to Corinth.  
After the Romans were dismissed, the Aetolians held no more general counsel of the whole nation, because they would make semblance and seem to do nothing of themselves as touching the cause and question of Antiochus, but sit still and expect the coming of the king. Mary, they treated and debated the matter by their Apocleti (for so they call their special and privy Counsel which consisteth of certain effect chosen persons) by what means there might be an alteration and change in the affairs of Greece. This was held of all men for certain, that in every city and State, the chief and the best men generally were for the association of the Romans, and contented themselves with the present condition wherein they stood: but the multitude and those who had not all things to fall out to their own good liking, were desirous of a change. And one day above the rest, the Aetolians entered into a designment and plot, which was not only out of all measure audacious, but also most shameless, namely, to surprise and possess themselves of Demetrias, Chalcis and Lacedaemon. And to each of these cities there was sent one of their principal personages, namely, Thoas to Chalcis; Alexamenus to Lacedaemon, and Diocles to Demetrias. This Diocles had the help and assistance of Eurylechus a banished man (of whose flying away, and the occasion thereof we have spoken before) who otherwise had no hope at all to return again into his native country. The kinsfolk and friends of Eurylochus & the rest of that faction, upon instructions given them by his letters, willed his wife and children to present themselves in the frequent assembly of the citizens in habit of mourners, in poor array, and veiled after the manner of humble suppliants, there to beseech them all and some, not to suffer him a guiltless person, neither convicted nor condemned, to wax old and pine awarn exile. All that were plain & simple men seemed to be touched with pity and commiseration. The wicked & seditious persons conceived some hope to make a confusion in the State by these Aetolian troubles: in so much as every one was of opinion & gave his voice, that he should be restored and lent for home. This ground being laid and matters thus prepared, Diocles with his horsemen (for then was he the captain of the cavalry) took his journey, under a colour and pretence to reduce and bring home this banished person his host and good friend; and in one day and night traveiled a mighty great journey, and came within six miles of the city. And betimes in the morning by day light, accompanied with three elect troops he marched forward, commanding the rest of the horsemen to follow after. When he approached the gate, he caused them all to alight on foot and to lead their horses in their hands by the reins of their bridles, and to go without order, resembling travellers & wayfaring men, so as they seemed more like to the ordinary train of captain Diocles, than to the men of arms and warriors under his charge: and leaving one of his troops at the gate, for fear lest the horsemen behind might be shut out, he led Eurylochus by the hand, and brought him through the mids of the city and the market place home to his house: and all the way he was met with many of his lovers and friends that welcomed him, and joyed for his return. An on the whole city was full of horsemen, and all places of opportunity and advantage were seized and possessed by them. Which done, divers were sent to massacre the chief of the adverse part in their houses. Thus the Aetolians became masters of Demetrias.  
As for Lacedaemon, they devised in no hand to force the city, but by some wile to entrap and surprise the tyrant. For seeing the Romans had despoiled him of all his sea coast towns: and the Achaeans driven him within the walls of Lacedaemon, there was no doubt, but who so ever could first take his life from him, should carry away all the thanks, and curry especial favour with the Lacedæmonians. Good occasion and pretence they had to send unto him a power of armed men, for that he had importuned them by his prayers for some aids, considering that by their advice & persuasion he had rebelled. So there were given unto Alexamenus a thousand footmen, and thirty elect horsemen, drawn out of all the flower of the city. Damocritus the praetor delivered unto them from the privy counsel of that nation (of which we have before spoken) That they should not believe that they were to be employed in war against the Achaeans, or in any other service, according as each one might imagine and conceive in his own head: but he charged them to be ready to perform and execute obediently whatsoever sudden designment Alexamenus upon the present occasion should happen to attempt, were it never so unlooked for, strange, inconsiderate, & audacious: and to rest upon this, That they were sent with him to accomplish that, and for no other purpose. Thus Alexamenus with the conduct of these men thus prepared to his hand, came unto the Tyrant: and no sooner was he arrived, but he possessed him presently with a world of hopes: giving him to understand, That Antiochus was already passed over into Europe; that shortly he would be in Greece, and overspread all seas and lands with his armies and armadoes; that the Romans should full well know and find, that they have not now to deal with such an one as Philip; that the numbers of his foot and horses by land cannot be counted, nor his ships at sea numbered; that the battle of his Elephants at the very first sight will decide the matter and finish the war. Moreover, that the Aetolians with all their forces, were ready and priest to come to Lacedaemon, (as need required) at any time: but indeed, desirous they were to show and muster before the king at his arrival, a goodly number of armed soldiers. Nabis therefore himself should do very well, not to suffer those forces which he had, to decay with long repose and idleness, but bring them forth and train them abroad, make them to run in their armour, thereby both to whet and sharpen their courages, and also to exercise and enure their bodies: for by use and custom, the labour will be lighter; and by the courtesy and graciousness of their General, not without delight and pleasure. Hereupon, they began to issue out of the city, and oftentimes went into the plain lying hard by the river Eurotas. They of the tyrants guard kept commonly in the battle or middle ward: and himself with three horsemen at the utmost (with whom Alexamenus for the most part was) used ordinarily to ride before the ensigns, taking survey and viewing the utmost points and wings of the army. The Aetolians were placed in the right wing, as well those that came before to aid the tyrant, as those thousand that were newly arrived with Alexamenus. Now had Alexamenus taken a custom, one while to tourney as it were amongst the ranks before in the company of the tyrant, and to instruct him in some matters sounding to his commodity: otherwhiles, to ride to his own men into the right wing, and soon again to return to the Tyrant, as if he had given them charge of somewhat necessary to be done. But upon that day which was appointed for to do the feat and murder the tyrant, after he had ridden forth with the tyrant to the usual place, and kept him company a while, he took occasion (as his manner was) to make a step aside to his own soldiers; and then he went in hand with those horsemen which were sent with him from out of Aetolia, & said thus unto them: Now sirs, you must adventure & execute that lustily and without delay which you were commanded to perform by my direction and leading. Be ready with heart and hand, and be not slack and idle to exploit that, which ye shall see me to undertake and enterprise. And look whosoever he be that either standeth still, or will seem to argue and interpose his own wit and advise to cross mine, let him make account, he shall never go home again to his own country. With that he set them all a quaking, for well they remembered what their charge was when they came forth from home. Now was the Tyrant a coming on horseback from the left wing: Then Alexamenus commanded his horsemen to couch their lances down, and to have their eye upon him. He also settled himself to take a good heart unto him, which was not a little daunted at first with the cogitation of so great a designment that he had projected. When he was now approached and come near the tyrant, he ran with full career at him, gored his horse, and overthrew himself to the ground. He was not so soon unhorsed and laid along, but the horsemen stabbed him with many a thrust; whereof the most part did no harm, considering they were driven against his corselet: but in the end, they found where his body was naked & unarmed, so he gave his last gasp before he could be rescued by his guard in the main battle aforesaid. Then Alexamenus taking with him all the Aetolians, made all the hast he could to possess himself of the royal palace. The Pensioners and Squires of the body, seeing this murder done before their eyes, were at first mightily affrighted: but afterwards perceiving the army of the Aetolians to go their ways and depart, they ran to the breathless carcase left among them, and of men that should have guarded his body and revenged his death, they became a sort of idle gazers and lookers on. And surely there would not a man have once stirred, in case the multitude had immediately been called to an assembly; and if after arms laid down, they had been entertained by him with some oration or remonstrances framed according to the time. The Aetolians were kept many together, in arms still, without any outrage or wrong done or offered to any one person. But all things that they did, hastened the speedy ruin and destruction of those that had committed this fact: as it could not otherwise be in all reason, but they should so be served, who had played so lewd and treacherous a part. The captain and ringleader of all this mischief, kept himself close shut within the royal palace, spending both night and day in rifling and searching the Tyrant's coffers and his treasury. And the Aetolians for their part also fell to ransacking, as if they had won that city by assault, which they made countenance and semblance to set free. The indignity of these their pranks, the contempt with all and small regard made of them, encouraged and animated the Lacedæmonians to gather together and consult of the matter. Some were of opinion and said, That the Aetolians were to be thrust out by the head and shoulders, and to be sent away with a mischief, and their own liberty to be recovered, which under a colour of being restored, was intercepted and taken from them: others advised and said, that for fashion at leastwise, some one of royal blood should be set up for to be the head in this action. Now there was of that race and streene one Laconicus a young child, brought up with the children of the late Tyrant: him they mounted upon horseback, and then they took arms with all speed, and as many Aetolians as they could light upon, wandering here & there in the streets, they ran upon and hewed in pieces. Then they assaulted the palace, where they also murdered Alexamenus, albeit with some few about him he made resistance and defended himself. The rest of the Aetolians gathered together about Chalcioecos (which is a chapel of Diana made of brass) and there likewise they were massacred. A few of them flung away their weapons and fled, some escaped to Tegea, and others to 
* Leon●a●●●; L●●d●●.  Megalopolis: where being apprehended by the magistrates, they were sold in port sale, to them that would offer most. Philopaemenes hearing of the Tyrant's death, went to Lacedaemon, where he found all things out of order and in confusion by reason of fear. And having called forth the principal and chief citizens, he used unto them such a speech, as indeed Alexamenus should have made, and thereby knit the Lacedæmonians in league and alliance with the Achaeans: which he effected the sooner, because it chanced even then, that Attilius was come before 
* Cabode Tagu, or Paleopoli.  Gythaeum with four and twenty galleaces of five banks of oars on a side.  
About the same time, Thoas had not so good speed before Chalcis; by means of Euthymidas, a great and chief man of the city (one, who by the might and stronger hand of those that sided with the Romans, had been expelled the city after the coming of T. Quintius and the ambassadors or delegates) and also of Herodotus of Canus, a merchant and a man that in regard of his wealth & riches bore a great side in Chalcis: Thoas, I say, sped not so well by their means, notwithstanding that the supposts and partakers of Euthymidas were well disposed to betray the town; as Eurylochus did in the surprising and seizing of Demetrias. This Euthymidas from Athens (for there he had made choice to dwell) first came to Thebes, and so from thence went forward to Salganea. Herodotus abode at Thronium, and not far from thence within the gulf of Malea, he had 2000 footmen, and Thoas two hundred horsemen, and about thirty light Caravels, Which Herodotus was commanded to set over into the Island Atalanta with six hundred footmen, that from thence, when he perceived once the land-forces to approach Aulis and Euripus, he might cut over to Chalcis. As for themselves, they conducted the rest of the forces in all the hast they could, and most by night journeys marched unto Chalcis. Mictio and Xenoclides (who had the managing of the affairs in Chalcis, and might do all in all there, now that Euthymidas was banished) remained in Chalcis, and whither they mistrusted somewhat themselves, or had some inkling and intelligence of the matter, I wot not, but afraid they were at first, and had no other hope at all but by flight to save themselves: howbeit afterwards when their fear was well allayed and settled, seeing evidently, that not only their own country was betrayed, but also the Roman society abandoned, they plotted in this wife, and entered into a course as followeth.  
It fortuned at the very same time, that a solemn anniversary sacrifice was celebrated at Eretria, to the honour of Diana Amarynthis: to which solemnity there resorted not only the inhabitants of those places near at hand, but also a number of Carystians. Thither they sent certain Orators to request and entreat the Eretrians and Carystians, both to take some pity of their estate, considering they were borne in the same Island, and also to have some regard to the alliance of the Romans, and not suffer Chalcis to fall into the hands of the Aetolians: who no doubt, if they might get Chalcis, would not be long ere they had Euboea too. Syrly lords (say they) were the Macedonians, and rigorous, but the Aetolians would be much more unsupportable. These cities were principally respective to the Romans, whose virtue and prowess in war, whose justice & bounty in victory they had lately experience of, & therefore both States armed the flower and manhood of all their youth, and sent them. The townsmen of Chalcis having committed the guard of their walls to these, went forth themselves with all their forces, passed over Euripus, and encamped near Salganea. From which place they sent first an herald, and after him ambassadors to the Aetolians, to demand of them, Wherein they had so offended either in word or deed, that their allies and friends should come to molest and assail them so by way of hostility? To whom Thoas the General of the Aetolians made this answer, That they were not come to annoy and trouble, but to deliver and free them from their servitude under the Romans. For bound they were and tied now with a brighter and more glittering chain indeed, but far heavier, than at what time as they had the garrison of the Macedonians within their castle. The Chalcidians replied again and inferred, that they neither were in bondage, nor needed at all the garrison of any. And thus the ambassadors departed from the parley, and returned to their own people. Thoas and the Aetolians, whose whole and only hope was to come upon them on a sudden and surprise them at unwares, returned home again as they came, being not able to maintain open war, nor to assail a city so well fortified both by sea and land. Euthymidas being advertised that his countrymen lay in camp at Salganea, and that the Aetolians were dislodged and gone, retired himself also from Thebes to Athens. And Herodotus likewise, after he had wistly and with great longing, expected from 
* Talandi.  Atalanta certain days together, to see some signal (but in vain) sent out a pinnace or brigantine, to know what the cause might be of such stay: and understanding that the enterprise was gi\`ven over by his complices and fellows in the complot, he returned to Thronium from whence he came.  
Quintius likewise having intelligence of these occurrents, as he sailed with his fleet from Corinth, encountered Eumenes in Euripus near Chalcis. And thought good it was between them, that Eumenes the king should leave at Chalcis five hundred soldiers in garrison, and himself go directly to Athens: and Quintius kept on his way to 
* Dimi●rlada.  Demetrias whither he intended, supposing, that the deliverance of Chalcis would make somewhat to induce the Magnesians to embrace again the society of the Romans. And to the end that those persons in Demetrias who sided with him, might have some forces for their defence, he wrote unto Eunomus the praetor of the Thessalians, to put the youth in arms: and he sent vilius before unto Demetrias to found their affections, not minding otherwise to give the attempt, unless some part of them inclined to respect the ancient society. vilius entered the mouth of the haven with a five banked galleace. Thither ran the whole multitude flocking unto him. And vilius demanded of them whither they had leifer that he came to them as to friends or enemies? Unto whom Eurylochus the Magnetarches, answered, That he was come unto his friends: but he willed him to forbear the haven, and suffer the Magnesians to be at peace and liberty, and to beware, that under a pretence of parley, he did not solicit and disquiet the multitude. After this there was no farther talk and speech between them, but plain debate and altercation: whiles vilius the Roman blamed and challenged the Magnesians as unthankful persons, and forewarned them of the miseries & calamities that hung over their heads; and again the multitude cried out aloud, and accused as well the Senate as Quintius. Thus vilius without doing any good, returned to Quintius. But Quintius having dispatched a messenger to the praetor, that he should reduce home his forces, retired himself again by sea to Corinth.  
The affairs of Greece thus interlaced and blended with the Roman, have carried me away as it were out of my lists: not for that they were so necessary and important to be written, but only because they were material to the cause of the war against Antiochus. After the Consuls were elect (for there I began my digression) L. Quintius and Cn. Domitius the Consuls went into their several provinces. Quintius into Liguria, and Domitius against the Boijs. As for the Boijs, they held themselves quiet, yea, and the whole body of their Senate with their children, their captains also with their cavalry, to the number in all of fifteen hundred, yielded themselves to the Consul. But the territory of the Ligurians was over run and wasted, and some fortresses won: whereby not only there were prizes gotten of all sorts, and prisoners taken, but also divers captives, as well citizens as allies, were recovered out of the enemy's hands. This very year a Colony was planted at Vibo, by an act of Senate and Commons: and there went thither three thousand and seven hundred footmen, & three hundred horsemen. The Triumvirs, who had the placing of them, were Q. Naevius, M. Minutius, and M. Furius Crassipes. Every footman was endued with fifteen acres of land, and the horsemen twice as much. It was a territory held last in the tenure of the Brutians, and they had conquered it first from the greeks.  
About the same time, there happened at Rome two most fearful accidents; the one of them continued long, but was not altogether so vehement and terrible: for there was an earthquake endured eight and thirty days. All which time, the lawsteed or vacation from all courts of law and civil causes, continued in great fear and pensiveness: in regard whereof, a supplication was holden for three days. As for the other, it was not a vain fear, but a very loss indeed that touched many men: for there began a skarfire in the beast market; and continued a day and a night, burning many houses standing on the Tiber side; and all the shops and warehouses, with merchandise of great price, were consumed. Now was the year well drawing toward an end, and daily more and more the bruit and rumour of the war with Antiochus increased: and likewise the care that the LL. of the Senate had thereof. And therefore they began to treat as concerning the provinces of the Magistrates elect, to the end, that all of them might be more circumspect and intentive to their charges. So a decree passed, that the Consuls should have the governance of Italy, by name, and also to go whithersoever the Senate should please to dispose of them: and all men knew well enough, that the war against Antiochus was upon the point. Also ordained it was, that he whose lot it was to manage that war, should have the conduct of four thousand footmen of Roman citizens, and three hundred horsemen; besides six thousand allies of the Latin nation, and four hundred horsemen. L. Quintius the Consul was appointed to take musters for those soldiers, that there should be no stay, but that the new Consul might immediately put himself in his journey, to what expedition soever the Senate thought good. Item, It was decreed as concerning the provinces of the Pretours, in this manner: namely, That the first lot should assign the double jurisdiction, civil and foreign, as well among citizens as strangers: the second, should concern the Brutians: the third, the navy; and the same to sail whithersoever the Senate would appoint: the fourth, for Sicily: the fifth, for Sardinia: the sixth, for the nether Spain. Over and besides, L. Quintius the Consul was commanded to enrol two new legions of Roman citizens, besides twenty thousand foot and eight hundred horsemen of allies of the Latin nation: and this army they set out for that praetor, who was to govern the Brutij. Two chapels that year were dedicated to jupiter Capitolinus: the one of them L. Furius Purpureo vowed in the Gauls war, as praetor; the other, when he was Consul: and Q. Martius Ralla the Duumvir, dedicated them. This year, there passed many sharp and grievous sentences and judgements upon usurers: against whom (being private men) M. Tuccius and P. junius Brutus the two Aediles of the chair, commended action. Of that silver wherein they were fined, was made a chariot with four wheels, guilded; and set up it was in the Capitol in the cabinet of jupiter above the top of his shrine: likewise twelve bucklers guilded. The same Aediles also, caused the porch or gallery to be made without the gate Tergemina, among the carpenters.  
As the Romans were wholly amused upon preparation for this new war, so Antiochus for his part sat not still: three cities there were which kept him back and checked his progress, to wit, Smyrna, Alexandria in Troas, and Lampsacus; the which he never could to that day force by assault, or draw into amity with any conditions whatsoever; and to leave them behind in those terms, when he should in proper person pass over into Europe, he was not willing. Somewhat also he was impeached by a consultation as touching Hannibal. For at first he was stayed and hindered by occasion of the open ships which he intended to send with him into Africa. And afterward buzzed it was into his head by Thoas the Aetolian especially, and question moved, whether it were good simply to send him thither at all, or no? This Thoas, when Greece was all in an hurry and full of troubles, bore them in hand, that Demetrias would be in their power & at their devotion. And like as w●●● his leasings touching the king, in multiplying and magnifying his forces, he had brought many of the greeks into a fools paradise, even so also after the same manner he ceased not to feed the king with lies, and fill him with hopes, making him believe that all men wished for him with all their hearts, & would run by heaps to the sea strand, to meet him so soon as they could but ken his fleet under sail. This selfsame man was so bold also as to alter the king's mind as touching Hannibal, which seemed before resolved and settled. For he persuaded him that the king's navy was not to be dismembered, and part thereof to be sent away; and if he were to make out any of the ships from the rest, yet Hannibal of all other was not to have the conduct thereof, a banished person and a Carthaginian; who was like yaough to be of many minds, and to change a thousand times in a day, such was his present condition and fortune, & such was his nature and disposition. And as for that glorious name for martial prowess (which is the cause that Hannibal is so much set by, and which recommendeth him as a special and singular gift to the world) it is too much, and far unsitting for any one captain under a king: & more meet it were that the king himself should be regarded & seen above all other, that the king, I say, and none but the king should be the leader, conductor, and commander of all. Again, if Hannibal chanced to miscarry with the fleet, or to have his forces defeated, the loss would be counted no more than if any other meaner captain had done it: but if the affairs should prosper & speed well, Hannibal should go away with all the honour, and not Antiochus. Moreover, say that fortune were so kind as to give Antiochus the upper hand of the Romans, and the entire victory over them for ever, what hope or likelihood is there that Hannibal would be content to live under the king, and subject to him alone, who hardly could brook and endure the command and sovereignty of the whole State wherein he was borne? He hath not carried himself so, eversince his first youth, bearing a mind with him to compass the dominion of the whole world, as that now in his old age he can abide to have a lord and superior over him. To conclude: the king (quoth he) hath no such need of Hannibal in this war, as to make him a commander: well may be use him for a counsellor, and so forth to have him in his train and company; for some mean fruit and use of such a nature, cannot be cumbersome, hurtful, and dangerous: but if high and great matters be reached at, soon they may bear down and overcharge both the giver, and also the receiver. And no spirits are so ready to envy and malice others, as they whose birth and parentage, whose degree and estate is not answerable to their haughty minds: and such commonly, as they hate the virtue, so they depress the good of another. Hereupon that course of sending Hannibal into Africa, was forthwith laid aside and clean cast behind, which was so well devised in the beginning of the war.  
Antiochus bearing himself aloft now, principally for that Demetrias was revolted from the Romans unto the Aetolians, determined no longer to delay the matter, but presently to take a voyage into Greece. But before that he embarked and took the sea, he went up to Ilium from the sea side for to sacrifice unto Minerva; and when he was returned to his fleet, he made sail with 40 close covered & hatched ships, and 60 uncovered and undecked, and after these followed 200 vessels of burden, charged & fraught with victuals, munition, & warlike furniture of all sorts. And first he fell with the Island 
* I imbro.  Imbros: & from thence he cut over to Scyathos, where after he had rallied his ships which had been scattered one from another in the wide & deep sea, he arrived at Preleum, the first town of the main and continent. Where Eurylochus the Magnetatches, [i. the sovereign of Magnesia] and the principal citizens of that State, who were come from Demetrias met him and joined with him; who rejoicing exceedingly to see so goodly a company of them in his train, the next day put into the haven of the city of Demetrias: and not far from thence landed all his forces, which amounted in the whole to ten thousand foot, five hundred horse, and six Elephants: a small power (God wot) and unsufficient, to seize upon Greece, all naked and alone, far shorter than to hold and maintain war with the Romans. After it was reported that Antiochus was come to Demetrias, the Aetolians proclaimed a counsel, wherein they made a decree to send for Antiochus. For now the king knowing that they would pass such an Act, was departed from Demetrias, and had withdrawn himself to Phalera within the gulf of Malea. And after he had received once the patent of that decree, he went from thence to Lamia, where he was received with exceeding favour of the common people, with clapping of hands, shouts, acclamations, and other signs whereby the multitude useth to show and testify their great joy. When they were assembled together and set in Counsel, Phaneas the Praetor and other chief citizens brought him solemnly in: where after Oy●●● ●ade, thus the king began his speech, first excusing himself, In that he was come with a far smaller power than all men hoped or looked for. And even this (quoth he) may serve in steed of the greatest argument that may be of my exceeding love and affection toward you, in that being so unprovided and unfurnished of all things, and at a time so unseasonable for to sail, as too early to take the sea, I have not thought much but am willingly come at the call of your ambassadors: being thus assuredly persuaded, that the Aetolians seeing me once, would suppose that in me alone consisted all their hope and defence whatsoever. And yet I will accomplish I assure you, and satisfy to the full even your contentment also, whose expectation for the present may seem to have been disappointed: for so soon as the time of the year will serve, and the spring is once come, that the seas are navigable, I will overspread all Greece with men, horse, and munition; I will take up all the sea coasts with fleets; I will spare for no cost, no pain, no peril, until I have taken from their necks the heavy yoke of the Roman empire, set Greece free indeed, and made the Aetolians the chief commanders therein. Nay with mine armies besides shall come all kind of provision and furniture out of Asia. But for the present (faith he) the Aetolians must see and take order, that my people may be served with corn & other victuals at a reasonable rate. To this effect when the king had spoken with the great assent of all men, he departed. After the king's departure, there arose some contention between two great men of the Aetolians, to wit, Phaneas and Thoas. Phaneas was of opinion, that it was better policy to use Antiochus for a mediator and reconciler of peace, or to be an umpire or arbitrator to decide the controversies between them and the Romans, rather than to be the General of the war. For his very coming and majesty would be more effectual than all his forces, to strike some reverence in the Romans, and cause them to be respective unto him. For men oftentimes yield and remit many things of themselves willingly to avoid war, which they cannot be forced unto by war and by arms, when they are once entered into action. Thoas inferred again and said, that Phaneas spoke not this for any desire and love to peace, but his meaning was to scatter and dispatch this furniture and preparation of war, for this intent, That by this redious linger, the king's courage might abate, and the Romans gain time to make themselves ready. For, that there was no reason possibly to be gotten at the Romans hand, they had tried sufficiently by good experience, in sending so many embassages to Rome, and in debating the matter so often with Quintius: neither would they ever have sought unto Antiochus and craved his aid, if all their hope otherwise had not been cut off and clean failed. And now since his helping hand is presented unto them sooner than all men thought or looked for, they were not now to begin to faint and give over, but rather to request and entreat the king, that since he was come himself in person (which was the greatest matter of all) to set free and maintain Greece, he would send for his forces both at sea and land. For, the king in arms, might peradventure obtain something: but disarmed if he were, little or no reckoning would the Romans make of him in the quarrel and question of the Aetolians, no nor in his own affairs whensoever he should reason and debate thereof. And here went the hare away. They all opined streightwaies to style the king with the name of Imperator [i. Emperor:] and they chose thirty of the chief personages to assist him in counsel for all things requisite. Thus the Diet was dissolved, and every man slipped away and retired to his own city. The next day the king sat in consultation with their Apocletes, In what place they should begin the war. And it was thought best, first to assail the city of Chalcis, which lately the Aetolians had assayed in vain. And for to effect this service, there was more expedition and speed required, than any other great forces and preparations. Hereupon the king set forward with 1000 footmen which followed him from Demetrias, and marched by the way of Phocis: The chieftains also of the Aetolians, having levied some few companies of their youth, took another way, and met with him at Chaeronea, and followed with ten covered ships. The king encamped near Salganea, and himself in person with the chief of the Aetolians crossed the Eurypus: and when he was landed and not far gone from the haven, the magistrates and chief men of Chalcis came forth without their gates, and some few of both sides met together for to parley. The Aetolians were earnest to persuade with them; That so farforth as they might without impeaching the Roman amity, they would assume the king also to be their ally and friend, for as much as he was passed into Europe not to make war, but to deliver Greece, and set it free in very deed, and not in word only and false semblance, as the Romans had done. And nothing was there more for the good and benefit of the cities in Greece, than to entertain the society and friendship of them both. For under the defence and safeguard of the one, they might be sure to guard themselves from the violence & outrage of the other. But if they accepted not of the king, they were best to take heed and see what danger they presently incurred: considering the succours of the Romans to relieve them were so far off, and the forces of Antiochus their enemy to annoy them, so near even at their gates, whom of themselves with their own power they were not able to withstand. To this, Mictio one of their chief men made this answer: Imervaile much (quoth he) who they be, that Antiochus for to deliver and set free, hath taken the pains to leave his own kingdom, and to pass over into Europe. For mine own part, I know no city in Greece, that either hath Roman garrison, or payeth any tribute unto them, or is bound to unjust and unreasonable covenants, or endureth any hard laws and conditions against their wills: and therefore the Chalcidians have need of no person to restore them to freedom, since they be free already; ne yet of a garrison for their defence, considering that by the grace and favour of the same people of Rome, they enjoy peace and liberty already. As for the king, we refuse not his amity, ne yet reject we the friendship of the Aetolians. And we will take it for a special point of friendship that they shall do us, if they gently will depart out of our island and be gone: For as for us, we are resolute in this, not to receive them within our walls, no nor to contract with them any society, without the advice and consent of the Romans. When these matters were related to the king, who stayed behind with the ships, he determined presently to return to Demetrias, for that he was not come with such a power as to attempt anything by force: where, seeing his first enterprise came to nothing, he devised and conferred with the Aetolians what was to be done next: and concluded it was, to sound the Achaeans, and Aminander the king of the Athamanes. They supposed also that the nation of the Boeotians was clean estranged and badly affected to the Romans ever since the death of Barcellios', and those troubles that ensued thereupon. They were persuaded also that Philopoem●●●● a great potentate, & principal leader of the Achaeans, was both malicious and odious unto Quintius for emulation and jealousy of honour in the Laconian war. Aminander had espoused and taken to wife Apamea the daughter of one Alexander a Megapolitan, who vaunting himself to be descended from Alexander the Great, named his two sons, Philip and Alexander, and his daughter, Apamas: whom being thus advanced by marriage with a king, her elder brother Philip accompanied into Athamania. This Philip, a vaine-headed young man, the Aetolians and Antiochus had induced into a foolish hope (considering that for certain he was of the royal blood) to obtain the kingdom of Macedon, if haply he could bring about to join Aminandera and the 〈◊〉 to Antiochus. And these vain conceits of great behests wrought mightily not with this Philip only; but also with Aminander:  
Now in Achaea there was a counsel holden at Aegium, and audience given there to the ambassadors of Antiochus and the Aetolians, before T. Qaintius: Where the king his ambassador spoke first, and being (as all those commonly are, that vaud their entertainment and of ●sain●●nance of kings) full of foolish babble, and making sea and land ●●●sound a gain with his vain●● prattling and senseless words; set tale on end, and told them, what an infinite 〈◊〉 of horsemen were passing over by Hellespont into Europe: whereof, some of them were in complete harness, armed at all pieces, whom they call Cataphracti: others were archers; and 〈◊〉 on horseback, against whom there was nothing close, nothing some enough, who when their back● are turned, and their horses run away, shoot so much the more surely, and even point blank. And albeit these forces of horse by his report, were sufficient of themselves to defeit all the enemies of Europe if they were put together, yet he added besides a mighty number, I wot not how many of footmen: and terrified them with naming 〈◊〉 of strange nations, that scarcely had been heard of before, to wit, the Dakes, the Medians, the Aelymaeans and Cadusians. But for his forces at sea, there was no bays, no harbours, nor havens in all Greece able to receive them. The Sydonians and Tyrians (say they) hold the rightside, the Aradians, and the Sidets out of Pamphylia keep the left; nations for skill and valour at sea incomparable. As for money and other provision and furniture for the wars, it were needless to discourse of, since they themselves knew well enough, that the realms of Asia have always stowed with gold, as their proper foison. So as the Romans now were not to deal with Philip nor with Hannibal, the one a chief person among many others of a city, and the other limited within the confines only of the kingdom of Macedon; but with the great Monarch of all Asia, yea & of some part of Europe. And yet he, as mighty a potentate as he is (notwithstanding he is come from the utmost coasts and bounds of the Levant sea, to deliver and enfranchise Greece) demandeth nothing of the Achaeans prejudicial to their fealty and allegiance to the Romans their first allies and associates: for he required not them to take arms with him against them, but only not to intermeddle nor take a part: his seeking is, that (as behoveth good friends and mediators between both parties) they would with all well and peace among them, and not interpose themselves in the quarrel of war. Archidanius likewise the ambassador for the Aetolians, requested in manner the same, That they would hold themselves quiet and in repose (a thing most easy and safe for them) and being but lookers on the war, wait and attend the issue of other men's fortunes, without the hazard of their own: yet he stayed not so, but proceeded so far and overshot himself so much in words, that he broke forth at length into ill language, one while railing against the Romans in general, another while against Quintius in particular; calling them ungrateful and unthankful persons, reproaching, upbraiding, and hitting them in the teeth, how not only they had gotten the victory of Philip, but also saved themselves by the virtue and valour of the Aetolians: and as for Quintius, he was to thank them and their means, as much as his own life came to and the preservation of his army. For wherein at any time (qd. he) performed he the duty and devoir of General in the field? Seen him indeed I have in the time of battle and in the camp, take the flight of birds, kill sacrifices, and make vows very devoutly, like some holy parish-priest or divining prophet, whiles I myself was feign in his defence to expose and present my body to glaives and darts of the enemies. To these challenges Quintius made answer in this wise, saying, That Archidamus had more regard in whose presence he spoke, than to whom he directed all his speech: for the Achaeans know very well, that all the valiancy of the Aetolians, standeth in bragging words and not in martial deeds, as men that love to be heard in Diets and assemblies rather than seen in the field and battle; and therefore no marvel if he made so small reckoning to speak unto the Achaeans, considering that he knew, how well acquainted they were with the manners and fashions of the Aetolians. But he hath besides vaunted and made great brags before the king's ambassadors, & in their person, before the king himself in absence. And if a man had not known before, what it was, that had so knit and united Antiochus and the Aetolians together, he mought perceive it evidently by the speeches of the ambassadors: for by exchanging lies a good reciprocally, and by bragging of their forces which they have not, they have inflated and puffed up one another with vain hopes, whiles they tell and would make them believe, That Philip by them was vanquished, That the Romans by their valour were protected; and other gay matters, which erewhile ye heard: building castles in the air, to the end, that you and other stars and nations would side with them and take their parts: The king again (by his ambassador) overspreadeth all with clouds of horsemen and footmen, and covereth whole seas with fleets and armadaes. Now in faith this is mine host of Chalcis up and down, a friendly man I assure you, and a good fellow in his house, and one that knoweth how to entertain his guests and bid them welcome. And verily I can liken this manner of dealing to nothing better than to a supper of his: We went upon a time to make merry with him, and I remember well it was at midsummer (when the days are longest & the sun at the hottest) where he made us passing good cheer. And as we wondered how at such a season of the year he met with that plenty of venison, and such variety withal; the man (nothing so vainglorious as these fellows here) smiled pleasantly upon us and said, We were welcome to a feast of a good ●●me swine and no better: but well fare a good cook my masters (qd. he) who by his cunning hand, what with seasoning it, and what with serving it up with divers sauces, hath made all this fair show of wild flesh, and the same of sundry sorts. This may fitly be applied to the king his armies and forces: of which even now so great boast was made. For these divers kinds of arms, these many names of nations never hard of before, to wit, the Dakes or Daheans (I wot not what to call them) the Medes, the Cadusians, the Elimaeans, they are but Syrians when all is done; who for their base minds by nature, are much better to make a sort of slaves than a company of good soldiers. And would to God (you my masters of Achaea) I could represent unto your eyes the port and train of this great king, when he ran from Demetrias, one while to Lamia to the council of the Aetolians, & another while to Chalcis: you should see in this king's camp hardly two pretty legionets, & those but lame ones neither and not well accomplished: you should see the king sometime as good as begging grain of the Aetolians, to measure out among his hungry soldiers: otherwhiles making shift to take up moneys at interest to make out their pay: now standing at the gates of Chalcis, and anon shut out from thence and excluded clean: and when he had done nothing else but seen Aulis and Euripus, returning fair into Aetolia. Antiochus (you see) hath yielded but small belief to the Aetolians, and the Aetolians have as little trusted and relied upon the vanity of the king. And therefore the less should you be deceived by them, but rather repose yourselves assuredly in the fidelity of the Romans so often tried, so often known and approved. For whereas they say, It is your best course not to be embarked and interessed in this war, I assure you, there is nothing more vain than this, nay nothing so hurtful unto your estate. For you shall be a prize and prey to the victor, without thank of either part, without any worth and reputation. Quintius was thought by the Achaeans to have spoken not impertinently, but to have answered them both, fully: and an easy matter it was to approve his speech unto those, that were well enough inclined to have given him gentle hearing: for there was no question nor doubt at all, but that everyman would judge them to be friends or enemies to the Achaean nation, whom the Romans held for theirs: yea and would conclude in the end of an act, to denounce war both against Antiochus & the Aetolians. Moreover, according as Quintius thought good, they sent presently an aid of 500 soldiers to Chalcis, and of as many to Pyraeeum. For at Athens there had like to have been a sedition & mutiny, whiles some drew the multitude (which commonly is bought and sold for money) to take part with Antiochus upon hope of large rewards & great bounties, until such time as Quintius was sent for by them that took part with the Romans: in so much as Apollodorus (who gave counsel & persuaded to revolt) was accused by one Leon, and being condemned, was banished. Thus verily the embassage returned from the Achaeans to the king with heavy answer. The Boeotians delivered no certainty: this only was their answer, That when Antiochus himself was come into Boeotia, than they would consider and consult what they were best to do.  
Antiochus being advertised, that both the Achaeans and king Eumenes also had sent men for the defence of Chalcis, thought good to make haste, that his forces might not only prevent them, but also if it were possible receive them and cut them short as they came. And for this intent, he sent Menippus with three thousand soldiers or thereabout, and Polyxenidas with his whole fleet. Himself a few days after marched with six thousand of his own soldiers; and of that levy, which on a sudden might be gathered at Lamia, no great number of Aetolians. Those five hundred Achaeans aforesaid, and the small aid that king Eumenes sent under the conduct of Xenoclides the Chaleidian, having safely passed Euripus before that the ways and passages were beset, arrived at Chalcis. The Romans also who were upon five hundred, at what time as Menippus encamped before Salganea, came to Hermeum, where is the advenue out of Boeotia into the Island of Eubaea. In their company was Miction sent as Ambassador from Chalcis to Quintius, for to crave some succour: who perceiving that the ways were laid and the straits kept by the enemies, leaving his intended journey by the way of Aulis, turned to Delium, minding from thence to cut over into Eubaea. This Delium is a temple of Apollo situate upon the sea strand, and five miles distant from Tanagra, from whence there is a short cut (little more than a league) over an arm of the sea unto the next parts of Euboea. In this temple and sacred grove about it, so religious, so privileged and secured (as are those franchised houses and sanctuaries which the greeks call Asyla) and at that time, when neither war was proclaimed, or at leastwise not so far proceeded, as that in the hearing and knowledge of any man there had been sword drawn, or blood shed in any place: In this place, and at this time, I say, whiles the soldiers wandered at their leisure and pleasure, some gone to see the temple abovesaid and the grove, others walking upon the strand unarmed, and a great sort also of them scattered over the fields (such as were gone for forage and sewell) all on a sudden Menippus finding them loose and disbanded, charged upon them, and slew them, and to the number of fifty he took alive: very few escaped, among whom was Mictio, who got into a small vessel of merchandise. This occurrent, as it troubled and disquieted Quintius and the Romans, for the loss of their soldiers, so it seemed much to increase the right of their just quarrel to make war upon Antiochus. Antiochus having advanced his army, and approached Aulis, after he had once again addressed Orators, partly of his own subjects, and partly Aetolians to Chalcis, for to follow those causes which of late he had commenced, but in more minatory terms, now prevailed easily, notwithstanding Mictio and Xenoclides laboured to the contrary, that the gates should be set open unto him. All those that were for the Romans, abandoned the city a little before the kings coming. The soldiers of Achaea and king Eumenes, kept Salganea. The Roman soldiers also (who were but few) fortified and made a sconce upon the water of Euripus, to be a defence for the passage. Menippus began to assail Salganea, and the king himself to set upon the sort of Euripus aforesaid. The Achaeans and the soldiers of Eumenes first grew to composition, and having capitulated to depart without any harm, quit their place of garrison. The Romans held out longer, and stoutly defended the hold of Euripus: but even they also being so straightly invested both by land and water, and seeing now the ordinance and engines of battery, brought and ready to be planted against them, would no longer endure the siege. When as now the king had possessed himself of the head city of Euboea; all the other cities of that Island, refused not to submit and come under his subjection. And he thought he had made a good beginning and entrance in this war, in that so great an Island, and so many cities commodiously seated, and of such importance, were reduced under his obeisance.   

THE XXXVI. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the six and thirtieth Book.  
MArcus Acilius Glabrio the Consul, with the aid of king Philip, vanquished king Antiochus, near to Thermopyle, & drove him out of Greece. He also subdued the Aetolians. P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica the Consul (reputed and judged by the Senate, the best man in the city) dedicated the temple of the mother of the gods, whom himself had brought into the Palatium. He also when he had overcome the Boians, took them upon surrender to his protection, and triumphed over them. Over and besides, here are set down the prosperous battles fought at sea, against the admiral's and captains of king Antiochus.  
SO soon as P. Cornelius Scipio the son of Cneus, and M. Acilius Glabrio, the two Consuls, were entered into their magistracy, the LL. of the Senate enjoined them (before any speech and question moved as touching the provinces) to sacrifice greater beasts in all those temples, wherein the custom was for the more part of the year to celebrate the solemnity of Lectisternes, and to make their prayers in this manner, That where as the Senate intended a new war, the gods would vouchsafe to bless and happily conduct the same to the good and public weal of the Senate and the people of Rome. All those sacrifices proved good and as they ought to be: even the very first beasts that were slain, prognosticated fortunate success, and showed apparent signs that the gods were pacified and well pleased. And thus the soothsayers and bowel-priers out of their learning, answered, It was evident, that by this war the bounds and limits of the Roman empire should be extended, and that both victory and triumph was foresignified. These answers being reported, and men's minds settled, and their cousciences resolved of all scruples as concerning the gods, than the LL. of the Senate granted out an order, that a bill should be preferred solemnly unto the people in this form, PLEASETH IT YOU, AND IS IT YOUR WILL, THAT WAR SHOULD BE ENTERPRISED AGAINST ANTIOCHUS', AND ALL THAT TAKE HIS PART? AND IF THIS BILL PASS AND BE GRANTED, ARE YE PLEASED, THAT THE CONSULS, IF THEY THINK SO GOOD, REFER THE WHOLE MATTER UNTO THE SENATE TO TAKE ORDER FOR THE MANAOING THEREOF ACCORDINGLY? P. Cornelius propounded this bill, and the people acceptedthereof. Whereupon the Senate set down a decree, that the Consuls should cast lots for the government of Italy and Greece: and that he whose hap it was to govern Greece, should (over and above that number of soldiers, which L. Quintius by authority and commission from the Senate had for that province either enroled or levied) receive that army also which M. Baebius the praetor caused to pass over the year before into Macedon, by virtue of an order by the Senate, in that behalf enacted. And licence he had, if need so required, to take up aid-souldiours from among the allies without Italy, so as he exceeded not the number of five thousand. Also agreed it was, that L. Quintius the Consul of the year before, should be deputed lord General for that war. As for the other Consul, unto whom had been allotted the charge of Italy, he was commanded to levy war against the Boians, and to have his choice, whether army he had leisser have o f those two which the former Consuls conducted: & when he had received one, to send the other to Rome, that those legions of citizens should be in readiness for to be sent whither it pleased the Senate. This order being taken in the Senate, as touching the appointment and assignation of those provinces, than it was thought good, that the new Consuls should cast lots for their governments. To Acilius besel Greece, and Italy to Cornelius. After this, by a special lot there passed an act of the Senate, That whereas the people of Rome had ordained to wage war at that time against king Antiochus, and those that were under his dominion, the Consuls should cause a procession to be solemnised. Also, that the Consul M. Acilius should conceive and make a vow to jupiter, for to celebrate the great Games in his honour, and to bring offerings to every altar. This vow was by him pronounced in this form of words, according as P. Licinius the Archpriest indited and prompted unto him. IF THAT WAR WHICH THE PEOPLE HATH DETERMINED TO BE ENTERPRISED AND MADE AGAINST KING ANTIOCHUS', SHALL BE PERFORMED ACCORDING TO THE MIND AND CONTENTMENT OF THE SENATE AND PEOPLE OF ROME, THAN SHALL THE PEOPLE OF ROME CELEBRATE UNTO THY HONOUR, o JUPITER, THE GREAT GAMES FOR THE SPACE OF TEN DAYS TOGETHER, AND OBLATIONS SHALL BE BROUGHT TO EVERY ALTAR, OF THAT PRICE, AND AMOUNTING TO THAT SUM WHICH THE SENATE SHALL ORDAIN AND SET down. AND WHAT MAGISTRATES SOEVER SHALL EXHIBIT THOSE GAMES, OR IN WHAT PLACE, YEA, AND AT WHAT TIME SOEVER THEY SHALL BE REPRESENTED, THE SAID GAMES SHALL BE HELD FOR GOOD, AND REPUTED AS WELL DONE, YEA, AND THE OFFERINGS ACCEPTED AS RIGHTLY PRESENTED. After this there was published & proclaimed by both Coss. a supplication for the space of 2 days. When the Coss. had cast lots for the parting of their governments, the Praetors likewise went presently about the same for their provinces. To M. junius Brutus fell both the jurisdictions, as well of citizens as aliens. A. Cornel. Mammula had the charge of the Brutij, M. Aemylius Lepidus of Sicily, and L. Opius Salinator of Sardinia. C. Livius Salinatur was L. Admiral of the navy, and L. Aemylius Paulus governor of the nether Spain. And in this manner following, were the armies and forces distributed and appointed. Unto A. Cornelius were assigned the new soldiers which the former year L. Quintius the Consul, by virtue of an Act of the Senate, had enroled. And his commission was to defend and keep in order all that tract and coast about Tarentum and Brundisium. As for L. Aemylius Paulus, who was to take a voyage into the farther Spain, he was allowed (besides the army which he was to receive of M. Fulvius the Propretour) to have the conduct of three thousand new soldiers sootemen, and three hundred horse: so that of them, two third parts should consist of allies of the Latin nation, and one third of Roman citizens. The like supply was sent unto C. Flaminius into the higher Spain, whose commission was renewed for to have the command there still. M. Aemylius Lepidus had commandment to receive the government of the province, and withal, the conduct of the army, at the hands of L. Valerius, whom he was to succeed; and if he thought so good, to keep with him in the province L. Valerius, in quality and place of a Viz-pretour: and so to divide the province, that the one part should reach from Agrigentum to Pachinus; the other half from Pachinus to Tyndarium: also, that L. Valerius should defend the sea coasts and the river with a fleet of twenty Galleys. The same praetor aforesaid was to levy and gather a double tenth of corn, and to take order for the convoy thereof to the sea, and so to be embarked and transported into Greece. The like commission had L. Opimius, to exact and take another tenth in Sardinia; but that grain was to be brought to Rome, & not to be carried over into Greece. C. Livius the praetor, & admiral of the navy, was appointed with 30 sail ready rigged and trimmed, to sail into Greece with all speed, and to receive the ships that Acilius had: likewise to repair, rig and furnish the old vessels that rid in the harbours, or lay atone side up in docks. M. junius the Praetor his charge was, to levy mariners and rowers from among the libertines, for to serve that Armada. And there were sent Ambassadors into afric to Carthage, and into Numidia, three into either part, for to seek and purvey corn to be sent into Greece, for which the people of Rome would make present payment. And so wholly employed was the city, to prepare and take order for this war, that P. Cornelius the Consul published an Edict, that no Senators, nor any that had authority to give their opinion in the Senate, neither any inferior magistrates, should take any journey out of thecitie, farther than they might make return again the same day: Item, that there should not be five Senators absent at once from Rome.  
C. Livius the praetor, whiles he used all diligence and care to prepare and provide his fleet, was impeached and hindered a time, by occasion of a debate and contention that arose between him and the Coloners of the sea side. For when they should be gathered and sent to sea, they appealed to the Tribunes of the Com. from whom they were put over and referred to the Senate: and the Senate with one voice and accord pronounced and determined, that these Coloners were not exempted from sea-service. The Colonies that contended with the praetor about their immunity were these, Hostia, Fregena, Castrum novum, Pyrgi, Antium, Tarracina, Minturnae and Sinuessa.  
This done, the Consul Acilius by order from the Senate, consulted with the college of the Feciales or Heralds at Arms, and demanded their advice, Whether the war should be proclaimed and defiance given to Antiochus himself in person; or it were sufficient, to intimate and denounce the same to some one of his garrisons? Also, whether they would advise to proclaim war against the Aetolians apart by themselves; or whether it were not meet and convenient first to disclaim and renounce their society and friendship, and then to proclaim and denounce hostility? The Fecials answered, that heretofore they had determined and cleared this point, at what time as their opinion was asked as touching Philip, to wit, That it was all one, and made no matter, whether the defiance were given him to his face, or only intimated to some garrison of his. And as for the Aetolians, this was their mind, that they had quit already their amity, and abandoned all society, in that when our ambassadors so oftentimes had redemaunded amends for wrongs done, they never thought good to make restitution or satisfaction. Moreover, the Aetolians had themselves sent defiance first and proclaimed war against the Romans, when as by force they seized Demetrias a city of our allies, and advanced before Chalcis, to assail it both by land and sea: and lastly, in that they had solicited king Antiochus and brought him into Europe for to levy war against the Romans. All things now being sufficiently provided, M. Acilius the Consul published an Edict and proclaimed, That all those soldiers whom L. Quintius had enroled, likewise all those whom he had levied of the allies of the Latin nation, who were to go with him into his province, likewise all the Colonels and Marshals of the second and third legion, should render themselves, and be ready altogether at Brundisium upon the 
* 15 May.  Ides of May following. Himself upon the 
* 5 May.  fifth day before the Nones of the same month, departed forth of the city clad in his rich cote of arms. And at the same time the Praetors also took their journeys into their several provinces.  
Much about that time there arrived at Rome ambassadors from two kings, to wit, Philip of Macedon, and Ptolomae king of Egypt; promising their aid of men, money, and corn for that war. And besides from Ptolomaeus there was brought 
* 36000 pound sterling, after angel touch.  1000 pound weight in gold, and the weight of 
* 60000 pound sierl.  2000 pound in silver: howbeit, nothing was received, but much thanks rendered to both the kings. And whereas both of them offered to come with all their power into Aetolia, and to be there in person, Ptolomae was discharged of that offer of his, but the Ambassadors of Philip received this answer, That he should highly please and content the people of Rome, in case he would not fail the Consul M. Atilius. In like manner there came Ambassadors from the Carthaginians and Masanissa. The Carthaginians made promise of a 
* I suppose that here wanteth the multiplicamn number, VIZ, 100L. For it is 〈◊〉 s●●rable to the proportion of the rest that followeth, nor to the magnificence of so great estate, to send some thirty quarters of wheat who heretofore allowed a hundred times as much, and yet, the same proportion of bailey which now at this present is set down.  thousand Modij of Wheat, and of Barley five hundred thousand for the army, and likewise to bring half so much to Rome; praying the Romans to accept the same at their hands as a free gift and gratuity: adding moreover, that they would man our a fleet at their own charges, and were ready also to make one entire payment of the tribute behind, which they were of duty to pay by sundry terms of many years. The Ambassadors of Masanissa, promised in the behalf of their king, to send five hundred thousand Modij of wheat, and 300000 thousand of barley into Greece to the army, besides 500 men of arms and twenty Elephants, unto M. Acilius the Cos. As touching the corn, this answer was returned unto them, that they were content to accept thereof, so that they would take money therefore to the worth. As to the fleet aforesaid, which the Carthaginians made offer of, they acquit them clean, save as many ships as they were to find & provide according to the tenure of the accord and composition between them. Last of all, concerning the tribute money, none would they receive before the day.  
Whiles the affairs passed thus at Rome, Antiochus being at Chalcis, because he would not sit still and do nothing, all a winter time, partly himself solicited (by sending his ambassadors) the minds of the States, and partly also there came unto him ambassadors from thence of their own accord: and namely among others, the Epirots presented themselves by the common consent of their whole nation, and the Eleans also came out of Peloponnesus. They of Elis craved aid against the Achaeans, who (they verily thought) would first take arms against their city, because war was denounced against Antiochus nothing to their will and good liking. Unto them were sent 1000 footmen under the leading of Euphanes the Cretensian. The embassage of the Epirotes played with both hands, meaning to deal roundly & simply with no side, but to go between the bark & the tree. Gladly they would make court to the king and curry favour with him, but so, as they stood in good terms still with the Romans, whom they were loath to offend. For their request to him was, that he would not draw them without great and important cause into the quarrel, considering that they for the defence of all Greece lay open & exposed to Italy, and were sure before others to feel the Romans fingers, and receive their first assaults. But in case he were able of himself with his forces by land and sea to defend Epirus, and furnish it with garrisons sufficient, they would with hart and good will accept of him and his into their cities & port-townes: but if so be he could not effect that, they besought him not to offer them, naked and unarmed men, to the violence of the Roman wars. Their drift was in this their embassy (as it appeared) that if the king and his forces came not into Epirus (as they rather thought nay then yea) they might reserve themselves and all they had, safe, entire, and at their own liberty for the Roman armies, and win withal the kings good grace, in that they seemed to make an offer to receive him: or if he came indeed, yet they might conceive good hope to find favour, and have pardon at the Romans hands, in that they had not expected their succours being so far off, but rather yielded to the forces of Antiochus being present there in person. In such sort they carried themselves in their embassage so perplexed and intricate, that the king knew not well how to answer them readily: but said, that he would send his own ambassadors unto them for to parley and treat of all affairs pertaining in common as well to them as to him. Then went he himself into Boeotia, which country in colour and show pretended these causes of anger and spite against the Romans, that before I have mentioned, to wit, the murder of Barcillas', & the armies by Quintius levied against Coronea, occasioned by a massacre committed upon Roman soldiers: but in very truth this was the reason, The singular discipline & order of that nation in old time, was going downward and endlong many years and ages already, and the popular government of many, grown to decay and ruin, which can not possibly continue long without some change and alteration of State. Well, to Thebes he came, where all the principal and chief States of Boeotia came flocking from all parts to meet him: Where, in the general Diet and Council of that Nation (notwithstanding he had founded the battle and began the fray already by giving the first blow, in that he had forced the Roman garrison near Delium and Chalcis, which were no small signs nor doubtful overtures of war, yet he began with the same kind of speech which he first used in the parley and conference at Chalcis, and which his ambassadors had followed in the general assembly of the Achaeans, namely, demanding that they would enter into amity with him, without professing themselves enemies to the Romans, or pretending hostility against them. But there was no man there but soon found him, and saw him well enough: howbeit there passed an act and decree in favour of the king against the Romans, under a vain and slight pretext and colourable show of words. Having gained this nation also, he returned to Chalcis, from whence he sent out his letters before to the States of the Aetolians, that they should meet him at Demetrias, where he would confer and consult with them of all their affairs to be managed; and thither came he by sea at the day appointed. Aminander also was sent for our of Athamania to this consultation, yea and Hannibal the Carthaginian (whose counsel was not required a long time) was present at this frequent Diet and assembly. Much parley and great opining there was as touching the nation of the Thessaliaus; and all there in place were of opinion, that they should be founded how they stood affected: but about the manner and some circumstance there of, they were of divers minds, whiles some advised it to be done and executed out of hand: others thought good to put it off from winter season (considering now they were in the mids thereof) unto the prime and beginning of spring: others again said, that ambassadors only should be sent: and some hot-spurres there were, that gave council to go against them with all their forces, yea and to fright and terrify them if they made slow haste. Now when all the knot and difficulty of th' is deliberation consisted in this one point, Hannibal was requested by name to deliver his mind and speak to the cause in question: who turned the king and all that were present from other wandering cogitations, and induced them to the entire consideration of the total war; and to that effect framed his speech in this wise. 
The speech of Hannibal.  If since the time that we passed over into Greece, my hap had been to be called to any counsel, when as some question was touching Eubaea, the Achaeans and the Baeotians, I would have delivered that advise then, which now I purpose to utter this day in the question concerning the Thessalians. Above all things my counsel is, that Philip and the Macedonians may by all means possible be wrought to this our association in the war. For as touching Eubaea, the Baeotians and the Thessalians, who doubtethe, but that they (as nations that stand not upon their own bottoms and are of no force by themselves) will always flatter them that are present in place, and be ready to crave pardon upon the same fear that they ever show when they are to take counsel & resolve? who doubteth (I say) but so soon as they shall see the Roman army in Greece, they will turn to their accustomed obedience? and that it will be imputed to them no fault at all, that when the Romans were so far off, they were not willing to try the force of you (a puissant prince in person among them) or of your armies? How much rather ought we then, nay how much better & more important would it be, to join Philip unto us than these? For if he once enter into the cause and be seen in action, he can not possibly start from us nor draw his head out of the collar: and moreover, he bringeth that power with him, which is not to be help for a simple succour & addition to mend our forces, but such as lately of itself without the help of others, was able to make head against the Roman puissance. Let me have this prince on my side, and (be it spoken without offence of any man here) what need I doubt of the sequel and issue? especially when those, by whose means and assistance the Romans prevailed against Philip, I see now ready to enter the field against them? The Aetolians (I say) who as all the world knoweth vanquished Philip, shall now together with Phi lip, enter into arms and fight against them. Over and besides, Aminander and the whole nation of the Athamanes (whose service in that war, next to the Aetolians, stood the Romans in best stead) shall be of our side. Philip at that time (o king Antiochus) sustained the weight and burden of the whole war, when you sat still and stirred not: now both of you together, two most mighty monarches, with the puissance of all Asia and Europe, shall wage war against one city and people, which (to speak nothing of mine own fortune good or bad) certainly in our father's days was not able to make their part good with one only king of the Epirotes; how hardy soever they will be when they shall be matched with you both together. But what moveth me to think, yea & assureth me, that Philip may be won unto us to join in this action? One thing is this, a common good and benefit, even the greatest bond that is of society: and yet there is another besides it, namely, an inducement proceeding from you that be here of Aetolia: for Thoas your ambassador (who is present in place) among other matters that he was wont to allege for to animate & move Antiochus to come into Greece, evermore assured him of this principally, & avowed that Philip grumbled, bit the lip, and fretted, That under the colour and show of peace, there were imposed upon him hard conditions of servitude and slavery. And he verily, I mean Thoas, set out the fell anger of the king, and in all his words compared it to the wood rage of a wild beast bound with chains, or being enclosed in some cage, would willingly break the grates and bars thereof. Now, if he be disposed thus, and of that courage, let us burst his bonds asunder, let us (I say) force open his iron cage, that his rage penned up so long may now break out upon the common enemies. And suppose that our embassage effect nothing at his hands, yet may we provide and take order, that if we cannot work and win him to side with ourselves, yet that he shall not combine & band with our enemies. Your son Seleucus is now at Lysimachia, who shall not so soon with those forces which he hath about him, begin to invade and waste (by the way of Thracia) the confines of Macedon, but he shall withdraw and turn Philip clean away (from giving succour to the Romans) to the defence especially of his own. Thus have you heard mine advise as touching Philip: now, for the whole course and managing of the war what mine opinion was, you have not been ignorant from the first beginning. If then, I might have had mine own ways, and my counsel had been taken, the Romans should not have received news & intelligences of the taking of Chalcis in Eubaea, nor of the forcing & winning of a little pile upon Euripus; but they had heard by this, that all Tuscan, that all the coast of the Ligurians & of the 
* Lombardis.  Cisalpine Gauls was up in arms and on a light fire of war; and (which would have feared & frighted them most) that Hannibal was in Italy. And now (things standing as they do) my advice is, that you send for all your forces both by land and sea. Let your carricks and hulks with victuals & provision follow after your armada and ships of war. For in this place, like as we are too few to perform any martial exploits, so we are too many, considering our small store of victuals. And when you have rallied and united all your forces together, divide your navy in two parts: the one you shall keep in the road of Corcyra, to impeach the Romans, that they shall not pass in safety and security, the other you shall cause to sail unto that coast of Italy which looketh toward Sardinia and Africa. Yourself in proper person, with all your land-army shall march onward into the territory of the Bylliones: thence shall you have good means for the defence of Greece, as making the Romans believe, that you are upon the point to pass the seas, yea, and being ready indeed to cross over, if need should require. This generally is my counsel; mine, I say, who as I will not take upon me a singular skill in all kinds of war, so me thinks I should know how to war with the Romans, as having learned my skill thereby, as well to my cost as advantage, and as much with my good as harm. And look whatsoever designments I have projected unto you, I promise and protest, that I will be faithful and forward in the execution thereof: and the gods approve & bless that course, which yourself shall think the best. To this effect, in a manner, was the Oration of Hannibal directed; which all that were in place & heard it, rather praised for the present, than put in practice and effected afterwards. For no one thing was done of all that he had said, save only that Antiochus sent Polyxenidas for a navy & army out of Asia; yes there were ambassadors also dispatched to the general Di ets of the Thessalians. And a day was appointed for the Aetolians and Aminander to meet the army at Pherae, whether king Antiochus came straight after with his power. And whiles he stayed there, expecting Aminander and the Aetolians, he sent out one Philip a Megapolitane, with two thousand men to gather up the bones and relics of the Macedonians about Cynoscephalae, where the war with Philip was determined, and the quarrel decided by a famous battle: were it that therein he followed his own head and took a conceit, thereby to wind himself into grace and favour with the Macedonian nation, and to bring the king into obloquy and disgrace, because he had left his soldiers unburied; or that, as it is the vain (or vanity rather) engrafted in kings by kind, he set his mind and busied his spirits in matters, for appearance gay and goodly, but in effect fond and foolish. There he made a mount (as it were) of a number of bones gathered together into one place, that lay scattering and strewed here & there: a thing (no doubt) that the Macedonians conned him no thank for, and which Philip (you may be sure) took in soul scorn and despiteous disdain. And therefore Philip, who at that time minded to take counsel of Fortune, and to be directed by her, as she inclined now, sent to Marcus Baebius the Viz-pretour, and advertised him, how Antiochus invaded Thessaly, and if it pleased him to stir out of his winter harbour, he would meet him, that they might confer both together what were best to be done.  
While Antiochus lay now encamped before Pherae, where Aminander and the Aetolians had joined with him, there came ambassadors from Larissa, expostulating, Wherein the Thessalians had so offended either by deed or word, that he should molest and trouble them with war? and with all beseeching him to retire and withdraw his forces, and debate the matter (if he had aught against them) by his ambassadors. At the same time they sent five hundred men in arms, well appointed, under the governance of Hippolochus, to lie there in garrison, who because they could not pass thither, by reason that all the avenues were seized and kept by the king's forces, returned to Scotusa. As for the ambassadors of the Larissaeans, the king made them a gracious answer, and said, That he was entered into Thessaly, not by way of hostility to distress them, but in friendly manner to maintain and establish the freedom of the Thessalians. Likewise he sent an ambassador to Pherae, to signify so much to them and in the same terms. But the Pheraeans giving him no answer again, dispatched unto the king an ambassador of their own, one Pausanias, a principal man of their city. Who after he had pleaded the semblable remonstrances to those, that had been in the like case allcadged and laid forth in the behalf and name of the Chalcidians, in that Counsel holden near the straits of Euripus, and besides, uttered something else with more boldness and courage; the king dismissed him, after he had willed them to consider more of the matter, and be well advised, that they took not that counsel which anon they would repent, whiles they sought to be too wary, provident, and forecasting for the future time. When this embassage was related at Pherae, the citizens took no long time to deliberate, but soon resolved in the maintenance of their faith and loyalty to the Romans, for to undergo whatsoever hazard the fortune of war should present unto them. Whereupon, both they addressed themselves to defend the city with all their might, and also the king began to assault and batter the walls on all parts at once. And knowing well enough (as in truth there was no doubt) that in the issue of the siege of that city which he first enterprised, lay the whole importance and consequence of all, either to make him despised ever after, or feared and dread of the Thessalians; therefore he terrified the besieged inhabitants, on every side, and by all means possible that he could devise. The first assault they sustained stoutly and manfully; but afterwards, seeing many of the defendants were either overturned and slain, or greevously butt and wounded, their hearts began to quail: yet reclaimed by the rebukes and chastisements of their captains and leaders, and animated by their effectual exhortations, to persist still in their purpose and resolution, they quit the utmost compass of their wall (seeing at what default they were for want of men) and retired themselves more inward into the city, into one part thereof, which was strongly fortified with a mure of less circuit & cloisture than the other. At the length overcome with travail and calamities, and fearing, That if they were forced and taken by assault, they should find no mercy nor pardon with the conqueror, they yielded themselves. The king following the train of victory, delayed no time, but whiles the fright was fresh, sent four thousand armed men presently to Scotusa, where the townsmen made no stay, but rendered the town & themselves incontinently, having before their eyes the fresh bleeding example of the Pheraeans, who tamed by fine force of woeful miseries, were compelled to do that at last which they obstinately refused at the first. Together with the city itself was surrendered also Hippolochus and the Larissaean garrison under his hand. All of them the king sent away without any hurt or violenc e offered unto their persons: for he thought thereby to win the hearts and love of the Larissaeans. Having accomplished these exploits within ten days after his first coming to Pherae, he marched toward Crano with all his army, and at his first coming won it. Then he regained and seized Cypaera and Metropolis, and the borroughes and forts about them: so as now all those quarters were subdued and put under his subjection, except Atrax and Gyrto. Then he determined to assail Larissa, supposing, that either upon the fearful terror of other cities forced, or in regard of his demerit in dismissing the garrison so courteously, or by the present example of so many cities yielding unto him, they would not long persist in their obstinacy. And for to terrific them the more, he commanded the elephants to march in the forefront of the vaward, and approached himself in a square battle, with four sides, in such sort, as the hearts of many of the Larissaeans waved in doubtful suspense, between forced fear of present enemies, and kind regard of absent friends.  
In this time Aminander, with the whole youth and manhood of the Athamanes, became master of Pelineum. Menippus also with three thousand Aetolian footmen & two hundred horse went to Perrhoebia, won Mallaea and Cyretiae by assault, and wasted the territory of Tripoli. Having performed these exploits with great expedition and celerity, they returned to Larissa unto the king, and arrived even then when as the king was in consultation what to do with Larissa: for the council was divided into divers opinions. Some thought it good to proceed forcibly, and not to defer but assail the city walls with fabrics and engines of battery on all sides at once: alleging that the town being situate in a plain toward the champain field side, might be approached unto with ease and invested every way. Others again inferred one while, that there was no comparison between the strength of this city and of Pherae: otherwhile, that it was now winter time, and a season of the year far unfit for warlike executions, and most of all others for the siege and assault of cities. As the king thus hung in the equal balance of hope and despair, the ambassadors of Pharsalus arrived, who as good hap was, being come to surrender up their town, revived his spirits and mightily comforted his heart.  
M. Baebius in this mean while having parleyed and conferred with Philip in the Dassaretians country, sent Appius Claudius by the common advice of them both, to the succour and defence of Larissa; who passed through Macedon, and by long journeys came to the top of those hills that command Gonni. Now this Gonni is a town twenty miles distant from Larissa, feared just in the very straits of that forest and pace called Tempe; who having taken up a larger circuit of ground to encamp in, than was proportionable to his number, and made more fires in show than need was for that company, gave semblance unto the enemy (which was the thing he aimed at) that all the Roman forces were there, together with king Philip. King Antiochus therefore pretending unto his army, that the unseasonable winter time approached, after he had stayed one only day before Larissa, dislodged, and from thence departed, and so returned to Demetrias. The Aetolians likewise and the Athamanians repaired to their own countries.  
Appius, albeit he saw that the siege was levied (which was the only cause of his coming) yet down he went to Larissa to encourage and confirm the hearts of the allies against the time to come. And a twofold joy there was, both because the enemies were gone and had quit their country, and also for that they saw the Roman garrison within their walls. King Antiochus departed from Demetrias to Chalcis, where he fell in fancy and love with a damsel of that city, daughter of Cleoptolemus a Chalcidian. Now after he had made means to the maiden's father first by intercession of messengers and mediators, and after by importuning him in his own person with earnest requests by word of mouth (who was very loath and unwilling to entangle and tie himself, in matching her so high above his own calling) at length so overcame the man, that he obtained his desire: and as if it had been a time of settled and confirmed peace, he proceeded to consummate and celebrate the marriage. And forgetting clean, how at one time he had undertaken the charge of two affairs so important, to wit, the war with the Romans, and the deliverance of Greece, he passed away the rest of the winter in feasts and banquets, and in those delights and pleasures, which ordinarily (you wot well) follow upon the liberal drinking of wine; yea, and when he had thereby rather wearied his body than fulfilled his appetite, he gave himself to sleep without compass. The like roiot and looseness of life took hold of the rest of the king's captains, by his example in all places, but in Boeotia especially, such as commanded the garrisons. Nay the very soldiers were let loose and given over to take voluptuous ways, and not one of them would put on armour, keep the watch, attend the guard, or do any thing pertaining to the duty and charge of a soldier. And therefore at the beginning of the spring, when he was come by Phocis and Cheronea, to the rendezvous, which here he had appointed from all parts his forces to meet, he soon perceived that the soldiers had spent the winter as licentiously as their leaders, and kept no better order and straighter discipline. Then he commanded Alexander the Acarnanian, and Menippus the Macedonian, to lead the army to Stratus, a town in Aetolia. Himself having done sacrifice at Delphi to the honour of Apollo, went forward to Natupactum. And after the Diet holden of all the States of Aetolia, in the way which leader to Stratus, along by Chalcis and Lysimachia, he encountered his own forces aforesaid, that came by the gulf of Malea. Where Mnesilochus, a principal Acarnanian, but wrought and bought with many gifts and presents, not only himself won that nation to take part, & to side with the king, but also had drawn to his own mind and affection Clitus their praetor, who at that time had the sovereign rule there, and might do all in all. He seeing that the Leucadians (who are the chief of all the Acarnanians) could not be easily induced nor brought to revolt, for the awe wherein they stood of the Roman fleet, which either was with Attihus, or about Cephalenia, went cunningly to work with them. For having delivered his opinion in their general Counsel, That the inland parts of Acarnania were to be well guarded and defended; and that as many as were able to bear arms should go forth to Medio and Tyrrheum, for fear those places should be seized by Antiochus and the Aetolians: there were again some who made answer and said, how there was no such need that all should be raised and levied so tumultuosly in haste; for a garrison of five hundred men was sufficient. And when he had obtained that number of young and able men, he placed three hundred of them in garrison at Medio, and two hundred at Tyrrheum: his reach and drift was to have them put into the king's hands for hostages. And even at that time arrived the king's ambassadors at Medio. Whose embassage being heard, they laid their heads together and consulted in the public assembly what answer to return unto the king. Some were of opinion to continue still in the Roman society: others were of advise again, that the kings offer of amity was not to be rejected. The counsel of Clitus was mean and in different between both, and therefore accepted: to wit, that they should address their ambassadors to the king, to entreat him that he would permit them to take a day of deliberation upon a matter of such consequence, in a full Diet of the Acarnanians. In this embassage Mnesilochus, and those of his faction were employed of set purpose: who having dispatched messengers covertly to the king, to advertise him to approach the town with his forces, trifled out the time themselves, and made no haste to set forward in their embassy. Whereupon these emb assadors were scarcely gone forth of the city, when Antiochus was entered the borders, and anon showed himself hard at the gates. And whiles they that wist nothing of this treason were affrighted, and in great trouble and turmoil called the youth hastily to arm, he was by Clitus and Mnesilochus let into the city. Some willingly of themselves came running about the king: those also that were of the adverse part, for very fear joined with him. Whom he seeing to be afraid and terrified, he entertained with gracious words, and so gently handled them, that in hope of his clemency so much divulged and spoken of abroad, certain States of Acamania revolted & turned unto him. Then from Medio he went to Tyrrheum, unto which place he had sent Mnesilochus and his ambassadors aforehand. But the treachery and faiterie at Medio being discovered, made the Tyrrheans more wary and careful than otherwise fearful: who made him this plain direct answer without any double ambiguity, that they would admit of no new alliance, without the advice and authority of the Roman Generals: so, they shut their gates, and disposed armed men upon their walls. Now it fell out very fitly and happily for confirming and encouraging the hearts of the Acarnanians, that Cn. Octavius sent by juintius, having received a garrison and some few ships of A. Posthumius, who by A●ilius the Lieutenant had been appointed Governor of Cephalenia, was come to Leucas, and much comforted the Allies, and put them in good hope: who also gave them to understand, that M. Acilius the Consul had already passed the seas with his legions, and the Romans were encamped in Thessaly. And for as much as this bruit carried a great likelihood of truth, by reason that the season of the year served now for navigation, the king after he had planted a garrison at Medio and in other towns of Acamania, departed from Tyrrheum, and passing through the cities of Aetolia and P hocis, returned to Chalcis.  
Much about this time M. Baebius and king Philip, who had communed and devised together before (during the winter) in the Dassaretians country, having sent Appius Claudius into Thessaly, for to raise the siege before Larissa: and because the season than was unmeet and too soon for execution of any exploit, were retired to their wintering harbours, now in the beginning of the Spring joined all their forces together, & came down into Thessaly. (Now at that time was Antiochus in Acarmania.) And at their first coming, Philip began to lay siege unto Mallaea, and Babius to Phacium: which when he had forced in manner at the first assault, he won Phestius also with like expedition. From whence having retired himself to Atrax, he took Chyretias, and so consequently surprised Eritium, and after he had planted garrisons in these towns that he had thus recovered, he joined with Philip again, lying in siege before Mallaea. Upon the very coming of the Roman army, when the townsmen had yielded themselves either for fear of forces, or for hope of pardon, they marched jointly together with one army, to recover those towns where of the Athamanes were seized: to wit, Aeginium, Ericinium, Gomphi, Silana, Tricca, Melibaea, & Pholoria: After this, they invested Pellineum, where Philip the Megapolitane lay in garrison with five hundred foot, and forty horse: but before they gave the assault, they sent a trumpet to Philip to give him warning, that he should not adventure to try the utmost hazard. But he returned this answer again right stoutly unto them, that he would be content to commit himself to the Romans or the Thessalians, he passed not whether, but put his life and estate into the hands of king Philip he never would. Now when it appeared that they were to proceed by force, and for that it seemed that Limnaea also at the same time might be assaulted, it was thought expedient that the king should go to Limnaea, and Baebius stayed still to batter and force the town of Pellinaeum.  
It fortuned at the sametime that M. Acilius the Cos. having passed the seas with a power of ten thousand foot and two thousand horse, and fifteen Elephants, commanded certain chosen Colonels of footmen to conduct all the infantry to Larissa, whiles himself with the cavalry came to king Philip before Limnaea. At the coming of the Consul, the town was yielded incontinently: the king's garrison was delivered, and the Athamanians withal. Then the Consul went from Limnaea to Pellinaeum, where the Athamanes yielded first: and afterwards Philip also the Megapolitane rendered himself. And as he came down from the fort, Philip the king chanced to meet with him, and in scorn and derision commanded his men to s●lute him with the style of King, and himself also by way of mockage, came close unto him, and greeted him by the name of Brother Philip, skoffing & jesting in broad terms, far unfitting iwis his royal majesty. Then was he brought before the Consul, and put in ward, and not long after sent bound to Rome. All the multitude besides of the Athamanians, as also of king An●●chus his soldiers, which were within the garrisons of those towns that were surrendered about that time, were delivered unto Philip, who amounted to the number of three thousand. The Consul departed toward Larissa, to consult and take advise for the general course of the whole war. And in his way there met him ambassadors from Pieria and Metropolis, for to render their cities. Philip having courteously and lovingly entreated above all other the prisoners of the Athamanians, that by their means he might win the grace and favour of that nation, and conceived some hope to conquer Athamania, led his army thither, and sent his captives aforehand into their several cities. Now they were of great account and reputation among their country men, and with all made report of the king his clemency toward them, and how lib erally and bountifully besides he had used them: And Aminander verily, whose presence and majesty had kept some of them in allegiance, fearing lest he should be delivered into the hands of Philip (who long time had been his mortal enemy;) and unto the Romans, whom he knew to have just cause at that time to be offended with him for his revolt, departed out of his own realm with his wife and children, and retired himself to Ambracia. Thus all Athamania became subject to king Philip, and at his pleasure.  
The Consul sojourned certain days at Larissa, especially for to refresh his beasts, which first had been sea sick, and afterwards were tired with long travail; and thus when he had renewed as it were, and repaired his army with a little rest and repose, he marched to Crato. At his coming thither, these towns, to wit, Pharsalus, Scotussa, and Pherae, together with king Antiochus his garrisons that lay there, were yielded up unto him. And having put unto their choice, either to be gone or tarry still with him: as many of them as he saw willing (and those were about a thousand) he delivered unto king Philip; the rest he sent back disarmed, to Demetrias. Then he regained Proerna and the fortresses and piles there, about it. Then began he to conduct forward his army toward the gulf of Mallea: and when he approached the straits, upon which the town Thaumaci is situate, all the flower of the youth in their armour, quit the city, and put themselves in ambush about the woods and passages, and from the higher ground charged upon the Romans in their march. The Consul at the first sent certain unto them, to parley near at hand with them, and to see if they could scare them from such desperate outrage: but perceiving that they persisted still as they began, he commanded a Colonel with two ensigns of soldiers to fetch a compass about, in such sort, that he got between those armed men and the town, and kept them from entrance; whereby he possessed himself of the city, being void of defendants. Then they that lay in the forest in ambush, hearing an outcry behind their backs of the town taken, fled backward out of all parts of the wood, & fell upon the sword. The Consul then departed from Thaumaci, and the second day came as far as the river Sperchius', and so forward unto the territory of the Hypataeans, which he spoiled.  
During the time of these occurrents, Antiochus lay at Chalcis, who by this time seeing that he had gotten in Greece, but the pleasure of one wintering, spent so deliciously in Chalcis, and a dishonourable marriage; began to blame the Aetolians for their vain promises, and especially Thoas; but Hannibal he had in great admiration, reputing him not only for a sage and prudent man, but also for a true Prophet, who foretold him of all things that then were come to pass: howbeit for fear that his cold slackness might not overthrow that quite, which his rash folly had begun and enterprised, he sent out his couriers into Aetolia, to give them warning to levy all their youth and assemble them together; and himself for his own part had brought thither almost ten thousand footmen, who were made up full and furnished by them that after came out of Asia, and five hundred horsemen besides. To this place, perceiving that there repaired smaller numbers by many degrees than ever at any time before, and that they were but the Nobles only and some few of their vassals, (who protested, that they had done their endeavour to levy out of their cities as many as possibly they could: but neither by authority, nor for love and favour, ne yet with absolute command, were they able to prevail or do any good with them that refused warfare:) and seeing himself thus forsaken on all sides, as well of his own subjects who dragged behind in Asia, as of his allies who performed not those matters, in the hope whereof they had called him to assist them, he withdrew himself within the straits of Thermopylae.  
This mountain divideth Greece in the very middle, like as Italy is parted in twain by the ridge of the Apennine. On the forepart of this straight and forest of Thermopylae toward the North, lieth Epirus and Perrhaebia, Magnesia and Thessaly, also the Phthiotae of Achaea, and the gulie Mallea: but within-foorth Southward, is discovered the greater part of Aetolia and Acarnania, Phocis, Locris, and Boeotia, together with the Island Euboea joining close thereto: behind it, is situate the country of Attica, running into the sea like a promontory, and besides it Peloponnesus. This mountain taking his beginning at Leucas and the Ponant or Western sea, reacheth through Aetolia to the Levant or Easterly Ocean, and is so full of rocks & rough crags between, that no whole armies, no nor so much as single travellers lightly appointed, can find but hardly and with much ado the ways and paths to pass through: the utmost brows and the hills of this mountain bending toward the East, they call Oeta; and the highest pitch & knap thereof, is called Callidromos; at the foot whereof, lieth the valley leading toward the gulf of Mallea, wherein the plain is not above threescore paces broad. And this is the only high and port-way by which an army may march, if it be not otherwise impeached. And hereupon it is, 
* 〈◊〉  that the passage is called * Pylae: 
* 〈◊〉  and of some (because there are found therein certain natural hot waters of baines) Thermopylae: even that very place which is so famous and renowned for the memorable death of the Lacedæmonians, more than for any worthy battle against the Persians. Here lay encamped Antiochus at this present (carrying nothing that mind nor resolution as those Lacedæmonians did) within the gates as it were of the straits, where he enclosed and stopped the passage besides, with strong defences: And when he had cast a double rampire and trench, yea and raised a mure and wall where need was (which to do the place afforded him great plenty of stone lying every where) and had made all sure: presuming confidently that the Roman army would never venture nor be able to break through those barricadoes that way: he sent of those four thousand Aetolians (for so many were met together) some to keep a garrison in Heraclea, situate even before the very gullet and straight; and others to Hypata: for that he made no doubt, but the Consul would assail Heraclea, and many posts brought word, that all about Hypata was already wasted.  
Now the Consul having spoiled the territory of Hypata first, and then of Heraclea, (where the Aetolian aids did no good and served to no purpose in the one place or the other) pitched his camp over-against the king, even in the very mouth of the gullet, near the fountains of the hot waters aforesaid: both those regiments abovenamed of the Aetolians were gotten within the town Heraclea, and there kept themselves sure. Antiochus, who before he saw his enemies, thought all was fast enough and sufficiently fenced, began then to fear least the Roman soldiers would find out some privy paths and ways, whereby they might pass and get over those high hills that commanded his camp: for a rumour ran, that the Lacedæmonians in times past were so enclosed by the Persians, and of late days also king Philip was likewise compassed and environed by these very same Romans. Whereupon he dispatched a messenger to the Aetolians in Heraclea, willing them to do him thus much service yet in these his wars, as to seize the tops of those hills and to keep them, that the Romans might have no passage that way. Upon this message received, there arose some dissension among the Aetolians. Some were of mind to obey the king his will and commandment, and to go accordingly; but others thought better to tarry Hill at Heraclea, to attend upon fortune, and see what would happen: to the end, that if the king should chance to be vanquished by the Consul, they might have in readiness their forces fresh and in heart, to succour and aid their own cities near at hand; or if his luck were to defeat the Consul, than they might follow the Romans in chase, when they were disbanded and scattered asunder. Both parts, thus divided as they were, not only persisted still in their several designments, but also put the same in execution by themselves. For two thousand of them remained at Heraclea; the other two thousand parted themselves three ways, namely, to Callidromus, to Rhoduntia, and Tichius, (these are the names of three principal high hills;) and each company took and held one. The Consul when he saw that the Aetolians were possessed of these higher places, sent M. Porcius Cato and L. Valerius Flaccus, two of his lieutenants (who both had been Consuls) with two thousand chosen men against these holds of the Aetolians, to wit, Flaccus against Rhoduntia and Tichius, and Cato against Callidromus: himself before that he advanced his battle against his enemies, made a brief speech unto his soldiers in this manner: My soldiers, I see that the most part of you, even of every quality and degree, are they that in this very province sometime served under the conduct, charge, and governance of T. juintius in the Macedonian war. The straits of that passage then, near the river Aous, were far more difficult to gain and get over, than this is; for here are very gates, yea and one natural way (as it were) to pass through, as if all else were stopped up between two seas. There were more stronger defences and sconces against them at that time, and those planted in places more convenient and commodious. The army of the enemies then, was both for number greater, & for men and soldiers much better; for therein were the Macedonians, the Thracians, and the Illyrians, all most fierce and warlike nations: in this, are Syrians and Asiatike greeks, or half Asians, the vainest kind of people of all others, & borne to serve. The king there, [namely Philip] a most noble warrior, exercised and enured ever from his youth in the neighbour-wars of the Thracians and Illyrians, and all the nations bordering upon him: but this Antiochus (to say nothing of all his life besides) is he, who being come out of Asia into Europe, for to make war upon the people of Rome, hath done all the long winter time nothing more memorable than this, That for to please his wanton lust he hath taken to wife the daughter of a private person; a man (I say) of low degree & base quality among other citizens: and this new married man, fed fat and franked (as I may so say) with dainty suppers and delicate bride banquets, is come forth (forsooth) to fight a battle. His whole strength and all his hope hath been in the Aetolians, a people of all others most vain, unconstant, and unthankful, as ye have tried heretofore, and Antiochus findeth true at this present. For neither assembled they in great number, nor possible was it to keep them together in the camp: nay, which more is, they mutiny among themselves, and having demanded and required the guard of Hypata and Heraclea, they have defended neither the one nor the other. Some of them are fled to the tops of the mountains; others have shut themselves within Heraclea. The king himself hath confessed plainly, that he was never so hardy as to meet in plain field and affront the enemy, no nor so much as to pitch his camp in open ground; in that abandoning all that country before him, which he vaunted and bragged that he had taken from us and Philip, he hath hidden himself among the rocks. He hath not encamped before the entrance of the gullet and straits (as the same goeth of the Lacedæmonians in times past) but pitched his tents far within-foorth. And to bewray his cowardly fear, What difference is there between so doing, and housing himself within the walls of some city for to be besieged? But neither shall those narrow straits save him, no more than those steep hills defend the Aetolians, which they have seized. This one thing hath been forecast and provided for on all sides, that ye shall have nothing to make head against, but your enemies. Now must ye resolve upon this point, That ye fight not only for the liberty of Greece (and yet even this also were a brave and honourable title, to be said for to deliver the same now out of the hands of Antiochus and the Aetolians, which before you freed from king Philip) nor that ye shall have no other reward and recompense for your; pains, but that which we shall find now in the king's camp, but also that the great provision and furniture which daily is expected from Ephesus, shall be your prize and booty, and that ye shall hereafter make a way for the Roman Empire into Asia, Syria, and all those most wealthy and rich realms, even as far as to the Levant sun. And what shall let us then, but that from Gades to the red sea, we bound and limit our State and dominion, even with the very Ocean that environneth and compasseth the round globe of the earth? What shall hinder us, I say, but that all the nations of the world shall honour and worship the Roman name next unto the immortal gods? Prepare your hearts therefore and courages answerable to so high rewards, that with the leave and help of the gods we may to morrow fight a field. After this speech the assembly broke up, and the soldiers being dismissed, made ready their armour and weapons, before they took repa●● or repose. And in the morning, by dawning of the day, the Consul put out the signal of battle, and set his army in array, with a narrow and pointed front, according to the nature and 〈◊〉 of the place. The king seeing the ensigns of his enemies, led forth his forces likewise. Part of his light armours he planted before the rampire and trench in the forefront, than he placed the 〈◊〉 and strength of the Macedonians, whom they call Sarissophori, i Pikemen, for the 〈◊〉 and safeguard of his defences and fortifications. And to flank these on the left side, he put the archers, the flingers of darts, and flingers of stones, hard upon the foot of the hill, that from the higher ground they might assail and pelt the naked sides of the enemies. On the right ●lanke of these Macedonians, at the very edge and point of the mures and defences, which as they were enclosed and mounded with those places which reach to the sea, and arcunpassable by reason of the bogs, muddy marshes, quavemires, and quicksands, he set the elephants with their ordinary and usual guard. After them his horsemen and men of arms. Then leaving an indifferent space between, he ranged the rest of his forces in the second ward or middle battailion. The Macedonians who were bestowed before the camp and the trench, at the first sustained the Romans easily enough (who assayed on every side to make an entry) for much help they 〈◊〉 of them, who from the upper ground weighed bullets out of their slings, as thick as an hail 〈◊〉, who launched darts also, and shot arrows besides. But when as afterwards greater numbers of enemies pressed upon them, and charged them with such violence as possibly might not be endured, they gave ground, and retired within their fortifications, keeping yet their array and they ranks whole. And then from the rampire they made (as it were) another palisade with their long pikes that they held out afore them. Now the height of their campe-mure was so reasonable, that as it afforded some rise and vantage of ground for their own men to fight upon it, to by reason of the length of their spears, they might reach the enemy under them. In so much as many of the Romans approaching rashly, and venturing to clamber up, were run clean through and either they had given over and done nothing, or else more of them had died for it, but that M. Porcius C●to having beaten from the top of Callidromus the Aetolians, and slain a great part of them (for he surprised them suddenly at unwares, and most of them last asleep) appeared upon the hill that commandeth the camp. Flaccus sped not so well at Tichius and Rhodiuntia, who laboured to get up those cliffs and holds, but to no purpose. The Macedonians and the rest that were in the king's host and camp, at first, when they descried a far off nothing but a multitu de and number marching, imagined verily, that they were the Aetolians, who having discovered the battle and fight a good way of, were coming to aid them. But so soon as they beheld and discerned near at hand the ensigns and armour of the Romans, they took themselves in their own error, and were upon a sudden strucken with such fear, that they all flung their weapons away, and fled. But both their fortifications and defences in the way, and also the narrowness of the vale through which they were to be pursued, hindered the Romans in following the chase. And the elephants above all which were in the rearward, took up the ground so as that the footmen could hardly pass by them, and the horsemen by no means possible; so affrighted were the horses, and caused more trouble and disorder among themselves, than they did during the battle. Besides, the Romans stayed some time behind, whiles they rifled and ransacked the camp. Howbeit, they had the enemy in chase that day as far as Lylaeum, killing and taking in the very way, not only many horses and men, but also slaying the elephants which they could not take alive; which done, they returned to their own camp, which that day had been assailed by the Aetolians, who were of the garrison of Heraclea: but that enterprise, as it was exceeding bold and andacious, so it took no effect at all. The Consul having at the releese of the third watch the night ensuing, sent before his cavalry to pursue the enemy, advanced likewise the ensigns of his legions forward by break of day. The king by this time had won some ground, and gotten a good way before; for he never gave over galloping with bridle in horseneck, until he had recovered Elatia. Where first he gathered together the broken ends of his army thus dispersed in flight, and so having rallied a small and poor troop of soldiers, and the same armed by the halves, he retired to Chalcis. The Roman cavalry was not able to overtake the king himself at Elatia, but overthrew and cut off a great part of his army, which either for weariness rested themselves dragging behind, or else were scattered one from the other, as missing their way in those unknown quarters, going as they did without their guides: & setting aside five hundred whichkept about the king, there was not one that escaped of the whole army. Which was but a small number, in proportion of 10000, (if they were no more) for so many (according to Polybius) we have written that the king conducted over with him for his part into Greece. What were they then to that great power, which (if we believe Valertus Antias) came with the king, for he writeth that he had in his host threescore thousand, and that forty thousand were slain of them, and above five thousand taken prisoners, with the loss of military ensigns two hundred and thirty. Of Romans there died in all a hundred and fifty.  
As the Consul marched with his army through Phocis and Boeotia, the States and cities which were privy to the revolt, and partly culpable, stood without their gates with their infules and veils in token of peace, and craved mercy, fearing they should have been peeled and ransacted as enemies. But his host journeied every day as in a peaceable & friend country, doing no hurt or wrong to any earthly creature, until they were come into the territory of Corona: where the Statue or image of Antiochus erected in the temple of Minervus Itonea kindled their choler, and the soldiers were permitted to spoil the country lying about that temple. But be thinking themselves, that (considering the said Statue was set up with the public consent of all Boeotia) it was an indignity to deal so hardly with that territory only of Corona, the soldiers, were immediately called in and reclaimed, and so they ceased the wasting and spoiling thereof. The Baeotians only had a check and rebuke by words, for carrying so unthankful hearts to the Romans, of whom they had so lately received such high favours and benefits.  
At the very time of the battle aforesaid, there rid at anchor ten ships of the kings, in the gulf of Malea near to Thronium, under the charge and conduct of Isidorus. To which place Alexander the Acarnanian, being fled from the conflict, fresh bleeding and full of grievous wounds, brought news of the unfortunate fight. Whereupon the ships in great fear for this late terror, made haste and away to Ceneum in Eubaea, where Alexander died, and was interred. But three other ships which were come out of Asia, and lay in the same road, upon the news of the defeature of the army, returned to Ephesus. And Isidorus crossed the seas from Ceneum to Demetrias, if peradventure the king were fled thither. About that very time, A. Attilius the admiral of the Roman navy, intercepted and surprised great store of the king's provisions, which had passed already the straits near the Island Andros. Some ships he sunk, others he bourded and took: as for those that came hindmost in the rearward, they turned sail, and shaped their course into Asia. Attilius being returned to Pyraeeum (from whence he came) with a fleet of ships taken from the enemies, divided great store of come both among the Athenians, and other allies also of that country.  
Antiochus somewhat before the Consul his coming, loosed from Chalcis, and first fell with the island Tenus, and afterwards sailed to Ephesus. Against the Consul his arrival at Chalcis the gates were set open for him, and Aristotle the Captain there for the king, quit the place upon the approachment of the Consul. In like manner other cities in Eubaea yielded without resistance. And so within few days (when all troubles were appeased and set in quiet order without the hurt and damage of any one city) the army was brought back to Thermopylae, and wan much more honour and commendation for the modesty used after victory, than for the victory itself.  
From thence the Consul dispatched M. Cato to Rome, by whose certain and sure relation, the Senate and people might have full knowledge of all the affairs that had passed. Who taking sea at Creusa (a port town of Merchandise standing within the inmost gulf of Corinth) arrived at Patrae, a city in Achaea. From Patrae, he coasted along the rivers of Aetolia and Acarnania, as far as Corphu, and so cut over to 
〈◊〉  Hydruntum in Italy, from whence he travailed by land and in exceeding great haste within five days came to Rome. Early in the morning before day light he entered the city, and from the gate road directly to M. junius the praetor, who assembled the Senate betimes by the break of day: and thither, L. Cornelius Scipio (who some days before had been dismissed & sent away from the camp by the Consul) hearing at his first coming that Cato was gotten before him, and in the Senate, repaired, even as he was relating the news. Then these two Lieutenants by the commandment of the Senate were presented in the general assembly of the people, where they declared the same which they had done before in the Senate house, as touching the deeds achieved in Aetolia. And ordained it was, that a solemn procession for three days should be holden, and that the praetor should sacrifice forty head of greater beasts, in the honour of what gods he would himself:  
And at the same time M. Fulvius Nobilior, who two years before went as praetor into the farther Spain, entered the city in pomp of an Ovation, or petty triumph. He caused to be borne before him of silver bigates 130000. And besides that silver in coin and ready money, 12000 pound weight. Also in gold the weight of 127 pound. Acilius the Consul sent certain messengers from Thermopylae to the Aetolians at Heraclea, to advertise them that before he came they would now at last be wiser and be think themselves (after such experience of the king his vanity and insufficiency) for to deliver up Heraclea, and crave pardon of the Senate, either for their wilful folly, or their blind error. Who used these and such like motives and inducements unto them, namely, That other cities likewise of Greece (during this war) abandoned the Romans and revolted from them, at whose hands they had received so many benefits: yet because that after the king was fled (upon whose assurance they had disloyally broken their allegiance) they stood not out still, nor persisted obstinately in their fault and folly, were received to mercy and protection. The Aetolians likewise albeit they followed not the king, but sent for him, and were rather conductor and leaders, than companions and associates in this war, yet it they could take up in time and repent, they might be pardoned and saved. But no answer returned they tending to peace: nay it appeared, that the matter would come to a trial by arms, and for all the king was vanquished, yet the Aetolian war was behind as wholly and entire as before time. Whereupon the Consul dislodged from Thermopylae, and marched directly against Heraclea: yea and the very same day he road on horseback all about the walls to view the situation of the city. This Heraclea is seated at the foot of the mountain Oeta: and through the town itself standeth in a plain, yet a fortress it hath built upon an high gr ound, which as it overlooketh the city, so it is so steep on every side, that it is altogether inaccessible. After he had diligently beheld all things that were to be marked and known, he determined to assault the town in four places at once. Unto L. Valerius he gave in charge to plant his platforms and to batter that side where the river Asopus runneth, & where the public place of exercise is built. T. Sempronius Longus had commission to assail the castle, without the walls indeed, but yet better inhabited & more peopled (as a man would say) than the town itself. On that side which standeth toward the gulf of Malea, which part yielded the hardest access, he appointed M. Boebius. And from another pretty river which they call 
* Black water.  Melas, he set Appius Claudius' opposite against the temple of Diana. Through the great industry and earnest labour of these four gallants, striving who could perform the best service, the work went so well forward, that within few days the frames and platforms, the Rams and all other engines of battery meet for the assault of cities, were finished. For besides that the territory about Heraclea, being a moorie ground and full of tall trees, afforded them plenty enough of timber to frame and perform all sorts of fabrics: the houses also in the entry of the city without in the Suburbs standing void, by reason that the Aetolians had put themselves within the walls, yielded unto them not only posts, beams, joists, planks and bourds, but brick and tile, plaster, mortar, and stone of all sizes for divers and sundry uses. So, the Romans assaulted the town rather with fabrics, ordinance and artillery, than by force of arms: but the Aetolians chose defended themselves by main strength and their weapons. For when as the walls should be shaken with the rams, they caught not hold of them as the manner is with cords, and by plucking them aside, avoided their jurres; but armed in great number, they carried fire with them to sling upon the terraces and the fabrics. They had besides divers vaults and arches in the walls, at which they could readily and fitly sally out: and ever as themselves closed up the breaches of their walls, or made new for the ruinate, they would remember to make more of those vaults still, that in many places at once they might break forth upon their enemies. Thus for the first days, whiles they were fresh in heart, they issued forth oftentimes & many together, & quit themselves right lustily: but afterwards in fewer numbers, & more slackly every day than other. For being evermore employed about many things at once, nothing so much tamed and wearied then, as watching. For whereas the Romans had a great number of soldiers, and one guarded after another successively by turns; the Aetolians being so few, were constrained without any change, to continue in uncessant labour night and day. Thus for the space of 24 days they had no rest nor respite, but day and night was all one unto them, maintaining fight still, and labouring without intermission against the enemies that assailed the city in all four quarters at once. When the Consul knew once that the Aetolians were weerieand overtoiled (partly by counting the time, and partly by that which he had learned of certain fugitives) he used this policy & stratagem. About midnight he sounded the retreat, and having drawn all his soldiers at once from the assault, held them quiet in the camp until the third hour of the day. After that, he began to give a fresh charge, and continued it unto midnight following, and so gave over again until the same hour before noon. The Aetolians supposing verily that the cause why they furceased the assault, was for very weariness (like as themselves were tired out) so soon as the Romans had the retreat sounded unto them, departed every man from his ward and quarter, as if they also by the same signal were called away, & showed not themselves in armour upon the walls before the third hour of the next day. The Consul having at one time given over the battery aforesaid at midnight, began at the 
* Three of the clock in the morning.  fourth watch a fresh assault again with all forcible means in three parts: and at one side, he gave commandment to T. Sempronius to keep his men together, and intentively to observe and wait for the signal: assuring himself that in the alarm by night, the enemies would run to those places from whence they heard the noise. The Aetolians, many of them being sound asleep, had much to do to rouse themselves, & were loath to rise up from their sweet sleep, their bodies being so weary with toiling, moiling, and watching before. Some of them who were yet awake ran in the dark to the place where the assailants made a noise. Their enemies laboured to get into the town, some by mounting over the ruins and breaches of the broken wall, others by scaling & climbing with ladders. And against them the Aetolians ran from all parts, ready to succour and help. One quarter, whereas there stood houses without the city, was neither defended not assailed: but as there were some ready, & waited for the signal to give the assault, so there was not one of the other part for to resist and defend. Now began the day to peep, when as the Consul put forth the signal, and the soldiers began to mount over into the city, & found none to withstand them: some entered at the walls half broken down, other scaled them with ladders where they stood whole & found. And the cry was not so soon heard that the city was taken, but the Aetolians left their guards on all sides, & fled into the Castle. The soldiers that had won the town were permitted by the Consul to rifle and ransack it: which was not done so much upon anger & despite, as in this regard, that the soldiers who had been kept short & fasting thus long (notwithstanding so many towns recovered out of the enemy's hands) might once at length in some one place taste the fruit of victory. The Consul having called from thence about noon, the soldiers unto him, divided them into two parts, whereof he commanded the one to cast about the foot of the hills unto a rock or cliff, which being in height equal to the castle aforesaid, was notwithstanding divided from it by a valley between, seeming as if it had been sometime a part thereof and cut from it. Now these two points of the hills shot up so near together in the head, that from the top of the one, a man might lance a dart into the castle or fortress. The Consul with the other half of his soldiers stayed beneath, expecting a sign and token from them that wereto get up to the cliff behind, ready thereupon to mount up from the town side into the sort. The Aetolians that were within the castle, could neither abide at the first the shout of those that had seized the cliff, nor afterwards the assault of the Romans from the city, both for that their hearts sailed them & were daunted already, and also because they were unprovided of all necessaries for to endure any long siege & assault: considering that women & children & all the other impotent multitude unmeet to beat arms, were gotten thither in so great numbers, that the place was hardly able to receive & contain, much less to keep & maintain them: and therefore at the first assault, they cast down their weapons, and yielded. Among other principal personages of the Aetolians, Damocritus also was delivered; he, who in the beginning of the war when T. juintius desired to see a copy of the Decree of the Aetolians for the sending for Antiochus, answered, That he would show it him in Italy, when the Aetolians lay there encamped. For this proud speech of his, the Romans now conquerors, were the gladder that they had gotten him into their hands.  
During the time that the Romans assailed Heraclea, Philip also besieged and battered Lamia, according as it was before agreed between them: for near unto Thermopylae, at what time as the Consul returned out of Boeotia, he met with him, of purpose to signify his joy in the behalf of him and the people of Rome, for their achieved victory; and also to excuse himself by occasion of sickness, that he was not present with him in person in the managing of the wars. From thence they patted asunder, and took divers ways, for to assault these two cities (as I said) both at once: and distant they were one from the other near 7 miles. And for as much as Lamia was seated upon an hill, therefore the town discovered and overlooked all the country about; but especially on that side toward Heraclea, where, by reason that it seemeth a less compass, it representeth a full prospect to the eye. When as the Romans and Macedonians labouring a vie and striving who could do better, were day and night employed either about their fabrics and pioneers work, or else in skirmish and fight: the Macedonians found more difficulty than they, in this respect, that the Romans were busied in platforms, mantilers, & works all above ground; but the Macedonians were put to undermine: and oftentimes (as it falleth out in such stony & craggy ground) they met with hard flints & rags not minable, and such as no iron or steel-toole was able to touch and pierce. The king seeing little good done by this means, and his enterprise going but slowly forward, began to sound the townsmen, and to tempt them to render the city, using the mediation therein of their chief citizens whom he parled withal: for this reckoning he made, that if Heraclea were forced before it, they within the city would sooner yield unto the Romans than to him, and so the Consul should win all the thank to himself for levying the siege. And nothing was he short of his count; for imme diately upon the winning of Heraclea, a messenger came unto him from the Consul, willing him to surcease the assault and the siege; alleging it was more reason, that the Roman soldiers who had fought in ranged battle with the Aetolians, should have the reward and recompense of the victory. By this means Lamia was abandoned, and by the ruin of Heraclea her neighbour city, avoided and escaped the like calamity of her own.  
Some few days before that Heraclea was won, the Aetolians having assembled a Diet at Hypata, addressed Ambassadors unto Antiochus, and Thoas among the rest, even he, who aforetime had been sent unto him. His commission and charge was, first, To request the king that once again he would rally his forces as well by land as at sea, and in person pass over into Greece: secondly, If any other important affairs hindered him, yet that he would send unto them both men and money. For as it touched his Highness, in honour, reputation and credit, not to see his allies abandoned; so it made for the safeguard and security of his own realm and royal estate, not to suffer the Romans (after they had once deffeited the Aetolians) to sail over into Asia at their ease and pleasure, with all their forces. These were no feigned devises, but true remonstances indeed; and therefore prevailed the more with the king. Whereupon he delivered money presently to the Ambassadors, sufficient to destroy the charges of the war, and promised certainly to send men to serve both by land and sea. Thoas alone of all the Ambassadors he kept still with him, who was not himself unwilling to stay behind, because he might be ever at hand to call upon the king for to persorme his word and behest. But the winning of Heraclea killed the hearts clean of the Aetolians in the end: and within few days after that they had dispatched their Ambassadors into Asia about the renewing of the war and sending for the king, they laid apart all designments of arms, and addressed their Orators unto the Romans to crave peace. Who, as they began to make some speech, the Consul cut them off, and said, he had other matters of greater importance to think upon and to dispatch; and commanded them to content themselves with a truce for ten days, and to return to Hypata; and with them he sent L. Valerius Flaccus, unto whom they should declare those things that they were about to deliver unto him, and whatsoever else they had to say. When they were arrived at Hypata, the chief and principal Aetolians assembled themselves in the lodging of Flaccus, consulting with him what course they were to take in their treaty with the Consul. And when they went in hand to allege the ancient rights of the leagues, and to lay abroad their good demerits, and what they had done for the Romans: Flaccus bade them lay a straw there, and speak no more of the privilege of those covenants and accords which they themselves had broken; showing unto them, that they should speed better and gain more by a simple confession of their trespass, and in recourse o●ely to prayer and humble supplication; for as much as all the hope they might have of safety, rested not in their own desert and goodness of their cause, but in the mere clemency and mercy of the people of Rome: promising for his part to assist them and second their petitions as well to the Consul as the Senate of Rome, since that thither also they must of necessity send an embassage. This way seemed to them all, the best simply for their safety, namely, to put themselves to the disposition and devotion of the Romans: for they supposed by this means to drive the Romans for very shame to have regard of them, and not to offer hurt or violent outrage to them, coming in the habit of poor suppliants: and yet withal, if any opportunity of better fortune should in the mean time offer itself unto them, to be their own masters nevertheless and at their choice. When they were come before the Consul, Phaneas the chief of that embassy, made a long Oration, couching and framing his words sundry ways right artificially, to mitigate and assuage the wrath of the conqueror, which he knit up and concluded with this speech, saying, That the Aetolians committed themselves and all that they had to the mercy and protection of the people of Rome. When the Consul heard those words: See you do so then indeed (quoth he) o ye Aetolians, and take heed I advise you that deal herein bona side. Then Phaneas brought forth and showed a fair instrument of a Decree, wherein the same was engrossed in plain terms. Since that (quoth he again) you mean good earnest, and are at our disposition, I demand that ye deliver unto me out of hand Dicaerchus a statesman of yours, and Menaetes of Epirus, (who being entered into Naupactum with a garrison, had compelled the city to revolt) also Aminander and all the Nobles of the Athamanes, by whose counsel and suggestions ye fell from us and rebelled. Phantas interrupted the Consul before he had well made an end of his speech, We yield not ourselves (quoth he) to be your villains and slaves, but as allies to be protected by you: and I am verily persuaded you know not what you do, to impose those things upon us against all the manner and custom of the greeks. The Consul replied again; In good faith, I pass not (quoth he) greatly what the Aetolians deem well or ill done according to the fashions of the greeks; all the while that I, after the custom of the Romans, have that power and command over them, who crewhile by virtue of their own decree yielded unto us, and heretofore by force of our arms have been vanquished and subdued by us. And therefore, unless that be executed which I command, yea and with speed, my will is, that presently here you be bound hand and foot: and with that he commanded chains and gives to be brought forth, and the Lictours to come about them for to lay hold upon them. Then the stout courage both of Phaneas & the rest of the Aetolians, was well cooled and abated: and so at length they saw in what poor plight they were. And Phaneas made answer, That both himself and the Aetolians there present in place, knew well, that those things were to be performed which were imposed upon them, but (quoth he) there needs a Counsel of the Aetolians for to enact a decree thereof, and therefore he requested the Consul to allow a surcease of arms only for ten days. Then Flaccas began to speak for the Aetolians, and at his request the said abstinence was granted, and so they returned to Hypata. When Phantas had related in the privy counsel of those elect peers of that nation calledApocleti, as well the demands that were commanded, as what had like to have fallen upon themselves in person, the peers sighed deeply and groaned again, to see their miserable condition; howbeit they were all of opinion, that the victor must of necessity be obeyed: and a general parliament assembled of the Aetolian burgeoises out of all their towns and cities. When all that multitude was gathered together, and heard the same related again, their hearts so sretted within them at the cruelty and indignity of those lordly commands, that if they had been well settled in peace, yet such a fit of anger had been enough to have put them into arms. And to stir the fume and choler the more, the difficulty of effecting the things demanded, helped well: for how possibly could they compass to deliver Aminander, being as he was an absolute king? But even then there was presented unto them by chance a new hope, For Nicander at that very time, coming from king Antiochus, filled the people's heads with this vain expectation, namely that the king made wondrous provision for war, as well by sea as land. This Nicander having accomplished his embassage, and made return again into Aetolia, within the compass of twelve days, after he was embarked, arrived at Phalera in the gulf of Malea: from whence having brought the moneys which he had, down to Lamia, whites himself with certain deliver men and lightly appointed, traveled toward Hypata in the evening, between the Roman and Aetolian camp, through paths that he well knew; he chanced to stumble ere he was aware, upon the corpse de guard of the Macedonians, and was brought to the king before supper was done, the table taken up, and the king risen. When Philip was advertised thereof, he showed no other countenance, than if a friend or guest, and not an enemy was come; he bade him sit down at the board, and eat his meat. Afterwards he kept him there with him still in the room, and voided all the rest, willing him in no case to be afraid. He blamed greatly the bad courses and designments of the Aetolians (which evermore lighted upon their own pates) who first had brought the Romans, and then Antiochus into Greece. But for my part (quoth he) since things done and passed, may sooner be blamed than amended, I am content to forget and put all ander my foot, and will never be the man that will seem to insult over them in their distress and adversity. And so should the Aetolians likewise take up in time, and lay aside all their rancour and malice to me: and Nicander especially ought to remember this day, on which by me his life was preserved. With that he sent him away with a good convoy, until he was past all danger: and this Nicander, as is beforesaid, came to Hypata, even as the Aetolians were in deep consultation about peace with the Romans.  
M. Acilius having either sold outright or given away to the soldiers the booty of the country about Heraclea, and hearing that the counsel at Hypata nothing tended to peace, and that the Aetolians were run together to Naupactum, for to abide in that place the whole violence of the war; sent Appius Claudius afore, with four thousand soldiers to seize the tops of the mountains, where as the passages were difficult; and himself ascended up to the hill Oeta, and sacrificed to Hercules in that very place which they call Pyra, by occasion that the mortal body of that god was there consumed with fire: from whence he departed with his whole army, and performed the rest of his journey well, and marched with ease. Being come to Corax (an exceeding high mountain between Callipolis and Naupactum) he lost there many of his labouring beasts and sumpter horses, which together with their loads and fardels, as they went, tumbled down headlong from the mountain, and his men also were much troubled and encombered. Whereby it was soon seen, with how lazy and idle an enemy he had to deal, who had not better and kept with a guard that difficult passage, to impeach and shut up the thoroughfare from the enemies. Howbeit, as much toiled and troubled as his army was, he descended to Naupactum. And having erected one fort against the castle, he invested all the other parts of the city, and divided his forces according to the situation of the walls. This siege he found as toilsome and painful, as that at Heraclea.  
At the same time began the Achaeans to lay siege to Messene also in Peloponnesus, for that it refused to be of their counsel and association. For these two cities, Messene and Elis, were exempt from the Achaean Diet, and accorded with the Aetolians. Howbeit, the Eleans, after that Antiochus was chased out of Greece, gave the ambassadors of Achaea a more mild answer, to wit, That when they had discharged and sent away the king's garrison, they would consider of the matter what to do. But the Messenians having without any answer at all, sent the ambassadors away, had levied war; and fearing much their own estate, seeing their territory overspread with an army, and every where burned, yea, and their enemies encamped near unto their city, addressed unto Chalcis their ambassadors to T. juintius (the very man who before had set them at liberty) to signify unto him, That the Messenians were ready both to open their gates, & also to surrender their city unto the Romans, and not to the Achaeans. juintius so soon as he had heard their embassage, sent a messenger incontinently to Megalopolis, unto Diophanes, the praetor there of the Achaeans, to command him presently to retire his host from Messene, and to repair unto him. Diophanes obeyed his commandment, and having raised his siege, marched himself lightly appointed for speed, before the rest of his army, and about Andania, a small town between Megalopolis and Messene, encountered juintius. Unto whom after he had showed the causes of the siege, he received at his hands a gentle rebuke only, for that he had enterprised a matter of so great consequence without his authority; with an express commandment also to casse and discharge his army, and not to disturb and trouble the peace, made for the good and benefit of all. The Messenians likewise he charged to call home their banished persons into their city, and to join with the Achaeans in their general Diet and assembly. And if they either had any matters to refuse, or would willingly provide for themselves against the future time, he willed them to make their repair unto him at Corinth, and enjoined Diophanes immediately to summon the Diet of the Achaeans for him, where personally himself would be. Where, after he had complained as touching the Island Zacynthus, that by fraud and treachery they had come by and kept, he required that it should be restored to the Romans. Now this Isle had sometime appertained to Philip the king of the Macedonians, and he gave it unto Aminander, in consideration, that he might conduct his army into the higher parts of Aetolia, through Athamania: in which expeditions and exploits of his, the Aetolians hearts were so abated and quailed, that they were constrained to seek peace. Aminander made first Philip the Megapolitane, governor of this Island; but afterwards, in time of that war wherein he banded with Antiochus against the Romans, he called him away from thence to employ him in martial affairs, and sent Hierocles the Agrigentine to succeed him in his place. This Hierocles, after the defeature and flight of Antiochus from Thermopylae, and the expulsion of Aminander out of Athamania by king Philip, dispatched of his own motion certain messengers unto Diophanes, the praetor of the Achaeans, and for a sum of money agreed upon between them, betrayed the Island to the Achaeans. The Romans thought it great reason, that this Island should be theirs, in recompense for the wars which they had maintained; for as much as M. Acilius the Consul, & the Roman legions fought not at Thermopylae for Diophanes, ne yet for the Achaeans. Diophanes to these challenges and demands sometime excused himself and the whole nation, otherwhiles stood to it, and avowed the action, and maintained the ca use by a plea of right. Some there were of the Achaeans there, that both protested, how from the beginning they utterly misliked the course, and also at this present much blamed the praetor for his wilful obstinacy. And by their advice and authority an act was set down, that the whole matter should be referred and put to juintius, to determine what he pleased. Now had juintius this nature, if a man crossed and thwarted him, he was sierce and sell; if one yielded and gave place, he was as gentle again, and pliable. And therefore, without showing any sign of debate, either in language or countenance, thus he spoke. If I thought (qd. he) and were persuaded in my heart, that it were good & commodious for the Achaeans to hold and possess this Island in question, I would advise the Senate and people of Rome to let you enjoy it. But like as a Tortoise, so long as she keepeth herself close within her shell (I see) is sure and safe enough, against all blows and offence whatsoever; but when she once putteth forth any parts, look whatsoever is discovered and naked, the same is weak and subject to injury: even so you Achaeans, being enclosed round about with the sea, are able easily to adjoin unto yourselves whatsoever lieth within the precinct of Peloponnesus, & to keep the same also when you have laid it to you: but so soon as for a greedy desire of having more and encroaching further, you go beyond those bonds, you lie open without, and are exposed to all hurt and damage. Thus Zacynthus was delivered to the Romans with the assent of all the Counsel there assembled, and Diophanes durst not say a word more to the contrary.  
At the same time, king Philip asked the Consul as he marched to Naupactum, Whether it was his pleasure, that he in the mean while should recover and regain those cities which were revolted from the association of the Romans? And having a grant and warrant from him, he led his forces against Demetrias, knowing well enough in what terms of troubles that city then stood. For being forlorn and in utter despair, seeing Antiochus had forsaken them and no hope at all remaining in the Aetolians: they looked every day and night either for the coming of Philip their heavy friend; or else even the Romans themselves a worse enemy, like as they had a more just cause of anger and indignation against them. A confused and disordered fort there were of king Antiochus his soldiers, who being a few at first left there to lie in garrison, grew after to be more, and most of them unarmed; such as after the field was lost [at Thermopylae] thither chanced to fly, and neither had strength nor heart enough to abide a siege. And therefore when Philip sent certain messengers before unto them, to signify, that there was some hope that they mought be pardoned: they made them this answer, That the gates were open for the king, and that he might enter at his pleasure. At his first entrance, certain chief men of mark quit the city and departed, and Eurylochus killed himself. The garrison soldiers of Antiochus (for so they had capitulated) were conducted to Lysimachia through Macedon and Thrace, accompanied with a convoy of Macedonians, for fear that any man should do them harm. There were some few ships also in the road of Demetrias, under the command of Isidorus, which together with their leader and captain were dismissed. After this, he regained Dolopia, Aperantia, and certain cities of Perrhoebia.  
During the time that Philip was employed in these affairs, T. juintius having recovered the Island Zacynthus, departed from the Diet of the Achaeans, and crossed the seas to Naupactum, which had been beleaguered already two months, and was at the point to be forced and lost: which if it might have been won by assault, it was thought that the whole nation and name of the Aetolians there, would have perished for ever. And albeit he had good cause to be highly offended and displeased with the Aetolians, in remembrance that they only checked and impeached his glory, at what time as he set Greece free: and that they were nothing stirred and moved with his authority, when he (forewarning them that those things would happen which afterwards fell out just so indeed) would have discounselled and scared them from foolish and furious designs: yet, supposing that it was a special part of his charge and work, that no nation of Greece (now freed by him) should utterly be subverted and destroyed, he began to walk up and down along under the walls, to the end that he might be seen, and soon known of the Aetolians. And anon the very foremost guards took notice of him, and noised it was presently throughout all the ranks and companies that juintius was there. And thereupon they ran from all parts up to the walls, every man stretched forth his hands, and with one accord and consonant voice called by name unto juintius, beseeching him to help and save them. And albeit he was moved at these their piteous cries with commiseration, yet for that time he signified by the turning away of his head, that he refused & denied them: ask withal, What lay in him to do them any good? But afterwards, being come unto the Consul, Know you not (quoth he) o M. Acilius whereabout we are, & what we have in hand? or if you be a man provident enough, esteem you not that it mainly concerneth the common weal? He set the Consul by these words a longing, and caused him to give more attentive care what he would say, and withal, Why do you not speak forth (quoth the Consul) and utter your mind what the matter is? Then quoth juintius: See you not that after you have vanquished Antiochus, you spend and lose much time here in the siege & assault of two cities, when as now the year of your government is well-near come about? And Philip in the mean time without seeing a battle or the ensigns of his enemies displayed, hath gained and joined to himself not cities only, but so many nations already, namely, Athamania, Perrhoebia, Aperantia and Dolopia? But it is nothing so good and expedient for us, nor standeth it us so much upon, to take down the Aetolians and pair their nails, as to look unto Philip that he wax not too great: and (seeing you and your soldiers have not gotten yet two cities in reward and recompense of victory) not to suffer him to go clear away with so many nations of Greece. The Consul accorded hereunto: but he thought it a shame and dishonour for him to give over the siege and effect nothing: but afterwards, all the matter was put unto the disposition of juintius. Who went again to that side of the wall, where as a little before the Aetolians called and cried aloud unto him. And when as they entreated him more earnestly and with greater affection to take pity of the Aetolian people, he willed some of them to come forth unto him. And immediately, Phaneas himself with other principal persons of the Aetolians, went out unto him; unto whom lying prostrate and grovelling at his feet: Your present fortune (quoth he) and hard estate wherein you are, causeth me both to temper my choler, and also to stay my tongue. Those things you now see are fallen out, which I foretold would come to pass. And not so much as this is left unto you, That the calamities fallen upon your heads can be truly said to have light upon them that have not deserved as much. Howbeit, since it hath ben'allotted unto me as it were by destiny to be a foster-father (as I may so say) to nurse up Greece, I will not cease even to do you good, as thankless and ungrateful persons as you are. Send your Orators to the Consul, to entreat him to grant you a truce for so long, until you may address your ambassadors to Rome, by whom you shall wholly refer and submit yourselves to the Senate: and I will not fail to be an intercessor & advocate to the Consul for you, & likewise unto the Senate. And as Quintius counseled them, so did they. Neither rejected the Consul their embassy, but granted them abstinence of war for such a term as within which they might have an answer of their embassage to Rome: so he dislodged, the siege was raised, and the army sent into Phocis. The Consul together with Quintius passed over the sea to Aegium, unto the general Counsel of Achaea. There was much treaty and parley about the Eleans and the restoring of the Lacedaemonian exiles: but nothing was effected in the one or the other. As for the Lacedæmonians, the Achaeans were desirous to reserve that for themselves, and to win thereby a thank as proceeding from their special grace. And the Eleans, chose rather to come and be united to the Achaean Parliament of themselves, than by the mediation of the Romans. The ambassadors of the Epirots came unto the Consul, who (it was well known) carried not themselves found and upright in the entertaining of the Roman amity: howbeit, they had not levied a soldier for Antiochus. Charged they were to have relieved him with money; and deny themselves they could not but they had sent their ambassadors unto the king. And when they put up a petition, that they might be accepted again into the ancient band of amity; this answer the Consul returned unto them, That he knew not yet whether to range them in the number of enemies, or peaceable friends, and thereof the Senate should be judge; & therefore he referred their whole entire cause to Rome. And to that purpose a truce he granted them of foureskore and ten days. The Epirotes thus sent to Rome, presented themselves before the Senate, and when they stood rather upon these terms in recounting those things wherein they had not showed any open hostility, than in cleared themselves of those matters that were laid against them; they received such an answer, as whereby they might be thought rather to have obtained pardon, than to have made good and justified their cause. The ambassadors also of king Philip about that time had audience given them in the Senate, who came to congratulate with the Romans, testifying their own joy, and wishing theirs for their victory: and upon their request, that they might sacrifice in the Capitol, and offer an oblation and present of gold in the temple of jup. Opt. Max. the Senate gave them good leave e. So, they presented and offered a crown of gold weighing 
3600 pound 〈◊〉.  one hundred pound. These ambassadors had not only a friendly answer & gracious dispatch: but also Demetrius the son of king Philip, who had lain as an hostage at Rome, was delivered unto them, for to bring home again unto his father. Thus was the war archieved and brought to an end, which M. Aci●has the Consul waged against king Antiochus in Greece.  
The other Consul P. Cornelius Scipio, whose lot was to govern the province of Gaul, before that he took his journey to that war which he was to make against the Boians, demanded of the Senate, that money should be assigned unto him, for to perfume those plays and games which he had promised by vow, as Viz-preotour in Spain, when he was driven to a great extremity in a battle. This seemed to be a strange & unreasonable demand. Whereupon the LL. of the Senate ordained, That what plays the Consul had vowed on his own head without ask the advice and council of the Senate, the same he should exhibit and set forth either with the issue of the spoils gotten from the enemies, (if haply he had reserved any money raised thereout to that purpose) or else defray the charges out of his own purse. These plays and games P. Cornelius represented for the space of ten days. And near about the same time, the temple of the great goddess dame Cybele (or Idaea) was dedicated. This goddess being brought out of Asia, in the time that P. Cornelius Scipio (surnamed afterwards Africanus) and P. Licintus were Consuls, was conveyed from the sea side into the mount Palatine. The temple was set out to be built at a price (according to an act of the Senate) by M. Livius and C. Claudius the Censors, when M. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Consuls. Thirteen years after the bargain was made for the edifying thereof, M. junius Brutus dedicated it: and for the honour of this dedication, were the first stageplays exhibited, (as Valerius Antias mine author saith) called thereupon Megalesia. In like manner, C. Licinius Lucullus (one of the two Duumvirs) dedicated the temple of the goddess juventus, in the great Race called Circus maximus. The same had M. Liutus the Consul vowed sixteen years before, even that very day in which he deffeited Asdraball and his army. The same Livins in his C ensorship, went through and bargained for the building thereof, whiles M. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Consuls. And in the honour of dedicating this temple, the plays were set forth: and all was done with more devotion, because there was a new war intended against king Antiochus. In the beginning of this year in which these things passed, whiles P. Cornelius the Consul stayed still behind at Rome, (for M. Acilius was gone forth already to war:) it is found in records, that two tame oxen climbed up a ladder in the street Carinae, to the tyle-roofe of a certain house there. And the soothsayers gave express order, that they should be burn quick, and the ashes to be thrown into Tiber. Also it was reported, that at Tarracina and Amiternum, it reigned stones sundry times. Item, That in Minturnae the temple of jupiter and the shops about the market place, were blasted and smitten with lightning; and in the very mouth of the river Vulturnus, two ships caught fire from heaven, and were consumed. In regard of these fearful prodigies, the Decemvirs by order from the Senate, went to the books of Sibylla and perused them; and out of their learning pronounced, that a solemn fast should be now instituted in the honour of Ceres, and the same to be observed and holden every fifth year: also that a novendiall sacrifice for nine days together should continue; and a supplication for one day: and that they who went in this procession & supplication, should wear garlands and wreaths of flowers upon their heads: lastly, That the Consul P. Cornelius should sacrifice to what gods, & with what beasts, the Decemvirs would appoint and pronounce. When the gods were pacified, as well by the accomplishment of the vows accordingly, as by taking order for the expiation of those wondrous signs, the Consul took his journey into his province: from whence he commanded Cneus Dominitius the Propretour (after he had cassed his army) to depart to Rome: and himself entered with his legions into the territory of the Boians.  
Within a little of that time, the Ligurians (by virtue of a sacred law that they had) levied and assembled an army, and by night assailed the camp unawares to Quintius Minutius the Proconsul. Minutius kept his soldiers in order of battle until day within his hold, having an eye and circumspect regard, that the enemy should not mount over the trench and defences in any place. And at the day-break he sallied forth at two gates at once: neither were the Ligurians repulsed (as he hoped they should) at the first charge; for they sustained and held out the skirmish above two hours, with doubful event on both sides. At the last, when band after band issued out, and still fresh soldiers succeeded in the room of the wearied, for to maintain fight, the Ligurians in the end (besides other distresses, lost for want of sleep also) turned their backs. Of the enemies were slain above four thousand; of Romans and allies, under three hundred. Two months after or somewhat less, P. Cornelius the Consul gave battle to the Boians and won the day; slew 28000 enemies, (as Valerius Antias writeth) took 3400 prisoners, gained 124 military ensigns, 1230 horses, chariots 247: and of the winners (as he saith) there died not above 1484. Where (by the way) how little credit soever (as touching the number) we give unto this Writer, (for in that point there is none overreacheth more than he) yet apparent it is, that a right great victory it was; both for that the camp was won, and the Boians after that battle presently yielded themselves; as also for that in regard of this victory a joyful procession was by order from the Senate holden, and greater beasts slain for sacrifice.  
Not much under or over this present time, M. Fulvius Nobilior returned out of the farther province of Spain in pomp of an Ovation, and carried in show 10000 pound weight of silver in bullion; of Bigates in silver coin 130000, and in gold 126 pound weight. P. Cornelius the Consul, having first taken hostages of the Boian nation, and dizseized them of the one half of their country, to the inhabiting whereof the people of Rome, might if they would, send their Colonies; at his departure from thence toward Rome to an undoubted and assured triumph, licenced his army, with commandment to meet him there and give their attendance upon his triumph-day. The morrow after that he was come, the Senate had summons to assemble in the temple of Bellona; where, after he had discoursed of his acts and deeds achieved, he required that he might be permitted to enter the city riding in triumph. P. Sempronius Blaesus a Tribune of the Commons for the time being, stopped forth & said, That his advice was that Scipio should not flatly be denied the honour of a triumph, but to put it off unto a farther day. And why? The wars (quoth he) of the Ligurians have always been joined and linked with those of Gaul: which nations being so near together, use ever mutually one to succour another. If P. Scipio (after the Boians deffeited in battle) had followed the train of victory, and either himself in proper person with his brave conquering army passed into the territory of the Ligurians, or but sent part of his forces to Q. Minutius, who now for three years (or fast upon) hath been detained within those quarters in a war of doubtful issue; we might have seen an end ere this of the Ligurian war also. But now (forsooth) his soldiers are dismissed, and brought home to accompany him and to solemnize his triumph; who might well have been employed still and done good service to the Commonweal: yea and may do yet (if the Senate be so disposed) by deferring the time of triumph, for to make amends and regain that, which by overhastinesse of triumph hath been over-slipped. And therefore, in my opinion (quoth he) they should do well, to command the Consul to go his ways back again, and take his army with him into his province, and to do his best and utmost devoir to subdue the Ligurians also. For unless they be brought under and made subject unto the people of Rome, the Boians by ye sure, will not long be quiet: either we must have peace of war at once, in both places. And so P. Cornelius in quality of Proconsul (as many others before him, who in their full magistracy triumphed not) may after some few months have his triumph. To this the Consul answered again and said, That neither the Province of the Ligurians was any part of his charge by lot, neither warred he at all with the Ligurians, ne yet demanded to triumph over them. As for Q. Minutius (quoth he) I hope that shortly after he hath subdued them, he both will require his due triumph, and shall likewise obtain the same. For mine own part, I seek no more but to triumph over the Boians in Gaul, whom I have vanquished in plain battle, beaten out of the field and camp; whose whole nation within two days after the fight and their general discomfiture, yielded and rendered themselves into my hands; & from whom I have carried away hostages for assured pledge of future peace: nay, that which is much more than all this, I have had the kill of so many Gauls in open battle, and fought with so many thousands of Boians, as no General ever did before me: the better half of 50000 men are fallen upon the edge of the sword, & many a thousand taken prisoners; so as the Boians have none left, but old folk and young children. Can any man make a wonder then, why a victorius army, leaving no enemy behind in the province, is come to Rome to honour the triumph of their Consul? Whose employment, if the Senate be disposed to use in any other service and province, Whether of these two ways think they, will make them more willing and ready, to put themselves into new dangers, and enter into other fresh labour and travel; either to pay them without delay & content them with the due and deserved hire of their former peril and pain, or to send them away with bare hope only, in stead of the substance, for to expect still without effect: since they have been once already put by and disappointed of their first hope and expectation? Now for mine own part. I obtained honour enough that day, on which the Senate sent me (deemed & declared the best man in all the city) to receive that great goddess & dame of Ida. This title alone, without any other addition of triumph, shall be sufficient to recommend to all posterity for honestly and honour both, the image of P. Scipio Nasica. This said, not only the whole Senate themselves condescended generally to grant him triumph. but also with their countenance and authority compelled the Tribunes of the Commons to give over their hold, & surcease their interposition of a negative voice. So P. Cornelius the Consul triumphed over the Boians. In which triumph he caused to be carried for show in French chariots, armour, ensigns, & spoils of all sorts: also French vessels of brass & copper. He commanded likewise to be led in pomp a number of horses taken, together with noblemen and gentlemen captives. Of chains of gold he made a show of 1470. Besides, there was born in pomp, of gold 245 pound weight: of silver unwrought and wrougth into plate, not unworkmanly after their manner (& namely in sundry French vessels) 2340 pound weight: lastly of bigats in coin 234. To his soldiers that followed his triumphant chariot he gave 225 Asses a piece, double as much to a Centurion, & triple to an horseman. The next day after he called the people to a general assembly, where after he had discoursed again of his exploits, & complained of the wrongs that the Tribune had offered unto him, in that he would have tied him to the war of another, with intent to defraud himself of the fruit of his own victory, he cassed his soldiers, & discharged them quite.  
Whiles these affairs thus went in Italy, Antiochus remaining at Ephesus, rested very secure and careless of the Roman war, as if the Romans had no purpose nor intention to pass over into Asia. This security of his was occasioned by many of his friends, who partly upon ignorance, and partly upon flattery persuaded him so. Only Hannibal, who at that time was of greatest credit, and might do most with the king, said unto him, That he rather marveled much why the Romans were not already in Asia, than doubted of their coming. For a nearer cut (quoth he) it is by sea out of Greece into Asia, than out of Italy into Greece; and a greater motive to war is Antiochus than the Aetolians. And as for their valour and power, as hardy they are and mighty at sea, as on land; and their fleet hath hovered a good while already about Malea. Moreover, I heard say of late, that new ships be arrived, and a new General come out of Italy, to follow and perform this war. And therefore, let Antiochus seed no longer upon a vain hope, and promise himself a permanent peace: for shortly he must make account to fight with the Romans in Asia, yea, and for Asia, both by sea, and land; and no mean there is, but that either himself must lose his kingdom, or take from them their sovereign signory, who affect and pretend to be LL. of the whole world. He was the only man thought to forecast, & truly to foretell what would ensue. Whereupon the king himself in person, with those ships which he had ready rigged & furnished, failed to Chersonnesus, with intent to strengthen those places with good garrisons, if happily the Romans should come by land. The rest of the navy he commanded Polyxenidas to prepare and put to sea. And all about the Island he sent about his pinnaces and brigantines as espials to discover the coasts. C. Livius the Admiral of the Roman navy, was arrived at Naples from Rome with fifty covered ships. At which place he gave commandment, That the open vessels, which by covenant were due to be sent from the allies of all that tract, should meet. From whence he sailed to Sicily, and passed the straits by Messana. And when he had received six Carthaginian ships sent to aid him, and called upon the Rhegines and Locrine's, and other associates comprised in the same league & holding by the same tenure, for that shipping which of duty they were to find, when he had also taken a survey of all his armada at Lacinium, he weighed anchor, and put to the main sea. Being arrived at Corcyra, which was the first city of all Greece that he came unto, he inquired in what terms the war affairs stood? (for as yet all was not thoroughly quiet in Greece) and where the Roman fleet was? After he heard that the Roman Consul and king Philip, were about the pace of Thermopylae, and there lay in guard; that the fleet rid at anchor in the pot and harbour of Pyraeeum; he thought it good to use expedition, and to make speed for all occasions whatsoever, and incontinently determined to sail forward to Peloponnesus. And having at one instant wasted Samos and Zacynthus as he went, because they chose r ather to band with the Aetolians, he set sail for Malea, and having a good wind, within few days he arrived at Pyraeeum, where the old fleet ankered. At Scyllaeum king Eumenes met him with three ships: who had been a long time at Aegina, unresolved in himself, whether he should return to defend his own kingdom (for he heard that Antiochus made preparation at Ephesus for war, as well by sea as land) or not to depart a foot from the Romans, upon whose fortune depended his whole state. Aulus Attilius, so soon as he had delivered to his successor five and twenty close ships of war, loosed from Pyraeeum, and came to Rome. So Livius with a fleet of eighty one ships, armed at their beakeheads with brazen pikes, besides many other smaller vessels, (which open as they were, had brazen heads, as is aforesaid; or if they were without such pikes, served for espials) sailed to Delos. Much about that time the Consul Acilius assailed Naupactum. At Delos, Livius for certain days was stayed by contrary winds (for that quarter among the Cycladeses is exceeding windy, by reason that these Islands are divided asunder, some with broader gulfs, some with narrower.) Polexenidas being certified by the post-ships (set in divers places to discover) that the Roman armada rid at anchor near Delos, dispatched messengers to the king, who leaving all matters which he enterprised in Hellespontus, returned to Ephesus, as fast as ever he could make sail with his ships of war, piked at the head: and presently called a counsel, where it was debated, whether he were best to hazard a battle at sea or no? Polyxenidas was of opinion, That he should not slack the time, but in any wise give battle and try a fight, before that the fleet of Eumenes and the Rhodian ships were joined with the Romans: for so in number they should not be much overmatched, & for all other things have the better, as well for nimbleness and agility of ships, as for variety of aid-souldiours. For the Roman ships, as being unworkmanly built, they are heavy of steerage and unwieldy, loaden they are and fraught besides with provision of victuals, as they are commonly that come into the enemy's country. But as for your ships (seeing they leave all about them peaceable and quiet) they shall be charged with nothing but with men and munition. Besides, the skill of these seas and lands, & of the winds in these quarters, will be a great help unto you, whereas the enemies must needs be much troubled, for want of knowledge in them all. The deviser of this counsel had credit given unto him on all parts, and the rather, for that he was the man himself to put in execution the same counsel. Two days they made stay to set all things in order and readiness, the third day they set forward with a fleet of a hundred sail, whereofleventie were covered, the rest open, and all of the smaller making; and for Phocaea they shaped their course. The king hearing that the Roman armada approached, departed from thence (for that he was not to be present in person at the conflict upon the sea) and went to Magnesia near e Sipylus, for to levy land-forces. But his navy made sail to Cyffus, a port of the Erythraeans, to attend the coming of the enemy there, as in a place more commodious. The Romans, when the Northern winds were once laid (for they were aloft for certain days, and locked them in) salled from Delos to Phanae, a haven town of the Chians, bearing toward the Aegean sea. From thence they cast about with their ships to the city, and there having victualled themselves, they crossed over to Phocaea. Eumenes who was gone to Elaea toward his fleet, within few days after, with sour and twenty covered ships, and more uncovered, returned to the Romans; whom he found preparing and marshalling themselves (a little short of Phocaea) for a battle at sea. Then set they all forward with a hundred and fifty close covered ships, and more open and without hatches: and being with side Northerens winds, at the first driven to the sea shore, they were forced to sail single in rank one after another. But afterwards, as the violence of the wind began to be allayed, they assayed to cross over to the haven Corycus, which is above Cyssus. Polyxenidas, as soon as he heard that the enemies were at hand, rejoiced that he had occasion presented unto him of a naval battle: and himself stretched forth the left point of his fleet embattled far into the sea, willing the captains of the ships to display the right wing broad, toward the land: and so with an even front, he advanced forward to the fight. Which the Roman Admiral seeing, struck sail, took down the masts, and laying together all the tackling of the ships in one place; attended their coming that followed after. By which time there were thirty in a rank affront, with which, because he would make them equal to the left wing of the enemy, he set up the trinkets or small sails, meaning to make way into the deep, commanding them that followed still, to make head, and direct their prows against the right wing near the land. Eumenes was the rear-admiral, and kept the rearward close together: but so soon as they began to be troubled with taking down e their tackling, he set forward with all speed and haste that he could make: and by this time were they in view one of the other: Two Carthaginian ships led before the Roman navy, which were encountered with three of the king's ships. And considering the odds of the number, two of the kings came about one. And first they wiped away the oars on both sides, than they showed themselves aloft with their weapons, and bourded her, and after they had either overturned or killed the defendants, they were masters of that ship. The other that was in single fight, and assailed but by one, seeing the other ship taken by the enemies, fled back into the main fleet, before she was environned by the three enemies. Livius chase hereat, and angry at the heart, advanced forward with the Admiral ship affront the enemy: against her, those other two which had enclosed the Carthaginian ship aforesaid, hoping to do the like by this, came onward; which Livius perceiving, commanded the rowers to let their oars hang in the water on both sides, for the more stay and steadiness of the ship, and likewise to cast their iron hooks fashioned like hands, for to grapple the enemy's ships, as they approached and came near unto them; and when they were come to close fight in manner of land-service, then to remember the valour of the Romans, and not to hold the king's slaves for men of any worth. And with much more facility and ease, than the two ships before conquered one, this one for that gained two. By this time the main fleet on both sides encountered on all sides, and fought pell mel. Eumenes who being in the rearward, came last in place, after the conflict was begun, perceiving that Livius had disordered the left wing of the enemies, made head against the right, where he saw them fight on even hand, not long after the left wing began to fly. For Polyxenidas, so soon as he saw himself without all question overmatched in valour of the soldiers, caused the trinquets and all the cloth he had to be set up, and purposed to fly amain. Those likewise that were toward the land, and fought with Eumenes, within a while did no less. The Romans and Eumenes, so long as the mariners were able to ply their oars, and so long as they were in hope to annoy the tail of the enemies, followed the chase lustily enough: but after that they perceived their own ships (charged & heavily loaden with victuals) follow after to no purpose, & to lag behind, nor like to overtake them which were the swifter, because they were the lighter; stayed at length their pursuit, after they had taken 13 ships both with their soldiers & mariners, & sunketen. Of the Roman Armada there perished but one Carthaginian, which at the first encounter was beset with two ships. Polyxenidas never gave over flight, but made way still, until he had recovered the haven of Ephesus. The Romans abode that day in the place from whence the king's armada came, purposing on the morrow to make fresh sail after the enemy. And in the mids of their course they met with those 35 Rhodian ships covered, conducted by Pisistratus their admiral; and taking those also with them, they followed the enemy even as far as Ephesus, where in the mouth of the haven, they rid in order of battle: by which bravado, having wrong as it were from the enemies a plain confession that they were vanquished, the Rhodians and Eumenes were sent home. The Romans setting their course for Chius, first sailed by Phoenicus, an haven town of Erythraea, and having cast anchor that night, the next day they weighed, and arrived within the Island, close to the city itself, where having sojourned some few days, especially to refresh their rowers, they passed forward to Phocaea. Where leaving source quinquereme galeaces, the fleet arrived at Canae, and because the Winter approached, the ships were laid up in their dockes on dry land, and for their safety were trenched and paled about. In the years end the General assembly for election of magistrates was holden at Rome, wherein were created Consuls, L. Cornelius Scipio, and C. Laelius. For now all men had an eye to the finishing of the war against Antiochus The next morrow were the Pretours also chosen, namely, M. Tuccius, L. Aurunculeius, Cneus Fulvius, L. Aemylius, P. junius, and C. Atinius Labeo.   

THE XXXVII. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the seven and thirtieth Book.  
LVcius Cornelius Scipio the Consul, having for his lieutenant P. Scipio Africanus (according as he had promised, that he would be lieutenant to his brother, if Greece and Asia were ordained to be his province, whereas it was thought, that C. Lalius, for the great credit that he was in with the Senate, should have had that province given him) took his voyage for to war against Antiochus, and was the first Roman that ever sailed over into Asia, as captain and commander of an army. Aemylius Regillus sought fortunately with the aid of the Rhodians before My 〈◊〉, against the voiall navy of Antiochus. The son of Africanus taken prisoner by Antiochus, was first home to his father. M. Acilius Glabrio triumphed over Antiochus, whom he had driven out of Greece, as also over the Rhodians. Afterwards, when Antiochus was vanquished by L. Cornelius Scipio (with the assistance of king Eumenes, the son of Attalus king of Pergamus) he had peace granted unto him, upon condition, that he should quit and forego all the provinces on this side the mount Taurus. And Eumenes, by whose help Antiochus was overcome had his kingdom enlarged. To the Rhodians also, for their helping hand, certain cities were given and granted. One Colony was planted, called Bononia. Aemylius Regillus, who vanquished the captains of Antiochus in a naval battle, obtained also a naval triumph. L. Cornelius Scipio, who finished the war with Antiochus, had the like surname given him as his brother, and was called after Asiaticus.  
WHen L. Cornelius Scipio, and C. Laelius were Consuls, after order taken for the service of the gods, there was no matter treated of in the Senate, before the suit of the Aetolians. And as their ambassadors were instant and earnest, because the term of their truce was but short, so T. Quintius, who then was returned out of Greece to Rome, seconded them. The Aetolians, relying more upon the mercy of the Senate, than the justice of their cause, and balancing their old good turns done to the Romans, to the late harms and trespasses committed, used humble supplication. But so long as they were in presence before the Senators, they were wearied with their interrogatories of all hands, who sought rather to fetch & wring from them confession of a fault, than any other answer; and when they were bidden to void out of the Senate house, they caused much debate within. For in the handling of their matter it was seen that anger bore more sway than pity, because they were not so much offended with them, for being enemies, as they blamed them for an unruly, untamed, and unsociable nation. And after much hard hold for certain days together, they resolved at length, neither to grant nor deny them peace. Two conditions were tendered and presented unto them, either to refer themselves wholly to the pleasure and disposition of the Senate, or else to deliver a thousand talents: and withal to hold those for friends or foes, whomsoever the Romans reputed theirs. And when they were desirous to draw from the Senators thus much, as to know in what points, and how far forth, they should submit themselves to the discretion of the Senate; they could have no certain answer to build upon. And thus without any peace obtained, they were dismissed, with express commandment to void the city that very day, and to be gone out of Italy within fifteen days following. Then they fell to consultation in the Senate about the government of the Consular provinces. Both Consuls desired to have the charge of Greece. And Laelius was a great man with the Senat. Now when the house was minded that the Consuls should either cast lots or agree between themselves for their provinces, he rose up and said, That it was more decent and befiting to put the matter to the judgement of that honourable court, than to the blind hazard of lots. To this Scipio for the present made answer, that he would consider better of it: and after he had conferred secretly with his brother apart (who advised him to be bold & put it to the Senate) he gave Lalius to understand, that he was content to do as he would have him. When this strange course and manner of proceeding (either new & unheard of before, or else after so long disuse of the practice thereof, forgotten and taken up again) caused the See nat to arm themselves against a great strife and contention, then P. Scipio Africanus said, That if they would ordain his brother L. Scipio to have the province of Greece, he would accompany him in that voyage, in quality of his Lieutenant. This one word of his (accepted of them all with a general consent) stained all debate: for a great mind they had to make a trial, whether Hannibal being vanquished could aid king Antiochus more, than Africanus the conqueror assist the Consul and the Roman legions. And all in a manner assigned Greece to Scipio, and Italy to Laelius. But the Pretours had their provinces set out to them by lot; L. Aurunculeius obtained the civil jurisdiction of citizens, and L. Fulvius of foreigners: L. Aemylius Regillus was L. Admiral of the armada, P. junius governed Tuscan, M. Tuccius Apulia and the Brutij, and L. Atinius Sicily. Moreover that Consul, who was to be employed in Greece, had a commission granted, besides that army which he should receive of M. Acilius (and those were two legions) to furnish himself with a supply of three thousand footmen, and one hundred horsemen of Roman citizens; also of five thousand foot and two hundred horse of allies that were Latines: and besides, granted it was in the same commission, that when he was arrived into his province, he should pass over with his army into Asia, if he thought it so expedient for the Commonweal.  
Unto the other Consul was allowed an entire whole army of new soldiers, consisting of two Roman legions, and fifteen thousand foot and six hundred horse of the Latin allies. Q. Minutius had direction (by reason that he wrote how he had performed in his province all that there was to be done, and that the whole nation of the Ligurians had yielded subjection) to translate his forces out of Liguria into the Boians country, and to deliver the same to P. Cornelius the Proconsul. Out of that territory which he had taken away from them after they were vanquished, those city legions were withdrawn, which had been levied and enroled they year before; and committed they were to the charge of M. Tuccius the praetor, besides 15000 foot and six thousand horse of Latin allies: and all these forces were to be employed for to defend and keep in obedience, Apulia and the Brutians country. As for A. Cornelius the praetor of the former year, (who with an army had the government of the Brutij) he was commanded to deliver unto M. Acilius (if the Consul thought so good) the legions transported over into Aetolia, if he would remain there still: but if Acilius would rather return to Rome, then A. Cornelius with that army, was to remain in Aetolia. Thought good it was, that C. Atinius Labeo should receive of M. Aemylius, the government of Sicily and his army: and if it pleased him, to take up and enrol out of that very province 2000 foot and 100 horse, for to supply and fulfil the broken companies. P. junius Brutus had commandment to levy a new army for the government of Tuscan, to wit, one Roman legion, and 10000 foot of Latin allies, and 400 horse. Also L. Aemilius the Admiral, was to receive of M. junius the praetor of the former year, twenty galleys, and the mariners and oars thereto belonging; and besides, to levy himself 1000 mariners more, and 2000 footmen: and with those ships and soldiers to sail into Asia, and to receive the fleet of C. Livius. As for them that were already in the government of both the provinces of Spain and of Sardinia, they were to continue there still for one year longer, and to have the same armies at command. This year were two tenths of corn levied of Sicily and Sardinia: and order was given for all the Sicilian corn to be sent into Aetolia to the army: but out of Sardinia, that one part should be brought to Rome, and the other transported over into Aetolia, even to the same place that the other of Sicily aforesaid.  
Before the Consuls set forward into their provinces, it was thought nicer, that the Pontifies should give order for the expiation of certain prodigies: for at Rome the temple of juno Lucina was smitten with lightning; so as both the lantern, yea and the leaved doors thereof, were foully disfigured. Likewise at Puteoli, the town walls in many places, and one gate, was blasted with lightning, and two men besides were strucken dead therewith. At Nursia it was for certain known, that the day being fair and clear, there arose a stormy tempest, wherein also two free men lost their lives. The Tusculans reported, that with them it reigned earth. And the men of Reate brought word, that within their territory a female mule fole. These prodigies (I say) were expiated: and the Latin festival holidays were celebrated anew, for that the dole of flesh was not given unto the Laurentines, which of duty should have been delivered. Moreover, a solemn supplication was ordained, in regard of all errors and faults escaped in divine service and religious observances. Also out of the books of Sibylla, the Decemvirs declared and showed, to what gods, sacrifice should be made: and ten young springals free borne, & ten virgins likewise, whose fathers and mothers yet lived, were employed about the ministry of those sacrifices. The Decemvirs also by night sacrificed young sucklings. And P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, before he took his journey, erected an arch in the Capitol (over-against the high street that leadeth thither) with 7 gilded statues and 2 horses: and before that arch, he set up two cisterns or lavers of marble. About this time, 43 principal persons of Aetolia, (among whom were Democritus and his brother) were conveyed to Rome, by two squadrons or cohorts sent of purpose from M. Acilius; and there were laid up fast in the prison called 
* 〈…〉.  The stone quarries: which done, the cohorts aforesaid were commanded by L. Cornelius the Consul, to make return to the army. From Ptolomeus and Cleopatra (king and queen of Egypt) there came ambassadors, testifying their joy which they conceived in the behalf of the Romans, in these terms, That M. Acilius the Consul had chased king Antiochus out of Greece: exhorting also the Romans to transport an army into Asia: for that not in Asia only but likewise in Syria, all men were smitten with fear and amazed. As for the KK. of Egypt, they would be ready to do for their parts, whatsoever the Senate should set down. Thanks were returned to the K. and Q. aforesaid, and order was taken, that to the ambassadors for a reward should be given 4000 brazen Asses apiece.  
L. Cornelius the Consul, having accomplished all things to be done at Rome, published an Edict in a general assembly, That aswell those soldiers whom himself had enroled for supply, as they who were with A. Cornelius in the Brutians country, should all meet at Brundisium upon the Ides of 
* 15 of Ju●e.  Quintilis. Moreover he nominated three lieutenants, Sex. Digitius, L. Apussius, and C. Fabricius Luscinus, for to gather ships together out of all the sea coasts into Brundisium. And when he had prepared and set all things in good order, he departed from the city, clad in his rich coat of arms. There presented unto the Consul as he went forth, to the number of 5000 voluntaries, Romans and allies together, who had served their full years in the wars under the conduct of P. Africanus, and now were exempt from soldiery, who all offered to go with him and to be enroled as priest soldiers. Much at the time that the Consul took his journey (during the festival Apollinare games in the honour of Apollo, upon the fifth day before the Ides of july) it chanced, that in the day time when the air was clear and fair, there arose a sudden darkness during the eclipse of the sun, by reason that the body of the moon was directly under the circle and roundle of the sun. L. Aemylius Regillus also admiral of the war, at the same time went to sea. L. Aurunculeius was charged by order from the Senate, to build thirty galeaces with five banks of oars, and twenty galleys with three banks, because a bruit was blown and blazed abroad, that Antiochus upon the late battle at sea, was about to prepare a much greater armada.  
The Aetolians, after their ambassadors were returned from Rome and had made relation, that there was no hope of peace, albeit all their sea coasts (especially toward Peloponnesus) were spoiled and wasted by the Achaeans, yet minding more their peril like to ensue, than remembering their loss received, seized the mountain Corax, intending to impeach and stop the passage of the Romans. For they made no question nor doubt, but that the next spring they would return to besiege and assault Naupactum. Acilius, who wist well what they expected, thought it better to go in hand with an enterprise unlooked for, and namely to assail Lamia: for thus he thought, That seeing they had been already brought to a great under and extremity by king Philip, now they might be taken suddenly and surprised at unawates, because they stood in fear of nothing less. Whereupon, removing from Elatia, he encamped first in the country of his enemies near to the river Sperchius': from whence by night he dislodged, and advanced forthwith his ensigns. and by the day break had invested their walls round about. Great fear and hurley there was, as in an accident unlooked for: yet all that day they defended the city more resolutely, than a man would have believed and thought they could have done in so sudden a danger: whiles men stood at defence upon the walls, women set up ladders in many places, and brought the men weapons and darts of all sorts, yea and stories up to the walls unto them. Acilius, after he had sounded the retreat, brought back his men into the camp about noon: and after they had there refreshed their bodies with meat and rest, he gave them warning (before he dismissed the Praetorium) that ere daylight the next morning they should be ready in arms: for that he would not come back again with them into the camp, before they were masters of the town. At the same time as the day before, he gave assault in many places: and for as much as the townsmen's strength decayed, their darts and weapons failed, and abo ve all, their hearts fainted, within few hours he wan the city. After he had made a riddance of the pillage, sold some part, and given away the rest, he fell to take counsel what to do afterwards. There was not one man of opinion to go against Naupactum, considering that the Aetolians held and kept the pace of Corax. Howbeit Acilius, to the end that he would not keep the field in summer without doing some exploit, and that the Aetolians might not enjoy that peace by the slackness of the Roman soldiers, which obtain they could not at the Senate's hand, he purposed to besiege Amphissa: and so the army was conducted thither from Heraclea, by the mountain Oeta. When he had encamped himself under the town walls, he began not to invest it round with men as he did Lamia, but with ordinance and engines to batter it. In many places at once he ran with the ram against the walls: and albeit they were shaken, the townsmen went not about either to make ready, or to devise and invent any means of defence against that instrument or engine. All their hope was in trusty armour and hardy valour. And so often they sallied forth, that they disordered and troubled not only the guards of the enemies, but also those that attended about the fabrics and artillery. Howbeit, in many places the wall was battered and breaches made: and even at that very instant news came unto him, that his successor had landed his army at Apollonia, and was coming by the way of Epirus and Thessaly. Now came the Consul with a power of 13000 foot, and five hundred horse. And by this time was he passed as far as to the vale and level of Malea: and having sent certain afore to summon the city Hypata, and received answer again, that they would do nothing but by a public decree of the Aetolians; because the siege of Hypata should not stay him, and Amphissa not yet won, he led his forces against it, and sent his brother Africanus before. Ere they came, the Oppidanes had quit the town, for by this time the wall in many places lay open and naked, and were all fled armed and unarmed into a castle which they had, imprenable. The Consul pitched his tents six miles from the town.  
Thither arrived the Athenian ambassadors, and first they repaired to P. Scipio, who, as we have said, was gone before the main army, and afterwards to the Consul, entreating for the Aetolians. Of the twain they received a gentler answer at the hands of Africanus, who seeking some honest occasion to leave the Aetolian war, set his heart and eye wholly upon Asia and king Antiochus: and to this purpose he willed the Athenians to persuade not only with the Romans, but also with the Aetolians, to prefer peace before war. And speedily, through the motion and persuasion of the Athenians there was a solemn embassage of the Aetolians dispatched from Hypata. Induced they were the rather to hope for peace by the speech of Africanus (for to him they came first) who discoursed unto them, how that many nations and cities in Spain first, and afterwards in Africa, had put themselves under his protection, and in them all he had left greater testimonies of his clemency and bounty, than of his warlike valour and martial prowess. Thus they had brought the matter (as they thought) to a good pass, and made it sure: but when they came before the Consul, they had the same answer of him, with which they were sent away from the Senate, and commanded to avoid. The Aetolians wounded therewith anew, seeing they could win nothing neither by the mediation of the Athenien embassage, nor the gracious answer of Africanus, said they would make report thereof unto their States and countrymen. So, they returned from thence to Hypata, where they were to seek what to do, and could not resolve: for neither had they whereof to raise a thousand talents: and again if they should absolutely put themselves into their hands, they feared to feel the smart thereof in their bodies. Therefore they commanded the same ambassadors to go again to the Consul and to Africanus, and to exhibit a petition, that if they were minded indeed and verity to grant them peace, and not by vain show and semblance only to frustrate and delude the hope of poor suppliants, they would either rebate them a quantity of that grand sum of money, or else accept so of their absolute surrender, that no free citizens might be touched thereby in his person. But nothing could be gotten at the Consul's hands, for to alter or relent any jote: thus was this embassage also sent away as it came, and nothing done. The Athenians came after them in place, the principal man of whose embassage, Echedemus, seeing the Aetolians wearied with so many repulses, and lamentably to no purpose bewailing the miserable estate of their country; put them still in some new hope, and gave them counsel to crave truce for six months, that they might address their Ambassadors to Rome, and receive and answer from thence: showing unto them, that this delay could not augment their present calamity, which could not worse be; but contrariwise, time and space coming between, might afford many accidents whereby their present misery might be mitigated and allayed. So by the advice of Echedemus, the same men were sent once again, who had communed before with P. Scipio, and by his means obtained of the Consul a truce for that term; which was the thing they craved. The siege being raised before Amphissa, M. Acilius after he had delivered up his army into the hands of the Consul, resigned his government, and departed out of the province: and the Consul likewise from Amphissa returned into Thessaly, intending through Macedon and Thracia to conduct his army into Asia.  
Then Africanus entered into speech with his brother, and said: The journey which you enterprise L. Scipio, I for my part approve and think well of, but all resteth in the will and pleasure of Philip: who if he be fast and faithful to the state and empire of Rome, he will grant us passage, he will afford us victuals, he will furnish us with all things, which in so long a voyage are necessary to the help and sustenance of our army: but if he fail and forsake us once, you must make account of no safety and security throughout all Thracia: therefore I am of advice that the king's affection be first sounded. And that will best be done, if the messenger who shall be dispatched unto him, may come upon him on a sudden, and take him unprovided, and having no time to put any presented plot in practice. T. Sempronius Gracchus, a most nimble and active young gentleman, was at that time chosen for the furest person to perform this action: who taking fresh post horses all the way as he road, with incredible celerity made such speed, that from Amphissa (for thence he had his dispatch) in three days space, he arrived at Pella. The king was at a feast or banquet when he came, and wine he had taken full liberally. And finding him thus disposed to solace and recreate his spirits, he had no reason to suspect that he was minded and inclined to any change or alteration: and so for that time this guest was bidden welcome, and had good cheer made him. The morrow after, he saw the provision of victuals in great store ready for the armies, he beheld the bridges made over the rivers, and the high ways mended and prepared, where passage was difficult. With these intelligences he returned to the Consul, with as great speed as he went, and met him at Thaumaci. From whence, the army in much joy, and with greater and more assured hope, entered into Macedon; where all was provided to their hands. The king at their coming received t 'em right stately, and at their departure conducted them on the way as royally. Very willing, ready and courteous he showed himself: which Africanus much liked and highly commended, being a man, as in all other things singular, so in allowing of elegancy and humanity, if it were without superfluity and excess, nothing nice and streight-laced. Thus they held on their journey unto Hellespontus, passing through Macedon and Thrace, and Philip still accompanied them, and provided all things for their use aforehand.  
After the battle fought at sea near Corycum, Antiochus having had all the winter time free without any impeachment to furnish himself with forces both for land and sea, above all things studied and devised how to repair his fleet, for fear he should be quite dizseized and dispossed of the sea. And evermore this ran in his mind, that he had an overthrow, and yet the Rhodians fleet was away. For thus he cast with himself, that if they also should be present at the next conflict (and surely the Rhodians, thought he, will not for any thing be behind again) he then should have need of a mighty number of ships, to match the enemy's Armada as well in greatness as goodness. And therefore he had both sent Hannibal into Syria for to take up the ships of the Phaenicians, and also commanded Polyxenidas to repair those vessels which he had already, and to make and rig others, with so much more diligence as his fight afore was less fortunate. Himself passed the winter in Phrygia, and seeking for aid out of all places, he sent out as far as into Gallograecia. The people there at that time were great warriors; keeping still the courages of Gauls, for that the race of that nation was not yet extinct and worn out. His son Seleucus he had left in Aeolis with an army to keep the maritime cities in obedience, which Eumenes from Pergamus of one side, and the Romans from Phocaea and Erythrae on the other side, solicited to rebellion. The Roman fleet, as I said before, wintered at Canae. Thither in the mids almost of winter came Eumenes with two thousand foot, and a hundred horse. Who having given out unto Livius, that great prizes might be raised out of the enemy's territory about Thyatira, had so persuaded and wrought with him, that he sent with him five thousand soldiers: who being setforth to this road and expedition, in few days drove away a mighty booty. Amid these matters, there happened a mutiny i n Phocaea, by occasion of some that would have withdrawn and turned away the hearts of the multitude unto king Antiochus. The wintering of the fleet was chargeable to that city. The imposition of a tribute was heavy, in regard that they were put to the finding of five hundred side cassocks, and as many coats for liveries: the scarcity of corn also was grievous unto them; for which default the ships and the Roman garrison abandoned the place and departed: whereupon that faction which in all their speeches and assemblies drew the common people to side with Antiochus, was rid of all fear. The Senate and the principal citizens of Phocaea were of opinion to continue to the last, in the association of the Romans: but the persuaders and counsellors of a revolt were of more credit with the multitude.  
The Rhodians were not so flow the summer past, but they were as forward now in the spring: for before mid-March, they sent out the same Pausistratus admiral of a fleet of six & thirty sail. And by this time Livius loosed from Canae, and sailed toward Hellespontus, with thirty ships, and seven galleys of four banks of oapes, which king Eumenes had brought with him, to the end that he might prepare things necessary for the passage of the army, which he supposed would come by land. And first he sell with the bay or port which they call, The road of the 
* Where they lay sometimes against Troy.  Achaeans, from whence he went up to Ilium, where, after he had sacrificed to Minerva, he gave gracious audience to the embassages of the neighbours bordering, which came from Eleus, Dardanus, & Rhoetium, who committed their cities unto his protection. From thence he directed his course to the straits of Hellespontus, and leaving ten ships in the road overagainst Abydus, with the rest of the fleet he passed over into Europe, to assault Sestos. As the armed soldiers approached their walls, the frantic priests of Cybele called Galli, distraught of their wits, presented themselves first unto them before their gates, in their solemn habit and vestments, saying, That they being the servaunts and ministers of Dame Cybele the mother of the gods, were come by the instinct and commandment of that goddess to beseech the Roman General to spare the walls and the city. And not one of them had any harm done unto them. Anon, the whole body of the Senate with the magistrates came forth to yield the town. From thence they crossed over to Abydus, where (after many parleys, in which they had sounded their minds, and could have no answer tending to peace) they addressed themselves to lay siege to the city, and to assault it.  
Whiles these things stood thus about Hellespont, Polyxenidas a Rhodian borne, but banished his country, and a captain for king Antiochus, hearing that a Rhodian fleet was gone to sea, and that Pausistratus their admiral, had in open audience given out certain proud and disdainful speeches against him, entered into a private quarrel with him, tossing & devising in his mindnight and day nothing else, but how he might by some effectual and worthy deeds, check and confute those brave and glorious words of his. He dispatched therefore unto him as a messenger, a man well known unto him, with credence and instructions to give him to understand, that himself would (if he might) stand both Pausistratus and his country in good steed: and that Pausistratus (if it pleased him) had means to restore him again into his native country. When Pausistratus mervailed hereat, and was very inquisitive to know how this mought be effected; and gave him his faithful promise (at his request) either to join with him in the action, or else to conceal all and keep counsel: then the messenger declared, that Polyxenidas would make over unto him the king's navy either entire, or the greater part thereof: and in consideration and recompense of this so great demerit, he desired no more but that he might return into his country. The importance of this matter was so great, that he neither believed his words, nor yet neglected and despised the same. So he went to Panormus, a place in the land of Samos, and there he abode to view & see the thing that was offered unto him. couriers there ran between, and never would Pausistratus give credit to the party, until Polyxenidas wrote a letter with his own hand in the presence of his said messenger, that he would perform whatsoever he had promised, yea and sent the same letters sealed with his own sign Manuel. By this sure pledge or gage, Pausistratus made full account that he had the traitor surely bound and obliged unto him. For thus he thought, that Polyxenidas living as a subject under the king, would never hazard the danger of such pregnant matter to appear against himself, testified under his own handwriting: so from that time forward the means of this pretended and counterfeit treason was devised and agreed upon. Polyxenidas gave him to understand, that he would of purpose lay aside and neglect preparation of all furniture, that he would ne ither have rowers nor other mariners in any number about his fleet: moreover, under a colour of calking and calfretting he would lay up some ships on dry land: others he would send away into the havens near at hand, and keep some few riding at anchor before Ephesus in the haven, and those (if he were forced to battle) he would set out to fight. The same negligence that Pausistratus heard say Polyxenidas would use in his fleet, the same himself presently showed in his own. For some of his ships he sent to Halicarnassus for victuals, and other to Samos the city, to the end that he might be in readiness when the traitor gave the signal of assault. Polyxenidas still by false semblance increased the errors and vain imaginations of Pausistratus: for some ships indeed he drew aland and laid up dry: and as if he meant to hale up more, he repaired and amendeth the docks. Oremen and mariners he sent not for out of their winter harboroughs to go to Ephesus, but secretly assembled them to Magnesia. Now it fortuned that a certain soldier serving under king Antiochus, who was come to Samos about some private affairs of his own, was apprehended there for a spy, and brought to Panormus before the Admiral Pausistratus. Who, being demanded what they did at Ephesus; I know not whether for fear, or upon small loyalty that he bore to his prince and country, discovered all: namely, that the fleet rid in the haven rigged, decked and trimmed in readiness: Item, that all the rowers and mariners were sent to Sipylus in Magnesia: Item, that some vessels, and those very few, were drawn up to land, and the docks and harbours were shut up close: and lastly, that never at any time before, the navy was so carefully looked unto, nor sea affairs so well managed. But the mind of Pausistratus was so possessed before, with foolish conceits and vain hopes, that he would not believe these informations and intelligence s for true. Polyxenidas having set all things forward and in good readiness, by night sent for the rowers and mariners from Magnesia: and having in great haste shot to sea and set afloat those vessels which lay at one side upon the land, after he had spent the whole day, not so much in making provision, as trifling out the time for the nonce, because he would not have the fleet to be seen when it set forth, weighed ankar and loosed after the sun was gone down: and with 70 sail of covered ships, because he had a contrary wind, entered the Bay of Pygala before day, where resting all the livelong day for the same purpose as before, the next night he sailed to the nearest coasts of Samos. From whence he gave commandment to one Nicander an Archpirate, to set sail for Palinurus, with five close covered ships, there to land; and from thence to march with his armed soldiers over the fields the nearest way to Panormus, and to come upon the back of the enemies: himself in the mean while divided his fleet into two parts, and made way to Panormus, there to keep the entry and mouth of the haven on both sides. Pausistratus at first was troubled for a while at this unexpected occurrent: but afterwards, as one that was an old beaten soldier, he quickly took hart again, and calling his wits together, supposed that he might more easily repulse the enemies by land than by sea; and led his soldiers in two squadrons unto the promontories which bearing out into the sea like two horns, to force the haven: from which two capes or heads he supposed that he might easily set back and put by the enemies with shooting darts from both sides. But Nicander who was sent by land, impeached this disseine of his, so that he was forced suddenly to change his mind and alter that course, and therefore commanded all his men to go a shipboard and away. Hereupon exceeding fear there was both among the soldiers and also the mariners, as if they were to take their flight by sea and not to fight, seeing themselves environed at once both by land and sea. Pausistratus supposing the only way to escape and save themselves, was to make way through the mouth of the haven, and so to recover sea-room; after he had seen all his men embarked, commanded the rest to follow, and himself first plying and labouring hard with oars, scudded amain with his ship to the entrance of the haven. Now when she was once past the straight and come into the open sea, Polyxenidas was there to welcome him with three Galeaces of five banks of oars, and so beset him. The poor ship was wounded with the iron pikes bearing out in the beak heads of the galeaces, and so bouged and sunk withal. The defendants upon the hatches were overwhelmed with shot of darts, and among the rest, Pausistratus himself manfully fight lost his life. The rest of the ships were bourded and taken, some before the haven, others within: and some there were that by Nicander were seized as they laboured to lose from the land, and to launch forth. Five ships only of Rhodes, and two of Cous, escaped clear and fled, which made themselves way even among the thickest of their enemies, by the means of a fearful burning flame of fire that they had with them. For they set me two long per ches or poles bearing forward at the prow, like two spirit sails, in every ship, carrying iron pots and pans afore them full of light fire. The Galleys of Erythrea, meeting the Rhodian ships not far from Samos as they fled, the which were coming to help them, turned their course backward into Hellespontus, unto the Romans. About the same time Seleucus gained the city of Phocaea by treason, entering in at a gate which the warders set open of purpose for him. And for fear, Cymae and other towns of that coast revolted unto him.  
Whiles these things thus passed in Aeolis, and that Abydus had endured the siege for certain days by the defence of the king's garrison that manned the walls: now that all were overtoiled and wearied, the magistrates of the city (by the permission of Philotas captain of the garrison) articled with Livius upon conditions to render the town. The only point whereupon they stood, and which stayed the conclusion, was this, for that they could not agree whether the king's soldiers should be sent away armed or disarmed. And whiles they debated hereabout, news came of the Rhodians defeature, and so the opportunity of gaining the town slipped out of their hands. For Livius fearing, lest Polyxenidas puffed up with the success of so great an exploit, would surprise the fleer that rid at Canae, leaving presently the siege before Abydus, and the guarding of Hellespont, put to sea afresh those ships that lay dry at Canae. And Eumenes came to Elea; But Livius went to Phocaea with all his fleet, to which he had adjoined two trireme galleys of Mitylenae. But when he heard say it was kept with a strong garrison of the kings, and that Seleucus was encamped not far off, after he had peeled the sea coast, and charged hastily his ships with a good booty, and those were prizes of men especially, he stayed no longer there than until Eumenes might overtake him with his fleet, but directed his course straight to Samos. The Rhodians upon the first news of this their overthrow, feared much, and withal mightily forrowed: for besides the loss of their sea-soldiours and ships, they lost also the very flower and strength of their youth: for as much as many young gentlemen of their nobility, accompanied Pausistratus, among other motives, in regard of his authority, which was right great and for good desert among his countrymen: But afterwards considering how treacherously they were over-raught, and namely, by one of their own citizens, borne among them, their melancholy turned into choler, and their sorrow into anger. Whereupon they sent forth ten ships immediately, and few days after other ten, under the conduct of Eudamus the Admiral over them all: who albeit he were not for other feats of arms and martial skill equal to Pausistratus, yet they supposed verily he would be a leader so much the more wary and circumspect, as he was the less hardy and courageous. The Romans and king Eumenes first fell with the Island Erythraea, where they stayed one night, and the morrow after gained the point of Corycus, a promontory of the Teians. From whence when they purposed to cross over to the nearest parts of Samos, not waiting for the sun-rising, by which the Pilots might observe the disposition of the weather, they hoist up sails against a very doubtful and dangerous tempest: for the wind turned from northeast to full North, as they were in the mids of their course, whereby they began to be mightily tossed among the surging billows of the rough & angry sea. Polyxenidas supposing that the enemies would take their course directly to Samos, there to join with the Rhodian fleet, debarred from Ephesus, and first ankered at Myonesus: from thence he failed to an Island called Macris, to the end that as the enemies fleet sailed by, he might take advantage to set upon either some ships singled & severed from the body of the fleet, or play upon the rail and rearguard thereof. After that he perceived the whole fleet to be dispersed by force of the tempest, he thought first to take that occasion to fall upon them: but the wind rising still more and more, and raising greater waves, because he saw he could not possibly come near to board them, he cut over to the Island Ethalia, minding the next day to assail the ships in the main sea as they passed to Samos. Some small number of the Roman ships in the beginning of the night put into the haven of Samia, which they found void and empty: the rest of the fleet after they had been tossed and tormented all the night long in the deep, at length light upon the same harbour. Where being advertised by the peasants of the country, that the enemy's ships lay in the road of Athalia, they fell to consult, whether presently to bid battle & put it to the hazard, or expect the arrival of the Rhodian fleet. Deferring therefore that enterprise (for so upon advertisement they were agreed) they traversed to Coricus, from whence they came. Polyxenidas likewise, having stayed at anket in vain, returned to Ephesus: & then the Roman ships, while the seas were thus clear of enemies, sailed over the Samos. Thither also arrive d the Rhodian fleet few days after: and that it might appear how long looked for it was, they all presently set sail for Ephesus, with purpose either to try an issue by a battle at sea, or else if the enemy refused the trial, to express and wring from him a plain confession of cowardice: which was a material point and of great importance to move the minds of the other neighbour-cities. Being arrived to the very haven mouth, they embattled their ships & stood directly affront opposed unto it. And when they saw none make sail not set out against them, the one part thereof road afloat at ancre still in the very haven mouth; the other discharged the soldiers & set them a land. Upon whom (as they were driving a mighty booty which they had raised by harrying all the country over) Andronicus a Macedonian, who lay in garrison at Ephesus, sallied forth, even as they approached the walls of the city; and having eased them of a great part of their prey aforesaid, he chased themselves to the sea unto their ships. The morrow after, the Romans having bestowed an ambush about the midway between, marched in order of battle against the city, to see if peradventure they could train forth the Macedonian again without the walls: but perceiving that no man durst come abroad for suspicion & fear of an await, they returned to their ships again; and when they saw their enemies would not abide them neither at sea nor on land, in the end the fleet sailed again to Samos from whence it came. Thence the praetor made out two galleys of Italian confederates, and as many Rhodians under the conduct of Epicrates the Rhodian Admiral, to defend and keep the straits of Cephalenia, which Hibristas the Lacedaemonian together with the youth of the Cephalenes, infested with his roving and robbing, in so much as there could no ships pass by sea to and fro with victuals betweene-Italie and that coast. At Pyraeeum Epicrates met which i'th' L. Atmilius Regillus coming to succeed in the Admiralty: who hearing of the deffeiture of the Rhodians, and having himself but two Quinquereme galleaces, brought Epicrates back with him into Asia with four ships. There accompanied them also the open ships of the Athenians. And he passed over by the sea 
* Archipelago  Aegeum. Thither also arrived Timasicrates the Rhodian in the dead of the night with two Quadrireme galleys from Samos. Who being brought unto Aemylius, declared how he was sent to quiet and defend that sea coast, which the king's roving ships and men of war by their often excursions from Hellespontus and Abydus, had made too hot for the hulks and other ships of burden which used to pass that way. As Aemylius sailed from Chios to Samos, two Rhodian Quadrireme galleys were sent by Livius to meet him: and king Eumenes also with two Quinquereme galleaces presented himself unto him. Being all arrived at Samos, Aemylius after he had received the navy of Livius, and sacrificed orderly as the manner was, called a counsel. At which C. Livius (for his opinion was asked first) spoke and said, That no man giveth more found and faithful counsel than he, who persuadeth another man to that which himself would do in the same case. As for me, my intent and purpose was, to go against Ephesus with the whole armada, and thither to bring with me the vessels of burden charged with the heavy ballast of gravel and sand, and to sink them in the very haven mouth, for to choke it up. And to make this bar against the haven, it was a matter (said he) of less difficulty, for that the mouth and gullet of the haven, was in manner of a river, long, narrow, and full of shelves and shallows. By which mean I should have cut off the benefit of the sea from the enemy, and make him lose the use altogether of his navy. But no man there besides himself thought well of this devise. King Eumenes demanded, what they would do then after this choking up and stoppage of the haven passage, by sinking the ships? whether they would depart from thence with their own navy at liberty, to help their allies and terrify and affright their enemies; or never the later still, keep the haven (as it were) in siege with the whole fleet? For if they departed, who could make doubt but that the enemy would pluck up those dams and bars that there lay drowned; yea, and with less ado and trouble, open the haven again, than it was stopped? and if they meant to carry there nevertheless, to what purpose then was the haven shut up? But chose, they within Ephesus (quoth he) being in surety for any danger from their haven, and having a most rich and wealthy city of their own, furnished with all things out of Asia, would pass the summer season in rest and repose; whiles the Romans floating in the open wide sea, exposed to the violence of waves and lying at the mercy of tempests, should be driven to keep a continual guard, disfurnished of all things, and rather tied up and debarred themselves, for being able to effect those things that were needful to be done, than in case to impeach and shut up their enemies. Then Eudamus the admiral of the Rhodian fleet, opined for his part, and spoke to the question, saying, That he rather disliked of that course, than knew himself a better, or could advise what was to be done. Epicrates the Rhodian was of mind, to leave Ephesus for the present, and to send part of his ships into Lycia, for to associate unto them Patara, the capital city of that nation: showing two things of great consequence, that hereby would accrue. For both the Rhodians assured of peace, and secured from all danger of those quarters that lie about their Island, might thereby attend wholly, and employ all their forces upon the regard of this only war against Antiochus: and also the Armada which was prepared in Lycia might be stopped & impeached, forver joining with Polyxenidas. This opinion imported, & prevailed most. Howbeit, thought good it was and agreed upon, that Regillus should present himself before Ephesus, with the whole fleet, to strike a terror into the enemies. And C. Livius was sent with four Rhodian quandrireme galleys, and two Smyrnean open ships into Lycia, with direction to take Rhodes in the way, and with them there to communicate all his counsels. The cities which he passed by, namely, 
* Melaxo.  Miletus, 
* S. Pietro.  Myndus, 
* Casiello S. Pedro.  Halicarnassus, 
* Cabo Crio.  Cnidus and Cous, performed willingly whatsoever was enjoined and imposed upon them. Being arrived at Rhodes, he declared unto the Rhodians the effect of his commission, and withal required their advice. They all approved the design, and when he had taken of them to the fleet that he had of his own, three quadrireme galleys more, he sailed to 
* Patoa.  Patara. At the first he had a merry gale of wind, that set them forward directly toward the city, and good hope they had with their sudden terror to do some good with the inhabitants: but afterwards, the wind being come about, the sea rose, and the surging waves began to make it troublesome and dangerous; howbeit they laboured so with oars that they got to the shore side. But neither was there about the city any safe bay to ride in, neither were they able to keep the sea with anchor without the haven mouth of the enemy's city, the sea was so rough, and the night so near. So passing along by the wall side of the city, they sailed to the port of Phaenicus, less than two miles distant from thence, which was a safe road for their ships from all danger of sea, but high cliffs and rocks there were over their heads which commanded them, & those the townsmen quickly seized, with the assistance of the king's soldiers whom they had in garrison. Against whom Livius sent out the aid-soldiers of the Isseans, and the nimblest and most deliver young men of the Smyrneans, notwithstanding the landing places were very difficult and untoward. These sustained the fight at first, so long as they shot darts, and made petty excursions and proffers rather of skirmishes, than a direct battle, as being but few in number. But after that they ran out of the city in great numbers, and that the whole multitude was issued forth, Livius feared lest not only those auxiliars should be environned and enclosed, but also the ships distressed and endangered from the land: so he brought forth to fight, not the soldiers only, but all the rabble of the mariners also and the rowers, armed and furnished with whatsoever weapons they could find. And even then also there was a doubtful and dangerous conflict, wherein besides certain soldiers. L. Apuslius died in the medley of this sudden and tumultuary skirmish. Yet in the end, the Lycians were discomsired, put to flight, and chased into their city. The Romans likewise retired to their ships, carrying away with them no bloodless victory for their part. From thence they shaped their course to the gulf or narrow straight of Telmessus (which of one side touchest Caria, & Lycia on the other) laying aside all hope to assail Patara any more; and so the Rhodians were discharged and sent home. Livius after he had coasted along Asia crossed over into Greece, to the end, that having communed and conferred with the Scipios (who then abode about Thessaly) he might sail directly into Italy.  
Aemylius when he had intelligence, that the designment intended in Lycia was given over, and that Livius was departed into Italy, being himself also returned to Samos (for that he was by violence of tempest repulsed from Ephesus, without effect of his enterprise) thought it was a shame and dishonour, that the adventure was given upon Patara in vain, and therefore determined in proper person to make a voyage thither with his whole fleet, and to assault the city with all the force he could possible. And having passed along Miletus, and all that coast of the associates, they disbarked from the gulf or creak of Bargillae, and came a land near jassus. The city was held by a garrison of the kings: and the Romans wasted by the way of hostility, the territory about it. Then Aemylius sent certain to parley with the chief citizens and the magistrates, to found them how they were disposed, & also to solicit them to revolt: but being answered again that it lay not in their own power to do as they would, he marched forward to give an assault to the city. Now there were certain jassians, banished persons, in company with the Romans, who in great number besought and importuned the Rhodians, not to suffer a city, so near a neighbour and linked in blood unto them, for to perish and come to ruin, especially having no way offended: alleging, that the only cause of their banishment was their loyalty unto the Romans, and by the same violence of the king's garrison soldiers, were they also held in awe who remained in the city, by which themselves had been expelled. For all the jassians in general were of one mind, most willing and desirous to avoid and shake off the servitude under the king. The Rhodians were moved in compassion with their prayers, and joining unto them king Eumenes also, partly by showing the consanguinity and kindred between them, and partly by pitying and lamenting the distressed state of the city (besieged, as it were, already by the king's garrison) they prevailed so much, that they forbore to assail it. So they departed from thence, & because all other parts were peaceable, they sailed along the coast of Asia, until they arrived 
* 〈◊〉.  Loryma, a port or haven town even against Rhodes. There in the Principia began first a secret whispering among the Colonels (which afterwards came to the ears of Aemylius himself) namely, That the navy was led away far enough off from Ephesus, where by right and of duty he was to war; to the end, that the enemy being left at liberty behind their backs, might attempt to do what he lift without controlment, against so many cities and States of the Roman allies, near unto him. Aemylius was moved herewith, and calling unto him the Rhodians, demanded of them, Whether the whole armada might ride conveniently within the haven of Patara? And when they answered No, he took that occasion to pass no further, but to give over the voyage, and so brought back his ships to Samos.  
In this same time Seleucus the son of Antiochus, after he had kept his army all winter time in Aeolis, employing it partly in succouring his associates, and partly in sacking and pilling those whom he could not draw into association, intended to invade the confines of king Eumenes his realm, whiles he (together with the Romans) was busied far from home, in assailing the maritime parts of Lycia. And first he approached Elaea in countenance of an enemy, with banner displayed; but afterwards, leaving to besiege the city, after spoil made in hostile manner of the territory, he marched forward to besiege and assault the head city and capital strength of all his kingdom 
* Pagamo or 〈◊〉.  Pergamus. Attalus at the beginning seemed rather to brave and provoke him unto fight with his strong guards that he had placed without the city, and excursions with his horsemen and light armour, than to stand upon his guard and defence, and to receive the forces of his enemy: but at length, seeing by these light skirmishes that he was in no respectable to match Seleucus, he retired himself within his walls, and so the city began to be besieged. And much about the same time, Antiochus also being departed from Apamea, first lay encamped at Sardis, and afterwards, not far from the camp of Selencus, near to the head or source of the river 
* 〈◊〉.  Caicus, with a mighty army composed of divers and sundry nations. The greatest show of terror in this army was a redoubled regiment of Gauls, to the number of four thousand, hired for wages, whom with some few other among them, he sent out to waste and destroy all parts of the territory about Pergamus. When news here of came to Samos, Eumenes at the first, being called away by this war, (begun at home, even at his very doors) made haste with his fleet to Elaea; where finding in readiness certain horsemen and footmen both lightly appointed by their sure convoy and safe conduct, he came to Pergamus before the enemies had knowledge thereof, or enterprised any thing. Where once again they began to make light skirmishes by way of excursions, for in truth Eumenes lay off, and was not willing to hazard the main chance upon a throw. Few days after, both the Roman and Rhodian fleet came from Samos and were arrived at Elaea for to aid the king Eumenes. When Antiochus was advertised that they had landed their forces at Elaea, and that so many armadaes were met together in that one haven, and hearing with all about the same time, that the Consul was already with a power in Macedon making preparation of all things for his passage over Hellespont: he supposed now it was high time (before that he were pressed at once both by land and sea) to treat for peace, & therefore he seized a certain hill over against Elaea, to fortify and encamp in. Where, leaving his whole power of Infantry, he descended into the plain, under the very walls of Elaea, with all his cavalry, to the number of six thousand horse. And sending an herald to Aemylius, he gave him to understand, that he was desirous to have a treaty of peace. Aemylius scent for Eumenes from Pergamus, and they both, together with the Rhodians, debated in counsel what to do. The Rhodians refused not the offer. But Eumenes said it was neither honourable to parley of peace at that time, ne yet possible to conclude thereof, if they went about it. For being as we are (quoth he) pinned up within our walls and besieged, how can we receive from another, conditions of peace, saving our credit and honour? and who will hold that for a firm and assured peace, which we shall contract without the presence of the Consul, without the authority of the Senate, and without the grant of the people of Rome? For I demand of you, when ye have made a peace, whether you will return presently into Italy or no? whether you will withdraw your fleet & army? or rather wait and expect to know the Consul his mind and advise, the senates pleasure and ordinance, and the general assent of the people in that behalf? It remaineth then after that is done, that you stay still in Asia, and that your forces being brought back again into their wintering harbours, (after they have done with warfare) fall to consume and eat out our allies, by charging them with provision of victuals: and afterwards, if it shall so please the higher powers, & those that are in authority so to ordain, we must begin that war anew, which now we are able (if we slack not the time, nor stop the forward course wherein we are) before winter come, with the favour and power of the gods, to finish and bring to a final end. This advice took place; add answer was returned unto Antiuchus, that there could be no treaty of peace before the Consul his coming. Antiochus having thus in vain fought for peace, when he had first sorraied and wasted the territory of Elaea, and afterwards of Pergamus, left his son Seleucus there, and went himself in person to 
* Leudrimus.  Adramytteum, pilling and spoiling all the way as he journeyed, in all kind of hostility. Now this territory is a rich country, called, The champain plains of Thebes: much renowned by the Poet Homer in his poem; and in no one place besides of all Asia got the king's soldiers a greater booty and more pillage. Thithe r arrived also to Adramytteum both Aemythus and Eumenes (having set a compass by sea) for the defence of the said city. During this time, they sent for a thousand foot, and a hundred horse out of Achaea to come unto Elaea: all which forces were commanded by captain Diophanes. So soon as they were disbarked and landed, there were ready to receive them certain men sent from Attalus of purpose to meet them, who by night conducted them to Pergamus. They were all old soldiers, and well experienced in fears of war: and their leader Diophanes had been brought up & trained under Philepaemenes, the greatest warrior in those days of all the greeks, who took but two days for to rest his horse and men, and to take view of the enemy's guards, namely, in what places and at what time they used customably either to come forward, or to retire. The king's soldiers were approached almost to the very foot of the hill, where the city is situate. By means whereof they might forage behind at their will, and there was not one issued out of the city so much as to lance a dart aloufe against the corpse de guard of the enemies. After they were once so near driven for fear, that they were feign to keep themselves close within the walls, the king's soldiers without, began first to contemn, and afterwards to neglect them. Many of them had not their horses so much as saddled and bridled, and some few were left in arms and in ordinance of battle: the rest were gone aside and spread over all parts of the champain: some went to play and took themselves to youthful sports and wanton riot: others fell to feeding, pampering their bellies, and making good cheer under couvert shade, and many were laid along asleep. Diophanes beheld all the manner hereof aloft from an high turret of the city Pergamus, and presently gave commandment to his soldiers to take arms and to be ready at the gate. Himself went to Attalus, and told him, that he purposed to assail the enemy's corpse de guard. Attalus (although he were very loath) gave him leave; for he saw full well, that he was so fight with one hundred horse against three hundred: and one thousand foot against four thousand. Being out of the gate, he sat him down not far from the enemy's corpse deard, waiting when some good opportunity and occasion would offer itself. Both they within Pergamus of one side, deemed this to be sollie rather than hardinese; and also the enemies on the other side making towards them for a while, and perceiving them not to stir, altered nothing of their usual negligence, and that which more was, made a mockery and scorn of their small number. Diophanes kept his men still a good time, as if he had brought them forth only for a show, to see and to be seen: but after he perceived once the enemies to be disbanded out of their ranks and ranges, he commanded the footmen to make all the hast they could after, whiles himself leading the way first among his horsemen; ran with his whole troop upon the spur as hard as ever he could, and setting up a shout and cry aloud on all hands, as well with foot as horse, charged suddenly upon the enemy's guards, ere they were ware of them. Man and horse both were greatly scared: and the horses especially having broken their collars and halters where with they stood tied, made foul work and much trouble among their own party. Some few of the horses kept their standing still unaffrighted, and even those they had much ado to saddle, to bridle, and to mount upon; with so great a terror came the Achaeans, and with much more than so small a number could be thought to make. And as for the footmen in order arranged and well provided, they fell upon those that were negligently dispersed abroad, ere they looked for them, and in manner half asleep. Great execution and butchery was committed upon them all the fields over, and they fled amain. Diophanes having followed the chase as they ran away in skattering wise, so far as he might well with safety of himself, returned to the guard and defence of the city, having won great honour to the nation of the Achaeans by this exploit: for not only the men, but women also beheld this service, and looked on him from the walls of Pergamus. The next day after, the king's Corpse de guards were better ordered and kept closer together, yea and retired half a mile farther from the city, where they encamped themselves. The Achaeans likewise much about the same time advanced to the very same place. Many hours together they looked one upon another who would begin first, expecting every minute when the charge should be given. But after the son was near going down, and that it was time to return into the camp, they of the king's part began to ruffle their ensigns and guidons together, and set forward with their bands, ordered in manner of a march for the way, more like than marshaled for to fight a battle. Diophanes sat still so long as they were within fight: but then he charged upon their rearward, with as great violence and fury, as the day before, and put them again into so great affright and trouble, that they gave them leave to wound them on their backs, an d not one would stay to make head and resist, but trembling for fear, and hardly keeping the order of a march, they were beaten into their camp. This boldness of the Achaeans forced Seleucus to dislodge and remove out of the territory of Pergamus.  
Antiochus after he heard say that the Romans and Eumenes were come to the defence of Adramytteum, meddled no more with the town itself, but after he had laid the fields waste, departed from thence, and forced Peraea, a Colony of the Mitylenaeans. As for Cotton and Corylenus, Aphrodisias and Pryene, they were won at the first assault, and so he returned to Sardis by 
* Tire.  Thiatira. Seleucus remaining still upon the sea coasts, as he affrighted some, so he defended others. The Roman fleet together with Eumenes and the Rhodians sailed first to 
* Mirylin.  Mitylene, and back again from thence, returned to Elaea from whence she came. So they held on their course to Phocaea and sell with an island called Bacchius, situate above the city of the Phocaeans: and after they had peeled and rifled by way of hostility the temples, which heretofore they had foreborne, and taken away the images (for the island was magnificently adorned and beautified therewith) they crossed over to the city itself, which they assaulted in divers quarters, according as they had divided their forces into three parts: but seeing that it might not be won with bare scaling and strength of arms, without planting engines of battery and other fabrics; and besides, that three thousand armed men sent from Antiochus for defence, were entered into the city, presently they gave over the siege: and the fleet retired to the islands, having done no other exploit, but only peeled the territory about the city.  
This done, it was thought good that Eumenes should have licence to depart into his own kingdom, that he might provide for the Consul and the army, all necessaries toward the passage over Hellespontus: also that the Roman and Rhodian fleets should return to Samos, and there remain in guard, and have an eye unto Polyxenidas, lest he removed from Ephesus and made some attempt that way. So, the king returned to Elea, the Romans and Rhodians to Samos, where M. Aemylius the Praetor his brother debarred this life. The Rhodians, after his funeral obsequies performed, sailed to Rhodes with thirteen ships of their own, one quinquereme galeace of Cous, and one other of Gnidos, there to lie in road, ready to make head against the fleet, which as the bruit blazed, was afloat and coming out of Syria. Two days before that Eudamus loosed from Samos with the Armada, thirteen ships sent from Rhodes under the conduct of Admiral Pamphilidas to encounter the said syriac fleet, taking with them four other ships, which were for the guard of Caria, delivered from siege Daedala, and other petty forts which the king's soldiers assailed. Then it was advised that Endamus should incontinently set forward on his voyage. And to that fleet which he had under his charge, he adjoined also four open ships. Being departed, he made sail in all haste that he possibly could, and arrived at the port called Megiste: where he overtook those that were gone before; from whence they came in one band and train jointly together unto Phaselis, and then they judged it the best way, in that place to attend the coming of the enemy. This Phaselis standeth upon the confines between Lycia and Pamphylia. It lieth far within the sea, and is the first land that showeth itself, to them that sail from Cilicia to Rhodes; and from thence a man may ken and discover ships under sail a far off: for which cause especially, this was chosen for a sit and convenient place, wherein they might encounter the enemy's fleet. But by reason the air was unwholesome, and the season of the year unhealthful (for it was midsummer) and the smells and stinking savours such, as they had not been acquainted with; many contagious diseases and maladies which they foresaw not, began to spread commonly abroad, and especially among the mariners: for fear of which plague & mortality, they departed from thence, and passed beyond the gulf of Pamphylium: and being arrived in the river Eurymedon, they received advertisement from the Aspendians, that the enemies were already before Sida. Those of the king's side had sailed but slowly in regard of the adverse season of the winds named 
* 〈…〉.  Etesiae, which keep their set and certain time, like as those do which they call 
* Western winds in the spring, or March-winds.  Favonij. Now of the Rhodians there were 32 quadtireme Galleys, and 4 other triremes besides. The kings fleet consisted of 37, and those of greater burden and wastie: among which were three mighty Galleaces of 
* Hepteres.  7 banks of oars on a side, and four of 
* 〈◊〉.  6, besides 10 ordinary trireme galleys. There were others also that knew by a sentinel or watch-towre standing on a certain high place, how the enemies were at hand. The next morning by break of day both these fleets set forth of the haven, as if they would have fought that very day. And after that the Rhodians had passed the cape, which from Sida hangeth over into the sea, then presently were they discovered of the enemies, & the enemies likewise descried by them. The left-wing of the king's fleet, flanked with them main sea, was commanded by Hannibal: and Apolionius one of his gallants and courtiers led the right: so as now they had managed their ships broad in a front-ranke. The Rhodians advanced forward ordered in length, & casting their battle into files. In the vaward the Admiral ship of Eudamus was foremost; Caryeitus governed the rearguard; and Pamphilidas had the conduct of the middle ward. Eudamus seeing the enemy's battle arraunged & ready for conflict, put forth into the open sea, commanding those that followed after in order to keep their array, and so directly to affront the enemy: which at the first caused some trouble, for he was not so far advanced into the deep, that all the ships could be set in array along the landside: and besides, himself making too much haste, with five ships only encountered Hannibal, for the rest followed not after him, because they were bidden to range affront. Now the rearward had no room left them toward the land: and thus whiles they hastily were jumbled together, the sight by that time was begun in the right wing against Hannibal. But at one instant the Rhodians cast off all fear, as well in regard of the goodness of their ships, as of their own experience and usual practice in service at sea. For their ships with great quickness and agility making sail into the main sea, made room for every one that came after along the land side: and withal, if any one happened to run upon a ship of the enemies with her piked beak head, either it rend the prow, or wiped away the oars, or passing clear through, between the ranks and files turned again and charged upon the poop. But the thing which terrified the enemy most was this, That a great galeace of the kings which had seven banks of oars on a side, was bouged and took a leak with one only knock, that it received by a Rhodian ship far less: whereupon the right wing of the enemy doubtless inclined to fly away. But Hannibal pressed Eudamus very much in the open sea, most of all with multitude of ships: for otherwise in all respects Eudamus had the odds and better hand of him by far: and certainly he had compassed and enclosed Eudamus round, but that a flag was put out of the admiral, (by which signal the dispersed ships are wont to rally themselves together): whereupon all those that had gotten the better of the enemy in the right wing, made haste to join in one for to succour their fellows. Then Hannibal also and the ships about him, took their flight: but the Rhodians were not able to make way after them and to maintain the chase, by reason that their rowers many of them were sick, and therefore the sooner weary. Whereupon they cast ancre in the main sea, and stayed to eat and take some refection for to strengthen their bodies. And in this while Eudamus espied and beheld the enemies how they haled and towed by ropes at the tail of the open ships (that went only with oars) certain other which were lame, maimed, sore bruised and cracked: and might see 20 others not much sounder than they, to leave the rest and depart: whereupon causing an Oyez and silence to be made from an high turret in the forecastle of the admiral, Arise my hearts (saith he) and see a pleasant sight yonder and a goodly spectacle. So they all arose at once and beheld how the enemies were afraid, and what poor shift they made in haste to fly, and with one voice they all in a manner cried out to follow after & pursue them. Now Eudamus his own ship was shaken in many places and sore bruised; whereupon he commanded Pamphilidas and Chariclitus to make way after them, so far forth as they thought they might without danger. And for a good time they held them in chase: but seeing Hannibal approaching near the shore, and fearing least the wind would lock them within the enemy's coast, they returned toward Eudamus, and drew along with them the great galleare which they took, and which at the first encounter was pierced, and with much ado trained it to Phaselis. From thence they retired themselves to Rhodes, not so joyous for this victory, as blaming one another that they had not either sunk or taken the whole fleet of the enemies, having so good means as they had to do it. Hannibal daunted with this one infortunate battle, durst not even then pass along the river of Lycia, but desired to join unto the old fleet of the kings as soon as possibly he could. To impeach him for effecting that, the Rhodians set out Chariclitus and twenty war ships with piked stems, toward Patara and the port of Megiste; and commanded Eudmus to return unto the Romans to Samos with seven of the tallest ships in all that fleet whereof he had the command: to the end, that he might induce the Romans with his counsel and advise, yea and with all the countenance and authority that he had, force them to lay siege unto Patara and to assault it. The Romans took great joy and contentment, first at the news and report of this victory, and afterwards at the return of the Rhodians. And it seemed, if that one city stood not in their way to stay them, and that they were once rid of that care, they would without any let and impeachment, make all the sea coasts sure enough for any danger and damage from those quarters. But because Antiochus was departed from Sardis, the Romans held them back, and would not suffer them to abandon the guard and defence of Aeolis and jonia, for fear lest the cities upon the sea side might be surprised. And so they sent Pamphilidas with four covered ships, to the fleet that lay about Patara.  
Antiochus gathered together not only the garrisons and aids of all the cities that were about him, but also addressed his ambassadors with letters to Prusias the king of Birthynia, wherein he gave out hard words of the Romans for their passage into Asia: namely, That their coming only was for this, to demolish, put down, and overthrew all kingdoms, & to set up the only Roman Empire, that none else might stand in the whole world. That Philip and Nabu already were subdued and deposed, and now himself was to make the third, against whom they were come. Neither would they make an end there but go on still, like a continual fire that burneth forward, and take all afore them, and ever as they vanquished one, proceed to another that is next. And no doubt, they would make a bridge of him to pass onward into Bythinia, now that Eumenus hath gently taken upon his neck the yoke of voluntary servitude. Prusias was somewhat touched with these letters, but when there came others written from Scipio the Consul and his brother Africanus especially, he was wholly averted from entertaining any such suspicion. For Africanus besides the continual custom that the people of Rome had, to advance and amplify the majesty of KK. their allies and confederates, with all kind of honour; alleged for his part, the domestical examples of his own house and family: inducing Prusias thereby to enter into a desire towin his love and friendship. For he discoursed and said, That those princes and petty KK. in Spain, whom he had received into his protection, he left behind him when he went away, mighty monarch: also, that he not only had placed and established Masanissa in his father's realm and throne, but settled him in the kingdom also of Syphax, who before had chased and expelled him: so as now he was not only the richest potentate and most wealthy king of all Africa, but also for majesty & puissant forces a paragon, equal to any other king in the whole world. As for Philip and Nabis, enemies they were and vanquished by T. Quintius, howbeit they remained kings afterwards within their own realms. And Philip verify the year that is past, had his tribute forgiven him and his son an hostage delivered unto him: yea and some cities without the dominion of Macedon, have received him as their king; and the Roman Generals have winked thereat and been contented. And surely Nabis had been likewise graced and honoured, but for his own peevish folly first, and the faiterous falsehood afterwards of the Aetolians, which was his utter undoing and overthrow. But the chief thing of all that most confirmed the mind of King Prusias, was the coming of Livius unto him in embassage from Rome, he, who aforetime in quality of praetor, had been Admiral of the navy. Who showed and declared unto him, how the hope of victory was much more assured to the Romans than to king Antiochus; and withal, how the Romans would be the faster and surer friend of the twain, yea and make more conscience of keeping amity.  
Antiochus being put besides all hope of the association with Prusias, departed to Ephesus from Sardis, to visit and see the fleet, which for certain months had been rigged and in readiness: & this he did the rather, because he saw that he could not hold out with the Roman army and the two Scipio's the commanders thereof, than for that his sea-service in itself at any time before sped well, or could assure him now of great & certain success. Yet some little dram he had of good hope for the present, in that his intelligence was, that a great part of the Rhodian fleet was about Patara, and king Eumenes also with all his own ships departed into Hellespontus, to meet with the Consul. Besides this, in some measure his spirit was puffed up with the remembrance, how the Rhodian Armada had been defeated at Samos by a cautelous plot and practice contrived before hand. Having laid these conceits for a ground, he sent Polyxenidas away with the navy, to hazard the fortune of a battle in some fort or other (it made no matter how:) whiles himself in person led his whole army to Notium (a town of the Colophonians, seated upon the sea, and distant about two miles from the ancient city Colophon.) The city itself he had a good mind to conquer and bring in subjection unto him: for, being so near unto Ephesus as it was, there could not any thing be done either by sea or land, but it was within the eye of the Colophonians, and by their means notified streightwaies to the Romans. Now he made full account that they would remove their fleet from Samos to succour that a associate city of theirs, and so Polyxenidas might thereby take his time and good opportunity to execute some notable exploit. Whereupon he went in hand to plant Fabrics against Colophon, and having raised his rampires, and cast trenches on both sides alike, even to the every sea, he approached with mantelets & terraces, as well the one part as the other, close unto the walls, and under the 
* 〈◊〉.  roufworkes, played upon them with the push and poise of the ram. The Colophians much troubled and affrighted with these dangers and distresses, sent their Orators to Samos unto L. Aemylius, to crave in humble manner the aid and succour of the praetor and people of Rome. Aemylius was much discontented and offended in his heart, that he had made so long abode at Samos and performed no service. Nothing less thought he than that Polyxenidas, whom twice already in vain he had challenged and bidden battle, would now offer to fight. He reputed it also for a disgrace and shameful indignity unto him, that Eumenes his fleet assisted the Consul to waste over the legions into Asia, and himself was assigned and enjoined to succour and aid the city of Colophon besieged, the issue whereof would be so doubtful and uncertain. Eudamus the Rhodian, who was the man than had detained and kept him still at Samos, when he was desirous to pass over into Hellespont, yea, and all the rest were instant with him, showing & declaring how much better it was, either to deliver his allies from siege, or to defeat the fleet again, which had been once vanquished, and so to put the enemy quite besides the possession of the sea; than with the abandoning of his confederates, and betraying Asia both sea and land into the hands of Antiochus, to depart into Hellespont (where Eumenes with his fleet was sufficient to hold him play) and to quit that part of the war which was committed to his charge. Well, they loosed from Samos to provide victuals, for that all their own provision was spent, and shaped themselves to cross over unto Chios. That was the garner and storehouse of the Romans, and the very place unto which all the ships of burden, and the hulks sent out of Italy, used to set sail and direct their course. So they set a compass about, toward the coast of the Island that lay farthest off from the city, opposite to the North-east, in regard of Chios and Erythraea. And as they were about to pass over thither, the praetor was certified by letters, that great store of corn was come out of Italy to Chios: that the ships which were charged with wine, were kept back by contrary and crossewinds. Likewise, reported it was, that the Teians had furnished king Antiochus his fleet with victuals plenteously and liberally, and had promised also unto him five thousand vessels of wine. Whereupon he shifted sail suddenly in the midst of his direct course, and made head for Teios, intending either with their good wills to serve himself of the provision prepared for the enemy, or else to hold them for no better than enemies. Having directed the prows of their ships toward the land, they might deserie as it were, a fifteen ships near unto Myonesus. Which the praetor supposing at the first to be of the king's fleet, resolved to make way after them: but afterwards it appeared, they were brigantines or pinnaces, and certain small barks of rovers and men of war. These rovers having harried and spoiled all the maritime coasts of the Chians, were upon their return with great store of prizes and pillage: but when they discovered a fleet in the deep sea a far off, they made all the sail they could, and fled. youare of fleerage they were and good of sail, by reason that their vessels were more light, and made of purpose to tidway, and besides nearer they were to land. And therefore they had recovered Myonesus, before the fleet could come any thing near unto them. The Praetor thinking verily to force them out of the haven, made after without direction of a skilful pilot, & knowledge of the place. Now this Myonesus is a promontory or cape between Teos and Samos, a very mountain made in fashion of a steeple, broad enough at the foot, but rising narrower full, and runneth up to the top sharp pointed. On the main or land side it hath one advenue by a straight and narrow path. From the sea it is founded upon rocks, beaten and eaten with the continual surging waves of the sea, insomuch, as in some places the cliffs that hang over, bear more into the sea than the vessels that he under in the harbour, take up of the sea. The Praetor with his ships durst approach near unto those crags, for fear of being within the shot of the pirates, who were perched upon the top of those steep rocks, and so they spent that day and lay off. At the last, a little before night, they gave over that vain enterprise without effect, and the morrow after arrived at Teios; and having lodged their ships within the harbour, which themselves call Geraisticus (and it lieth out at the backside of the city) the praetor set ashore, and sent out his soldiers to forray the territory about the city. The Teians seeing how their lands were spoiled even under their very noses, addressed certain Orators to the Roman Admiral, arrayed all in white, after the manner of humble suppliants. And as they would have seemed to excuse their city, for having done or said anything against the Romans rending to hostility; he both charged them directly, that they had relieved the fleet of his enemies with victuals, and also told them what quantity of wine moreover, they had promised to Polyxenidas. But and if they could be content to do the like by the Roman fleet, he would recall his soldiers from pillage, otherwise he would repute them for his enemies. The ambassadors aforesaid made relation of this heavy answer. Whereupon the magistrates of the city assembled the people together, for to consult and conclude about this matter what they were best to do. Thither as it happened, was Polyxenidas arrived with the king's armada; who having loosed from Colophon, when he heard that the Romans were departed from Samos, that they had chased the Pirates as far as Myonesus, & were now wasting & harrying the lands of the Teians, also that their ships ankered in the road Geraisticus, himself also cast anchor over against Myonesus, hard by an Island which the sailors and mariners call Macris, in a secret bay hard by, escouting and espying from this near harbour, what the enemies did and intended. And at the first in good hope he was to discomfit and defeat the Roman fleet, like as he had before time the Rhodian armada near unto Samos, by seizing the mouth of the haven, and empeaching their issue forth. For this bay was in all respects like unto the other, lying just between two capes, which meet so near, and in manner enclose the mouth thereof, that hardly two ships at once can go forth together. And to this purpose Polyxenidas intended in the night season to take possession, and make himself sure of the said straits, there to place ten galleys under either cape, which standing there at the vantage, should from both points flank the broad sides of his enemy's ships in their going forth; and withal out of his other vessels to disbarke and land armed soldiers, like as he had done at Panormus, and so at once to assail them both by sea and land, and make an end of them for all. Which designment of his no doubt had taken effect, but that the Romans, after that the Teians had promised them to do whatsoever they should command, thought it more commodious for the receiving of their provision of victuals, to pass with their ships unto the other harbour which was before the city, to the open sea. Some say that Eudamus the Rhodian, showed the inconvenience and discommodity of the other harbour, by occasion that two galleys fortuned in that straight to be so entangled, that they broke one another's oars with justeling together. And among other motives the praetor was induced to change the harbour, because from the land side there, he should lie within danger, considering that Antiochus himself was not encamped far off. Thus the fleet being brought about close to the city side, the soldiers and mariners (without the knowledge of any commanders) were disbarked, for to dispose and dispense the victuals and wine especially, to every ship. But about noontide a certain peasant of the country chanced to be brought before the praetor, who have intelligence, That there was a fleet of ships which two days already rode at anchor under the island Macris; and that but a while ago, certain vessels of them were seen to weigh anchor, as if they would hoist up sail and be gone. The praetor moved at this sudden occurrent, commanded the trumpets to sound the alarm, and to give knowledge and warning, that in case any were straggling abroad in the fields, they should retire. The Colonels he sent into the city to gather the soldiers together and the mariners, that they might repair to shipboard. This alarm caused as great a trouble and confusion, as usually is seen in a sudden skarefire, or when a city is surprised by the enemies. Here was skudding into the city to recall their fellows; there was running out of the city to recover their ships; not knowing who commanded, by reason of the dissonant noise of men and sound of trumpet: howbeit as hap was, at length they ran all toward the ships, but in such a hurlyburly and disorder, that they scarcely knew their own vessels; or if they did, they could hardly for the crowd and press, get thither and embark themselves. Neither had this affright passed clear without danger both by sea and land, but that Aemylius gave direction to every one what to do, and put out of the haven first himself with the Admiral ship into the open sea, and there received every vessel as they followed one after another in their order, and ranged them all affront: and if Eudamus also with the Rhodian fleet had not stayed at the shore to see good order, that the soldiers might be set aboard without hurrying in fearful haste, and every ship go forth as it was fitted and made ready. By this means both the foremost of the vaward were arraunged in the fight of the Praetor, and the Rhodians also kept their order in the rearguard in such sort, as they put themselves into the open sea in as good array, as if they had seen the king's fleet under sail. But they were between the two promontories, Myonesus and Corycus, before they descried the enemy. The king's armada came forward in long files, two and two in a rank, who displayed and spread themselves also affront towards the wing in such wise, that they might be able to compass and enclose the right wing of the enemy. Which Eudamus the arriere-admirall perceiving, and seeing withal that the Romans could not possibly make head alike and extend themselves as broad as the enemy, and were at the point already in the right wing to be environed, made haste with his omne vessels (for the Rhodian barks were of all other in the whole fleet swifrest by far) and after he had fronted equally and matched wing for wing, he made head with his own ship against the very admiral of the enemies, wherein Polyxenidas himself was aboard. By this time the battle began between both the main fleets, all at once from every part. Of the Romans side there sought fourscore in all, where of two and twenty were Rhodians. The enemy's armada consisted of fourscore and nine, all ships of the greatest wastie and making, and had among them three galeaces of fix banks of oars on a side, and two of seven. For goodness and strength of ships, as also for valiancy of soldiers, the Romans far surpassed the Rhodians. But for agility and nimbleness of their vessels, for skilful knowledge of pilots, and expert cunning and readiness of mariners, the Rhodians were as much beyond them. And those above all the rest that carried fire before them in their noses, troubled and scared the enemies most: and that stratagem and devise which had been their only help and means of safety, when they were surprised and beset at Panormus, was now the thing that stood them in best steed to win the victory. For the king's ships fearing the fire that threatened their very faces, turned aside, because they would not run affront with their proes: so as, they neither could themselves smite & hurt the enemies with their brazen pikes in the beak head, ne yet avoid them, but expose their own broad sides open to receive all bushes and violence from them. If any one fortuned to encounter and run upon them, she was sure to be paid and sped with fire that was flung and cast into her: and more running there was to quench the same, than otherwise to fight. Howbeit, the resolute valour of the Roman soldiers (which ever in war prevaileth most) was it that did the deed. For after the Romans by fine force had broken and cloven the main battailon of the enemy in the very midst, they turned about again, and presented themselves behind, and played upon the backs of the king's ships whiles they fought affront and made head against the Rhodians: and thus at one instant the battailon in the mids, and the ships in the left wing that served king Antiochus, were beset round about, and sunk to the bottom of the sea. The right wing as yet entire and sound, was more terrified at the loss and overthrow of their fellows, than for any proper danger of their own. Howbeit, after they saw the other inserted, and the Admiral her self with Polyxenidas in her, to abandon her companions and to half up sails, they likewise in haste set up all their cloth and small trinquet sails (for a good forewind they had for Ephesus) and fled as fast away as they could. Two and forty ships they lost in this fight: of which thirteen were bourded and taken for the use of the Romans, the rest were either consumed with fire, or devoured of the sea. Two Roman ships were shattered and broken to fitters, and some other hurt, bruised and cracked. One Rhodian chanced to be taken by a notable and memorable adventure. For having with her piked beak head stricken a Sidonian ship, with the violence of the blow she shook out her own anchor, which by one of the floukes took fast hold as if it had been a grappling hook by the pro of the other ship. The Rhodians much troubled herewith, gave over rowing straight, as willing and desirous to be loose and parted from the enemy: and whiles they were busy thereabout, the gable which the anchor drew with it caught among the oars of her own ship, and swooped them clean away, and so left one side of it naked, whereby the ship being much weakened and enseebled, was taken by the other that was smitten and tied fast unto her. Much after this manner was the battle fought at sea near Myonesus. Whereupon Antiochus was sore affrighted: for being thus dispossed of the sea, he disinherited himself that he should not be able to hold and defend the places farther off: and therefore commanded the garrison to retire from Lysimachia, for fear it should be surprised there by the Romans. But this was but a bad piece of counsel, as the sequel and issue proved afterwards. For it had been an easy matter not only to defend Lysimachia against the first assault of the Romans, but also to hold out the siege all winter: yea and by drawing out the time on length, to bring the very assailants themselves lying in leaguer, to extreme necessity and want of all things: during which space they might have taken some occasion and opportunity, to find a mean and make way for peace. Neither did he only quit Lysimachia and leave it for the enemies after this unfortunate battle, but also raised his siege before Colophon and dislodged, yea and retired himself to Sardis: from whence he sent into Cappadocia to Ariarates for aid, and to all other places where he could, to gather more forces: and now was he set upon no deseign else, but to give battle, and to hazard all upon the fortune of the field.  
After this Naval victory, Regillus Aemylius sailed directly to Ephesus, where he embattled his ships in array even before the haven, and when by this bravado he had at last wrong again from the enemies a plain and evident confession that they had abandoned the sea unto him, he set sail for Chius, unto which he had intended to shape his course from Samos before the late battle upon the sea. There he repaired and calked his ships which were shaken & cracked in the foresaid fight: which done, he sent L. Aemylius Scaurus with thirty sail toward Hellespontus to transport the army. And when he had rewarded the Rhodian ships with part of the pillage, and honoured them with the naval spoils, he gave them the renvoie, and sent them home. But the Rhodians lustily outsailed Scaurus, and prevented his ships to set over the forces of the Consul: and after they had performed that service also, than they returned to Rhodes.  
The Roman Armada sailed from Chios to Phocaea. This city is seated far within the gulf of the sea, builded so, as that it lieth out in length. The wall containeth in compass the space of two miles and an half: and from both sides it groweth narrow still, and meeteth in the mids, resembling the form of a wedge or 
* In 〈◊〉.  coin, which the inhabitants themselves call Lampter, in which place the city is a mile broad and a quarter with the vantage. From which canton or corner there is a bank of firm land running a mile on end into the sea like a tongue, which devideth the haven just in the mids, marked out (as it were) just by a certain line. Where it joineth to the narrow straits it hath two most sure harbours of both sides, and those lying two contrary ways. That which looketh toward the South, is called according as it is in deed, Naustathmos [namely, a ship-rode, or harbour] for it is able to receive a great number of ships: the other haven is near unto the very Lampter aforesaid. When the Roman sleet was once possessed of both these most sure and safe harbours, the praetor thought good before he set in hand either to scale the walls, or to raise any fabrics and plant engines against the city, to send certain of purpose to sound the minds and affections of the principal citizens and the magistrates within. But after he perceived they were obstinately bend, & would not come on, he began to lay battery against it in two several quarters. The one part was not much peopled, and had but few dwelling houses in it; and the temples of their gods took up a good space thereof; and there began he first to approach with the ram, and therewith to batter the walls, and shake the turrets: and by that time that the multitude ran thither in great numbers, and presented themselves ready to defend, the ram was jurring also at the other part: So as now the walls were laid along in both places: and upon the fall thereof whiles some of the Roman soldiers presently gave the assault at the very breach, mounting & marching upon the ruins of the stones that were fallen: others also assayed to gain the top of the upright walls with scaling ladders. But the townsmen withstood them so stiffly, & with such resolution, that it was well seen they reposed more hope of defence in arms and valour, than in the strength of their walls. Whereupon the Praetor seeing in what danger his soldiers stood, and fearing to expose & sacrifice them ere they were aware to the fury of these people so enraged like desperate and mad persons, commanded to sound the retreat. And notwithstanding the assault ceased and was given over, yet betook not the townsmen themselves to rest and repose, but ran from all parts every one, to raise countermures, fill up the breaches, and repair the ruins where the wall was down. As they were wholly employed about this business, Q. Antonius sent from the praetor, came toward them: who, after he had reproved and rebuked their wilful obstinacy, and made remonstrance unto them, that the Romans had more care and regard than they themselves of the city, that by continual assaults and batteries it should not utterly be destroyed: and how if they would be reclaimed and forego their outrageous folly, he would make them this offer, That they should yield under the same condition and in those very terms, as aforetime they had submitted to C. Livius when they came under his protection: At the hearing of that, they demanded and had five days space to consider of the matter: during which time they made means to receive some aid from Antiochus; but after their ambassadors whom they dispatched to the king, had made relation. That there was no succour to be expected from him; then they set open their gates, having articled and capitulated beforehand, that no outrage by way of hostility should be exercised & committed upon them. As the Rom. entered into the city with banners displayed, the praetor declared with a loud voice, That his will and pleasure was they should be spared, for as much as they had yielded. Whereat the soldiers on all hands set up a great cry, That it was an intolerable shame that the Phocaeans (who were never true and loyal confederates, but always dogged and malicious enemies) should go away so scotfree, and not suffer for their sins. At which word (as if the praetor had given them a signal of ransacking) they ran into all parts of the city to rifle and spoil. Aemylius at first stayed them what he could and reclaimed them again, saying, That it was not the manner to sack cities rendered by composition, but such as were forced and won by assault; and even those also were at the disposition of the General and not of the soldiers. But seeing that they in their angry mood of revenge, and covetous desire of goods, were of more power than the respective reverence of his person, his quality and commandment; he sent out beadles and trumpeters throughout the city, charging all persons of free condition whatsoever, to repair before him into the market place, to the end, that no villainy and outrage might be done upon their bodies. And so the Praetor did his best to perform his word and promise, in whatsoever lay in his power: for he restored unto them their city, their lands, & their own laws. And for that the winter approached, he made choice of the two harbours of Phocaea to bestow his ships therefore the winter time.  
near about that time, the Consul having passed beyond the borders of the Adrian's and Maronites, received news, that the king's navy was defeated at Myonesus, and Lysunachia disfurnished of the garrison: and this latter tidings was more acceptable and pleasing unto him, than the other of the naval victory; and especially, when they came thither: where in very truth the city (plenteously stored with all sort of victuals, as if they had been provided of purpose against the coming of the army) received them courteously; whereas they made no other account, but to endure extremity of want and painful travel in besieging thereof. There they abode some few days as it were in camp, until such time as their carriages and sickly persons of their train might reach unto them; such as they had left behind in all the forts and castles of Thrace, wearied with long journey and enfeebled with divers infirmities. When all were come and well refreshed and recovered, they put themselves again in their journey, and matching through Chersonesus, they came to Hellespont: where, finding all things in readiness for their transporting (such was the industrious care and diligence of king Eumenes) they passed over without trouble and molestation into the peaceable coasts of their allies and friends, without impeachment of any person, notwithstanding some ships arrived in one place, and some in another. And this was the thing that much contented the Romans and mightily encouraged them, to see they had so free passage into Asia, which they made full reckoning would have been a matter of great difficulty and trouble. After this, they encamped and made their abode a certain time near Hellespont, by occasion of those days which happened then to be, wherein the Salijs used to dance with their scutcheons called Ancilia; during which time they made scruple of conscience to take any journey [until those Ancilia were bestowed again in the temple of Mars.] By reason of which days, P. Scipio also withdrew himself apart from the army upon a more strict regard of conscience and religion, which touched him nearer than other, because he was himself one of the Salijs, and was the cause that the army stayed behind and came not forward to overtake the camp.  
And even then there happened to come unto the camp from Antiochus, one Heraclides a Bizantine, having in charge to treat as touching a peace: and good hope he conceived to obtain the same with ease, by reason of the long abode and stay of the Romans in that one place: of whom he had looked for no other, but that as soon as they had set foot in Asia, they would have marched apace straightways against the king's camp. Howbeit this course he took, not to go directly unto the Consul before he had spoken and conferred with Scipio, (and in deed such direction and charge he had from the king himself) in whom he had reposed his greatest hope: for besides his magnanimity and noble courage, as also the satiety of glory and honour, whereof already he had his full, (great inducements unto the king that he would be easily wrought and made most pliable to hearken after peace) all the world knew full well how soberly he had carried himself in his victories, first in Spain and afterwards in Africa: and more than all this, a son of his was captive in the said kings hands: But where, when, and by what chance he was taken prisoner, writers agree not no more than in many things else. Some say, that in the beginning of the war, he was beset and enclosed round within the king's ships, at what time as he sailed from Chalcis to Oreum. Others write, that after the Roman army was passed over into Asia, he was sent out in espial with a troop of Fregellane horsemen to view and discover the king's camp: and when the king's cavalry made out to charge upon them, he made haste to retire, and in that hurry his horse fell with him, and so he and two other men of arms with him, was surprised, taken, and brought to the king. But this one thing is for certain known, that if there had been sure and firm peace between the king and the Romans, nay if there had been familiar acquaintance and hospitality between him and the Scipios, this young gentleman could not possibly have had more friendly entertainment, not been more kindly entreated, liberally used, yea and honourably regarded than he was. For these causes the Ambassador attended the coming of Scipio; and so soon as he was arrived, presented himself unto the Consul, requesting that he might deliver his message and be heard. Whereupon in a frequent assembly he had audience given him, and thus he spoke: Whereas (quoth he) there have been divers and sundry embaslages passed to and fro as touching peace, and no good as yet done; I lay this for a ground and assure myself now to speed, because the sooner ambassadors hither to have effected and obtained nothing: for in all those treaties and disputations the question was about Smyrna, Lampsacus, Alexandria, Troas, and Lysimachia, which is in Europe. Of which cities, the king my master hath already quit Lysimachia, to the end you should not say, that he hath any one city at all within Europe: and as for those other in Asia, he is ready to surrender them also; yea and all the rest whatsoever, which the Romans would recover out of the king's hands and dominions, in regard they had sometime sided and taken part with him. And for the charges which the Romans have defrayed about this war, the king will be willing to disburse and make good the one moiety unto them again. And thus much spoke he concerning the articles and conditions of the peace. The rest of his speech behind, was bestowed in advertising and putting them in mind of the alternative revolution of this world and the affairs thereof; that as they should use their own good fortune and prosperity with measure and moderation, so they ought not to press down others in their adversity; but hold themselves contented within the bounds and limits of Europe, and that was a dominion sufficient (a man would think) and exceeding great: considering this, that it is an easier matter to win one thing after another by way of conquest, than to hold and keep them all together when they are upon. To conclude, if the Romans were minded to dismember any part from Asia, so they would make an end once, and limit out the same within certain precincts without any further doubt and difference, the king for the love of peace and concord, would suffer the Romans in their unmeasurable desire and appetite, to surmount and outgo his temperance and moderation. But those matters which the Ambassador supposed were of great importance and effectual to obtain peace, the Romans made a pish at it, and lightly regarded: for they judged it but meet and reason, that the king should discharge all the expenses they had been at in this war, considering through his default it first arose: also that he ought to withdraw his garrisons not only out of jonia and Aeolis: but also, like as all Greece hath been made free and delivered, so the Greek cities likewise in Asia ought to be enfranchised and set at liberty: which possibly might not be unless Antiochus were dizseized of the possession of all Asia on this side the mountain Taurus. The Ambassador perceiving well, that there was no reason to be had in the assembly, assayed privately to sound and to win the heart and good will of Scipio, according as he had in charge from the king. And first this way he went to work and said, That the king was minded to send him his son again freely without ransom: then (ignorant as he was both of Scipio his nature and the manner of Romans) he promised him a mighty mass of gold, yea and to be made equal companion in the government of the whole kingdom (the king's name and royal style only reserved) in case he would be an instrument and means to effectuate peace. To these motives and offers Scipio returned this answer, That you neither know the Romans all in general, nor myself in particular unto whom you were sent, I less marvel, seeing you are altogether ignorant of the state of him who hath sent you hither. For if ye had meant to have sought for peace at our hands, as of men who were in care for the doubtful event and issue of the war, ye should have held and kept Lysimachia still, for to have impeached our entrance into Chersonnesus, or else ye should have made head against us in Hellespontus, and stayed our passage into Asia: but now seeing ye have granted passage into Asia, and suffered yourselves not only to be bridled and kerbed, but also to be yoked, and like beasts to bear and draw too; since I say there is no remedy but ye must endure to be under our subjection, what equal and indifferent means of treaty is there left for you? Now, as concerning my son, I will accept it as a great present, and beseeming the munificence and liberality of a king, in case he send him to me again. As for the other matters, I pray God I be never driven in regard of mine estate, to have that need: for surely I carry a mind that will never find the miss and want thereof. And for these great offers that the king maketh unto me, he shall find me thankful unto him, if it please him for any private benefit unto me done, to require at my hands a private favour and pleasure again: but as touching the State and public weal, he shall pardon me; I will neither receive aught from him, not bestow any thing upon him. And all that I can do for him at this present, is to give him good and faithful counsel. Go your ways therefore and tell him from me, That his best course is to abstain from war, and not to refuse any condition of peace whatsoever. But all this nothing moved the king, who made reckoning that any hazard and fortune of war would be good and safe for him, since that there were laws imposed upon him already, as if he had been quite vanquished and overcome. Whereupon, without any more parley of peace for this time, he bent his whole mind and employed his study about provision and preparation for war.  
The Consul having given order for the execution of all his plots and designs, dislodged from thence, and marched first to Dardanum, and after to Rhoeteum: the inhabitants of both which cities came forth to meet him upon the way in great multitudes. From thence he went forward to Ilium, and encamped in a plain under the very walls: then he entered into the town, and ascended up into the castle, where he offered sacrifice unto Minerva, the patroness of that city. The Ilians entertained them with all show of honour, as well in deed as in word, acknowledging that the Romans were descended from them, and the Romans again were as joious and glad to see the place of their first original and beginning. From thence they removed, and the sixth day after arrived at the head or spring of the river Caicus. Thither also Eumenes the king (who at first assayed to bring his fleet back from Hellespontus, to winter before Elaea, and afterwards, when he could not for certain days double the point of Lectos, by reason of the contrary winds, went a land) because he would not fail but be present at the beginning of these great affairs, made hast the next way with a small power to the camp of the Romans. From the camp he was sent back to Pergamus, to give order for purveiance and provision of victuals: and after he had delivered out corn to those whom the Consul had appointed to receive it, he returned again to the same leaguer. The Consul his purpose and intent was to be provided aforehand of victuals sufficient for many days, and together in one train to go against the enemy, before the winter surprised them.  
Now the king's camp lay about Thyatira: where Antiochus hearing that P. Scipio was carried sick to Elaea, sent certain ambassadors of purpose, to present and deliver his son again unto him. At which present of his, he took not only great contentment in his spirit, as a father might do for receiving his dear son, but much easement also and comfort to his sick body. After he had satisfied himself at length with much embracing of his son, Ye shall (saith he) recommend me unto the king your master, and tell him from me, that I thank him most heartily, and that I have no good thing at this time to send to him again, but only this, That I advise him to take heed that he enter not into the field to give battle, before he hath heard for certain, that I myself am returned to the leaguer. Upon relation hereof, Antiochus albeit he was in camp seventy thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse and above strong (which puissant power otherwhile animated, and fed him with the hope of good issue of battle) yet moved with the authority of so great a parsonage as Scipio was, in whom he reposed his whole refuge against all doubtful events of the fortune in war, he retired back, and passed over the river Phrygius, and pitched his camp about Magnesia near unto Sypulum. And fearing, lest (if he should be minded to make long stay and abode there) the Romans would assay to force his defences, he cast a trench, six cubits in depth, and twelve in breadth; and this trench he environned with a double bank and course of strong stakes and pales, and upon the inward circuit and enclosure he opposed a mure with main turrets, for the more easy impeachment of the enemy, when he should pass over the trench. The Consul supposing the king to be about Thyatira, marched continually, and upon the fifth day came down into the plains of Hyrcania. And when he understood, that the king was dislodged and departed thence, he followed him by the tracks, and on this side the river Phrygius encamped four miles from the enemy. Where about a thousand horsemen showed themselves (for the most part 
* People of Galatia, now called Gelis.  Gallogrecians, some Dacians, with certain archers on horseback of other nations intermingled among them) who in great haste having passed over the river, charged upon the corpse de guard of the Romans. At the first they put the Romans manes to some trouble, finding them out of order and array: but as the skirmish grew hotter and continued longer, and the number of the Romans soon increased, (by reason their camp was so near to yield them succours) they of the king's side being now wearied and not able to make their part good against so many of them, began to retire: and certain of them before they could take the river, were overtaken by those that followed the chase, and killed outright. For two days after they stirred of no hand, for neither the one nor the other went over the river. The third day after the Romans all at once passed over, and encamped about a mile and an half from the enemies. But as they were pitching their tents, and busied about fortifications and desences, three thousand chosen horsemen and foot together from the king's camp, came upon them with a great trouble and affray. The number of them that were in guard, was less a good deal; howbeit of themselves alone, without calling to help and aid the soldiers from their work about the fortification and defence of the camp, they not only at first received the charge with equal valour, but also afterwards, as the fight increased, put the enemies to flight, when they had killed some hundred of them, and taken prisoners almost as many. For the space of four days next ensuing, both armies stood embattled on either side before their camp. And upon the fist day the Romans advanced forth into the middle of the plain. Antiochus came not forward with his ensigns, insomuch, as the hindmost were not an hundred foot off from the trench. The Consul perceiving that he fell off and would no battle, called a counsel the next day, to be advised and resolved what he were best to do, in case Antiochus would not be fought with all. For considering that the winter approached, the soldiers were either to lie in the field under their tents, or else if they minded for the winter season to retire unto their garrison towns, the war must be put off until the next summer. Now the Romans never made so small reckoning of any enemy as of him. Whereupon, throughout the whole assembly they called upon the Cos. with one voice to lead forth to a battle out of hand, and take the soldiers whiles they were in this heart, ready if the enemies would not come out into the field, to pass over ditch and rampire, and break into the camp amongst them; making account, that they were not to fight with so many thousands of enemies, but rather to make a slaughter and butchery of so many beasts. Whereupon Cn. Domitius was sent to discover the way, and to view the place where was best entering upon the trench and rampire of the enemies. After he had brought certain relation of all things, it was thought good the next morrow to approach near unto their camp: and on the third day the ensigns were displayed forth into the midst of the plain, and they began to range the army in battle array. Antiochus likewise supposed it was not expedient to lie off and hast any longer, for fear least in refusing still to fight, he should either abate the courage of his own men, or increase the hope of his enemies, and therefore came abroad with all his forces, and advanced so far forward from his camp, that it appeared well he meant to fight. The Roman army stood embattled in one manner of form, as well for men, as munition and armour: for of Romans there were two legions, and of Latin associates as many, and every legion consisted of five thousand four hundred. The Romans put themselves in the main battle, and the Latins kept both the points. The Hastati were placed with their ensigns foremost in the vaward. After them the Principes in the midst, and the Triarij in the rearguard. Without this complete battle thus marshaled, the Consul set to the right point the auxiliary soldiers of Eumenes, mingled together with the targatiers of the Achaeans, to the number almost of three thousand, whom he ranged equally affront, and beyond them more outward he opposed about three thousand men of arms; where of eight hundred were sent from Eumenes, the rest were the cavalry of the Romans. Without all these in the utmost place, he put the Trallians and Candiotes, who in all made up the number of five hundred. As for the left wing, it seemed to need no such succours, by reason it was flanked with the river and high steep banks, howbeit in that side there were planted four troops of horsemen. Thus you see all the forces that the Romans had besides two thousand Thracians and Macedonians meddled and blended together, who followed as voluntaries, and were left for the guard of the camp, and sixteen Elephants, which they bestowed in the arreregard for the defence of the Triarij. For, over and besides that they were not like to hold out against the king's Elephants, which were in number fifty and four, you must consider that those of Africa are not able to match them of India, say they were in number equal: either because in bigness the Indians exceed the other (as in truth they are much greater by odds) or surpass them in courage and stomach. But the king's army was composed of divers nations, different as well in arms as in soldiers. He had of Macedonians sixteen thousand footmen, heavily armed after their manner, called Phalangitae; these made the main battle, and in the front stood divided in ten squadrons, parted and severed one from the other by two Elephants placed between. Withinforth behind the forefront, the battle was displayed in two and thirty ranks of soldiers. This was the strength of the king's army, and as in other respects, so especially in regard of the Elephants surmounting aloft over all the soldiers, represented to the eye a fearful and terrible sight. For besides that they were high and lofty of themselves, their crested head-stalls with plumes upon them, their turret upon their backs, and in every turrets four men standing in glittering armour, besides the master and governor himself, made the appearance and show far greater. On the right wing, he placed close unto the Phalangites, a thousand and five hundred horsemen of the Gallogreeks: unto whom he adjoined three thousand lances in complete armour, mounted upon bard horses, and those men of arms they themselves called Cataphracti. To these were added another wing of a thousand horsemen, which they named Agema. Medes they were, elect and chosen men, together with more horsemen of the same region, mingled of many nations one with another. Close unto them in the arrieregard was set a troop of sixteen Elephants. On which side also in a wing somewhat farther drawn out stood the king his own cohort, bearing the name of Argyraspides, by occasion of the silvered shields which they bore. After them followed 1200 Dacians, 
* 〈…〉.  archers on horseback. Then, three thousand footmen lightly armed, and composed partly of Candiots, and partly of Tralleans, in number almost equal, and 2500 Mysians attended upon the archers. And the utmost side and tail of that wing was guarded with four thousand Cyrtean slingers and Elymean archers sorted together. On the left wing likewise there stood fast unto the Phalangites aforesaid 1500 horsemen Gallograecians: and two thousand Cappadocians armed after the same manner, sent from king Ariarathes. Then the Auxiliaries of all sorts 2700; besides three hundred lances in complete harness upon barbed horses armed at all pieces, and 1000 other horsemen. As for the Cornet of the kings, it was more lightly armed, as well themselves as their horses: but their setting out and furniture otherwise, all one. And these were Syrians for the most part, with Phrygians and Lydians together. Before this cavalry went the chariots of four wheels, and drawn by as many horses, armed with sharp and trenchant hooks like fith blades, and the camels called by them for their swiftness Dromedaries. Upon these were mounted the Arabian archers, who also were armed with keen swords four cubits long, that sitting as they did so aloft, they might notwithstanding reach their enemy. Then after these were set another multitude equal to that in the right wing, whereof the foremost were certain horsemen called Tarentines, and after them 2500 Gallograecian horse. Likewise of Neocretians a thousand: and of Carians and Cilicians one with another 1500 armed alike. As many Trallians: and three thousand targuatiers. These were Pisidians, Pamphylians and Lycians: and last of all the succours in the arrieregard of Cirteans and Elymeans, in like number as they that were placed in the right wing, with sixteen Elephants also distant a pretty way asunder. The king himself in person had the conduct of the right point of the battle, and ordained Seleucus his son and Antipater his brother's son to command the left. The main battle in the mids was committed to the leading and governance of three captains, to wit, Minio, Zeusis, and Philip the master of the Elephants. There was a certain mist arose in the morning, and as it waxed farther day gathered aloft into thick clouds, and made the weather dark: besides by the South wind it resolved into a small drizzling rain, which wet and drenched all. This did little harm to the Romans: but chose, was much hurtful to the king's side. For, albeit the air was dim and dark, yet by reason that the Roman battalions took up no great compass of ground, they could for all the air was overcast, discern from one end to the other: and the moisture that fell, dulled nothing at all (to speak of) either the swords or javelins of them that were heavily armed: whereas the king's army being embattled so broad, had much ado, and hardly could see from the middle of the main battle to the wings of each hand, and much less discern from one skirt and flank of the battailon to the other. Moreover, the dropping weather slugged their bows, softened their slings and loups of their darts. Their sithed chariots also, wherewith Antiochus made full account to break the arrays of his enemies, turned to the disorder and fright of themselves. Now these chariots aforesaid were in this manner armed for the most part: certain sharp. pikes they had about the spire-pole, bearing forward from the spring-tree, ten cubits in length, like unto horns, with which pointed pikes they would pierce through whatsoever they encountered. Also at each end of the said spring-tree there were two blades stood out, the one of just and even height with it, the other lower and bearing downward to the ground: the former was devised to cut through whatsoever came near the side thereof, the other to reach and tear them that were fallen to the earth, or came under the chariot. Semblably at both ends of the axle-tree without the nave of the wheel there were two such like hooks fastened and bended divers ways. These chariots thus armed the king had placed in the front of the battle as we said before, because if they had been set either in the middle or the rearguard, they should have been driven through their own battalions. Which Eumenes perceiving, one that knew well enough the manner of that kind of service, and how dangerous it was, in case a man rather frighted the horses than charged them directly by ordinary warlike force: he commanded the Candiot archers and slingers, with some other horsemen that lanced darts, to run forth not thick in troops, but skattring as far scsunder as they could, and at once from all parts to discharge their shot upon them. This forerunning tempest (as it were) so madded the horses partly by galling, wounding, and pelting them with darts, arrows, and stones, discharged from all sides at them, and partly with the strange and uncouth noise which they made, that suddenly as if they had been unbridled and without their gears, they flung out every way, and ran at random: which violence of theirs the light armed soldiers, the nimble slingers, and swift running Candiots avoided easily with a trice. And the horsemen withal following the chase, redoubled the fright and hurry amongst the horses, yea and the dromedary camels too; which likewise were unruly and set a madding: and this hurlyburley, the manifold cries from the multitude all about, helped well forward. Thus were the chariots chased in the middle of the plain between both armies: and when these vain bugs were once rid out of the way, than the alarm and signal was given on both parts, and they charged one another in battle wise. But as foolish an occurrent as that was, it caused anon a discomfiture and overthrow indeed. For the auxiliaries and aids behind-forth which were placed next unto them, terrified with the fear and affright of the chariots, fled, and left all naked and disfurnished even to the bard horses. In such sort, that when the arriergard was put in disarray, the Roman cavalry entered upon the foresaid horse, and charged them so hotly, that part of them was not able to endure the first shock and encounter: some were put to flight, others were borne down with the poise and weight of their harness and weapons. And presently thereupon the whole left wing of the battle began to recoil. And after that those succours were disbanded and in disarray which were between the cavalry and the heavy armed sootemen called Phalangitae, the disorder and fear went as far as to the mids of the main battle: where so soon as the ranks and files were broken and shuffled together, by reason of the intercourse of their own fellows among them, they had no use at all of their long pikes, which the Macedonians call Sariffae. Then the Roman legions advanced their ensigns, and lanced their darts against those disordered ranks huddled together. The very Elephants that were placed between, nothing troubled and affrighted the Roman soldiers, as who had been used in the African wars, both to avoid the furious rage of those beasts, and also either with their javelins to flank and hurt them overthwart, or else if they could come near unto them, to hough them and cut their hamstrings with their swords. By this time now was the front of the main battle defaited and beaten down: and the arrieregard behind environed and cut in pieces: when as the Romans withal, might perceive their own fellows flying from the other part, and hear the cry of those that were affrighted, even almost as far as to their camp. For Antiochus keeping the right wing, seeing in the left point of the Romans no other defence (by reason that they trusted upon the river) but only four troops of horsemen, and those also by drawing themselves close to their fellows, to leave the bank side void and naked, charged that point with his Auxiliaries and lances upon bard horses, and not only made head and pressed them affront, but from the river also set a compass and enclosed them; and flanked that wing so long, until the horsemen were first discomfited, and then the sootemen next unto them, were put to flight, so as they ran amain toward their camp. M. Aemylius a colonel, and son to M. Lepidus, who a few years after was created the Highpriest, had the charge of the camp: he with his whole guard came forth, and where as he saw them to flee, there he opposed himself, and first commanded them to stand, and afterwards to return to battle, checking and rebuking them for their beastly fear, and shameful running away. Moreover, he proceeded to minatory words, saying, That in case they would not be ruled by his direction, they should run headlong like blind beetles upon their own mischief: and in the end, he gave a sign to his own company, for to lay upon the foremost of them that thus fled, and caused the multitude that followed, with dint of sword and drawing blood of them, to turn their face again upon the enemies. Thus the greater fear overcame the less: for seeing danger before and behind, first they stayed their flight, and afterwards returned to the battle. Aemylius also with his own regiment (which for the guard of the camp had 2000 tall and valiant men in it) withstood the king tied stoutly as he followed hot in chase● upon those that fled. Moreover, Attalus (brother of king Eumenes) in the right point of the battle, who at the first charge had discomfited the lef● wing of the enemies, perceiving that his fellows fled in their left point, and hearing a great stir about the camp, came to the rescue in good time with 200 horsemen.  
Antioschus, when he saw them turn head again whose backs erewhile were toward him, and begin to fight afresh, & perceived withal a number coming against him; both out of the camp and also from the battle, turned his horse head and took himself to flight. By this means the Romans obtained the victory of both the wings, & passed directly to the rifling of the king's camp over the dead bodies, which in the main battle most of all were massacred & lay by heaps: where the strength and flower of the hardiest men ranged close together and the weight besides of their heavy armour, would not give them leave to fly away. The horsemen of Eumenes were the first of all others that pursued the enemies: after them, the rest of the Cavalry followed the chase all over the fields, and ever as they overtook any of the hindmost, killed them outright. But that which troubled and plagued them in their flight more than all besides; was their chariots, elephants and camels, intermingled among them as they fled; forsomuch as being once disbanded and put out of their ranks, they tumbled one upon another like blind men, and were bruised and crushed under the beasts feet which came running upon them. Great execution also there was committed in the camp, yea and more in manner than had been in the medley: for the first that fled, and those that fought in the vaward, took their way most of them to the camp, and upon assured confidence of this multitude, the garrison within fought more valiantly, and held out longer in the defence of the hold. The Romans being thus stayed in the gates, and kept out of the rampire which they thought verily to have forced and won at their first assault, when they were once at length broken through and gotten in, made the more bloody carnage amongst them, for very anger and despite that they had kept them forth so long. It is said, that there were slain that day about fifty thousand footmen and 4000 horsemen, 1400 taken pisoners, together with fifteen elephants with their governors. A number of the Romans were hurt and wounded, but there died not in the field above 300 footmen and 24 horsemen: and of the regiment of king Eumenes not past five and twenty. And for that day verily, the conquerors after they had ransacked only the tents and pavilions of their enemies, returned to their own camp with great plenty of pillage: but the next morrow they fell to spoiling the bodies of the dead and gathered their prisoners together. And upon this victory, there came ambassadors from Thyatira and Magnesia unto Sypilus, for to surrender and deliver up their cities.  
Antiochus, who fled accompanied with some few, having gathered unto him many more in the way, who rallied themselves unto him, arrived at Sardis about midnight with a small power of armed men; and hearing that his son Selencus and some other of his friends were gone before to Apamea, himself also at the fourth watch departed thence with his wife and daughter toward Apamea; after he had committed the charge of guarding the city Sardis unto Zeno, and appointed Timon governor of Lydia. But the inhabitants of the said city and the garrison soldiers within the castle, despised these governors, and by general consent addressed ambassadors unto the Consul.  
Much about the same time also, there arrived ambassadors from Tralles, and Magnesia (which standeth upon the river Maeander) and likewise from Ephesus, to yield up their cities. For Polyxenidas (advertised of the issue of this battle) had abandoned Ephesus; and having sailed with the fleet as far as Patara in Lycia, for fear of the Rhodian ships which rid in guard within the harbour of Megiste, disbarked and put himself a shore, and with a small company marched by land into Syria. The cities of Asia were surrendered into the hands and protection of the Consul, and submitted to the people of Rome. By this time now was the Consul possessed of Sardis, and thither repaired unto him Scipio from Elaea, so soon as ever he could endure the travel of journey.  
At the same time there came an herald from Antiochus unto the Consul, who by the mediation of Scipio, made request and obtained thus much, That the king might send his orators and ambassadors unto him. And after few days Zeusis (who had been governor of Lydia) together with Antipater (Antiochus his nephew, or brother's son) arrived. Who first dealt with king Eumenes and communed with him, whom (by reason of old jars and quarrels) they supposed verily to be the greatest enemy unto peace, and that he would never abide to hear thereof: but him they found more reasonable and inclining to peaceable terms, than either the king their master or themselves hoped & looked for. So by the means of Scipio & him together, they had access unto the Consul; who at their earnest petition, granted them a day of audience in a frequent assembly, there to declare their commission & what they had in charge. Then (quoth Zeusis) we are not so much to speak and deliver aught of our owneselves, as to ask and be advised of you (Romans) what course to take and by what means of satisfaction we might expiate and satisfy the trespass of the king our master, and withal obtain grace and pardon at your hands who are the victors? Your manner always hath been of a magnanimous and haughty spirit, to forgive kings and nations by you vanquished: How much more than is it decent and beseeming you to do the like; yea, and with a greater mind and more generous and bountiful heart, in this victory and conquest, which hath made you LL. of the whole world? For now it behoveth you to lay down all debate and quarrel with mortal men here upon earth, and rather like the immortal gods in heaven, to provide for the good and safety of mankind, and them to pardon and forgive. Now was it agreed upon before the coming of the Ambassadors, what answer to make unto them; and likewise thought good it was that Africanus should deliver the same, who spoke by report in this wise: We Romans, of all those things which are in the power of the immortal gods, have that measure which they vouchsafed to give us: as for heart and courage which dependeth upon out own will and mind, we have borne (and ever will) the same without change and alteration in all fortunes: neither hath prosperity raised and lift it up aloft, nor adversity debased and put it down. For proof hereof, I might produce your friend Hannibal as witness, to say nothing of others, but that I can report me to your own selves. For after we had passed over Hellespont, even before we saw the king's camp and army, when the hazard of war was indifferent, when the issue doubtful and uncertain, look what conditions of peace we then offered on even hand, and whiles we were equal one unto the other, and stood upon terms of advantage, the same and no other we present unto you at this time, now that we are conquerors. Forbear to meddle within Europe: depart wholly out of Asia, so much as in on this side Taurus. Moreover in regard of the expenses defrayed in this war, ye shall pay fifteen thousand Talents of silver, according to the computation of Euboea: five hundred in hand, two thousand and five hundred at the assurance & making of the peace, by the Senate and people of Rome; and a thousand talents yearly for twelve years next ensuing. Also ye shall make payment unto Euments of four hundred talents, and the remnant behind of the corn and grain which was due unto his father. And when we have contracted and concluded these covenants, to the end that we may rest assured that ye will perform the same, we demand for a gage and sufficient pawn that ye deliver into our hands twenty hostages, such as we shall like well of and choose. And for as much as we can never be persuaded that the people of Rome shall enjoy long peace there, where Hannibal is, we demand above all things to have him in our custody. Also you shall deliver into our hands Thoas the Aetolian, the principal author and firebrand of the war with the Aetolians, who caused you to take arms against us, upon assurance that he gave you of them; and likewise armed them upon the trust they had in you. Item, together with him you shall deliver Mnasimachus the Acarnanian, together with Philo & Eubulidas the Chalcidians. The king shall now contract peace in worse estate than he was, by reason that he maketh it later than he might have done. But in case he hold off still and delay, know he well thus much, That the royal majesty and port of kings is with more difficulty abated and taken down from the highest pitch and degree unto the midst; than from that mean estate, cast down headlong to the lowest. Now these ambassadors were sent from the king with this charge, to accept of any articles of peace whatsoever. And therefore it was decreed that ambassadors should be directly sent to Rome. The Consul divided his army into garrisons for to winter, some in Magnesia upon the river Maeander, others in Tralleis & Ephesus. After few days the hostages abovesaid, were brought to Ephesus from the king, and ambassadors also came who were to go to Rome. Eumenes likewise went to Rome at the same time that the king's ambassadors: and there followed embassages moreover over of all the States of Asia.  
Whiles the affairs of Asia passed thus in these terms, there were two proconsuls returned out of their several provinces, both in manner at once, upon hope to obtain triumph, to wit, Q. Minutius out of Liguria, and M. Acilius out of Aetolia. When the exploits were heard, as well of the one as the other; Minutius was flatly denied triumph, but Acilius had it granted with great consent of all men: who road into the city triumphant over king Antiochus and the Aetolians. In which triumph there were carried before him two hundred and thirty ensigns, three thousand pound weight of massy silver in bullion; of coin in Attic Terradrachmes one hundred and thirteen thousand; in Cistophores two hundred and eight and forty thousand. In plate many vessels engraved and chased, of great weight. He carried also in pomp the implements of the king's house all of silver, with rich & sumptuous apparel. Also crowns of gold five and forty presented unto him by cities associate: besides all sorts of rich spoils; and moreover he led divers noblemen prisoners, and last of all six and thirty captains, as well Aetolians as those who served under the king. As for Democritus, a great commander of the Aetolians, who some few days before had broken prison & escaped by night, he was by his keepers that made fresh suit after him, overtaken upon the bank of Tiber: but before he could be attached by them, he fell upon his own sword, and ran himself through. Only there wanted those that should have followed after his chariot; otherwise the triumph had been magnificent and stately, both for the pompous show, and also for the honour and renown of exploits achieved. But the joy of this triumph was blemished with heavy tidings out of Spain, of a loss and overthrow received of the Portugals, in the country of the Vascetanes, near the town Lyco, under the conduct of L. Aemylius: where six thousand and one hundred of the Roman army were left dead in the place, and the rest discomfited and beaten back into their camp; which they had much ado to defend and hold, and were forced to retire in manner of flight, and by long journeys recovered the peaceable quarters of their friends. And this was the news out of Spain.  
From out of France the ambassadors of the Placentines and Cremonians, were brought by the praetor L. Aurunculeius into the Senate: where they made much moan and complaint for default and want of inhabitants, whereof some were devoured by the edge of the sword in wars, others consumed by malady and sickness, yea, and certain of them departed out of their colonies for weariness they had of the Gauls their near neighbours. Whereupon the Senate ordained C. La●lius the Consul to enrol, if he thought so good, six thousand families, for to be distributed among those Colonies aforesaid: and L. Aurunculcius the praetor to create three Commissaries called Triumvirs, for the conducting of the coloners and inhabitants aforesaid. And created there were, M. Attilius Serranus, L. Valerius Flaccus the son of Publius, and L. Valerius Tappus the son of Caius.  
Not long after, against the time of the Consul's election which approached near, C. Laelius the Consul returned out of France to Rome, and he not only by virtue of the act of the Senate made in his absence, enroled certain Coloners' to supply the want in Placentia and Cremona, but also proposed a bill, and according to it the LL. of the Senate ordained, That two new Colonies should be conducted into the land that appertained to the Boians. And at the very same time were letters brought from L. Aemylius the praetor, as touching the battle at seasought near to Myonesus: which letters also gave intelligence, that L. Scipio the Consul had transported his army into Asia. For joy of the said naval victory, there was ordained a solemn procession for one day: & in regard that the Roman army was then first on foot in Africa, the said procession continued another day with supplication to the gods, that this voyage might turn to the prosperity and joy of the Commonweal. And the Consul was enjoined at each procession and supplication, to sacrifice twenty head of greater beasts. After this ensued the solemn assembly for the choosing of Consuls, which was holden with great strife and contention. For M. Aemylias Lepidus stood to be Consul, a man grown into an ill name, and hardly spoken of among the people, in that he had left his government and charge in Sicily for this occasion and business only, without making suit unto the Senate and craving leave so to do. Together with him were competitors in election, M. Fulvius Nobilsor, Cn. Manlius Volso, and M. Valerius Messala. But Fulvius was chosen alone, because the rest had not sufficient voices of the Centuries, and he the morrow after nominated Cn. Manlius for his colleague, and gave the repulse unto Lepidus; for Messala kept silence and held his tongue. Which done, the Pretours were elected namely, the two Qvinti Fabiuses, the one surnamed Labeo, the other Pictor (who had been consecrated that year for the Flamen Quirinall) M. Sempronius Tuditanus, Sp. Posthumius Albinus, Lucius Plautius Hypseus, and L. Baebius Dives.  
During the time that M. Fulvius Nobilior and Cn. Manlius Volso were Consuls, Valerius Antias writeth, That there was a rise rumour raised at Rome, and held for certain, that L. Scipio the Consul, together with P. Africanus, were called forth to a parley with king Antiochus, as touching the enlargement and delivery of young Scipio the son of Africanus, and by that means were both of them arrested and taken prisoners: also that when these chief commanders were under arrest, the king's army incontinently advanced against the Roman camp, the same was surprised and forced, and the whole power of the Romans utterly defeated. By occasion whereof, it went currant also, that the Aetolians began to look aloft, refused to obey, and shook off their allegiance: also that their princes and chief States were gone into Macedon, Dardanie, and Thrace, to levy & wage auxiliary forces: moreover, that A. Terentius Varro, and Marcu● Claudius Lepidus were sent out of Aetolia, from A. Cornelius the Propretour, for to report these news at Rome. Last of all, to make up the tale, he addeth and saith, that the Aetolian ambassadors among other things, being examined in the Senate about this matter, and demanded of whom they heard and understood that the Roman Generals were taken prisoners in Asia by king Antiochus, and the whole army overthrown? answered directly, That they had advertisement thereof by their own ambassadors, who had been with the Consul. But because I find no other author besides him that maketh mention of this rumour, I dare not, for any thing that I can say of myself, report it for acertaine truth, ne yet omit it as a mere fable or loud lie.  
The Aetolian Ambassadors were permitted to come into the Senate house; and being induced (in regard of their own cause and present condition) to confess a truth, and as humble suppliants to crave pardon and forgiveness either for their fault, or mesprision and error; began with a bedroll of their favours and good turns done unto the people of Rome, yea and in manner to upbraid the Romans with the valour which they showed in the war against Philip. But with their arrogant and insolent language they offended the ears of the Senators: and by ripping up old matters done and passed (time out of mind and utterly forgotten) they handled their own cause so, & brought it to this pass, that the LL. of the Senate began to call 〈◊〉 mind much more harm and mischief contrived and practised by that nation, than kindnesses & courtesies received at their hands; insomuch as the Aetolians having need of their mercy, incurred their heavy displeasure, and provoked them to anger and hatred. Being asked this question by one of the Senators, Whether they would refer & submit themselves to the censure and judgement of the people of Rome? and likewise of another, If they could be content to hold them for their friends or enemies whom the Romans so accounted? they answered not a word: and thereupon immediately were commanded out of the Court: and presently all the Senate began to cry out with one voice, That the Aetolians were all still for king Antiochus, depending wholly & only upon that hope, and therefore they ought to war against them as undoubted enemies, and to take down and tame these proud and felonious hearts of their own. Over and besides all this, another thing there was that incited and kindled the stomachs of the LL. against them, because at the very same instant when they seemed to require peace at the Romans hands, they warred against Dolopia and Athamania. So there passed a decree of the Senate, (& the same was moved by M. Acilius, who had vanquished and subdued Antiochus and the Aetolians) That they should void that very day out of the city of Rome; and within fifteen days next ensuing, out of all Italy. Au. Terentius Varro was sent to safeconduct them on the way: and this warning they took with them, That if ever after there came any Ambassador from the Aetolians, without the warrant, licence, and permission of the chief General who governed that province, or not accompanied with a Roman Legate, they should be taken and reputed all of them for no better than enemies. In this manner were the Aetolians dismissed and sent away.  
After this the Consuls proposed unto the Senate, as touching the government of the provinces. And thought good it was, that they themselves should cast lots for Aestolia & Asia. Unto him whose lot it should be to govern Asia, was appointed that army which L. Scipio had. And for to furnish it fully out and make up the decayed bands, he was allowed to have four thousand footmen of Romans with two hundred horsemen: of allies that were Latins, eight thousand foot, and four thousand men of arms, and with these forces he was to make war against Antiochus. The other Consul had assigned unto him that army which was in Aetolia: and liberty he had for supply of that broken army, to levy the same number of citizens and allies that his companion in government had enroled. To the same Consul was granted a commission likewise to set in order, furnish, and take with him those ships which the former year were prepared and rigged, and not only to make war with the Aetolians, but also to sail over into the Isle Cephalenia. And withal, the said Consul had in charge to return home to Rome for the election of Magistrates, if he might so do conveniently with the good of the Commonweal. For besides the annual Magistrates (who were to be chosen one under another) it was agreed upon, that Censors also should be created. But in case his affairs detained him, that he might not return in person, than he was to give advertisement, and signify so much to the Senate, that he could not possibly be present at the time of the foresaid Election. So Aetolia fell by lot to M. Fulvius, and Asia to Cn. Manlius. Then the Pretours fell to draw lots for their provinces. Sp. Posthumius Albinus had the jurisdiction over citizens and foreigners both: M. Sempronius Tuditanus governed Sicily: and Q. Fabius Pictor the quirinal Flamen, Sardinia: Q. Fabius Labeo was admiral of the navy at sea: and L. Plautius Hypseus was allotted to the rule of high Spain, and L. Baebius Dives of the lower. For Sicily one legion was appointed, together with that fleet which was already in that province. Also there was order given that the new praetor should impose two tenths of corn upon the Sicilians, and send the one into Asia, and the other into Aetolia. The like imposition was laid and exacted upon the Sardinians, and the said corn to be conveyed into the same armies that the Sicilian corn was. A supply was granted unto L. Baebius for Spain of a thousand Rom. footmen, and fifty horse: besides six thousand Latin foot, and two hundred horsemen. Unto Plautius Hypseus for the higher Spain were allowed a thousand Roman footmen: with two thousand Latin allies, and two hundred horse. Besides these supplements, both the provinces of Spain were allowed each of them one legion. The magistrates and governors of the former year continued still in place of command for one other year, to wit, C. Lelius with his army, and P. junius also the Propretor in Hetruria with those forces which were in the province. M. Tuccius likewise in the Brutians country and Apulia.  
But before the Pretours went forth into their provinces, there happened a variance between P. Licinius the Arch-Pontisie or chief Prelate, and Qu. Fabius Pictor the quirinal Flamen, like unto that which sometime fell out between L. Metellus and Posthumius Albinus. For at what time as Posthumius the Consul was upon his departure and journey to his fleet in Sicily, together with C. Luctatius his colleague, Metellus the Archbishop for the time being, kept him back upon occasion of certain sacrifices to be celebrated: semblably, when as Fabius the praetor would have gone into Sardinia, P. Licinius the high priest detained him. Much strife and hard hold there was hereabout, as well in the Senate house, as before the people. Inhibitions passed to and fro. Cautions and pledges were distrained: fines they imposed one upon another's head: the Tribunes were called unto on both sides for to interpose their authority, and they appealed both unto the people. In fine, religion, and the regard of holy rites took place, and carried it clear, and the Flamen was enjoined to obey the chief priest: and by order and express commandment from the people, all fines were taken off and forgiven. And when the praetor for very anger and spite that he was debarred from his province, would have surrendered and resigned up his government, the LL. of the Senate impeached and terrified him by their absolute authority, and ordained that he should minister justice, and exercise civil jurisdiction between aliens. After that the musters were ended within few days (for many soldiers were not to be levied and enroled) both Consuls and Pretours took their journey into their provinces. After this, there arose a bruit concerning the occurrents and affairs in Asia, blown and spread abroad I wot not how, nor from what head and author it proceeded: but after few days, there came certain messengers with letters from the Generals of the Roman army, sent of purpose to the city, which caused not so great joy presently ensuing upon the fresh fear aforesaid (for why, they were no more afraid of Aetolia by them already conquered) as dashed quite the same and opinion that went of Antiochus, whom in the beginning of this war they supposed would have been a dangerous enemy unto them, as well in regard of his own puissance, as for that he had the direction and conduct of Hannibal in the war: howbeit, they thought good to alter nothing, either as touching the sending of the Consul into Asia, or diminishing his forces, for fear they should have war with the French.  
Not long after M. Aurelius Cotta, a lieutenant of Scipio, came to Rome with the ambassadors of king Antiochus, and likewise king Eumenes and the Rhodians. Cotta reported & declared first in the Senate, and afterwards in a full assembly of the people (by order & commandment from the LL. of the Counsel) what affairs had passed in Spain. Whereupon ordained it was, That there should be holden a solemn procession for 3 days together: and order was given, that 40 head of greater cat-tail should be killed for sacrifice. This done, the Senate assembled for to give audience to king Eumenes, first above all other matters: who briefly in few words having rendered thanks to the LL. of the Senate, for that they had delivered him and his brother from siege, and protected his realm against the wrongs and outrages offered by Antiochus: also having testified his joy by way of gratulation for their prosperous & fortunate affairs archieved both by land and sea: namely, in that they had discomfited & put to flight K. Antiochus, and driven him out of his camp that he could not keep the field; and withal dizseized & dispossessed him first of Europe, and afterwards of all that part of Asia which lieth on this side the mountain Taurus: he concluded and knit up all with this, That as touching his own demerits and employments about their affairs, he had leisser they took knowledge by their own generals, captains and lieutenants, than from his mouth. They all approved well of this speech of his, and willed him to speak boldly without bashful modesty in that case, What he thought in equity & reason the Senate & people of Rome was to yield unto him by way of just recompense: assuring him that the Senate would do it more willingly and liberally (if possibly they could) according to the worth of his desert. The king answered thus again, That in case any other had made him that offer, & given him the choice of his own rewards, he would gladly have used the counsel of that right honourable court of the Roman Senate (so he might have the means & liberty to ask their advice) to the end that he would not be thought, either to exceed measure in covetous desire, or pass the bounds of modesty in craving a recompense. But now considering they are themselves to give that reward, much more reason it is that their munificence & bounty to him and his brethren should be referred to their own arbitrement & discretion. The LL. of the Senate were nothing moved at this language of his, but urged him still to speak himself in his own cause. And after a certain time that they had strived a-vie, the LL. in courtesy & kindness, the king in modesty & shamefastness, yielding one unto the other reciprocally, in such amiable and mutual manner as hardly can be expressed, Eumenes departed out of the temple. The Senate persisted nevertheless in their resolution, saying it was very absurd & undecent that the king should be ignorant upon what hopes he was come, and what he purposed to make suit and petition for: and himself must needs of all others know best what was meetest & most expedient for his own kingdom: yea, and was far better acquainted with the state and affairs of Asia than the Senate was. And therefore no remedy, but he must be called again, and compelled to declare and deliver what his will, desire and mind was to have. Hereupon the king was brought back into the temple by the praetor, and urged to speak. Then at last, My LL. (quoth he) I would have persisted still in silence, 
* The Oration of king 〈◊〉 in the Senate of 〈◊〉.  but that I knew that anon ye will call the embassage of the Rhodians in place; and that after audience given unto them, I must neither will nor choose but make some speech of necessity: and verily with so much more difficulty shall I speak, because their demands will be such, as if they would seem not only to require nothing prejudicial and hurtful unto me, but also (which more is) matters little or nothing pertinent to themselves. For plead they will and maintain the cause of the cities in Greece, saying, They ought to be set free and at liberty: which being once obtained, who can make doubt, but ready they will be to withdraw from our obeisance, not only the cities which shall be freed, but also those which have been homagers and tributaries unto us of old time? yea and will keep them as subjects in very deed and wholly at their devotion, whom being thus bound and obliged to them by so great a benefit, they call by the name of Associates, and would make the world believe they repute for no other? Yet forsooth (I wet well) in affecting and aspiring to this so great power and puissance, they will carry it so cleanly and make semblant, as though this in no wise touched and concerned them: but that it is befitting you alone, correspondent and answerable to other former deeds of yours. But be ye well advised, and let not their glozing words deceive you; take you heed (I say) that ye go not with an uneven hand nor bear yourselves equally, whiles ye depress and abase too much some of your allies, in promoting and advancing others beyond all measure; and above all, beware that they who have lift up their spear and borne arms against you, be not more kindly entreated & in better condition, than your loving friends and faithful confederates. For mine own part, in all other things I would gladly be thought of every man, rather to keep within my compass; yea and yield somewhat of my right whatsoever it is, than to strive too much in the maintenance and holding thereof: but in the question of your friendship, of my affection and love towards you, and of the honour which shall come from you, I cannot endure with patience that any one should outgo and surmount myself. This I account the greatest inheritance left unto me by my father, the first (of all those that inhabit in Greece and Asia) who was entertained in your amity, and continued in the same always most fast, most constant and sure even to his dying day: who not only showed sound affection and loyal heart unto you, but also was in person employed in all your wars which ye made in Greece, as well on land as at sea; assisted and aided you with all kind of provisions, in such sort, as none of all your allies besides was any way comparable or came near unto him. And finally, as he earnestly exhorted the Boeotians to accept of your society, he sunk down, swooned in the very assembly, and not long after yielded up his spirit and died. His footsteps have I trodden, and followed his good example. For affection verily and studious desire to honour you, I could not have more than he had (for I suppose it was impossible to surpass him therein:) but in kind pleasures, effectual services, offices, courtesies, and favours, to surmount and go beyond him; the goodness of fortune, the occasion of times, king Antiochus and the war in Asia, have ministered ample and sufficient matter unto me. Antiochus (king of Asia and part of Europe) gave me his daughter in marriage, and with her endowed me with the repossession of those cities which had revolted from us. He fed me moreover with great hopes of increasing my dominion in time to come, if I would have sided with him against you. I will not glory and vaunt of this, that I have done nothing to offend and displease you: I will rather rehearse those pleasures and services which are beseeming the ancient amity and friendship between our house and you. In forces as well for land as sea, I have friended and helped your Generals in such wise, as I forbid all your allies besides to do the like: furnished them I have with victuals on the land, with provisions at sea. In all the battles and conflicts by ships (which were many and in sundry places) I was present in person. I underwent all travails, I adventured all perils, and no where favoured myself and thought much of my pains: nay, that which is the greatest calamity and misery that followeth wars, I was besieged, and endured it: enclosed I was and shut up within Pergamus, to the utter hazard of my life and of my realm and royal dignity. And after I was delivered from that danger and the siege raised, albeit Antiochus of one side and Seleucus on another, lay encamped about the principal fortress of my kingdom, I quit mine own affairs and laid all aside, to come with my whole fleet into Hellespont, and there to meet with L. Scipio your Consul, and to aid him in transporting and wasting his army into Asia. And when your forces were passed over, I never afterwards departed from him: there was not a Roman soldier more resiant ordinarily in your camp than myself and my brethren. No expeditions, no roads, no exploit of horse service was there without me. In battle have I stood on foot and guarded that quarter which the Consul hath appointed me to keep. I will not say (my LL.) what one person there is that hath done so good service for you in this last war as I myself, and who is any way comparable unto me: nay, I dare make comparison with all slates and princes whatsoever, whom you esteem and honour so highly? Masanissa before he was your friend, was your professed enemy: he came not to you with his aids in the time of his upright fortune, and whiles his kingdom flourished in good estate; but when he was banished, driven out of his kingdom, and turned out of all, he fled into your camp, accompanied only with a small troop and cornet of horsemen: Yet nevertheless, because he stood fast to you and bare himself in all loyalty, and showed his prowess in your behalf against Syphax and the Carthaginians in Africa, you not only restored him to his father's kingdom, and placed him again in the royal throne, but you laid unto his dominion the richest part of the realm of Syphax, and made him the most puissant and greatest prince of all the kings in Africa. What reward then, nay what honour are we worthy to have at your hands; we (I say) who never were enemies, but ever friends? My father, myself, my brethren, have borne arms in your quarrel by land, by sea, not only in Asia but far from our own home and native soil, in Peloponnesus, in Boeotia, in Aetolia, during the wars with Philip, with Antiochus, with the Aetolians. What recompense demand you then? may some man say. Forasmuch as (my LL.) you will have it so, and it is your pleasure that I should speak my mind, good reason it is that I obey. This shall stand for all; if you have dispossessed Antiochus of all on this side Taurus, with this intent, to hold those lands your own selves; none better than you, and whom I would wish rather to be my neighbours and to confine upon me: neither can I bethink me, of any means in the world more important to the safety and strength of my kingdom. But in case your purpose be to depart and to retire your forces from thence, I dare be bold to say, That of your allies, (and put them all together) there is not one more worthy than myself to have and hold that which you have won by conquest. But an honourable deed it is and magnificent, to set free and deliver cities out of thraldom and servitude. True, and I myself am of the same opinion; provided always, that they have attempted nought by way of hostility against you. But in case they have taken part and sided with Antiochus; how much more standeth it with your wisdom, nay with equity & reason, to be respective of your allies who have so well deserved at your hands, than to regard your enemies. This oration of the king much pleased the LL. of the Senate, and soon it was seen by their countenance that they would deal bounteously and liberally with him, yea and gratify him in what they might. Then audience was given to a brief embassage of the Smyrneans, who by occasion that some of the Rhodians were absent, came between and delivered their message. Highly were these Smyrneans commended, in that they chose rather to endure all extremities, than to yield themselves unto king Antiochus. Then the Rhodians entered in place: and the chief man of their embassy, after he had declared the first occasion and beginning of the amity which they had with the people of Rome, and showed withal the good deserts and services which the Rhodians had performed in the wars, first against Philip and then against Antiochus, went on and spoke as followeth. Right honourable, 
* The oration of 〈…〉.  there is nothing more difficult and troublesome unto us in all the business that we have in hand than this one thing, that there is some variance and matter to be debated between us and Eumenes, the only K. of all others, with whom especially every one of us in private, and (that which toucheth us more) our city in public, doth entertain the bond of friendship and mutual hospitality. Howbeit no repugnancy is it in our affections (my LL.) but even the course of this world and nature itself (the mightiest thing of all) which disjoineth us and causeth difference: this maketh us (being men free born) to defend and maintain the freedom also of others: this is it, that moveth KK. to be desirous for to have all in servitude and subjection under them, and at their command. But howsoever it is, our modesty and the reverend regard we have of the king's person hurreth us more, than either the debating of our cause with him is otherwise difficult unto us, or the deciding thereof like to be intricate and troublesome unto you. For in case it were so, that you could not honour and reward a king, your ally and friend, for his good service done in this war (for recompense whereof ye now sit in consultation) by no other means, unless ye deliver free cities into his hands, to serve in bondage; then were it hard for you to resolve; for fear lest either ye should send away a prince (your friend and confederate) without guerdon and honour; or seem to change that laudable enterprise of yours which you have begun, to stain and blemish your glory now (which you have acquired by the war against Philip) with reducing so many cities and states into servitude. But your happy fortune easeth you right well of this difficulty and necessity, that you need not fear either to impair your credit and favour with your friends, or to endamage your reputation and honour among men. For (the gods be thanked therefore) you have achieved a victory, no less rich than glorious, and sufficient (if I may so say) to discharge all your debts, and set you clear with all the world. For Lycaonia, Phrygia both the great and the less, whole Pisidia, Chersonesus, and in breeese, all the confines of Europe are under your dominion. Of all which provinces, if you lay but one by (which you will yourselves) for king Eumenes, you shall mightily enlarge and amplify his kingdom: but, give him all, you will make him equal to the greatest princes and monarches that are. You see then by this, that you may recompense and enrich your allies out of the conquests gotten by war, and nevertheless hold on your good custom that you have begun, remembering always what title you pretended first in your war with Philip, and now lately with Antiochus: considering withal, what you did then after Philip was vanquished, and what is required and expected at your hands, now: not so much because you have used it already, as for that it was meet and decent you should so do. Many causes there he (and those colourably just & lawful) to enter into arms: one pretendeth this, another that; some in right of lands and territories, others of villages; some lay claim to towns and cities, others challenge the possession of ports and havens, and one tract or other of the sea coasts. As for you, before you enjoyed these things, you desired them not: since than ye have now compassed the whole earth, and are LL. of the world, you cannot possibly cover the same any more. Warred you have and fought for honour and glory, in the sight of all the nations of the earth, who now this long time behold and regard your name and empire, no less than they do the gods immortal. And I wot not well, whether those things which we hardly come by, be not with more difficulty holden and kept afterwards, than they were purchased. You undertook to deliver and rid out of the servitude and oppression of kings, and to maintain in liberty, a most ancient and noble State, renowned for their worthy and famous acts, and right commendable for their singular learning and knowledge in all sciences. For your honour it is, having once received all this nation into your safeguard and protection, to defend and preserve the same for ever. And think not, that those cities only are more Greek which are built and seated upon the ancient soil of Greece, than their colonies which have been drawn from them, and in times past went from thence into Asia: for the change of air and place hath wrought no alteration, either in the nature and complexion, or the manners and fashions of the people. As for us, endeavoured we have to do better and better, and each city hath entered into an honest contention and religious emulation to outgo and surmount their forefathers and first founders in all good arts and commendable virtues. There be many of you who have been in Greece, many have visited the cities of Asia, and setting aside this only, That we are farther distant and remote from you; there is no difference and odds between us and them. The Massilians, whom (if possible it had been, that an inbred temperature might be altered and overcome with the strength and nature, as it were, of the soil) so many wild, barbarous, and untamed nations, environning them round about, would have made cruel and savage long before this day; we hear say and understand to be in that request and estimation (by good right, and their desert) among you, as if they dwelled in the very midst and heart of Greece: for not only they retain still the very natural language of their own, they keep them to their old fashion of apparel and attire, and carry the same port in their gesture and countenance, but also above all things they have kept and observed their customs, their manners, their laws and natural disposition pure and entire, notwithstanding the frequent commerce with those, in the midst of whom they converse and inhabit. Well, the mountain Taurus at this day is the limit of your empire and signory one way: and therefore whatsoever lieth between you and that bound, you must not think it remote, but look how far your arms have reached, so far let your laws and jurisdiction extend. Let Barbarians, who know no other laws than lords hests, have their kings, since they take such pleasure in them, and much good may they do their hearts: as for the greeks, they must do as they may, and are not (we confess) in so good case as you, howbeit they carry with them as brave a mind as yourselves: and the day hath been, when they were monarches, when they conquered by their own sword a mighty dominion, and held the same when they had it. Now they are content with that empire where it now is, nay, they wish it may remain and continue there for evermore, where it is settled at this present. They shall be well apaied, and think they are well, to maintain their liberty by your force of arms, since they have no means of their own to defend the same. But (will some man say) there be certain cities that held a side and banded with Antiochus: answer again, So were others before that took part with Philip, so there were that combined with Pyrrhus, as for example the Tarentines: and to say nothing of other States, which I could name and rehearse, even Carthage itself enjoieth freedom, and is governed by her own laws. Consider then my LL. what a precedent therein ye have set down to your own selves, and how ye ought to confirm and uphold so good an example. You must resolve to deny that unto the covetous desire of Eumenes, which you would not grant to your own ire against the Carthaginians, which they had most justly deserved. And as for us Rhodians, with what valour and loyalty we have served and aided you, as well in this war, as in all others which ye have had in those parts and quarters, we report us to your own selves, and leave it to your judgement. And now in time of peace, we here present unto you that counsel, which if you will accept and approve, all the world will believe and say, That you have borne yourselves more honourable in the usage, than in the atchievance of your victory. This Oration seemed to fit well the greatness and majesty of the Romans. When the Rhodians had done, the ambassadors of Antiochus were called in. Who after the usual and stale manner of those that crave pardon, confessed the king was in fault, and humbly besought the LL. of the Senate to have more regard of their own accustomed gracious clemency, than remember the king's trespass, who had paid sufficiently for it already: and finally, that they would ratify and confirm by their authority, the peace granted by L. Scipio their L. General, according to those conditions, which by him were capitulated and set down. So both the Senate thought good to admit of that peace, and also within few days after the people gave their assent and established the same. And this accord was solemnly confirmed in the Capitol, with the king's Procurator or agent, to wit, Antipater, the chief of the embassage, who also was Antiochus his brother's son. This done, the other embassages of Asia had audience, & were all dispatched with this one answer, That the Senate would send ten deputies or commissioners, according to the ancient custom of their ancestors, to hear, decide, and compose all the affairs of Asia. But the final conclusion of all should be this, That whatsoever pertained to the dominion of Antiochus on this side the mountain Taurus, should be assigned to king Eumenes, excepting the countries of Lycia and Caria, so far as the river Maeander, all which must lie to the signory of the Rhodians. As touching the other cities of Asia, which had been tributaries to Attalus, those also were to pay tribute to Eumenes: but such as were sometime homagers to Antiochus, those should be enfranchised and remain free. The ten Commissioners whom they appointed were these, to wit, Q. Minutius Rufus, L. Furius Purpureo, Q. Minutius Thernius, App. Claudius Nero, Cn. Cornelius Merula, M. juntus Brutus, L. Aurunculeius, L. Aemylius Paulus, P. Cornelius Lentulus, and P. Aelius Tubero. These men had plenary power and full commission to take order and determine as they thought good, in all the occurrents that were presented in these affairs. But they had direction from the Senate, as touching the principal points: Imprimis, That all Lycaonia and Phrygia, both the more and the less, that Mysia, with the king's chaces and forests, that the cities of Lydia and jonia, except those that were free at the day of the battle fought with Antiochus, and expressly by name Magnesia near Sipylus, together with Caria, which is called Hydrela, and all the territory of Hydrela lying toward Phrygia; moreover, Telmessus and the forts of the Telmessians, reserving only that territory which belonged to Ptolomeus the Telmessian: that all these countries, I say, and cities above written, should be given and granted to king Eumenes. Item, That the Rhodians should be ense offed in Lycia, without the foresaid Telmessus, the sorts and territory, appertaining sometime to Ptolomeus Telmessius: which parcels, I say, were reserved as well from Eumenes, as the Rhodians. Item, To the Rhodians was granted that part of Caria, which lieth beyond the river Maeander, near unto the isle Rhodes, together with the towns, villages, fortresses, and lands bounding upon Pisidia; except those towns which were free the day before the battle with king Antiochus in Asia. The Rhodians, when they had given thanks to the Senate for these gratuities, were in hand with them for the city Soli in Cilicia: they alleged, that they likewise as well as themselves, were descended from Argos; by occasion of which confraternity and near alliance, they loved together as brethren by nature in regard whereof, they made petition, that over and besides other donation, they would do them this extraordinary favour, as to exempt that city also from the servitude and subjection of king Antiochus. Then were the ambassadors of king Antiochus called for, and treated with all about this matter, but to no effect. For Antipater stood stoutly upon this point, and pleaded hard, That the accord was passed already, and might not be revoked or altered: and that against the tenor of the articles and covenants therein comprised, it was not the city Soli, but all Cilicia that the Rhodians demanded; and never would they rest till they were gotten over the mountain Taurus. Then were the Rhodians called back again into the Senate, unto whom the LL. of the Senate, after they had made relation how earnest the king's ambassador was with them upon the point, added thus much more over & said, That it the Rhodians deemed in very deed that the matter concerned the honour of their city and State, the Senate would work all possible means to cause the king's ambassadors to relent, how stiff and obstinate soever they stood. For this courtesy, the Rhodians thanked them much more heartily than for all the rest before, and said withal, that they would yield and give place to the arrogant spirit of Antiochus, rather than seem to give any cause or occasion of troubling the peace. And so as touching the city Soli, there was no alteration made.  
Whiles these matters were thus debated and passed, the ambassadors of the Massilians brought intelligence, that L. Baebius the praetor, being in his journey towards his province of Spain, was entrapped and enclosed by the Ligurians, and many of his train killed outright in the place, that himself mortally wounded fled without his lictours and sergeants into Massilia, and within three days left this life. The Senate upon this advertisement ordained P. junius Brutus the Propretour in Hetruria, to go in person into the farther Spain, and govern the same as his own province: but first to leave Hetruria and the army there unto one of his Lieutenants whom he pleased to make choice of. This decree of the Senate, together with letters from Spurtus Posthumius the praetor of the city, was sent into Hetruria: and so P. junius departed as Propretour into Spain. In which province L. Aemylius Paulus (who afterwards won a right glorious victory of king Persius) having the former year fought unfortunately, now a little before the arrival of this successor gave battle to the Lusitanians with an army rallied and assembled in half, in which the enemies were put to the worse and driven to fly. One thousand eight hundred of them well armed were left dead in the field, three thousand three hundred taken prisoners, and their camp forced and ransacked. The bruit that went of this victory set all matters of Spain in greater quietness.  
The same year, upon the 
* 29 December.  third day before the Calends of januarie, L. Valerius Flaccus, M. Attilius Serranus, and L. Valerius Tappo, the three Triumvirs, by order from the Senate, planted a Latin Colony at Bolonia; and three thousand people were thither sent to dwell. Every gentleman by calling that served on horseback had 70 acres of ground set out unto him, and the rest of the coloners fifty apiece. The land divided thus among them had been conquered from the Boians in Gaul: and those Gauls first had dispossessed the Tuskanes of the same.  
This year there were many men of mark and name that sued to be Censors: and this competition as if it had not been of sufficient importance itself to move matter of debate, was the occasion of a contention and variance much greater. The competitors were these, T. Quintius Flamininus, P. Cornel. Scipio, the son of Cneus: L. Valerius Flaccus, M. Porcius Cato, M. Claudius Marcellu, and M. Acilius Glabrio, even he who had vanquished Antiochus and the Aetolians at Thermopylae. To this man last rehearsed the people's favour and affection most inclined, by reason of many congiaries and largesses which he had given amongst them in public, by means whereof many a man was obliged and bound unto him. The rest, being so many and nobly descended withal, took it to the heart, and could not endure that such a person as he newly risen and come up, and a gentleman of the first head, should be preferred before them: whereupon P. Sempronius Gracchus, & C. Sempronius Rutilius, two Tribunes of the commonalty, commenced action against him to answer at a day, laying to his charge, that there remained a surplusage of the king's money and other pillage gotten in the camp of Antiochus, over and above all that which he either carried and showed in triumph, or brought in account into the city chamber. Many and sundry depositions there were to prove this endirement, as well of lieutenants as of colonels. But M. Cato above all other witnesses was most noted: whose great authority acquired in the whole course of his life (which he had passed hitherto in all upright conversation & constant gravity) was much impaired and discredited now, with his white rob that he bore on his back. He being produced as a witness, deposed & gave evidence, that he had seen certain plate as well gold as silver, among the rest of the pillage found in the king's camp, which he never could set eye on in all the triumph abovesaid. In the end, Gl abrio because he would bring some displeasure particularly, and most of all upon Cato, said he would give over his suit for the Censourship, since that there was another competitor as newly come up as himself, (whereat the Nobles indeed took indignation inwardly, although they said nothing) who pursued the cause so against him, even with incredible and inestimable perjury. Well, a fine was set upon his head of a hundred thousand asses. And twice was the matter traversed, whether the mulct should be taken off or paid. But when the third day was come, and the party in trouble (Acilius) had quite surceased to sue for the dignity, the people would not give their voices as touching the payment of the fine aforesaid, and the Tribunes also themselves let fall their action. So T. Quintius Flamininus, and M. Claudius Marcellus were created Censors.  
About the same time the Senate fate without the city in the temple of Apollo, in regard of L. Aemylius Regillus, who had vanquished the Admiral of king Antiochus in a battle at sea; where he had audience given. And when he had declared what exploits he had done, namely, against how puissant Armadaes of the enemies he had fought, and how many ships of theirs he had either sunk or taken; the LL. of the Counsel with one general consent and accord, granted unto him a naval triumph. And he triumphed upon the Calends of February. In which triumph, there were borne in show fifty crowns save one, of beaten gold: but nothing that store of coin as such a royal triumph required, only there were carried in pomp 34700 Attic tetradrachmes, and 132300 cistophores. After this (by decree of the Senate) there were processions celebrated in considerations that L. Aemylius Paulus had brought his affairs in Spain to happy issue.  
Not long after L. Scipio came also into the city, who because he would not be inferior to his brother in the honourable addition of his name, caused himself to be surnamed Asiaticus. He discoursed before the Senate, and in the public audience of the people, as touching his worthy acts. Divers there were who construed the thing thus and said, That the war was greater in name than difficult unto him in the managing: for with fight one only memorable battle, the matter was achieved and ended, but the glory indeed of that victory was begun unto him and prepared for his hand at Thermopylae. But if a man should judge hereof aright, and according to a truth, the battle at Thermopylae may rather be accounted an exploit against the Aetolians than king Antiochus. For what great forces I pray you had king Antiochus there in field of his own? But in the last battle smitten in Asia, the whole power and puissance that he had in all Asia, stood there to be seen, yea and all the aids and succours which he could levy out of the nations as far as to the utmost parts of the East. Great cause therefore they had both to render much praise and thanksgeving to the immortal gods, in as ample manner as possibly they could devise (for vouchsafing unto them so brave a victory as it was, and the same with such ease and expedition) and also to grant a triumph to the General. He triumphed upon the last of February, even the very day that maketh the leap year. This triumph of his was much greater than that other of his brothers, in regard of the magnificent pomp and show represented to the eye: but if one call to mind the substance of the things themselves, and compare the dangers, the conflicts and difficulties of the one war with the other; there is no more equality between them, than if a man should in comparison of captain with captain, set Antiochus to match with Hannibal. He showed in triumph two hundredth th' irtie four field ensigns and standards: he carried before him the portraicts of two hundredth thirty four towns and cities: a hundredth thirty four teeth of ivory: two hundredth thirty four crowns of gold: 237300 pounds' weight of silver: 234000 Attic tetradrachmes: 331070 cistophores: 140000 Philip-peeces of gold: of silver plate, and that was all graven and chased, a thousand four hundred twenty four pound weight: of golden plate as much as weighed 1024 pound. Moreover there were led before his chariot thirty two great commanders; either governors of provinces under the king, or attendant in his court. Every soldier serving on foot, had given unto him 
* 15 shil. 7 d. ob.  25 deniers: every centurion had double so much; and the gentlemen or knights triple. After the triumph done, the soldiers had their pay double in money, yea and the portion of corn likewise was doubled. He had moreover given them already a double proportion in Asia, presently upon the end of the battle. A year it was almost after his Consulship expired ere he triumphed.  
And much about one and the same time, both Cn. Manlius the Consul entered into Asia, and Q. Fabius Labeo the praetor repaired to the fleet. Moreover the Consul had work enough and wanted not matter of war within France. The seas were quiet after that Antiochus was defeated and subdued: Fabius therefore studied which way to take, and how to employ himself and his forces at sea, because he would not be thought and reputed idle in his province: so he resolved at length to put over with his fleet into Crete. Now they of Cydon warred at that time against the Gortynians and the Guosians: and the voice went that there was a great number of Romans and Italians, captives, living in slavery and bondage in every quarter of that island. He loosed therefore from Ephesus and set sail for Candie, and so soon as he was arrived and set a land, he sent his messengers about to the cities, willing them to abandon their armour and surcease from war, and to search and seek up throughout all their cities and territories those captives and prisoners aforesaid, and to bring them to him: and moreover, to send their ambassadors or agents, with whom he would treat concerning the affairs that in common touched as well the Candiots as the Romans. The ylanders made small regard of these his messages: and unless it were the Gortynians, there was not one that delivered the captives. Valerius Antias hath recorded, That out of the whole island there were rendered to the number of four thousand; because the inhabitants were frighted with threats of war. And that this was the cause why Fabius although he performed no other exploit, obtained of the Senate a naval triumph. From Crete, Fabius returned to Ephesus; from whence he set forth three ships to the coast of Thracia, and commanded that the garrisons of Antiochus should quit Aenus and Marona, to the end, that those cities likewise might be set free and enfranchised.   

THE XXXVIII. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the eight and thirtieth Book.  
Marcus Fulvius the Consul besieged the Ambracians in Epirus, and received them upon composuion to mercy. He subdued Cephalenia, vanquished & brought under his subicction the Aetolians, and made peace with them. The Consul Cn. Manlius his colleague, overcame the Gallogreekes, the Tolistobogians, the Tectosages, and the Trocmians, who were passed overinto Asia under the conduct of Brennus: the only people that within the mountain Taurus yielded not obedience to the Romans. Their first beginning and rising is set down: also the time when as they seized first of those places which they hold. Here is recounted also the example of the rare valour and chastity of a woman, who being the wise of a certain king of the Gallogreekes, chanced to be taken prisoner: and when a Centurion had faced and abused her body, she killed him with her own hands. The Censors held a sissing of the city: in which by computation were numbered 258328 polls of Roman citizens. Amity was contracted with Ariarathes king of Cappadocia. Cn. Manlius triumphed over the Gallogreekes, not withstanding the contradiction of those ten Commissioners, by whose advice and assistance he had articled and engrossed the accord and alliances with Antiochus, and pleaded his own cause 〈◊〉 in the Senate against them. Scipio africanus was indicted as some say, by Quintus Petilius Acteus a Tribune of the Commoners: as others, by Navius, For that he had defrauded the city chamber of some part of the pillage which 〈◊〉 from Antiochus. When the day was come that he should make his answer, he was called up to the public pulpit and place of audience, and with a loud voice said unto the people: My masters, you that are citizens of Rome, This very 〈◊〉 h●●● I w●m Carthage: and with that he ascended up into the Capitol, and the people accompanied him thither: and 〈◊〉 thence, because he would avoid these hard and injurious courses of the Tribunes, and be no more tormented with 〈◊〉, he retired himself to Lito●um, as it were into voluntary exile: and whether be ended his days there or at Rome, it is not well known: for his ●●mbe and monument was to be scene in both places. L. Scipio Asiaticus (the brother of A●●●●●us) was accused of the same crime of embezeling the public treasure and robbing the commonweal, and thereof condemned: but as he was led to prison, and should have been laid up in bonds and irons, Tib. Sempronius Grachus a Tribune of the Commons (who beforetime had been an adversary and enemy unto the Scipios) interposed himself and rescued him: and for that pleasure done, he took to wife the daughter of Africanus. When the praetor sent the treasurers of the city to seize upon all his goods for the use of the city, so fare off they were from finding any remnant or to●●● of the king's riches and money, that they could not meet with as much as would satisfy the fine wherein he was condemned. And when his kinsfolk and friends had contributed and raised an infinite mass of money for him, he would not receive the same: and as much only was redeemed and bought again, as might serve for his necessities to find and maintain him.  
During the time of the wars in Asia, the affairs also in Aetolia were in small rest and quietness: which troubles arose first from the Athamanians, who after that Aminander was dispossessed of his kingdom, were held in obedience by garrisons under the captains of king Philip; and they bore themselves so proud, insolent, and outrageous in their government, that the Athamanians found a great miss of Aminander, and were desirous of him again. Now remained he at that time as a banished person in Aetolia; and upon letters received from his own nation (containing the state wherein Arhamania then stood) he conceived some hope to recover his crown again: whereupon he sent the messengers back to Argithea (the chief city of Athamania) unto the principal men of the country, with this credence, That if he might be assured of the affection & love of the people, he would procure the aid of the Aetolians & come into Athamania, accompanied with the elect personages (and those are the counsel of that nation) and Nicander the Praetor. When he understood and perceived that they were priest and ready to do him all service, he advertised them eftsoons upon what day he would enter with his army into Athamania. At the first there were but four persons that conspired against the Macedonian garrison, and these took every one six more unto them for to be assistant in the execution of their complot. But afterwards, trusting but little in this small number of their adherents and complices (who indeed were fitter tokeep counsel and conceal a matter secretly, than to perform any action valiantly) they adjoined unto them the like number unto the other: so as now they were two and fifty in all; and they divided themselves into four companies. One crew of them went to Heraclea; another to Tetraphylia, where as the king's treasure was usually kept; a third sort took their way to Theudoria; and the fourth to Argithea. But they all agreed upon this course; to hold themselves quiet and peaceable at their first coming, and to converse in the market place of these cities, as if they were come about some particular negotiation of their own: and upon a certain day appointed, to set to it at once, and raise the whole multitude for to expel the Macedonian garrisons out of their fortresses. Now when the day was come and Aminander ready upon the frontiers with his forces of a thousand Aetolians, the garrisons of the Macedonians were at one instant chased out of those four city s aforesaid, like as it was complotted beforehand: and letters were dispatched from all parts into other cities, advising them to deliver and free themselves from the tyranny of Philip, and to restore Aminander into his lawful kingdom and throne of his father. Thus the Macedonians were expelled in every quarter: only the town Theium made resistance and held out some few days against the siege, by occasion that Zeno (captain of the garrison there) had intercepted the letters, and they that sided with Philip were possessed of the castle. But in the end surrendered it was likewise unto Aminander, and all Athamania reduced unto his obedience, excepting only the fort of Athenaeum, situate upon the marches of Macedon.  
Philip advertised of the revolt of Athamania, accompanied with a power of six thousand fight men, put himself in his journey, and with exceeding expedition, marched as far as Gomphi. Where he left the greater part of his forces, (for they had not been able to endure so long a journey) and with two thousand came to Athenaeum, the only place held by his garrison to his use. And from thence, after he had founded the next neighbours, and soon found that there was nothing but hostility among them, he retired to Gomphi, and jointly with all his forces together returned into Athamania. Then he sent Zeno before with a thousand footmen, and gave him in charge to seize upon Aethopia, a place that directly for his purpose commandeth Argithea: and seeing that his men were possessed thereof, himself sat him down, and pitched his tents about a certain temple dedicated to the name of jupiter. There he was forced by reason of the foul and stormy weather to stay one whole day, and the morrow after he went forward with his army to Argithea. As they marched, behold they discovered the Athamanians, running from divers parts to the hill top, which stood over the way along. They had no sooner espied them, but the foremost ensigns made stay, and all that regiment of the vaward was surprised with fear and fright. Every man began for his part to cast many doubts, and think with himself what should become of them, in case their companies were entered once into the valleys, so checked by those rocks abovesaid. This tumult and trouble caused the king perforce to call back those in the forward, and to retire the same way that he came, notwithstanding he was very desirous (if they would have seconded him) to have made quickspeed, & gotten through those straits. The Athamanians at first followed after them aloof quietly enough: but when they had once joined with the Aetolians, leaving them behind to come upon the tail of the e nemie, they spread themselves all about, and flanked them on the sides: some of them also got afore their head by the next ways which they were acquainted with, and beset the passages; insomuch, as the Macedonians were so greatly troubled, that forced they were (more like men that fled in disarray, than marched in good order) to leave much of their armour, and many of their men behind, to pass over the river; and there the chase ended. From thence the Macedonians returns safely to Gomphi, and so forth into Macedon.  
The Athamanians and Aetolians assembled from all parts to Ethopia for to surprise and defeat Zeno & that regiment of a thousand Macedonians which was with him. But the Macedonians reposing no great trust in that place, retired from Ethopia, to an hill much higher & steeper on all sides, and therefore less accessible. The Athamanians having found out divers avenues unto it, enforced them to forego that hold also. And when they were dispersed among the blind rocks, and to them unknown, and could not readily find the way out, some of them were taken prisoners, and others slain. Many for fear tumbled down headlong from the pitch of the cliffs, and broke their necks, and very few escaped with Zeno to the king. The next day after they obtained truce, until they had committed their dead to earth.  
Aminander having thus repossessed his realm, sent ambassadors to Rome unto the Senate; likewise unto the Scipios in Asia (who after the great battle with Antiochus, sojourned in Ephesus.) He craved peace and pardon, he excused himself in that he had recovered his father's kingdom, by the means and help of the Aetolians, and withal laid great fault and blame upon king Philip. As for the Aetolians, they departed out of Athamania, and made an expedition against the Amphilochians, and by consent of the greater part, reduced the whole nation under their puissance and subjection. Having thus regained Amphilochia (for in times past it appertained to their signory) upon the same hope they passed over into Aperantia, which yielded also for a great part thereof, and came under their obedience. As for the Dolopians, they never belonged to the Aetolians, but unto Philip. And at the first they assembled together in arms, but understanding once thatthe Amphilochians took part with the Aetolians, that Philip was fled out of Athamania, and that his garrison there was put to the sword, they revolted likewise from Philip, and turned to the Aetolians. Who making now full account that they were sure enough on all sides from the Macedonians, by reason of so many nations which environned them about, they took knowledge (by the common bruit) of the defeature of Antiochus by the Romans in Asia: and not long after their own ambassadors returned from Rome without hope of peace, relating withal, that Fulvius the Consul had passed the seas already with an army. Upon these news, they were much troubled and afraid: and in this perplexity, they induced and procured first the Rhodian and then the Athenian embassages, to the end, that by the credit and countenance of these two States, their prayers lately rejected, might have more easy access to the Senate: and with them they sent to Rome once again the principal per sonages of their nation, to try their last hope of obtaining peace; and never forecast to prevent war, before the enemy was come well-near within their sight. Now had M. Fulvius transported his forces to Apollonia, and devised with the princes and States of the Epirotes, where to begin war. The Epirotes advised him to assail Ambracia, which as then was united to the Aetolians. And why? it either the Aetolians should come to the defence of the place, they had a goodly large and open plain all about to bid them battle; or if they refused the field, and would not fight, they should find no great difficulty to assault and force the town. For not only there was at hand store enough of umber and other matter to raise mounts, mantelets, and other fabrics; but also Arethon a river navigable, very commodious to transport all necessaries unto them, runneth under the walls of the city; and besides, the summer was a fit season for warre-service. With these reasons they persuaded the Consul to conduct his army through Epirus. But when the Consul was come before Ambracia, he found it was no easy piece of work to besiege and assault the town. This Ambracia is situate under a stony & craggy hill, which the inhabitants call Perranthae. The city itself looketh into the West, what way as the wall reacheth toward the fields and the river: the sort and castle thereof standeth upon the hill, and regardeth the East. The river Arethon running out of Acarnania, dischargeth itself into an arm of the sea, which beareth the name of the city near adjoining, and is called Ambracia. This town, besides that it is well guarded with the river of one side, and defended with hills on the other, is fortified also with a strong wall, in circuit somewhat more than three mile about. Fulvius encamped strongly on the fields side, in two holds of a pretty distance asunder, and raised one sconce upon an high ground, opposite against the fortress of the town. All these places he determined to enclose within the compass of a trench and rampire, to the end, that they who were shut up within the town, might have no egress, and that from without forth there should be no ingress, for any aid and succour whatsoever. The Aetolians were assembled already at Stratus by an edict from the Praetor Nicander, incontinently upon the rumour that ran of the siege of Ambracia, intending fully at first to march from thence with all their forces. But afterwards, when they perceived that a great part of the city was straightly beleaguered already, and blocked with trench and rampire; and withal, that the Epirotes were encamped upon a plain on the other side of the river, they were of advise to divide their forces in two parts. Eupolemus accompanied with a regiment of a thousand men lightly appointed, passed through the fortifications of the enemies, before they were joined and united together, and entered Ambracia. Nicander with the rest of the forces purposed at the first, by night to assail the camp of the Epirotes, considering that the Romans could not easily succour them, by reason of the river running between. But afterwards upon better advice, supposing this to be a dangerous enterprise (for fear lest the Romans should discover their march, and so intercept them that they might not retire again in safety) he altered his mind, & turned to the spoiling and wasting of Acarnania. Now when the Consul had made an end of all his fabrics devised for to invest and enclose the city, and finished his engines wherewith he meant to shake the wall, he approached near and gave assault in five places at once. Three batteries he planted in equal distance asunder, and where the easiest advenue and access was from the plain, full upon that place of the city which they call Pyrrhaeum: one overagainst the temple of Aesculipius; and another opposite to the castle. With rams he shook the walls, with long poles and hooks he fetched off and plucked down the battlements of the walls. The oppidanes at the first were afraid to see these strange engines, and quaked to hear so terrible a noise of their walls battered: but afterwards, seeing that the walls stood uprightly beyond their expectation, they plucked up their hearts again, and with swipes weighed up either great counterpoises and weights of lead, or huge stones, then with a swinge they let them fall again upon the rams of the enemies, or else tumbled mighty big logs of timber aloft, and so either broke them apieces, or bore them down. And as for their hooks aforesaid, they caught hold of them with iron floucks like anchors, and so drew them over the walls to the other side with a witness, and broke both them and their poles. Moreover they sallied out in the night upon the watch that attended their engines, issued forth of themselves in the day time, assailed the corpse de guard, and put them in great tear. As things stood in these terms before Ambracia, the Aetolians by this time were returned to Stratus from their roads which they made into Acarnania. And then Nicander the praetor conceiving some hope to levy the siege by some audacious and hardy adventure, devised that one Nicodamus should put himself within the town of Ambracia with five hundred Aetolians; and appointed one certain night, and an hour also of the same night, when both they from out of the town should assail the fabrics and engines of the enemy planted against Pyrrhaeum, and also himself charge upon the camp of the Romans at the same time, and put them in fright: supposing by this twofold alarm (especially in the night which maketh every thing more fearful) there might be some notable act and memorable exploit done. And Nicodamus verily for his part, in the dead time of the night, having passed unseen and not descried by some of the sentinels, & by resolute force broken through the rest of the watches, passed over an arm of the river and recovered the city, and in some measure by this means heartened the besieged inhabitants to adventure any thing, & put them in better hope to accomplish all. And when the night appointed was come, all on a sudden he set upon the engines, as it was before accorded between them. The adventure of this enterprise was much more than the effect, because there were no forces without to join with him; were it that the praetor of the Aetolians was afraid to be too bold, or that he thought it was a better piece of service to aid the Amphilochians newly recovered, whom Perseus king Philip his son, sent from his father to reconquer Dolopia and Amphilochia, assailed with great force and violence. The Romans had planted their ordinance and artillery, as is abovesaid, in three places against Pyrrhaeum, which the Aetolians charged all at one time, but not with like preparation of means, nor with the same violence. For some came with burning & flaming firebrands, others carried tow & hurds with pitch, and faggots of dry sticks, & other like matter easy to be kindled, in such sort as all their companies shone again with a light fire. Many of the warders they killed at the first onset, but when the alarm and tumult was heard within the camp, and the signal given by the Consul, they took arms, and ran apace out of all the gates for to rescue and defend them. In one quarter the Aetolians did their deed, and fought with fire and sword: but in the other two places after they had given the attempt, rather than began any skirmish, they retired and went their ways. The heat of the medley inclined wholly to one quarter, where the two captains Eupolemus and Nicodamus, encouraged their men as they fought from two divers parts, and entertained them with an assured hope, that Nicander according to agreement would be there and charge upon the back of the enemies. This for a good while maintained the courages of the soldiers: but perceiving there was no sign appeared of their countrymen, and that they kept not touch with them, and seeing withal how the number of the enemies increased, and themselves disappointed and destitute, they flaked their fight, and were not so eager upon the enemy, and in the end gave over: and having much ado to retire in safety, were chased into the city, after they had burnt some of the Roman engines, and slain a few more of their enemies than there died of themselves. And surely if the service had been followed in execution according as it was complotted and agreed, those devised engines no doubt mighthave benedestroyed, if not wholly, yet in ●ne part at leastwise, and that with great murder and carnage of the enemies. The Ambracians, bracians, together with those Aetolians which were within the city, not only gave over that night's enterprise, but ever after showed more coldness to hazard themselves again, as if they had been betrayed by their own fellows. Not a man would fallie forth upon the ward and watch of the enemies, but they all from their walls and turrets stood upon their guard only, and with the vantage of the place defended themselves in safety.  
Perseus' advertised that the Aetolians approached Amphilochia, quit the siege of the city which he was about to assault: and after he had only harried and wasted the territory about it, retired from those quarters and returned into Macedon. The Aetolians likewise were enforced to depart from thence, by reason that their sea coasts were spoiled and overrun: for Pleuratus the king of the Illyrians, was entered into the river of Corinth with a fleet of 60 barks, and with the help of the Achaean ships that lay in the road of Patrae, invested the maritine tract of Aetolia. Against whom were sent a thousand Aetolians, who waited upon this fleet at every turn as they doubled any reaches, and with the vantage of the short ways and next advenues by the land, were ready to welcome them on the banks and make head against them.  
The Romans lying still in siege before Ambracia, by battering and shaking the walls in many places, had dismanteled a great part of the city, and laid it open: howbeit, they could not enter within it. For at every breach where the wall was broken down, they were ready to make a new countermure, and the soldiers standing upon the very ruins, served in steed of a bulwark. The Consul seeing he could not prevail by open force, determined to undermine and make a secret way in the ground into the city; but first he covered the place where they wrought, with mantilets. For a good while the pioneers were not perceived by the enemies, notwithstanding they wrought both night and day, not only digging under the earth, but also casting up the mould as they went. But an huge heap of earth bearing up aloft from the rest, was discovered, and gave them within the town to understand, what the enemies were about: and seating lest they had wrought so far already as under their walls, and that they were at the point to make a way into the town, they within began likewise to strike another trench just against the place covered with mantilets' aforesaid: and when they had digged to that depth as the bottom might be of the enemies mine, they made no words within, but in great silence laid their care too in divers places close to the earth, harkening if haply they might hear any noise of the pioneers: and when they once had gotten an ear of them, they countermined directly against them. And long they were not about it: for anon they came as far as to the void hollow ground whereas the foundation of the wall stood upon stays and props, which the enemies had set to bear it up. Now when their works were met together, and that there was a continued passage out of this trench into the mine, the pioneers first fell to it and skuffled with their spades, shovels and mattocks, and such other tools that they had used to work withal: but soon after, armed soldiers entered and encountered within the vault, and closely skirmished under ground. But within a while that manner of dealing grew more cold and slack by reason that they stopped up the mine between when they list, one while with sacks and haircloth, otherwhiles with dotes and such trash as they could come by in haste and stood next hand. One new invention above the rest was devised against those within the mine, and the same but a slight matter, and made without any great trouble, and this it was, The townsmen took a great tun or dryfat with a hole bored in the bottom, of that capacity, as might receive a pretty pipe like a faucet within it; and withal they made a pipe indeed of iron to fit it, and an iron lid likewise to cover the other end or mouth thereof, but the same had many holes in divers places of it. Now this vessel they stuffed full of down and soft feathers, and then set it with the head forward against the very mine. From the lid or cover aforesaid there stood proking out long sharp pikes, which the Macedonians call Sariffae, for to keep off the enemies. Within the feathers they put a coal or spark of fire, and then with a pair of smiths bellows (the nose whereof went into the pipe aforesaid) they blowed the coal and set it on a smuddering fire within the feathers. By which means there arose not only a mighty deal of smoke, but also it carried with it a stinking savour, by reason of the feathers burning within; and so filled all the mine underneath, that scarce durst any man abide within for fear of being choked.  
During these affairs about Ambracia, Phaneas and Demoteles two ambassadors sent from the Aetolians by a general decree of the whole nation, came with a full and plenary commission unto the Consul. For their praetor (seeing of the one side Ambracia besieged, and on the other side the sea coast endamaged with the enemy's ships, and in a third quarter the Amphilochians and all Dolopia piteously wasted by the Macedonians; and that the Aetolians were not able to oppose themselves and make head at once against three wars in divers parts) had assembled a general Diet for to consult with the chief of the Aetolians what was to be done in this case. All their opinions jumped in this one point, To seek for peace (if it were possible) under equal & indifferent conditions: if not, yet in as tolerable terms as they might. In confidence and assurance (say they) of Antiochus, the war began: and now that Antiochus is vanquished both by land and sea, yea and hunted as it were out of the compass of the world into an angle beyond Taurus, what hope remaineth to maintain and wage the war any longer? and therefore Phaneas and Demoteles were to deal, as in such a case and time, as they thought best, according to their wisdom and fidelity, and the common good of the Aetolians: for what other counsel remaineth, what course else can they take, or what choice beside hath fortune left them? With this so large and free commission I say, were these Ambassadors sent: who besought the Consul to spare their city, to have mercy and pity of their nation sometime linked in amity unto them, and forced through very calamity and misery (for loath they were to speak of any injuries and wrongs offered) to fall into such follies: neither have the Aetolians in this late war of Antiochus deserved to suffer more harm than they were worthy to receive good for their service in the former war against Philip: and as they were not largely rewarded and recompensed then, so they ought not to be punished and chastised extremely now. The Consul made answer again, That the Aetolians had made a suing for peace many a time, but sincerely and truly at no time: and since they had solicited and drawn Antiochus to war, let them hardly follow his example in craving peace. Like as he therefore hath not quit and rendered some few cities which were in question about their liberty and freedom, but parted with a rich and wealthy kingdom, even all Asia, between this and the mountain Taurus: so unless the Aetolians will simply lay all arms aside, and come to treat for peace unarmed, he would never give them audience. And to be short, if they will peace have, they must deliver up their armour and all their horses first, yea and make payment of a thousand talents of silver, and the one moiety thereof to pay downright upon the nail before hand. Over and besides this branch, I will annex unto the accord and covenant, That they shall hold for their friends and enemies, those whom the people of Rome reputeth to be theirs, and none other. To this answer the Ambassadors said never a word, both for that they were very hard and grievous impositions, and also because they knew the natures and minds of their countrymen and neighbours at home, how untractable they were and not to be removed if they once took a pitch: whereupon they returned unto them, without doing anything at all, to know the advise once again of the praetor and the principal States, what to resolve upon in every respect, whiles all stood whole and upright. But they were welcomed with outcries, and well shent for their labour, in that they had not dispatched and made an end, and so were sent away, and commanded to bring back with them one peace or other. As they went again toward Ambracia, they were forlayed and surprised in an ambush laid for them near the high way side by the Acamanians (with whom at that time they warred) and were had to Tyrrheum and there imprisoned. And by this occasion the peace was delayed.  
Whiles the ambassadors of Athens and Rhodes (who were come already to entreat for them) remained with the Consul, Aminander also (the king of the Athamanes) presented himself under safeconduct in the Roman camp, and took more care for the city of 
* Ambrachia, or A●●a.  Ambracia (where he had sojourned the greater part of his exile) than in the behalf of the Aetolians. By them, the Consul was certified of the hard hap of the Aetolian Ambassadors; and then he gave commandment, that they should be brought from Tyrrheum. When they were come, they began to treat of peace, Aminander in the mean while laboured what he could in that enterprise which he especially had undertaken, namely, to induce the Ambracians to submit unto the Romans: but when he saw he did but small good, for all his parling with the principal persons of the city from their walls: at length by the Consul his permission he entered into the town; where, partly by good counsel, and partly by prayer and entreaty, he persuaded them in the end, to put themselves into the Romans hands. Now as touching the Aetolians, they found much favour by the means of C. Valerius the son of that Levinus, who first contracted amity with that nation; and was besides half brother unto the Consul by the same mother. And the Ambracians after capitulation made, that the Aetolians who came to aid them might go forth without harm, set open their gates. Then articled it was with the Aetolians: Imprinus, To pay 500 Euboike talents of silver; two hundred presently, and the other 300 at fix payments yearly by even portions. Item, To render all Roman captives and fugitive traitors and runagates that they had, into the hands of the Romans. Item, To challenge jurisdiction over no city, which since the time that T. Quintius passed over into Greece, was either forced by the Romans or entered voluntarily into amity and society with them: provided always, that the isle Cephalenia be not comprised within this capitulation. These articles, albeit they were somewhat easier than they looked for, yet the Aetolians requested, that they might ac acquaint their counsel withal: and permitted they were so to do. Some small variance and debate distracted and held them awhile as touching those cities, which having been in times passed within their signory and jurisdiction, they hardly could abide to be dismembered (as it were) from their body. But in the end, there was not one but agreed to accept of the peace. The Ambracians gave unto the Consul for a present, a coronet of beaten gold weighing 150 pound. Their statues of brass and marble, their painted tables (wherewith Ambracia was better stored and adorned, than all the other cities of that region, because it was the royal seat of king Pyrrhus where he kept his court and resiance) were all taken down and carried away: nought else was touched, nor any hurt done besides.  
The Consul dislodged then, and removed from Ambracia into the higher and more inland parts of Aetolia, & encamped before the city called Argos Amphilochium, two and twenty miles distant from Ambracia: and thither at length repaired the Aetolian ambassadors unto him, who marveiled much at them, why they stayed so long. When he understood by them that the general counsel of the Aetolians had approved of the peace, he willed them to go directly to Rome unto the Senate: and permitted also the Athenians and Rhodians (their mediators and advocates) to go with them and as orators to speak in their behalf; and moreover he granted, that his half brother C. Valerius should accompany them: which order when he had taken, himself crossed over the water to Cephalenia.  
When they were arrived at Rome, they found both the cares and the hearts of the chief Senators wholly possessed beforehand, with many complaints and imputations that Philip had informed against them: for he by means of his ambassadors and letters (complaining that the Aetolians had unjustly taken from him the Dolapians, the Amphilochians, and Athamania; and that his garrisons, yea and last of all his son Perseus, were driven out of Amphilochia) had wholly averred the Senate from giving any ear at all to their requests and prayers: howbeit the Rhodians and Athenians had audience given them with patience and silence. The Athenian Ambassador Leon (by report) moved and persuaded the Senate with his eloquent tongue: and by a familiar parable and similitude, he compared the people of Aetolia to the nature of the sea: For like as it, being of itself calm, is troubled and made rough by the winds: even so (saith he) the people of that nation, all the while they entertained friendship with the Romans, and performed their faithful promise unto them, so long were in their right kind, and continued peaceable and quiet; but after that Thoas and Dicaearchus began to blow from out of Asia, as after that, Menetas' and Damocritus blustered and puffed from the parts of Europe, then arose a storm and tempest, with the ghusts whereof driven they were to Antiochus, and cast (as a man would say) upon a rock. Well, the Aetolians after they had been much tossed a long time from post to pillar, in fine effected, that these articles of peace ensuing, were freely agreed upon. Imprimis, The nation of Aetolia shall maintain faithfully and truly the empire and signory of the people of Rome. Item, They shall suffer to pass through their country and confines no army that shall be conducted against their allies and friends; nor assist them with any aid or maintenance whatsoever. Item, They shall repute the enemies of the Romans for their enemies, and wage war against them. Item, They shall deliver unto the Romans and their confederates, all runagates, all fugitives and prisoners that are among them, excepting such as having been once taken and returned home, chanced to be caught again the second time: or those, who being Roman enemies, were taken prisoners by them, at what time as the Aetolians served in garrison under the Romans. As for the rest, as many as are forthcoming and may be found, shall be delivered (without fraud or covin) within 100 days next ensuing, to the magistrate of Corcyra: but those that appear not within that time, shall be likewise rendered whensoever their fortune is to be met withal. Item, They shall yeeled forty hostages, such as the Roman Consul in his discretion will approve and like well of: provided, that none of these pledges be under twelve years of age, not above forty. Neither shall there be taken for hostage any praetor or captain over horsemen, not public Notary or Secretary to the state, not yet any one hath lain in hostage beforetime. Provided also, that Cephalenia shall be exempt from the articles of this accord. Item, As touching the sum of money which they are to pay, and the manner and terms of the payment, there shall be nothing changed of that which hath been concluded with the Consul: yet, if they had rather pay the same sum in gold than in silver, they may so do; provided then, that they keep the rate and proportion, of one for ten, to wit, that one golden piece of coin go for ten times so much in weight of silve r, and no more. Item, What cities, what lands and territories, what persons soever, which having at any time heretofore held tenor of the Aetolians, were by the Consuls T. Quintius and Ca Domitius, or any time since their Consulship, either subdued and conquered by force of arms, or otherwise of themselves came under the obeisance of the people of Rome, the Aetolians shall make to claim not challenge unto them. Finally, the Aeniades with their city and territory, shall appertain to the Acarnanians. Under these conditions abovesaid, the accord was concluded with the Aetolians.  
Not only in the same summer, but also much about those very days wherein these affairs were managed by M. Fulvius in Aetolia, Cn. Manlius the other Consul maintained war in 
* otherwise named, Galatia.  Gallogrecia, whereof at this present I will begin to write. This Consul in the beginning of the spring came to Ephesus; where, after he had received the army of L. Scipio and taken a revieu and survey thereof, he made an oration to his soldiers; wherein, first he praised their valour and virtue, in that with one battle they had finished the war against Antiochus: then he exhorted them to enter into a new war with those Gauls who had succoured king Antiochus with aid; and were beside of nature so untamed, that unless their puissance were abated & their courage taken down, to little or no purpose it was that Antiochus was removed beyond the mountains of Taurus. Last of all, some discoursehe made of his own person, which was nothing prolix and long, implying neither vain untruths not excessive reports. The soldiers gave audience to the Consul with great joy and a general applause, making this account, that since king Antiochus was vanquished, the Gauls alone (who were one part of his forces) would be of no puissance to withstand them. But the Consul supposed that it was much out of his way, that Eunienes should be absent (for then he was at Rome) who knew the countries, was acquainted with the nature of the people, and whom it imported and concerned very much, that the power of the Gauls should be enseebled and abated. And therefore he sent for Attalus his brother, from Pergamus, and exhorted him to enter into action with him and take arms. And when Attalus had made promise to aid him both in his person and with all the power that he could make, he sent him into his country to levy soldiers. After some few days, when the Consullwas departed from Ephesus, Attalus (accompanied with a regiment of a thousand foot and two hundred horse) met him at Magnesia; and had given order to his brother Athenaeus, to follow after with the rest of the forces; having committed the guard and government of Pergamus and the kingdom to those, whom he knew to be fast and faithful to his brother and himself. The Consul, after he had praised and commended the young gentleman, marched forward with his whole power as far as 
* Madi●.  Maeander, and there encamped, because it was not possible to pass the river at any fourd, and therefore boats and barges were to be gotten together, for to serrie and transport the army. When they were set over the river, they went to Hiera Come, where there was a magnificent and stately temple of Apollo, and an Oracle in it. And by report the priests and prophets there, deliver the responds and answers of the Oracle in verses, & those not rudely composed without rhithme & meeter. From hence they removed, & at two days end arrived at the river Harpasus: and thither were ambassadors come from the Alabandians, requesting the Consul either by virtue of his authority, or by force of arms to compel one of their fortresses which lately had revolved from them & rebelled, to return against to their former obedience. And hither Atheneus also, brother to Eumenes and Attalus, was come together with Leusus the Candiot, and Corragus the Macedonian, bringing with them 1000 foot, and 300 horse, of divers nations mingled together. The Consul sent one of his martial Tribunes or Colonels with a mean company, to summon thecastle or fortress abovesaid, & after it was forced and recovered, he delivered it into the hands of the Alabandians. Himself kept one his direct way, and turned on no side, until he came to Antiochia upon the river Maeander, where he encamped. This river Maeander ariseth from Celaenae, where the first head & source thereof is to be seen. Now this Celaenae had been in times past the capital city of all Phrygia. But in process of time this old Celaenae was abandoned by the inhabitants, & not far from it they peopled a new city called Apamea, bearing the name of Apamea the sister of king Seleucus. The river Marsyas likewise springing not far from the foresaid sources of Maeander, dischargeth itself thereinto. And as the common same goeth, at this Celaenae it was, where Marsyas the musician gave defiance to Apollo, & challenged him to play upon the flute. This Maeander above named, issuing out of an high hill at Celaenae, runneth thr ough the mids of the city, & first keeping his course along the country of the Carians, and afterwards of the jonians, falleth at the last into an arm of the sea, between Priene & Miletus.  
Whiles the Consul lay encamped about Antiochia, Seleucus the son of Antiochus, presented himself unto him with corn for his army, according to the covenant contracted with Scipio. Some small variance & difference there was as touching the aid demanded of Antiochus: for Seleucus pleaded that Antiochus had capitulated only to find corn for the Roman soldiers. But this debate was soon at an end by reason of the stiff resolution of the Consul, who sent a Colonel to warn and charge the soldiers to accept no corn, before the aid-soldiors of Antiochus were received. From thence he marched to 
* The same that 〈…〉.  Gordiu-tichos (a city so called) & so forward the third day to Tabae. This city is seated upon the frontiers of the Pisidians, in that coast which boundeth upon the Pamphylian sea. This quarter was able to yield lusty men for war, when it had not been any way endamaged, but remained entire & whole. For proof whereof, even then also there issued out of the city a corner of horsemen, who charged upon the Romans as they marched, and at the first onset troubled them not a little. But afterwards, seeing themselves neither for number, not yet for prows comparable unto them, they were driven back into the town, & craved pardon for their trespass, ready to surrender their city into the Cos. his hands. The Consul imposed upon them a pairment of 25 talents of silver, and 10000 medimnes of wheat, and upon that composition their surrender was accepted. Three days after, the Romans came to Chaus the river, & from thence to the city Eriza, which at the first assault they won. After this the army marched as far as to a castle called Thabusion standing over the river 
* Hijul, Nigro. Diul, Incolis.  Indus, so called of a certain Indian, whom an elephant threw and cast into it. Now they were not far from Cibyra, and yet no embassage appeared from the tyrant of that country and State, Moagetes, a disloyal and treacherous man in all his dealings, and besides, extreme hard and unreasonable. Whereupon the Col. sent out before, C. Helvius, with 4000 foot and 500 horse, to sound his disposition and mind. As these companies entered into his frontiers, there encountered them his ambassadors, giving them to understand that the tyrant their master was ready to do whatsoever they would command: only his request was unto Helvius to pass peaceably through his country, & to restrain his soldiers from wasting and spoiling the territories, and fifteen talents they brought with them for to make a crown of gold. Helvius promised to save his lands for being spoiled and wasted, but he willed the ambassadors to go to the Consul. Now when they had related the same unto him, he made them answer in these terms, We cannot gather by any sign or token (quoth he) that the tyrant beareth good will and affection to us Romans: and again, if he be such a one as the world taketh him for, we are to think rather of his chastisement, than of admitting him into our amity. The ambassadors sore troubled at this word, requested him for that present no more, but to take the crown of gold, and to permit that the tyrant himself might have access into his presence for to parley with him and clear himself. The morrow after, by permission of the Consul came the tyrant into the camp, bearing no port of a prince. For a private person and mean man of small wealth would have gone in better apparel, and carried a greater train about him than he● either went he so meanly, but he spoke as lowly, hacking and hewing his words, as if he had not been able to speak them out. He complained of his own bareness and want, and likewise of the poverty of the cities under his signory (for besides Cybira, he held in possession Sylium, & that which is called Alimne) Yet he promised to see what he could do, if haply by undoing himself, and spoiling his subjects, he might make up five & twenty talents. Mary he mistrusted greatly that he should never effect so much. Are you thereabout? (quoth the Consul) Now verily I can no longer endure this paltering and mockery. Was it not enough, that in your absence you bashed not to delude and disappoint us by your ambassadors, but you must persist still in the same impudency now that you be hear yourself in person? And would you make us believe indeed, that the disbursing of five and twenty talents will beggar you and your whole kingdom? Come on sir, I say; Bring me hither within these three days, and lay me down in ready money five hundred talents, or look for no other favour, but your territory to be wasted, and your city besieged. Greatly affrighted was he at these minatory words, howbeit he continued still obstinately, counterfeiting and pretending his neediness and poverty, and after much base hucking, and rising by little and little, one while hasting and wrangling, another while praying and entreating, (and that with whining & putting finger in the eye) he was fetched over at length, and came off to pay a good hundred talents of silver, and to deliver 10000 medimnes of come besides. And all this was exacted of him to be performed in six days. From Cibyra the Consul conducted the army through the country of the Sindensians, and after he had passed over the river Calau●is, he there pitched down his tents. The morrow after they marched by the lake or mere Caralitis, and set them down and rested upon the river Maeander. As they advanced from thence toward L●gon the next city, the inhabitants fled for fear: whereupon, the town void of people, but replenished with abundance of all things was ransacked and rifled. This done, they arrived at the head of spring of the river Lycus, and the next day marched toward the river Cobulatus. The Termessians at the same time having forced and won the city of the Lyrians, were now upon the point to assault the castle. They who were within besieged, seeing no other hope of succour, sent their ambassadors to the Consul, beseeching his help, and making pitiful more, how they with their wives and children were shut up within the fortress, and looked every hour for death, either by famine or the sword. This fell out as the Cos. wished, namely, to have so good an occasion presented unto him, of turning his way into Pamphylia. At his first coming he delivered the Lyrians from the siege. To Termesius he granted peace, upon composition that he should receive first 30 talents. In like sort he dealt by the Aspendians & other States of Pamphylia. In his return from thence, the first day he encamped fast by a river called Taurus, & the next day following, near a town which they call Xyline-Come. From whence he marched & held on his journey continually, until he came to the city Cormasa. The next city unto it was Darsa, which he found abandoned by the inhabitants for fear, howbeit, full of all kind of goods. As he marched still along the marshes, there met him ambassadors from Lysinia, who came to tender their city into his hands. After this he entered into the territory of Sagalassus, a fertile & plenteous quart r, for all sorts of corn & fruits. The Pisidians inhabit those parts, who are the best warriors in all that country. In regard whereof, as also for that their territory is fruitful & well peopled, and their city strongly situate (as few like unto it) they were grown to be hardy and courageous. The Consul seeing no embassage presented unto him in the entrance of the frontiers, sent out forraiers to fetch in booties. When they perceived once their goods harried and carried away before their faces, their stomachs came down, and then they sent their ambassadors, and upon composition to pay fifty talents, twenty thousand medimnes of where, and as many of barley, they obtained peace. From thence he passed to the fountains of Obrima, until he came to a village which they name Aporidos-Come, and there he encamped. Thirter repaired the next day Seleucus from Apamea. And the same day, after he had sent away unto Apamea his sick folk and other baggage and pelse that he had (good for nothing) he took guides of Seleucus for the way, and entered into the plains of Metropolis, and the next morrow marched as far as Diniae in Phrygia. After this, he entered into Synada, where he found all the towns about abandoned for fear, and left desert. With the booty and pillage whereof his army was so heavily charged, that hardly he could march five miles aday; and so he came at length to Bendos, named The old. From thence he passed to Anabura, and the next day to the source of Alander, and the third day pitched down his tents near Abassus. There he lay encamped many days together, because he was now arrived into the country of the Tolistobogians.  
The Gauls in times past being a mighty people in number, were induced to take a voyage either for want of land to inhabit, or for hope of booty and prizes: and supposing withal, that they could not pass through any nation whatsoever, comparable to themselves in feats of arms, entered under the conduct of Brennus into the country of the Dardanians. Where, they began to mutiny among themselves: by occasion whereof it happened, that to the number of twenty thousand of them, following two of their princes Lomnorius and Lutarius, departed from Brennus, and took their way into Thracia: where partly by warring with them that made resistance, and partly by imposing tribute upon them that craved peace, they came at length as far as to Byzantium: and after they had held tributary a good time the coast of 
* Mar di Marmora.  Propontis, they possessed themselves also of the good towns and cities of that quarter. After this, they had a mind and desire to invade Asia; for they heard say, being so near, how fertile and plenteous the soil of that country was. And after they had surprised and won Lysimachia by a wile, and by force of arms conquered all Chersonesus, they descended to Hellespont. Where seeing how they were divided from Asia but only by the straits, and that it was but a small cut thither, their desire was much more inflamed to pass over. And for this purpose they dispatched certain curriers to Antipater the governor of that coast, to demand passage. But by reason that they effected not this so soon as they hoped, there arose another new sedition between the princes themselves. Whereupon Lomnorius accompanied with the greater part, retired to Byzantium from whence he came. But Lutarius took from the Macedonians (who under colour of an embassage were sent from Antipater in espial) two covered ships, and three brigandines. By means of these vessels, within few days he had set over all his army, transporting them one after another day and night continually. Not long after Lomnorius also passed over into Asia from Byzantium, by the aid of Nicomedes king of Birhynia. After this, the Gauls joined again together in one, and succoured Nicomedes in his wars against Zybaea, who held a part of Bythinia, and by their help and assistance especially, Zybaea was vanquished, and all Bythinia became subject to Nicomedes. Then they departed out of Bythinia into Asia. Now of twenty thousand there were not above ten thousand armed. Yet so great a terror they struck into all nations on this side the mountain Taurus, that both they to whom they approached not near, and also they whom they came unto, as well the farthest as the nearest, submitted themselves, and ranged under their obedience. In the end, being three nations of them, to wit, the Tolistobogians, the Trocmians, and the Tectosages, they divided Asia likewise into three parts, and parted them so equally among themselves, that each nation of them possessed a several tract which paid them tribute. The coast of Hellespontus was given to the Trocmians: the Tolistobogians had for their share Aeolis and jonia: and unto the Tectosages were allotted the inland parts of the main continent of Asia. And in one word they demanded tribute of all Asia on this side Taurus. But they planted and seated themselves about the river Halys. The bruit of their name was so fearful and terrible, and especially after their issue was multiplied and increased in great number, that the KK. also of Syria in the end, refused not to be their homagers and give them tribute. The first of all the inhabitants in Asia that denied them homage, was king Attalus the father of Eumenes: and fortune beyond the expectation of all men, favoured his hardy and courageous enterprise: for he vanquished them in battle. Howbeit, he daunted not their hearts so much, but still they upheld and maint eined their sovereign signory, in such sort, as their puissance continued until the war between Antiochus and the Romans. Yea and after that Antiochus was vanquished and chased out of part of his realm, they conceived great hope to hold their own still; by reason they were so remote from the sea, and therefore thought that the Roman army would never pierce so far as to them. The Consul now, for as much as he was to war with this nation, so terrible to all their neighbours in those quarters, assembled his soldiers to a public audience, and in this manner made speech unto them.  
I am not ignorant, my soldiers, that of all the people which inhabitate Asia, the Gauls are most renowned for valiance in war. And why? this fierce and cruel nation having run over the world in a manner, and warred with all countries, chose them a place of abode, and to settle themselves in the mids of a generation, of all other most mild & tractable. Big & tall they are of stature & parsonage: their hair they wear long in golden-crisped and shining locks: they carry bucklers of huge bigness, and handle swords of exceeding length. Besides, when they enter into battle, they use to sing, to houp and dance, and with clattering their rarguets & weapons together after the guise of their country, they make an horrible noiso, And all this is done of purpose by them to terrific their enemies. But such devises as these be, let the Greeks, the Phrygians and Carians be afraid of, who are not used and accustomed to hear and see such things as for the Romans, acquainted with the Gauls sudden and tumultuous wars, they can skill well enough of these their toys and vanities also. Once in deed, and but once, at the first encounter they discomfited the Romans at the river Allia: but since that time our Ancestors for the space of two hundred years have made havoc of them, killed, put to flight, and driven them like sheep before them: and ostner, I dare well say, have they triumphed of the Gauls, than of all the world besides. Thus much we know of them by experience, that if a man be able to stand out their first shock and violence (which upon a furious heat of their own by nature, and in blind choler and anger they spend all at once) all the parts of their body run to sweat and become saint: their weapons are ready to fall out of their hands: their bodies are so tender, their courages so feeble (after their choleric anger is once allayed and passed) that the very heat of the sun, the dust and the drought is able without drawing sword, to overthrow them and lay them along. Prouse and trial we have had of them, not only legions to legions, but man to man. T. Manlius and M. Valerius have showed plainly how far Roman virtue and prowess surpasseth the furious rage of Gauls. Why? even Marcus Manlius one man alone, repulsed and beat down the Gauls as they climbed up by numbers to the Capitol cliff. And those ancestors of ours before named, had then to deal, with natural Gauls in deed, borne and bred in their own country: where as these here, by this time now are a bastard sort of them and clean degenerate; mingled they are with others, and in truth, as they be called, so are they Gallogreeks. And it fareth with them as with plants, fruits, and living beasts, in which we see that the seed is not of that virtue, and so effectual to keep and retain still the own kind and nature, as the property of the soil and the air where they are nourished, is to change the same. Thus the Macedonians who inhabit Alexandria in Egypt, who dwell in Seleucia and Babilonia, and other Colonies dispersed over the earth, are grown out of their own kind, and in manners become Syrians, Parthians, and Egyptians. Massiita seated among the Gauls, hath drawn somewhat of the nature of the nations adjoining and bordering upon them. And what have the Tarentines left in them of that seveare, rough, and hard discipline of the Spartans? For, what soever is engendered and bred in the own proper place, is ever more kindly, and retaineth it own nature better; but look what is transplanted into another soil, doth soon degenerate, and grow into a bastard kind: for nature transformeth herself, and changeth into that wherewith she is nourished. Be sure therefore, that like as ye have defeated these Phrygians (for no better they be) overcharged and laden with French arms in the battle against Antiochus, even so being now conquerors, ye shall subdue and hew them in pieces once already vanquished. And I fear me more that ye shall win too small glory of them, than I doubt by fight so little with them that ye shall have your hands too full of war against them. Why, even K. Attalus many a time and often hath discomfited and put them to flight. Neither would I have you to think, that savage beasts only newly taken, and keeping at the first their sell and wild nature, after a time that they have been said by man's hand, grow to be tame and gentle; but that the fierceness and cruelty of man, is likewise of the same nature to be dulced and made tractable. Are ye persuaded that these Gauls resemble their fathers & grandfires in conditions? Their forefathers long since left their native country for fault of ground and land to possess; and being driven to pass through the most rough and difficult country of Illyricum, first came into Paeonia, and afterwards traveiled all over Thracia, fight ever as they went with most fierce and cruel nations, until at length they seized upon these parts and settled there. After (I say) they had been hardened and made more fell by so many travails and dangerous adventures, they were received in the end within such a land, as through the abundance of all good things, might feed & frank them up. All that fierceness and savage nature of theirs, which they had when they first came thither, is (no doubt) mollified by the goodness of a most fertile soil, by the sweetness & pleasure of a most temperate air, & last of all by the gentle and debonair nature of the inhabitants their neighbours. And even you also (in good faith) are to look unto it; (martial men although you be, and the very off spring of Mars himself) ye are (I say) to take heed and beware of these delights of Asia, and betimes to get you forth from them. So forcible are these foreign pleasures and delicate enticements, to quench and corrupt the vigour of your spirits; so powerful is the commerce and conversing with strangers; so potent is the contagion (as it were) of their manners and discipline of neighbour inhabitants. Yet this one good turn ye shall have, that as against you they have not that courage which in times past they had; so among the greeks here, they are of as great name as ever they were in ancient time. So that amongst your allies, you shall win as great honour by your victory, as if you should have conquered the Gauls, when they were at the height of their valour and prowess. After the assembly dismissed, and Ambassadors sent to Epossognatus (the only prince in those parts who persisted in amity with Eumenes, and had refused to aid Antiochus against the Romans) the Consul marched forward. The first day he came to the river Alander, and the morrow to a certain village which they call Tyscon. Thither repaired unto him the Ambassadors of the Oroadians, craving to be accepted as friends; but they were enjoined to pay two hundred talents: and when they requested leave to make relation and report hereof at home, they were permitted. From thence the Consul led his army to Plitendum; and after that, he encamped at Alyattos. Thither returned they who had been sent to Epossognatus, together with the Ambassadors of prince Compulsus, requesting the Romans not to war upon the Tectosages; for that both himself and Epossognatus also, would go in person to them, and persuade the nation to do whatsoever they should be commanded. The prince obtained his request; and so from thence the army began to march through the land which they call 
* Woodl●●●●.  Axylos: and well it mought so be called, for it hath no wood at all in it, nor beareth so much as thorns, or any thing else to burn and maintain fire: cowdung is all their burning, for want of other sewell. Whiles the Romans lay in camp before Cuballum, (a fortress of Gallograecia) they discovered the cavalry of the enemies coming toward them with a great hurry and tumult: and they charged so fiercely and suddenly upon the corpse de guard of the Romans, that they not only troubled and disordered them, but also killed some of them. The alarm being given within the camp, the Roman horsemen at once issued forth of all the gates, discomfited the Gauls, and flew certain of them in the chase. The Consul perceiving now that he was come into his enemy's country, marched not from thenceforth without sending out his espials before, and kept his army together in battatle array with great heed and carefulness. Thus he held on his journey continually until he came to the river Sangarius, where he purposed to make a bridge, because there was no passage over at any fourd. This Sangarius ariseth out of the mountain Adoreus, and running through Phrygia it joineth with the river Thymbris near unto Bythinia, and so growing bigger by receiving a double current, keepeth his course through Bythinia, and dischargeth himself into Propontis; a river, not so famous and noble for the greatness thereof, as because it yieldeth fish abvudantly to all the nations bordering and dwelling thereupon. When the bridge was finished and the army passed over, as they marched along the bank side, the Galli or priests of Cybele (the great mother of the gods) were come from Pessinus, and with streamers, infules, and other ornaments, met them: and in their fanatical verses (as men distraught and out of their wits) seemed to prophesy and foretell, that the goddess vouch safed the Romans a fair way to war and victory, yea and the conquest and signory of that country. Hereat the Consul said, That he accepted their words for a presage of good fortune, and thereupon in that very place he pitched his tents. The next day he went as far as Gordium: a town verily it is none of the greatest, but more frequented and resorted unto for traffic and merchandise, than usually such dry towns are that stand far within the land. Three seas there be triangle wise, of equal distance all from it. On the coast toward Sinope, it hath Hellespont and the shores of the other tract whereas the Cilicians inhabit by the sea side. Moreover, it bordereth upon the confines of many great nations, who for their mutual need and commodity, have commerce of negotiation, and meet together in that one place. This town at that time they found altogether dispeopled, by reason that the inhabitants were fled for fear; but well stored, & full of wares and goods of all sorts. Whiles the Romans lay there encamped, there came Ambassadors from Epossognatus, reporting unto them, that he had made a journey to the princes of the Gauls, but could obtain no reason at their hands: also, that they were dislodged out of the champain country, had quit their villages and lands in great numbers, and together with their wives and children drove before them and carried with them whatsoever they could, and were retired to the mount Olympus, from whence they purposed to defend themselves by force of arms and the strong situation of the place. The ambassadors likewise of the Oroandians, gave more certain intelligence, to wit, That the whole people in general of the Tolistobogians had seized the hill Olympus; that the Tectosages severally by themselves had taken another mountain called Magana; that the Trocmians, had committed their wives and children to the guard of the Tectosages, minding with a main army to aid the Tolistobogians. Now at that time the princes of those three States were Orgiago, Combalomarus, and Gaulotus. And the principal reason and means that these had to enterprise war, was this, That being possessed of the highest hills of that country, and having brought thither provision of all things to serve them for a long space, they supposed to weary and wear out their enemies in process of time. For this account they made, that they would never venture to march against them, through so hard, so difficult, and disadvantageous places; and if they assayed so to doc, they might be impeached, repulsed back and beaten down with a small company again, if they would sit still in leaguer at the foot of those frozen mountains and do nothing, they were never able to endure the cold and the scarcity which they should find there. And notwithstanding the very altitude and height of the places defended them, yet over and besides they cast a trench, and made other defences round about the tops of the mountains which they held. Also for provision of darts and other shot, it was the least of all their care, supposing that the rough places would furnish them with sufficient store of stones to fling. The Consul forecasting in his mind that he should not deal with these enemies close at handfight, but a far off when he was to assail their holds, had made provision aforehand of great store of darts, light velitarie javelines, arrows, bullets of lead, and small stones that might be leveled and sent out of slings. Thus being well appointed and furnished with such kind of shot, he led his army toward the mountain Olympus, and about five miles off he encamped. The next day he together with Attalus advanced forward with 500 men of arms to view the nature & standing of the mountain, together with the situation of the Gauls camp. But the enemy's horsemen being double in number to them, issued out of their camp, and put them to flight, slew a few of them in the rout, and hurt many. The third day he set forward with all his forces to discover the places, and by reason that there came not one of them out of their defences and fortifications, he road round about the mountain in safety at his pleasure, and perceived that on the South side, there were certain little hills, all of clean earth without stones, and the same rising up with an easy ascent to a certain place; but to the North were high rocks, and the same in manner steep upright. And whereas all the rest were inaccessible, three only ways and advenues he found, the one directly toward the midst of the mountain (where those little mounts of earth stood) the other two were difficult, the one lying Southeast, and the other Northwest. After he had considered and viewed these places that day, he pitched his camp at the very root and foot of the hill. The morrow after he sacrificed, and finding by the first beasts which he killed, that the gods were pacified and favourable unto him, he divided his army into three battaillons, and so advanced against the enemy, and himself in person with the greatest part of his forces, mounted up the hill, whereas it yielded the easiest ascent. He commanded his brother L. Manlius, from the South-west to get up the hill, as the place would permit with safety, giving him in charge that if he met with any dangerous places steep and hard of ascent, that he should not wrestle with the difficulties of the ground, nor strive against those things, which to force and overcome were impossible; but rather to traverse the ground, and retire toward him, and so to join with his battaillon. As for C. Helvius, he willed him with a third part of the forces, to wheel about by little and little, and fetch a compass at the hill foot, and then from the Northwest to mount up. Likewise the aids of Attalus, he divided into three equal parts, and took order that the young prince himself in person should keep with him. The cavalry and the elephants he left in the next downs beneath the hills, and charged the captains thereof to have a careful eye and good regard to mark what was done in every place, yea, and to make haste to rescue and succour wheresoever need should be. The Gauls making full reckoning that on two sides they were sure enough, and the place that way to be inaccessible; because they would stop the other advenue by force of arms on the South side, sent forth about four thousand armed men to seize upon a certain hill within a mile of their camp, which hill commanded the way, supposing there, as from a sconce and fortress to debar them of passage. Which when the Romans perceived, they put themselves in readiness to fight. A pretty space before the ensigns, marched the skirmishers, together with the Candiote archers & slingers from Attalus; likewise the Triballians of Thrace. The ensigns of the footmen followed softly after (as well as they might) against the hill, bearing their targets before them so, as they seemed to cover themselves only to avoid the shot, and meant not to enter into any fight hand to hand. The fight at first was equal, performed with shot a good distance off: for as the Gauls gar the advantage of the ground, so the Romans had the odds for variety and store of darts. But as the skirmish continued and increased, there was no more equality seen. For the shields of the Gauls being made long, and not broad enough for their bodies, and withal flat and plain without, hardly covered and defended them: and by this time all their shot was spent; and weapon had they none but their very swords, whereof there was no use at all, considering the enemy came not to close fight. The only help they had was with stones, and those too big for their handling and not easy to wield, by reason they were not provided before, but such as in that haste came next to their hand without any choice. Moreover, being not used and exercised to flinging, they had neither the artificial flight, nor yet sufficient strength to help themselves withal: but chose, from all parts were pelted with bullets of lead, and galled with arrows and darts at unwares, which they could neither ward nor avoid; and for that with anger and fear together their wits and understandings were blinded, they wist not what to do, seeing themselves surprised and overtaken in a kind of fight whereunto they were least of all fitted. For as in close conflict hand to hand, where blows are dealt, where raps are given and taken interchangeably, choler kindleth courage: even so, when men are wounded aloof with light darts, and from whence they know not, they wot not upon whom to run, and at whom to make in that blind fit of theirs, but they turn upon their own fellows without all reason at a venture, like wild beasts galled with arrows sticking in their sides. Now, they receive not a wound but it is seen, by reason that they fight naked, and their bodies are fair, slick, and white, as being never bore but in battle: by which means greater store of blood gushout of the wounds in their fleshly bodies, the gashes appear greater, and their white skin much more stained with black blood. But they pass not so much for broad and wide flashes (for otherwhiles when the skin is cut away, & the wound rather broad than deep, they take more pride therein, and think they fight with greater honour.) Mary, if it happen at any time, that an arrow head or a bullet sticking within the flesh all hidden, put them to pain and torment, notwithstanding the hurt be small in appearance, yet when they seek to pluck out an arrow, and the head will not follow, than they take on & are stark mad, for shame that so final a prick should plague them so, and be ready to kill them, insomuch as they cast themselves on the ground, & lie wallowing along every where. Others there be of them that ran full upon their enemy, and those were sticked with arrows and darts from all parts, and when they came near to hand, were by the skirmishers killed and cut in pieces with their swords. These soldiers use to cover themselves with a shield of three foot long, carrying in their right hand certain spears to use aloof, and wear by their side a Spanish sword. Now in case they come to hand fight, they shift their spear out of the right hand into the left, and take them to their swords. By this time there were but few of these Gauls left alive; who perceiving that the light armed skirmishers of the enemies were too good for them, and seeing withal the ensigns of the legions to approach near unto them, took them to their heels on all hands, and began to fly amain toward the camp; which now was full of fear and trouble, as where women and children and a multitude of feeble folk (not fit to bear arms) were thrumbled and jumbled together. The Romans following the train of their victory, seized the hills abandoned by the enemies that were fled. About the same time L. Manlius and C. Helvius, having mounted so far as they could find way, traversing the sides of the hill, when they were come to an end, where they could see neither way nor path, they turned to that quarter of the hill which only afforded a way, and both of them began to follow the Consul's battaillon, a pretty distance asunder, as if they had agreed beforehand so to do: and that which at first had been simply the best thing to be done, they were of necessity forced at last to put in execution. For in such difficulties and places of disadvauntage, succours behind in a rearward, have oftentimes served in right good steed: that if those in the vanguard should chance to be beaten back, they in the second place might receive and protect them, and also begin freshly a new fight. After that the foremost ensigns of the legions, were come to those hills, which the light armour before had seized, the Consul● commanded the soldiers to rest them a while and breath themselves, and showed them withal where the bodies of the Gauls lay dead along all over the mountains. And if (qd. he) the light armed skirmisher, have made such a riddance of them, what is to be looked for at the hands of the legionary soldiers, armed all over in complete harness? what will they do that carry the hearts of most noble warriors? surely they must needs win the camp, into which the enemy is chased and driven by the light armed soldiers. Howbeit he commanded the light armour to go afore, who all the while that the legions rested themselves, spent not the time in vain, but employed it in gathering together the darts and javelines that lay about the hills, to the end that they might have sufficient shot. Now the Romans marched forward and approchedthe camp. The Gauls likewise for their parts, searing lest their defences would not be able to defend them, stood armed before their trench and rampire. But afterwards being overcharged with all sorts of darts, they were driven in the turning of an hand within their hold, (for the more they were in number, and the thicker they stood, the less lighted any dart in vain) only they left strong guards about the gates and entrance into the camp. Moreover, among the multitude which was driven into the hold, there was discharged at random a mighty number of darts: and that many of them were hurt thereby, appeared by their cry mingled with the shrieks of women and children. Now against them that warded the gates, and took up to the avenues with their guards, the legionary soldiers in the forefront let fly their javelins. And albeit these were not wounded in their bodies, yet by reason that their shields & bucklers were pierced through, they were most of them entangled one within another, & stuck fast. Long they could not abide the violence of the Romans, insomuch as before that the victors could enter into the camp, the Gauls fled forth at all the gates wide open, and ran they wist not whither like blind men, as well through places which had no way, as those that were passable. No rocks so steep with downfals, no cliffs so rough with crags, could stand in their way; and nothing feared they affront; their enemies only at their heels affrighted them. And therefore most of them either fell headlong down a mighty height and broke their necks, or else for very feebleness lost their breath, were windless, and ready to die. The Consul after he had taken their camp, would not suffer it to be ransacked, but commanded the soldiers every one to follow the chase hard; and whiles the enemies were thus afraid, to affright them thoroughly. Then came the other regiment with L. Manlius, but the Consul would not suffer them to enter the camp, but sent them forthwith to pursue the enemies. Himself also in person anon after followed, when he had delivered the charge of keeping the prisoners, unto the military Tribunes of the army: for this reckoning and resolution he made, that the war was at a final end, if in this tumultuous fright of theirs he might either kill or take prisoners a number of them. The Consul was no sooner departed, but C. Helvius came with his third regiment, but he could not hold his soldiers from the pillage of the camp, insomuch as the booty and prizes were most unjustly dealt among them who were at no end of the skirmish. The cavalry stood all this while still and wist not of the fight, or that their fellows had gotten the victory: but afterwards they also espying the Gauls dispersed about the root of the mountains, made after them as well as their horses would mount against the hills: some they slew, and others they took prisoners. The just number of those that were slain can not easily be counted, because they fled far and near among the cranks and windings of the mountains, where they were killed in blind corners. Many of them besides, having engaged themselves to the craggs and rocks that had no way forward, tumbled down into the valleys of a monstrous depth underneath. Yea and some happened to be killed in the woods amid the grieves and bushes. Claudius who writeth of two battles sought upon the mount Olympus, reporteth that there died there forty thousand enemies. But Valerius Antias, who otherwise is wont to overreach and exceed in number, hath recorded not above ten thousand. But without all question the prisoners amounted to forty thousand full, because they went with a train of all sorts and ages, more like men dislodging and removing out of one country unto another, than going to war. The Consul after he had burned all the armour of his enemies in one heap, commanded his soldiers to bring foorththe rest of the pillage and spoil into one place, and either sold and made money of that which was to come into the public treasury of the city, or else parted it amongst the soldiers indifferently, with great regard, that every one should have a just and even portion. Moreover he commanded them all in open audience, and rewarded every one besides with gifts according to their several deserts. But above the rest, and with the general accord of all, he both praised, and also recompensed Attalus. For surely that young gentleman showed not only singular valour and forwardness in all travails and dangers, but also a special modesty and rare sobriety.  
There remained yet entire and whole the war with the Tectosages, against whom the Consul made an expedition, and upon the third day arrived at Ancyra, a noble city in those parts, from whence the enemies were little more than ten miles distant. During the time that he lay there encamped, there happened a memorable act, performed by a captain Lady. Among many more prisoners, there fortuned to be kept in ward, the wife of prince Orttagon, a woman of surpassing beauty. The Centurion who had her person in safe custody, was lecherous and covetous withal, as many of these soldiers are. Her he solicited and tempted first to commit folly: but seeing her altogether unwilling, and that she abhorred to prostitute herself unto him, he did violence upon that body of hers, which fortune had made bond & thrall unto him. But afterwards to mollify and assuage the indignity of this villainy, he put the woman in good hope, and promised that she should return home again to her friends: mary he would not do all for pure love alone and freely without ransom, for he bargained to have a certain sum of gold besides. And to the end forsooth that no person belonging to him might take knowledge thereof, he permitted her to send one of the prisoners whom she would herself as messenger to her friends & kinsfolk, & appointed a place near unto a river, whether the next night following should repair two and no more (of the said captive lady's friends, with the gold abovesaid) for to receive her at his hands. It fell out so that among the rest of the captives committed to his guard, there was a bondslave of her own: this messenger at the shutting in of the evening the Centurion conducted without the corpse de guard. The morrow night after came accordingly to the place appointed, both the two friends aforesaid of the gentlewoman, and also the centurion himself with his prisoner, where they showed the gold, amounting to the full sum of one Attic talon (according as it was agreed between them) and with that the woman spoke unto them in her language, and commanded them to draw their swords, and kill outright the Centurion as he was weighing the gold. Which done, she caused his head to be stricken off, and wrapped it herself within her garment, and so carried it home to her husband Ortiagon, who from Olympus had fled and escaped to his own house. But before that she clipped and embraced her husband, she threw down the Centurion his head at his feet. And when he wondered what man's head it was, and what act this might be, far passing a woman's deed, she confessed to her husband the injury that her body had suffered, and likewise the revenge for the abuse of her chastity by force and violence: and (as it is reported) the maintained the honour of this marronlike act ever after even to her dying day, in all sanctimony of life and modest carriage of herself like a chaste dame.  
Whiles the camp lay at Ancyra, the Orators of the Tectosages showed themselves unto the Consul, requesting him not to dislodge and remove from thence before he had parled with their lords and princes: saying withal, that they would accept any conditions of peace whatsoever, rather than war. The time was set down, even the next morrow, and a place likewise appointed, as just in the mid way (as it could be guessed) between the camp and Ancyra. The Consul thither came at the hour assigned, accompanied with a guard of five hundred horse: but perceiving no Gaul at all there, he returned into the camp. And thither repaired the same orators unto him the second time, excusing the default, and saying that their princes could not come in person by occasion of some scruple of conscience that arose the while: howbeit, the chief personages besides of the whole nation, should appear, by whom all matters might be composed as well as with themselves. The Consul made answer, that he likewise would send Attalus in his steed. So they came to this emparling from both parts. Attalus had three hundred men of arms about him for his guard: and certain conditions of peace were drawn and propounded: but for as much as they might not grow to any final conclusion in the absence of their chief commanders, accorded it was that the day following the Consul and their Princes aforesaid should meet in that place together. Now the drift of the Gauls in making these delays and trifling off the time, was this, that first they might gain some convenient space to transport over the river Halys all that ever they had (which they would not hazard with their own persons, together with their wives and children) and afterwards to lay a train of an ambush for the Consul himself, who took small regard, and was not provided for to prevent their villainy intended under the colour of that conference. For that purpose, they chose a thousand horsemen out of all their cavalry, of especial valour and approved hardiness, for the execution of this treacherous design. And surely this their fraud had taken effect, if fortune had not defended and maintained the law of nations, which to break and violate they had complotted. Certain soldiers of the Romans sent out to purvey forage and fuel, were directed to those very quarters whereas the parley abovesaid should be kept. The Colonels thought it the surer place for them, because they were to have the Consuls guard also opposed for their defence against the enemy: howbeit, they set another Corpse de guard of their own, consisting of 600 horsemen nearer to the camp. Now by reason that Attalus assured the Consul so certainly, that their Princes would come, and that the matter might be soon knit up and dispatched, he departed out of the camp with the same guard of horsemen as before, and when he had marched almost five miles forward, and was not far short of the place appointed, he discovered all of a sudden the Gauls riding full gallop against them in most furious manner as enemies; whereupon he stayed the march and made a stand, commanding the horsemen to make ready their weapons and resolve to fight. The first charge & shock he received right valiantly, & stepped not back one foot: but afterwards as the multitude pressed still upon him, he began to give ground & recoil, but so as he broke not the ranks of his troops. But in the end, when they found more danger in longer stay, than commodity and help in keeping their arrays, they all at once turned their horse heads & fled. When they were disarraied once, the Gauls pursued hard and killed them: and no doubt a great part of them had died for it, but that the foragers guard of 600 horse aforesaid came in to rescue them. For they hearing a far off the fearesull cry of their fellows, made ready their armour & horses; and being fresh and in hart, entered upon the fight that was given over by their wearied and discomfited companions: whereupon fortune quickly changed, and the fear turned from the losers to the winners; for at the first encounter the Gauls were put to flight: and withal, the said foragers & fuellers came running out of the fields, and from all parts made head & affronted the Gauls; in so much as they could neither fly readily nor escape surely, because the Romans with their fresh horses followed them in chase, and they themselves were already tired: few therefore went away with life, & not one was taken prisoner, for the greater part by odds paid dearly by the loss of their lives, for violating this their parley under the colour of truth and fidelity. The Romans whiles their stomachs were inflamed with anger, the very next day came against them with the puissance of all their forces. But the Consul employed two whole days himself in viewing and discovering the situation & nature of the hill, because he would not be ignorant of anything requisite. Upon the third day, after he had first taken the auspexes & presages of the birds, and afterwards killed a sacrifice, he led forth his army divided into 4 battalions. Two of them were to mount up the mids of the hill, and the other two he set in the sides to flank the wings of the Gauls, and to march up against them. The Tectosages and Trocmians, who were the whole flower and strength of the enemies, made their main battle in the mids, consisting of 50000 men; and because there was no use of horse among those rough & uneven rocks, the cavalry alight on foot to the number of 10000, & those they put in the right wing. The Cappadocians with Ariarates, and the auxiliary Morzians, who arose to the number almost of 4000 men, held the left. The Consul (like as before in the mount Olympus) marshaled his light armour for skirmish in the forefront of the vaward, and gave order to have ready at hand as great store of darts & other shot of all sorts as he had before. When they approached one another, all things answered both of the one side & the other, like as in the former conflict; saving that the courage of the victors increased in regard of their fortunate success, and the hearts of the enemies were much abated and daunted. For albeit themselves had not yet been foiled and vanquished, yet they took the overthrow and lost of their countrymen for their own. And therefore as the beginning of the battle was suitable, so the issue was semblable. For the Gauls battle was overspread and covered again as it were with a cloud of light shot. And not one of them durst run forth out of his range, for fear he should discover his whole body and lay it open to take all that came: and keeping still together as they did, the thicker they stood, the fairer mark they were for the enemies to level at, and the more wounds they received. The Consul perceiving they were already of themselves troubled, and supposing that if he set forward and presented unto them the ensigns of the legions, they would immediately all of them file, received the light armed loose shot, & the rest of the auxiliary soldiers within his own ranks & siles, and then advanced his legions. The Gauls affrighted with the fresh remembrance of the late defeature & overthrow of the Tolistobogians, carrying also about themselves the darts sticking in their bodies, weary besides with long standing afoot, and overcharged likewise with many a wound, could not abide so much as the first onset and shout of the Roman legions. Then began they to take their heels and fly toward their camp, but few of them recovered it, and got within the rampire and other defences. The greater number fled here and there on both hands, and dispersed themselves into all parts as it took them in the head, and as every man in this confused fright caught a way by himself. The conquerors followed them still even hard to the very camp, and all the way charged upon their backs, and bear them down. Which done, they stayed and stuck still in the camp for desire of pillage, and there was not one that followed one foot after. The Gauls in the wingsstood to it longer, by reason that it was later ere they were set upon, but able they were not to abide the first charge and shot of the Romans darts. The Consul, who could not possibly pluck those out of the camp that were once entered in, for greediness of spoiling and rifling the tents, sent out those immediately that were in the wings to follow the enemies in chase still forward. These pursued them a certain space: howbeit in this flight (for in truth it was no fight at all) there were not above eight thousand that left their carcases behind them, all the rest recovered the other side of the river Halys. Many of the Romans remained that night within the enemy's camp; the rest the Consul brought back again to his own. The next day he took account and survey of the prisoners and prizes, which was so great as a man would conceive that a nation of all others most gree die of pilling and spoiling, might possibly rake and heap together for so many years, as they held all those parts within the mountain Taurus by force of arms. The Gauls thus scattered in flight, rallied themselves into one place, and being many of them hurt or disarmed, and stripped clean out of all they had, sent their ambassadors unto the Consul to treat for peace. The Consul willed them to give attendance upon him at Ephesus: himself made haste to remove out of those cold quarters, by reason that the mountain Taurus was so near (for now it was the mids of Autumn) and led back his victorious army to pass the winter near the sea side.  
Whiles the affairs thus passed in Asia, all was quiet in the rest of the provinces. At Rome the Censors T. juintius Flamininus and M. Claudius Marcellus made a new choice of Senators: and P. Scipio Africanus was chosen the precedent of the Senate now the third time: four only were left out and discadded; but not one of them had borne office of State, and had the honour to sit in the Curule chair. The Censors showed themselves likewise passing mild in the 〈◊〉 of the Cavalry and order of knighthood. They put out to framing the foundations and 〈◊〉- works upon the Aequimelium in the Capitol: and likewise they bargained for to pave the street with hard flint or pebble, from the gate Capena to the temple of Mars. The Campaines demanded of the Senate, in what place they should be assessed and enroled: and thereupon a decreepassed for their enrolment at Rome. The rivers were out, and great deluges happened that year. The Tiber overflowed his banks twelve times, and drowned Mars field and all the low parts of the city.  
After that Cn. Manlius the Consul had brought the Gauls war to an end in Asia, the other Consul M. Fulvius having utterly subdued the Aerolians, passed over into Cephalenia; and sent to all the cities about the island certain messengers, to found them whether they would rather yield themselves unto the Romans, or hazard the fortune of war? And so forcible was fear among them all, that there was not one person refused to surrender. And being enjoined (according to the ability of the people who were but bare) to give hostages, the Nesiotes, Craniens, Peleusians, and Sameans delivered twenty apiece. This peace no sooner shone upon the Cephalenians beyond all their expectation, but suddenly one city of the Sameans revolted, and upon what cause it is not known: themselves alleged and said, That forasmuch as their city was seated in a commodious place, they feared greatly to be dispossessed and turned out of it by the Romans. But whether they only imagined this and put themselves in fright, and so changed their quiet repose for vain and foolish fear: or whether there had been question hereof among the Romans, and upon much canvasing in men's mouths the rumour of such a matter, ran unto them, it is not certainly known. Only thus much; after they had given their hostages, they shut their city gates upon a sudden; and desist they would not from their enterprise, for all the entreaty and prayers that their own hostages made, whom the Consul had sent (for the nonce) even under their walls, to move their countrymen and parents to pity and compassion. When as therefore they would make no answer tending unto peace, the Consul began to assault the city: and all the ordinance of artillery and engines of battery were under his hand, which had been brought from the siege of Ambracia. And look what works and fabrics were needful besides to be made, the soldiers with great diligence and forwardness performed. So in two places at once they planted rams against the city and battered the walls. The Samaeans on the other side for their part omitted & neglected nothing, that might either annoy the enemy or impeach the works. But two things there were principally wherewith they made resistance and withstood their violence: the one was, a countremure within the city, which they ever raised new instead of the old, and full as strong as it that was demolished and broken down: the other was, their often sudden sallies, one while upon the fortifications and fabrics, other while upon the corpse de guard of the enemies: and for the most part in these skirmishes they had the better hand. But one mean there was devised, and the same of small show to speak of, to restrain and keep them in from sallying forth. The Romans sent to 
* Victiza.  Aegium, 
* Paira. or ●●●. Inbactra.  Patrae, and 
* Cla● ensa: all th●●●, 〈◊〉: of Ac●●a.  Dimae, for an hundred flingers. These nations from their childhood used to exercise themselves (after the manner of the country) to discharge out of slings into the open sea certain round stones, which commonly the shore is overspread with among the sands: by reason of which exercise, they have more skill both to sling farther from them, and also to strike more surely and give a smarter rap and stroke than those of the Baleare islands: for their sling is not made with one only cord as the Balearians are, and those of other nations; but it hath three leather thongs hardened and made stiff with many future's and seams, lest if the leathering were soft and gentle, the bullet and stone within should wag too and fro and roll out in the delivery and hurling of it: but being settled and counterpoised (as it were) it went merrily away, as sent and driven out of the noose of a stone-bow. And so well practised they were in this feat, that they could a great way off level a bullet through garlands, rings, and hoops of small compass, and miss not: nay they would be sure to hit, not only the head of an enemy, but any part of the face that they aimed at, point blank, and never fail. These slings (I say) made the Samaeans to pluck in their heads, that they durst not sally out neither so often nor so boldly as they did. Insomuch as from the walls; they requested the Achaeans for a while to go aside and repose themselves, and see them how they skirmished with the corpse de guard of the Romans. Four months space the Samaeans endured the siege. Now when of that small number which they had, some or other daily dropped away, and were either killed outright or wounded; and they that remained, were both tired in body, and daunted in courage; the Romans one night passed over the wall, by the fortress which they call Cyatis (for the city where it boundeth upon the sea, lieth toward the West) and entered so far as the market place. After that the Samaeans perceived, that one part of the city was taken by the enemies, they fled with their wives and children into a greater fortress, and the next day yielded: the town was ransacked, and they themselves were all sold in ouvert market, to who would give most.  
The Consul having set the state of Cephalenia in good order, and put a garrison within Samaea, passed into Peloponnesus, having been called and sent for to come thither a long time, principally by the Aegians and Lacedæmonians. Time out of mind, and from the first beginning of the Diets of Achaea, the whole nation used to assemble and meet at Aegium ordinarily, were it for to grace and honour the city, or because the place was commodious therefore. This ancient custom Philopaemen that year began first to infringe, and went about to make a law and ordinance, That in all the cities of Achaea, their Counsels & Diets shall be holden in course and order at their times. And against the coming of the Consul, when the Demiurges of the free cities and states summoned the Diet to be kept at Aegium, Philopaemen (Praetor for that time) came with a countre-summons and proclaimed it to be held at Argos. And when it was evident to be seen, that they all in manner minded thither to resort; the Consul also (albeit in affection he favoured the Aegians) came to Argos: where, after much debate, seeing the matter growing the other way, he desisted from his design and gave over the cause. After this, the Lacedæmonians averted him from thence, and drew him away to the deciding of their controversies and dissensions. Certain banished persons they were who most of all disquieted and troubled that state: and many of them had their abiding place in the castles coasting along the frontiers of the Laconian territory toward the sea, which was taken wholly from the city. The Lacedæmonians much discontented and offended hereat, entered one night a certain borough called 
,* Fachi  Las, surprised it unawares to the inhabitants, & kept it to their use; to the end, that if need were at any time to send Ambassadors to Rome or else whither, they might have some free access unto the sea: and withal, be served of a mart-towne for vent, and a place of receipt for all foreign merchandise from strangers to their necessary uses. The townsmen within, as also the exiles aforesaid (there dwelling) were terrified at the first with this sudden and unexpected occurrence: but afterward (before daylight) when they had once rallied themselves together, with small ado and skirmish chased forth the Lacedaemonian: howbeit, the fear spread over all the sea coast, so that in one general accord, the castles and villages every one, yea and the exiled persons (as many as there inhabited) dispatched their Ambassadors to the Achaeans. Philopaemen their praetor (who ever from the beginning friended the cause of the banished, and had always advised and counseled the Achaeans to abate and take down the puissance and reputation of the Lacedæmonians) granted them at their suit and seeking, a Diet. In which (upon a motion by him made) there passed a decree in this form: That whereas T. Quintius and the Romans, had committed and delivered to the safeguard and protection of the Achaeans, the fortresses, burroughes, and villages, situate along the sea coast of the Laconians, and (by virtue of a covenant and accord) the Lacedæmonians had nothing to do therein, but aught to forbear them; and yet notwithstanding, the town Las was by them forced, and a great massacre there committed: therefore unless the principals and accessaries both of that outrage, were yielded to the Achaeans, they deemed the covenant and accord in that behalf provided, to be broken. H ereupon incontinently were ambassadors addressed to Lacedaemon, to challenge and demand the parties abovesaid: but the Lacedæmonians took this for so proud a commandment, and thought it such an indignity, that without all doubt, if they had been in as good estate then, as sometimes they were, they would immediately have taken names. But nothing troubled and disquieted their spirits so much as this, for fear lest if once they receive the yoke of subjection upon their necks, in yielding obedience to their first hests, Philopaemen would effect and put in execution that which he long intended and went about; even to deliver the city Lacedaemon into the hands of the banished aforesaid. Enraged therefore with choler and anger, they fell upon thirty of that faction who were complotted in counsel with Philopaemen and the exiles, and slew them outright; and withal made a decree, To renounce and reject, all society with the Achaeans; and forthwith to send their Ambassadors to Cephalenia, with commission, to deliver Lacedaemon unto M. Fulvius & the Romans; and to beseech him to take the pains to come into Peloponnesus, there to receive the city Lacedaemon under the obeisance and protection of the people of Rome. When the Ambassadors had made relation hereof to the Achaeans, presently war was proclaimed against the Lacedæmonians, by common consent of all the states of that assembly and general counsel: but the winter impeached them for entering into any action & present execution. Howbeit they made small roads into their frontiers, and wasted the same not only by land, but also by sea, after the manner of robbery & piracy, rather than warlike hostility. These troubles drew the Cos. into Peloponnesus, and by his commandment a Diet was published to be holden at Elis; and thither were the Lacedæmonians sent for to argue and debate their cause. Where there was not only much reasoning and dispute, but also wrangling and altercation. The Consul who in other points bore himself nicely enough, and answered in doubtful terms, as one willing to entertain both parts, determined and ended the controversy in one only word, warning them both to put up their swords, and lay arms aside, until they had sent their ambassadors to the Senate of Rome. So there were embassages addressed both from the one and the other to Rome. In likewise the banished Lacedæmonians joined their cause and embassy with the Achaeans. Diophanes and Lycortas, both Megapolitanes, were the cheese in the embassage of the Achaeans, who as they jarred and disagreed in the managing of State-affairs, so they accorded not but varied in the speeches that they delivered. Diophanes referred the decision of all matters unto the Senate, as who were best able to compose all controversies between the Achaeaans' and Lacedæmonians. But Lycortas, instructed by Philopaemen, required that the Achaeans might do and execute whatsoever they had ordained; according to the covenant, & the conditions therein comprised; and that they would maintain their full liberty without abridging and impairing the same, according as they had received it at their hands. The nation of the Achaeans in those days was in great credit and reputation at Rome, howbeit the Senate thought it not good to make any change and alteration in the State of the Lacedæmonians. In conclusion, they returned such an intricate and doubtful answer, that both the Achaeans might construe it, as if they had permission and free liberty to do what they would with Lacedaemon, and the Lacedæmonians again took it, as thought they had not so large a scope and absolute power allowed them, as to do their pleasure in everything. But this authority and liberty whatsoever it was, more or less, the Achaeans stretched beyond all measure and compass, and used it too proudly and insolently. Philopaemen continued still in place of sovereign government, and levied a power to be ready in the beginning of the spring, and so encamped upon the frontiers of the Lacedæmonians. This done, he sent his ambassadors to demand the delivery of them into his hands, who were the authors of the revolt; promising withal, that if they would so do, their city should remain in peace without any molestation, and they suffer and sustain no harm, before they had answered for themselves in open audience. All the rest for fear kept silence and said not a word, only they whom he had challenged by name, made offer of themselves to go, undersafe conduct received from the ambassadors, and faithful promise that no violence should be done upon their persons, until they had pleaded their answer. Accompanied they were with divers noble personages of great mark and name, both as advocates unto them in their particular quarrels, and also in regard of the Commonweal, as far as their private cause any way touched and concerned it. Never had the Achaeans before time brought the Lacedæmonians exiles with them into the confines of Lacedaemon, because they supposed that nothing might so much alienate and estrange the hearts of the whole city as that. But then the whole head, as it were, of the vaward, were no other but those banished persons. And as the Lacedæmonians abovesaid were coming, who should meet and affront them arraunged in order of battle at the very gate of the camp, but they? At the first they welcomed them with chiding and railing, after that they fell to bitter words and braviles, and their blood was up on both sides, insomuch as those of the banished crew who were of hottest spirit and sharpest metal, made no more ado but ran upon the Lacedæmonians: whereupon they called the gods to witness, and cried to the ambassadors for protection; who together with the praetor himself came between, voided the press, and the safeguarded the persons of the Lacedæmonians, empeaching and staying some of their hands who were already about to bind them and make them sure. But the tumult still increased, and the multitude was all up on a hurry. The Achaeans ran first to see only what the matter was, and to be lookers on. But afterwards, when the exiles began with a loud voice to cry out, and report what wrongs and injuries they had sustained, beseeching them of their help, and avouching withal right confidently, that if they let slip this opportunity, they should never have the like again, alleging moreover, That the league first made in the Capitol, after renewed at Olympia, and last of all confirmed by a sacred oath in the castle of Athens, had been broken and disannulled by them, and therefore the guilty and culpable parties were to be punished accordingly, before they entered into any bond of new accord. At these words the multitude was incensed, and by occasion of one man's voice, who cried to strike and knock them down, fell to flinging stones at them. And by this means seventeen of them, who during the garboil chanced to be tied in bonds, were stoned to death. The rest, to the number of six and thirty, were the next morrow apprehended, whom the praetor had sheelded and protected from violence, not for any desire he had to save their lives, but because he would not have them miscarry and perish before they were heard. These were presented and exposed as a prey to the unruly and angry multitude: & when they had made some small speech unto them, from which they turned away their ears, they were all condemned and delivered over to be led to execution. When the Lacedæmonians were once put in this fear, than they were commanded, Imprimis To demolish and break down their walls. Item, That all foreign auxiliary soldiers, who were waged and served for pay under the tyrants, should avoid out of the Laconian country. Item, That all the slaves whom those tyrants had set free (and of such there was a great number) should depart before a certain day; and that it might be lawful for the Achaeans to attach the bodies, to sell and carry away as many as stayed and remained behind. Item, That they should abolish the laws ordinances and customs of Lycurgus, and frame themselves to live after the fashions and manners of the Achaeans, for so they should be incorporate into one civil body, and better accord and sort together in all things. They condescended to none of all these conditions more willingly and sooner, than to the raising of their walls, and nothing troubled them so much and vexed their heart, as the restoring of the banished persons. Howbeit there passed an act at Tegea for their restitution in a general Counsel of all the Achaeans there held. In which assembly, upon a report and mention made, that the mercenary strangers above specified, and the new enroled Lacedæmonians called Ascripti (for so they termed them, who by the tyrants were enfranchised and endued with freedom) had abandoned the city, and were departed sundry ways into the country, it was thought good before the army was dissolved and called, that the Praetor should go with a company lightly armed and appointed, to lay hold upon all that sort of people, and make sale of them, as of a prize and booty gained from the enemies. Many of them were apprehended and sold. And with the money raised of them, that porch or gallery at Megalopolis, which had been ruinated by the Lacedæmonians, was by the permission unjustly held in the possession, was laid again to that city, according to an old decree of the Achaeans, which was made during the reign of king Philip, son of Amyntas. The city of the Lacedæmonians by this means much enseebled, continued a long time in subjection and thraldom under the Achaeans. But their State received damaged by no one thing so much, as by the abolishing of the discipline of Lycurgus, to which they had been used and accustomed for the space of seven hundred years.  
Presently after the holding of this Diet, wherein the Achaeans and Lacedæmonians debated their causes before the Consul, M. Fulvius repaired to Rome (for that the year was almost expired) against the solemn election of new magistrates; wherein he created for Consuls, M. Valerius Messala, and C. Livius Salinator, and gave the repulse to M. Aemylius Lepidus his enemy, who that year made suit also to be Consul. This done, there were Pretours also chosen, to wit, Q. Martius Philippus, M. Claundius Marcellus, C. Stertinius, C. Catinius, P. Claudius Pulcher, and Lo. Manlius Acidinius. When this election was ended, at was thought expedient that M. Fulvius should returned into his former province to the army there: and not only he, but his colleague also Cn. Manlius, had their commission revived, and they continued in government another year. The same year according to the direction of the Decemvirs, there was brought into the temple of Hercules the statue of the same god: and within the Capitol were set up by Cn. Cornelius six steeds in gold drawing a chariot with this inscription, That he being Consul, gave that present. Also P. Claudius and Serv. Sulpitius Galbe, AEdiles Curule, hung up twelve brazen shields, made of the fines that certain commudgins paid, for hourding up and keeping in their grain. Moreover Q. Fulvius Flaccus an AEdile of the Commons, erected two golden images raised of the money that one guilty person was condemned in (for they commenced their actions severally by themselves.) As for A. Cecilius his companion, he condemned none. The Roman great games were set forth all throughout, thrice: and the Plebeian plays exhibited likewise full and whole, five times.  
After this, M. Valerius Messala and C. Livius Salinator, entered their Consulship upon the 
,* 〈…〉  15. day of March, and proposed before the Senate as concerning the affairs of the State, touching their provinces also, and the armies. As for AEtolia and Asia, there was no change at all. The Consul, by a decree of the Senate had the charge, one of Pisae, together with the Ligurians; and the other of Gaul: and they were commanded either to agree between themselves, or to cast lots for their provinces. They were enjoined also to levy new armies, and each of them to enrol two legions, and either of them to charge the allies of the Latin nation with 15000 foot, & 1200 horsemen. Unto Messala fell the government of Liguria: and to Salinator of Gaul. After this, the Praetors likewise cast lots for their provinces: the jurisdiction within Rome of citizens was allotted to M. Claudius, and of foreigners to P. Claudius. Sicily to Q. Martius, Sardinia to C. Stertinius, high Spain to L. Manlius, and the low to C. Atinius. As for the armies, ordained it was, that the legions under the conduct of C. Laelius should be withdrawn out of Gaul, and made over to M. Tuccius the Propretour for to serve in the Brutians country. Item, That the forces which were in Sicily should be discharged: and that M. Sempronius the Vizpretor there, should bring from thence the fleet to Rome. Ordained likewise served there; and that both the of Spain should have one legion, which at that time served there; and that both the Praetors should for supply levy of the allies three thousand foot and two hundred horsemen apiece, and transport the same over with them. Now before that these new governors went to their provinces, by order from the whole college & society of the Decemvirs, there was published a general procession and supplication to be holden for 3 days in all the quarrefours or cross streets of the city: for that in the day time between the third hour & the fourth, there arose a general darkness which continued almost all that while. Moreover, a Novendiall sacrifice was published to be celebrated for 9 days together, because on the Aventine hill it had reigned stones.  
The Companes, when as the Censors (by virtue of an act of Senate which passed the former veer) compelled them to be enroled at Rome, (for aforetime they knew not where to be enroled): made petition now that they might contract marriages and take Roman citizens to their wives; and that whosoever had wedded any of them before, might keep them still; and what children forever they had borne before that day, should be reputed legitimate and their rightful heirs. Both suits were granted. As concerning the free burgesses of Formiae, Fundi, and Arpinum, C. Valerius Tappo a Tribune of the Com. preferred a bill, that they might be privileged to give their voices in Rome: for before that time, citizens in deed they were of Rome, (and that was all) for liberty of suffrages they had none. This bill was crossed and nipped by four other Tribunes, because it was propounded without the warrant and approbation of the Senate. But being afterwards better advised and informed, that it appertained to the people and not to the Senate to give their voices where it pleased them, they gave over their enterprise, and opposed themselves no more hinder the proceeding thereof. So it passed; and enacted it was, That the Formians and Fundans should give their voices in the tribe AEmylia; and the Arpinates in Cornelia: so in these tribes than first and never before, were they enroled by an act of the same Valerius. M. Claudius Marcellus the Censor took a survey of the city, and by lot obtained the pre-eminence thereof before his colleague T. Quintius. In which there were numbered 258308 poles of Roman citizens. This review being accomplished, the Consuls took their journeys into their several provinces.  
During that winter season whiles these things thus passed at Rome, there resorted embassages from all States, cities and nations which inhabit on this side Taurus, unto Cn. Manlius first Consul, and afterwards Proconsul, whiles he kept his winter in Asia. And as the victory achieved over Antiochus was more honourable & glorious to the Romans, than that over the Gauls, so the conquest of the Gauls was more joyous and pleasing to the Roman allies, than that other of Antiochus. For the servitude in which the king held them was more tolerable, than the cruelty of these savage and in human barbarians, and the doubtful fear and fright wherein they stood every day; as not knowing how farforth they would proceed, carried so (as it were) in a tempest to walt & spoil them clean. And therefore as nations who by the defeature of Antiochus recovered liberty, & by the subduing of the Gauls enjoyed peace, they presented themselves not only to givethanks and show their contentment in that behalf, but also brought with them certain coronets of gold, every one according to their ability. Likewise there came ambassadors from Antiochus, as also from the very Gauls, to have conditions of peace ministered unto them: yea and from Ariarates king of the Cappadocians, who craved pardon, and offered to buy out his trespass for money, in that he had given aid unto Antiochus: and fined he was to pay 200 talents of silver. The Gauls had this answer returned unto them, That K. Eumenes when he came should render them article of peace. The embassages of the other states and cities were dismissed with gracious answers, and went away better pleased and contented, Than they were at their coming. The ambassadors of Antiochus were commanded to bring the money into Pamphylia, and come likewise, according to the covenant made with L. Scipio: for thither the Consul purposed himself to come with his army. After this, having t aken a review and survey of his forces, he set forward in the beginning of spring, and within 8 days arrived at Apamea. There he sojourned in camp for three days: from thence he removed, and at the third days end came to Pamphylia, thither he had given order to the king's ambassadors to convey their money & corn. There he received 1500 talents of silver which were transported unto Apamea. The corn was divided in the army. From thence he marched to Perga, which was the only country in those parts held with a garrison. When he approached, the captain of the garrison met him on the way, requesting XXX days space, in which time he might know the pleasure of K. Antiochus as touching the rendering of that city. The time was granted, & within that day the garrison quit the place & departed. From Perga he sent his brother L. Manlius with 400 soldiers to Oroanda, for to demand the rest of the money which by promise was due: and himself because he was advertised that K. Eumenes and the deputies or commissioners were come from Rome to Ephesus, retired with his army also to Ephesus, and commanded the ambassadors of Antiochus to follow him thither. There, by the advice of the ten commissioners, a small league was concluded, and comprised in these of such like terms: There shall be armitie and friendship between king Antiochus and the people of Rome, under these conditions ensuing. Imprimis, The king shall not suffer to pass through any part of his realm, or their countries that are under his dominion, any army that intendeth to make war against the people of Rome or their associates, nor aid them with virtuals or any other succour whatsoever. Item, The Romans and their allies shall do the like by Antiochus, and all those that are under his subjection. Item, It shall not be lawful for Antiochus either to make war with those that inhabit the islands, or to pass over into Europe. Item, He shall quit all cities, lands, villages, and fortresses on this side the mountain Taurus unto the river Tanais; and moreover from the foot and the valley under the said hill, unto that ridge thereof which bendeth toward Lycaonia. Item, Out of those towns, territories, and castles which he is to void, he shall carry away no armour: and if he have conveyed from thence any already, he shall duly restore the same to every place accordingly. Item, He shall receive neither soldier nor any other person out of the kingdom of Eumenes. Item, If any citizens belonging to those cities which are dismembered and cut off from his realm, chance to remain now with him, they shall return all to Apamea within a certain day. Item, As many as appertain to the kingdom of Antiochus, and are now with the Romans or their allies, may depart home ortary still at their pleasure. Item, All slaves, whether they be fugitives or taken captive in war; likewise all other persons free o f conditions before, and afterwards either taken prisoners or revolted, he shall deliver again to the Romans and their allies. Item, He shall make delivery of all his elephants, and shall provide himself of no more hereafter. Item, He shall yeeled up all his galleys of war, with the tackling to them belonging: neither shall he keep above ten small vessels, and none of them shall have more than thirty oars to guide and row them; nor so much as one 
,* 〈◊〉  galley with a single bank of oars, to serve in any war that himself shall first begin. Item, He shall not sail within the promontories of Calycadnum & Sarpedon, unless haply there be some ship that bringeth money, ambassadors, or hostages. Item, It shall not be lawful for king Antichus to levy and wage any soldiers out of those nations which are subject to the people of Rome; no nor to entertain so much as voluntaries from thence. Item, What houses and edifices belonging to the Rhodians and their allies, are now within the precincts of the realm of Antiochus, shall return to the said Rhodians and their associates, in as good estate and tenor as they were before the war began. And if any money or debts be to them due, they may demand and recover the same. Item, If ought have been taken from them, they shall have good law and right to search, own, demand, and challenge it again. Item, If any of those cities which ought to be rendered, be held by those unto whom Antiochus hath committed them, he shall withdraw the garrisons from thence, and take order that they be surrendered accordingly. Item, He shall pay within twelve years by even portions, 12000 Attic talents of good and lawful silver: provided, that every talon weigh no less than eighty pound after Roman poise; besides 540000 modij of wheat. Item, He shall pay unto king Eumenes 350 talents within five years; and for corn according to the rate and propo rtion 127 talents. Item, He shall send unto the Romans 20 hostages, and change them for others every three years: provided, that they be not under 18 year of age, nor above 45. Item, If any allies of the people of Rome, begin of their own motion to make war upon king Antichus, it shall be lawful for him to revenge himself, and used forcible means to withstand their violence: yet so, as he hold no city in right of war, nor receive any into amity: and all controversies which shall arise between them, shall be decided by law and justice; or if both parties be so pleased, they shall try the issue by force of arms. Item, it was comprised also within the covenants of this accord. That he should deliver into the Romans hands, Hannibal the Carthaginian, Theas the AEtolian, Mnasimachus the Acarnanian, Eubulus likewise and Philo the Chalcidians. Finally, if ought hereafter happened to be added moreover, or changed otherwise, the same in no case to prejudice any thing contained within the covenants aforesaid. To this accord the Consul swore; & to receive the king's oath likewise, there went unto him Q. Minutius Thermus and L. Manlius, he who fortuned at that time to return from the Oroadians. And the Cos. wrote his letters to Q.Fab. Lebeo admiral of the fleet, presently to come to Patara, and what ships soever of the kings were there, to hew them in pieces, and make a light fire of them. So he departed from Ephesus, and either brake into fitters or burnt, 50 covered ships belonging to the king. In the same voyage & exploit he surprised and won Telmessus, by reason that the townsmen were so affrighted at the sudden coming of the fleet. Then forthwith he departed out of Lycia, and having given order to those that were left behind at Ephesus to follow after, he crossed the seas (between the islands) over into Greece. After he had sojourned some few days at Athens, until the ships from Ephesus were entered into the harbour of Pyraeum: from thence he brought back his whole armada to Italy. Cn. Manlius having received (among other things which were to be yielded up of Antiochus) the elephants also, and bestowed them all freely upon Eumenes; gave audience to the controversies of many cities and states, amongst whom (during these changes and alterations) there arose sundry troubles and much variance. And Ariarates the king, who by the means and mediation of Eumenes (unto whom about that time he had affianced his daughter in marriage) was discharged and had acquittance for the one moiety of the money imposed upon him, entered into amity with the people of Rome. When the differences of the cities aforesaid were debated and known, The ten Commissioners set down an order between them, respectively to their condition. To as many as had been tributaries to king Antiochus, and yet sided with the people of Rome in affection, they granted franchise and immunity: but as many as took part with Antiochus, or were tributaries unto king Attalus, those were commanded to pay their customs and duties to king Eumenes. Moreover, they freed and exempted from all task and tallage (expressly by name) the Colophomans inhabiting Notium, together with the Cymeans and the Milesians Unto the Clazonemians (over and besides the same freedom) they gave the Island Drymusa. To the Mislesians also the territory called Sacer: to the Ilians, they annexed Rhaeteum and Gergithus, not so much for any fresh and late deserts, as in memorial of their ancient beginning and foundation; which was the cause also that they set Dardanus free. Semblably the Chians, Smyrneans, and Erythraeans, for their singular loyalty and devoir which they showed in that war, they not only endued with fair lands and territories, but also graced with all kind of honour and reputation above the rest. Moreover, the Phocaeans had both their own lands restored unto them which they enjoyed before the war, and also liberty to live under their ancient laws. As for the Rhodians, they had those things now confirmed and established unto them, which by a former decree were granted and to better their estate, Lycia, and Caria were bestowed upon them, as far as the river Maeander, all save the city Telmessus. Unto the dominion of king Eumenes, they laid Chersonesus in Europe; and Lysimachia, with all the castles; villages, and lands thereto belonging, in as large terms and ample manner as Antiochus held the same: also within Asia, the one and the other Phrygia, as well that which consineth upon Hellespont, as the other which they call the Greater. Moreover, they restored unto him Mysia, which king Prusias had taken from him: over and besides, Lycaonia, Mylias, and Lydia; together with these cities by special name, Tralleis, Ephesus, and Telmessus. As touching Pamphylia, some debate there was between the agents of Eumenes and the Ambassadors for Antiochus, because one part thereof is situate on this side the mount Taurus, and the other lieth beyond. The decision of this controversy was wholly referred to the arbitrement of the Senate. Manlius having set down these covenants and decrees, departed with the ten Legates and all his army toward Hellespont; and when he had caused the princes of the Gau les thither to repair before him, he declared unto them in what terms, & under what conditions they should entertain peace with Eumenes: and therewith he gave them warning, to leave their manner of roding and roving in hostile wise by force of arms, and to contain themselves within the precints and bounds of their own territories. After this, having gathered into oneplace all the vessels from the sea coasts, together with the entire flore of king Eumenes, which by his brother Achaeneus was brought from Elea, he transported all his forces into Europe. From whence he marched through Chersonnesus by short and easy journeys, because his army was heavily charged with prizes and booties of all sorts; and encamped at Lysimachia, purposing there to rest a while, to the end that his traveling beast of draft and carriage, might be fresh and in good heart to pass through Thracia, which was a voyage and journey commonly feared and abhorred. The same day that he dislodged from Lysimachia, he came to the river which they call Melas, & from thence the next day to Cypsela. When they were past Cypsela, they had for ten miles almost no other way, but through wild woods, narrow straits, and those rough withal and uneven underfoot For the difficulty of which passage, the army was divided into two parts. The one he commanded to march before, the other to come behind in the rearward a great distance after, and in the midst between, he bestowed the carriages with bag and baggage, & amongst them were wagons and wanes, laden with the public treasure, and other pillage of great price. As he thus marched through the straight pass, there were about ten thousand and not above, raised out of four nations of Asia, to wit, the Astians', Caenians, Maduarenes, and Coeleres, who be set the straits to debar them of passage. It was supposed that king Philip of Macedon his hand was herein, and that they entered not into this action without his privity and fraudulent practice; who as he knew that the Romans could return no other way but by Thracia, so he was ware and wist well enough what a mass of money they carried with them. The Roman General himself was in the vaward, careful only & troubled aboutthe difficulty of the way. All this while the Thracians sat still and stirred not, until the armed soldiers were passed by. But when they perceived once, that the vanguard was gotten out of the straits, and that the rearward was far enough behind, they fell in hand with the packs and coffers of the carriages; and after they had killed the guards, some of them ransacked and rifted that which was in the wagons, others led away the pack horses and other sumpter beasts with their load and burden on their backs. Hereupon arose a cry and alarm, and was first heard of those that followed, but afterwards of them also in the forward, and so from both ends they ran to the midst, and at one time in divers places, skirmished without all order confusedly. The Thracians heavily charged and encombered with pillage, and most of them without any weapon at all, because they might have the use of their hands more nimble and deliver to snatch and catch unto them their prizes, were by this means more exposed to receive hurt, and soon killed. The Romans again were much distressed and annoyed through the disadvantage of the ground and the ways; which the barbarous people were well enough acquainted with, and out of them would issue forth to encounter, and otherwhiles lurk within hollow blind caves, and not be seen. The very packs likewise and the wagons, standing and lying untowardly in the way, sometime of one, and sometime of other (as it happened) troubled and hindered their much in their fight. So as here in one place lay the these dead, there in another the true man that pursued him. And according as the plot of ground was good or bad, as well for the one sort as the other, as their hearts and courages served or failed them, and as the number was more or less, so the medley and fight was variable: and in one word, of both sides many a man lay in the dust and lost his life. By which time the might approached, and the Thracians departed out of the conflict, not so much to avoid wounds and for fear of death, as for that they had sped themselves sufficiently of prizes. The Romance vaward encamped without the forest, in the open ground about the temple of 
,* 〈◊〉  Bendis. The rearward remained still behind in the middlest of the woods to guard their carriage, fortified within a double palisado of strong stakes. The morrow after, when they had well discovered by their espials the way before them, they joined themselves with the vanguard. In this battle (over and besides a great part of their pillage lost, and a number of camp-followers and lackeys slain, with some soldiers also, for that there was skirmishing every where throughout the chase) there died Q. Minutius Thermus: and a right great losle there was of him, for he was a man of much valour and execution. That day the army marched as far as to the river Herbus. From whence they passed through the confines of the AEnians, near unto the temple of Apollo, whom the inhabitants name Zerynthius. And there they met with another straight passage about a place called Tempyra, as rough and cumbersome under foot as the former. But for as much as there were no woods about it, it yielded no good place for ambushes. Howbeit the Thrausians (a people likewise of Thrace) assembled together, hoping also to light upon the like booty. But by reason that the valleys lay naked and open, so as if any beset the narrow ways they might be discovered a far off, the Romans were less afraid and troubled. For say that they were to fight in some place of disadvauntage, yet they might arraunge themselves in battle ray in open field, and joined in close fight hand to hand. Being therefore embarrelled in squadrons thick and strong, they charged the enemy with a great shout and cry, and at the first shock forced them to recoil and lose ground, and afterwards to turn back and fly. And in the rout they were beaten down and killed; for even their own straits which they seized for their vantage, impeached and hindered themselves. The Romans having gotten the victory, encamped near a village of the Maronites, called Sare. The next day they marched through the champain open country Priaticus, where they sojourned three days to take in come, partly from out of the fields of the Maronites, which willingly of themselves they conferred upon them, and partly out of their own ships, which followed after, well furnished with all kind of provision. From this giste they made but one days journey to Appolonia, and so passing through the territory of the Abderites, they came to Naples. All this way they journeied peaceably through the Colonies of the Greeks. But the rest behind, if it were not dangerous unto them for any hostility, yet suspected still it was, all the while that they passed night and day through the midst of the Thracians, until at length they came into Macedon. The same army conducted sometime before by Scipio that very way, found the Thracians more gentle and tractable, for no other cause, but that they had less store of pillage and booty with them to set their teeth on water, and fingers on itching. And yet even thenalso (as Claudius writeth) there were a fifteen thousand Thracians that encountered Mutines the Numidian, as he marched before the avauntguard to discover the coasts; and he saith, that he had in his company four hundred Numidian horsemen, and some few elephants: also that his son, with an elect wing of a hundred and fifty horse, broke through the midst of the enemies, who also within a while after, (when his father Mutines having placed the elephants in the midst, and the horsemen in the flanks, joined in battle with his enemies, charged them upon the backs, and put them in great fear) by means of which slorme and tempest (as it were) of the cavalry, they never came so far, as to deal with the barrel of the footmen. Cn. Manlius led his army through Macedon into Thessaly, and marching on by the way of Epirus, arrived at Apollonia, where he abode all winter. For he made not to light a matter of winter sailing, that he durst take the sea, and hazard the passage at that time of the year.  
The year almost expired, M. Valerius the Consul returned out of Liguria to Rome, for the creation of new magistrates, having achieved no such memorable exploit in his province during the time of his government, as might have yielded any colourable reason of his long slay, in that he came more tardy (than the usual manner was) to the assembly for an election of Consuls: (for holden it was upon the 
,* 18 of February.  12 calends of March) wherein were created, Mar. Aemylius Lepidus and C. Flaminius. The next day after, these Praetors were elected; namely, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, Ser. Sulpitius Galba, Q. Terentius culeo, L. Terentius Massaliota, Q. Fulvius Flaccus, and M. Furius Crassipes. After the election of magistrates, the Consul proposed to the Senate as touching the provinces and governments of the Praetors. And the LL. decreed, that two of them should remain at Rome, to minister laws and execute justice: other two should be employed out of Italy, in Sicily and Sardinia: two in Italy, to wit, at Tarentum and in Gaul. Immediately before they entered into office, they were enjoined to cast lots: and Ser. Sulpitius had the jurisdiction of the citizens, and Q. Terentius of strangers and aliens: L. Terentius took the charge of Sicily, Q. Fulvius of Sardinia, Ap. Claudius was to govern Tarentum, & M. Furius to rule Gallia. It fortuned the same year, that L. Minutius Mytilus and L. Manlius were delivered to the Carthaginian Ambassadors, by the hands of the Faeciall heralds at the commandment of M. Claudius' Praetor of the city for the time being, and transported over to Carthage, for that the voice and speech went, That they had beaten the said ambassadors. A bruit and rumour there was of a great Senate ordained to both the new Consuls the province of Liguria, that day on which they propounded unto the Senate to Consult about the provinces and the affairs of the Commonweal. But Lepidus the Consul opposed himself against this their act and ordinance, alleging That it was a shameful indignity, that both the Consuls should be shut up and enclosed within the valleys of Liguria; whereas for two years already M. Fulvius and Cn. Manlius had reigned like kings, the one in Europe, the other in Asia, in steed of Philip and Antiochus. And if (quoth he) it be the pleasure of the Senate that there should be armies maintained in those parts, more meet iwis it were, that Consuls should have the command & conduct thereof, than those private persons. As for them, they range about those nations, terrifying them with threats of war, against whom there hath been none proclaimed; making merchandise and selling peace among them for sums of money. Now if it be requisite and needful to keep two armies for the government and defence of those provinces, like as M. Fulvius and Cn. Manlius Consuls, succeeded M. Atilius and L. Scipio Consuls: so C. Livius and M. Valerius the Consuls ought to have entered in place of Falvius and Manlius. At leastwise now, when the AEtolian war is finished and brought to an end, Asia recovered and conquered from Antiochus, and the Gauls vanquished and subdued, either ought Consuls to be sent unto their armies, or else the legions to be brought back from thence, and at length delivered to the Commonweal.  
The Senate notwithstanding they gave him the hearing, persisted still in their resolution, that both Consuls should be employed in the province of Liguria. Yet thought good it was, that Manlius and Fulvius should leave their provinces, withdraw their forces from thence, and return to Rome. And old grudge there was and a cankered enmity between the said M. Fulvius, and M. Aemylius the Consul: and among other matters of discontentment, Aeymylius gave out, that by the means of Fulvius, himself was created Consul two years later than otherwise he should have been. And therefore to work him despite and make him odious to the world, he caused the ambassadors of Ambracia (whom he had suborned and set on for to lay matters to his charge) to enter into the Senate house. These being in place, complained that M. Fulvius had warred upon them, at what time as they were in peace, performed all that other Consuls before had imposed upon them, and were also ready in all duty and allegiance to do the same unto him. First our land and territories say they, were piteously spoiled & wasted: then were we terrified with the sacking of our city, and threatened with the kill of our people, that for very fear we were forced to shut out gates. Afterwards we were beleaguered and assaulted, and against us all kinds of hostility practised, by sword, by fire, by ruinating and ransacking our city. Our wives, our children, have been led and haled into captivity and bondage; our goods violently taken from us (and that which above all went nearest to our heart) our temples throughout the whole city despoiled and robbed of their goodly ornaments: the images of our gods, and finally our gods themselves plucked out of their shrines and places and so carried away; yea, the very walls and pillers-left bare and naked, so as the Ambracians have no gods remaining amongst them to adore, and to whom they might make their prayers and supplications. As they poured out their complaints, the Consul of a mind to aggravate and heap more matter upon his adversary, ceased not to propose unto them many interrogatories (as it was complotted between them before) and drew them on to speak many things, as if with their good will they would not have uttered them. When the rest of the LL. were moved herewith, than the other Consul C. Flaminius undertook the apology and defence of M. Fulvius, saying, that the Ambracians trod in an old beaten way, and did no otherwise than some before them had done. For even so was M. Marcellus accused by the Syracusians, so was Q. Fulvius charged by the Capuans. And why by the same means suffered they not T. Quintius to be charged by king Philip, M. Acilius and L. Scipio by Antiochus, Cn. Manlius by the Gauls, and the same Fulvius himself by the AEtolians and people of Cephalenia? That Ambracia was assaulted, battered, and forced in the end; that images and ornaments were taken from thence; that other acts were done and committed, which usually follow upon the winning of towns, think ye my LL. that either I in the behalf of Fulvius will deny, or Fulvius himself will disavow? who, in regard of these worthy exploits and noble acts, is minded to demand at your hands the honour of a Triumph, who purposeth to carry before his triumphant chariot the portraiture of Ambracia as it was taken, the images which they accuse him to have carried away, and other spoils of that city; yea and to set them upon the posts of his house for a memorial to posterity? No reason there is that the Ambracians should sever themselves from the AEtolians, and do more than they, for their case and condition is all one. And therefore let my colleague show his ranchor and malice, and bewray a festered enmity in some other cause: or if he will needs follow and pursue this forward, let him entertain and keep still his Ambracians unto the coming of M. Fulvius. And for mine own part, I will suffer no act to pass either of the Ambracians or the AEtolians, so long as M. Fulvius is absent. Aemylius accused his enemy for having a crafty head of his own, and for his subtle fetches, as being notorious and well known to all men for no better; saying, that full cunningly he would trifle out the time, and make delays all the year long, that he might not come to Rome so long as his adversary was Consul. Thus in this debate between the two Consuls two days were spent, and nothing else done. And it appeared evidently that so long as Flaminius was in place and presence, nothing could be concluded and determinined. Whereupon a time was spied out when Flaminius chanced to be sick, and by that occasion was away. Then upon a motion made by Aemylius there passed an act of the Senate, That the Ambracians should have all their goods restored unto them again; that they should enjoy their freedom and franchises, and live under their own laws: and finally might take what customs, toll and imposts they would for portage, as well by land as sea: provided always that the Romans, and their allies the Latins, should be exempted and free therefrom. As for the images and other ornaments which they complained were taken out of their sacred temples, the Senate ordained that when M. Fulvius was returned to Rome, the college of the Pontifies should have the hearing and deciding thereof, and look what they awarded and set down, it should stand and be performed accordingly. And the Consul not content with all this, took the vantage when there were but few Senators in the house, and procured an other act of Senate in this form, That they judged Ambracia not to be reputed a city forced by assault. This done, there was by virtue of an order from the Decemvirs a solemn supplication holden three days for the health of the people, in regard of a grievous pestilence that dispeopled both city and country. After that, the Latin feasts and holidays were celebrated. When the Consuls had accomplished these devotions, and rid their consciences of scruple, and withal made a full and complete levy to furnish their legions (for both of them were desirous to have new soldiers) they departed into their provinces, and cassed all the old.  
After the Consul were set forward on their journey, the Proconsul Cn. Manlius returned home to Rome. For those sake the praetor Servius Sulpitius assembled the Senate in the temple of Bellona. Where after relation made of his deeds achieved, he demanded that in consideration thereof, due honour and thanksgeving should be rendered to the immortal gods, and withal, that himself might ride triumphant into the city. The most part of the Legates and Commissioners, who had been with him gainsaid and denied the same, and above all the rest L. Furius Purpurio, and L. Aemilius Paulus, who stepped forth, and informed against him in these terms: That they had been sent in commission to assist Cn. Manlius, for the making of a peace with Antiochus, and finishing of that accord and those covenants and conditions, which were commenced and begun between him and L. Scipio. Yet Cn. Manlius say they, endeavoured all that ever he could to trouble that peace, yea and to have surprised and entrapped Anticchus by trains of ambush, if he had ever come in his way, or within his reach. But the king being ware of the Consul his fraud and deceit, albeit there was made great means many a time to have caught him by colour of parley and conference, yet avoided evermore not only to have speech and communication with him, but also to come within his sight. And when Maulius would needs have passed over Taurus, hardly and with much ado could he be keptback, notwithstanding all the commissioners prayed and befought him to stay, and not to hazard himself and incur the danger of a notable loss and overthrow, foretold by the verses and prophecies of Sibylla to light upon them that would pass beyond the bounds limited by the fatail destinies. All this notwith standing he advanced forward and approached with his army, yea and encamped near the very pitch and top of the mountain, where all the water that falleth from above, runneth contrary ways into divers seas. And when he could find no quarrel there for which he might make war (because the king's people & subjects were still and quiet) he turned the army about to the Gallogreeks, against which nation there was no war intended, either by warrant and authority from Senate, or by grant and commission from the people. And what man was ever so hardy and bold, as to war upon his own head? The wars against Antiochus, Philip, Hannibal, and the Carthaginians, are most fresh in each man's remembrance: and of all these, the Senate was consulted with, and the people granted their ordinance. Ambassadors many a time and often were addressed before: restitution & amends were by order demanded: and last of all, heralds were sent, solemnly to denounce & proclaim war. Now tell me, Cn. Manlius, Which of all these things were done; that we may call this by the name of a public war, allowed by the State of the people of Rome, and not rather a private brigandage & robbery of your own? But contented you yourself with this, & did you no more? marched you directly forward, and took you nothing but that which was in your way; leading your army agaisnt those only whom you took to be your enemies? or rather at all turnings and quarrefours, nay at every sorked high way leading on both hands, when you were at a stand, followed not you like a mercenary and waged Consul unto Attalus (king Eumenes his brother) with the Roman aremie, what hand soever he turned and marched? There was not a crank and nouke but you visited; there was not a corner that you left unsearched, in all Pisidia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia. There was not a tyrant, prince not potentate, there was not a lord of any borough or castle, how far soever out of the way, but you had a saying to them to pill and poll them, and to pick with out of their purses. For what business had you with the Oroandians? What had you to do with other nations, as innocent and guiltless as they? Now as concerning the war, (in regard whereof you demand a triumph) in what sort managed you it? Fought you a battle either in place commodious, or time convenient? Cerres, I must needs say, great reason you have and good cause, to require that honour and praise be given to the immortal gods; first, for that their gracious will and pleasure was, that the army should not smart for the temerity and rashness of their chief leader, warring as he did against the law of nations: then, in that they presented unto us, not men indeed for enemies, but very beasts and no better. For ye must not think, that it is the name only of the Gallogreeks, which is mingled and compounded; for long time before, both their bodies and minds have been mixed and corrupted, and the men themselves bastard and degenerate from their first nature. Had they been the same Gauls with whom we have fought a thousand times in Italy, and with doubtful issue, and lost as much as we won, and every foot received as good as we brought, think ye there would have returned one messenger from thence, to bring us news, for any good at leastwise that our General there did? Twice he came to conflict with them; twice he encountered them in place of disadvantage; mounting with his army against the hill, and ranged in the bottom of the valley even under the enemy's feet: in such sort, that if they had lanced no darts against us from the higher ground, but only come upon us with their naked and disarmed bodies, they had been able to have overcome us and gone over our bellies. And what happened hereupon? Godamercy the good fortune of the people of Rome: we may thank (I say) the great and terrible name of the Romans. The fresh renown of the late ruins and overthrows of Hannibal, Philip, and Antiochus, amazed and astonished (as one would say) these men with their so corpulent and mighty bodies; with slings and arrow-shot only were they discomfited and put to flight, so affrighted were they. There was not a sword once bloodied in all this Gauls war: at the first twang of the bow and singing of the arrow, they fled away, like swarms of bees with ringing of basins. And yet believe me, even we the same & no other (as if fortune would admonish and show what had become of us if we had affronted an enemy indeed) in our return, when we fortuned to light upon certain petty robbers and thieves of Thrace, were sound beaten, killed, and put to flight, and spoiled and well stripped of our bag and baggage. Q. Minutius Thermus (by whose death we have sustained a far greater loss, than if Cn. Manlius had miscarried, whose rashness was the cause of all this calamity and misfortune) with many a tall and valiant man besides, lost his life in this skirmish. Our host, bringing away with them the spoil and pillage of king Antiochus, was dismembered and parted into three troops: the vaward in oneplace, the rereguard in another, and the carriages in a third, were feign to take up their lodging one whole night amongst bushes, briers, and brambles, and lurk within the caves and dens of wild beasts. Are these the brave and worthy exploits, for which you demand a triumph? But say, that you had received in Thrace, neither damage nor dishonour; which be the enemies over whom you would needs triumph in all the haste? I trow they be those, whom the Senate and people of Rome destined and assigned to be your enemies: for so, was triumph granted to this L. Scipio here in place: so likewise to that M. Acilius before him, over king Antiochus: so also erewhile to T. Quintius for the victory of Philip: and so to conclude, unto P. Asricanus for subduing Hannibal, the Carthaginians, and king Syphax. And when the Senate had ordained war, yet before they enterprised and began these high and haughty affairs, they made some doubt and pause in such petty circumstances as these, to wit, unto whom they should send defiance and denounce the said war: whether to the kings themselves in their own person; or it were sufficient to give intimation to one garrison or other within their fortresses. And would ye now (my masters) that all these observations and ceremonies should be polluted and confounded, that the rights and laws of the Feciales and heralds should be abolished, and that there shall be no more Feciall at all. But let religion and divine service (God forgive me if I seem to blaspheme) be trodden under foot: suppose the gods were utterly forgotten of you, and their remembrance quite exiled out of your hearts: Is it your pleasure also, and think ye it meet, that the Senate be consulted no more for their advice in question of war? or that a bill be not propounded to the people, in this wise: Pleaseth it you or no, to ordain that war believed against the Gauls? The other day, and no longer since, the Consuls were desirous and earnest to govern Greece and Asia, yet when they perceived you to be resolute and persist still in assigning unto them both, the province of Liguria, they were content and obeyed. Great reason shall they have therefore to demand a triumph at your hands, after they have achieved an happy victory and finished that war, which they first enterprised under your warrant and authority. After this manner as ye have heard, spoke Furius and Aemylius. And Manlius again, as we find in record, answered thus, or much to this effect, as followeth: Right honourable and my very good LL. the Tribunes of the Commons were ever wont aforetime, to repugn and crossed them that demanded triumph: and I take myself much beholden unto them for this favour, that either in their love to myself, or in regard of my great and notable exploits, they have not only by their silence given their consent for my honour, but also seem ready and priest to propound the same unto the people, if need had been. But now forsooth, whom haveI (and God will) for mine adversaries, but even some of my ten adjacents or suffragans, whom our ancestors thought good to give unto their Generals in the war, as a counsel both to assist and aid them, and also to countenance and grace them in their victory? L. Furius and L. Aemylius are the men and none but they, who inhibit and debar me for mounting up into the triumphant chariot; they are ready to pluck from my head the glorious and honourable crown that I should wear: even those (I say) whom (If the Tribunes had hindered and impeached my triumph) I would have reported myself unto as witness of my worthy acts. Certes (my LL.) fair be it from me, that I should envy and repine at the honour of any man: but I remember well, that of late days when certain Tribunes of the Common state (men of great courage and action) went about to stay and forbid the triumph of Q. Fabius Labeo, ye by your authority diverted and shared them from that intended enterprise; and he triumphed in the end, notwithstanding his adversaries gave out and said aloud, not that he had fought a war unjustly, but in reproachful manner charged him, That he had not so much as set eye upon the enemy. And I, who have so often in ranged battle fought with an hundred thousand most fierce and warlike enemies, slain or taken prisoners more than 40000 of them, forced and won two of their camps: and left all places on this side the ridge of the mountain Taurus, more peaceable and quiet than is the land of Italy, am not only frustrate and put beside my triumph, but also stand here before your honours to defend myself against the challenge of these mine own Counsel and Suffragans. Which accusation of theirs, consisteth (as ye have heard my LL.) of two principal points: for objected they have, first, that I ought not at all to have made war with the Gauls; and secondly, that I conducted and managed the same, rashly and without discretion. The Gauls (say they) were no enemies of ours; but being quiet in peace, and ready to do whatsoever they were charged, were by you abused and wronged. I will not require (my LL.) that ye should have the same hard conceit of the Gauls which inhabit in Asia, as touching their cruelty and mortal hatred against the Roman name, which ye know generally to be in the people of the Gauls: Do but consider and judge of these Gauls as they be in themselves simply without respect of the infamous name and odious opinion that goeth of the whole generation: o that king Eumenes were here. Would to God that all the States of Asia were present in place, that ye might hear them rather what complaints they would make, than myself accusing of them. Send but your ambassadors to all the cities of Asia, and inquire whether servitude were greater and more grievous, that which they were delivered from by the chase of Antiochus beyond the mountain Taurus, or this whereof they are now eased by the subduing of the Gauls? Let them relate unto you, and make report how often their territories have been wasted by them, how many booties have been driven, and prizes carried away out of them, and how they were brought to so low a pass, that they hardly could find means and make any shift to redeem their prisoners by ransom. Let them tell you what they heard there besides, how they killed men, yea and their children, to sacrifice, unto their gods. But know ye now from me, that your allies yielded tribute to the Gauls, yea, and should have paid still at this day, notwithstanding they were by you delivered from their subjection undertaking Antiochus, if I had not bestirred myself the better. For the farther that Antiochus was removed from them, the more proudly and outrageously would these Gauls have ruled like LL. over all Asia, and whatsoever lands had lain on this side the top of the mount Taurus, you should have laid to the signory of the Gauls and not annexed to your own Empire and dominion. All this is true will some one say, & what of all that? These Gauls likewise once spoilt the temple at Delphos, reputed in times past the common Oracle of the whole world, and situate in the very heart and midst of the earth, and yet the people of Rome neither denounced nor made war for all that. Certes I always would 〈◊〉 thought there had been some difference to be made between those days, when as neither 〈◊〉 nor Asia was under your jurisdiction and obedience (that you should need to take care 〈◊〉 ●●gard of what was done in those parts) and this present time, in which ye have set the mountain 〈◊〉 to be the bound and limit, whereunto your Empire extendeth; in which you give free 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 immunity to cities; in which ye enlarge the confines of some, & take in the precincts 〈…〉 these cities with forfeiture & loss of their territories, punishing those with taxes 〈…〉 tributes: in which I say, you augment and diminish realms, give and take away kingdoms 〈◊〉 your good pleasure; and in one word, in which ye judge it a matter that concerneth you, to 〈◊〉 that there may be a general peace both on land and sea. Were you of opinion indeed, that Asia might not be counted free, unless Antiochus had withdrawn his garrisons, which kept quiet within their fortresses and castles, and stirred not forth? and thought you withal, that your 〈◊〉 granted unto king Eumenes, might be assured unto him, and the freedom likewise of the cities, established unto them, if whole armies of Gauls might range all about too and fro in those countries? But why stand I so much arguing and reasoning in this manner, as if I had not found the Gauls enemies, but rather caused them to be our enemies? O L. Scipio, I call you here to witness, into whose charge and government I succeeded, whose virtue and felicity withal, I besought the immortal gods to vouchsafe unto me (and my prayer was not in vain;) and you likewise, o Pab. Scipio, who with the Cos. your brother & in the whole army, had the room & place indeed of an adjoinct lieutenant & no more, but carried the majesty of a Colleague & joint companion; speak frankly both of your upon your knowledge, whether whole legions of Gauls served norm in the army of Antiochus? Tell us, whether you saw them not in the field, marshaled in both the points and flanks of the main battle, as the very flower & strength of the whole puissance of Antiochus? Say directly, fought ye not with them, slew you them not, & carried away their spoils, as undoubted and lawful enemies? And yet both Senate decreed and people ordained war with Antiochus by name, and not with the Gauls. But I trow (or else I am much deceived) within this decree and ordinance, they included all those besides that came to aid and assist him. Of whom (excepting Antiochus himself, with whom Scipio had articled peace and alliance, and ye also had expressly given order therefore) they all were our enemies no doubt, who had born arms against us in the quarrel and behalf of the said Antiochus. Now albeit the Gauls above all others were comprised in this number, together with some petty kings and tyrants besides; yet I contracted accord and peace with others, (after I had forced them to suffer due punishment according to their trespass) as same forth as I thought it expedient for the honour of your Empire: yea, and I aslaied also to gain and win the hearts of the Gauls, if happily it had been possible to have dulced and reclaimed them from their inbred fierceness and natural cruelty. But when I perceived that they were untractable, untamed, and implacable, then and not before I resolved, that it was high time to bridle and bring them into order by violence and force of arms. Now that I have cleared the former point of my accusation, as touching the enterprise of the war, it remaineth that I yield you an account of the conduct thereof. Wherein verily I would make no doubt to approve mine innocence, and justify the goodness of my cause, if I were to plead, I say not, in the Senate of Rome, but even at the counsel table of Carthage; where (as men say) they make no more ado, but truss up, hand, & crucie their Generals, if they proceed to execution of any service in war with bad advice and counsel, although the issue and event be never so good. But in that city, which therefore useth the name of the gods both before they begin, & also when they proceed to the managing of all their affairs, (because no person should come to destract or deprave that maliciously, which the gods have once approved) and which city in the grant and ordinance either of procession or triumph, useth this solemn form of words: For that he hath well and happily administered and managed the weal public; In this city, I say, If I were unwilling, nay, if I reputed it an odious matter, and savouring too much of pride and arrogance, to vaunt myself and boast of mine own prowess; yet if in regard of the happy success and felicity of myself and mine army, in that without any loss of soldiers, we vanquished and subdued so great and mighty a nation, I demanded first that due honour and thanksgiving should be rendered unto the immortal gods, and then, that I might myself and mount up the Capitol in triumph, from whence I descended to take my voyage, after I had conceived and pronounced my vows, and made my prayers after the solemn and religious order; would ye deny both me and the immortal gods also? Yes marry would you, and why? Forsooth I fought in a place of disadvauntage. But tell me then, I pray you, in what ground I might have fought with better vantage? considering the enemies were seized of the hill, and kept themselves within their strength and fort. I should have gone unto them, if I had been willing to have vanquished and overcome them. What? how if they had been there within a strong city? how if they had kept within the walls, and would not have issued forth? You must then have laid siege unto them and given the assault. Must I so indeed? And how I pray? Fought M. Acihus (I beseech you) at Thermopylae in a place of advantage? Why? did not T. Quintius after this manner dispossess Philip of the high mountains, which he held over the river Aous? In faith, I cannot yet devise what kind of enemies they either imagine to themselves they were, or would have you to take and esteemed them to be. If degenerate, if effeminate, if enervate with the delights and pleasures of Asia, what danger was it to march up the hill against them with all disadvantage? If redoubted and terrible for fierce courage and bodily strength, deny ye triumph for so noble a victory? Envy (my good LL.) is blind, and can skill of nothing but to detract and desame virtues, to falsify and corrupt the honours and rewards due thereto. Pardon me I beseech your HH. and hold me excused, if I have been over long and tedious. It is not, I assure you, any delight and pleasure that I take to put forth and glorify myself, but a necessity imposed upon me (in mine own defence, to confute these crimes objected against me) which hath driven mine Oration out in length. To proceed, was it possible also that in Thrace I could make the passes within the forests large and wide, which naturally were straight & narrow? the ground plain & smooth, which by nature was uneven and rugged? Could I make level downs of steep mounts? open champion & fair fields of woodland overgrown, & tough wylds. Lay it in me, to prevent those Thracian thieves that they should not hide themselves within their peakish holes & ordinary covert musets; Was it in my power, to impeach them that they might snatch and carry away nothing of our baggage? Was I able to warrant that none of our labouring beast out of so great a number, should be driven & led away from their company? that no person should be hurt? and finally, that Q. Minusius a brave and hardy knight, should not die of his wound? My adversaries press hard and stand much upon this misfortune, that it was our unlucky hap to lose so worthy a gentleman: but they never think that if they would say nothing but suppress & conceal all, yet you should know (since the whole army is here present to testify that which I say) That althought the enemy assailed us in a narrow straight, in an inconvenient place of great disadvantage, yet both of our battalion at once, as well the vanguard as rearward, compassed the army of the Barbarians busy & occupied in rifling of our sardage, slew many thousands of them that very day, & within few days after either killed or took prisoners a greater number of them by far. Well, if I had not drawn a sword in Asia, if I had not seen an enemy there, yet I Proconsul had deserved a triumph well enough for those two battles in Asia. But enough hath been said of these matters, and I am to request you rather (my Lords all) to forgive me for my boldness, if I have held you longer than my will and desire was.  
The accusation that day had prevailed more than his own defence, but that they continued arguing and debating in the Counsel-house until it was late in the evening. Then the Senate arose with this mind (as if should seem) to deny him a triumph. The next morrow, the kinsfolk and friends of Cn. Manlius, laboured all that ever they could. Likewise the authority of the ancients stood him in great steed; who said plainly that the precedent could not be found in any histories, That a general who had vanquished his enemies, accomplished the full time of government in his province, and brought his army back, returned into the city as a private person, without the honour of the triumphant chariot and the laurel garland. The very indignity and shame of this example, surmounted the malice of his adversaries, in so much as the Senators in a frequent assembly granted this triumph.  
The remembrance and memory of this debate, was afterwards drowned in a greater contention, that arose with a far mightier and more noble parsonage. For as Valerius Antius hath recorded, the two QQ. Petilij, called P. Scipio Africanus into question, and set him down a day petemptorily to make his appearance, and answer for himself. This action divers men construed diversely, according to their several disposition and affection. Some blamed not so much the Tribunes of the Commons, as the whole city in general, for suffering such an abuse; discoursing in this wise: That the two chiefest States and Commonwealths in the world were become come at one time unthankful, but Rome more ungrateful of the twain. For Carthage being subdued, had banished Hannibal likewise vanquished: but Rome a victress was about to expulse Africanus a conqueror. Others again reasoned thus: that in no State there ought to be a citizen so preminent and high above the rest, that he might not be under law, and brought to answer unto interrogatories accordingly. And nothing preserveth isonomie in a city, & maintaineth equal liberty more, than to have the mightiest man to hold up his hand at the bar. For what may be safely committed to any man (and surely the sovereign rule of the state lest of all other things) if he be not to yield an account of the managing of his affairs? And verily, he that cannot abide to be equal unto others, to proceed against such a one by rigour and force, is no injustice at all. Thus men commonly talked pro & contra, until the judicial day came of his personal appearance, and answer to be made. Never was there man known before that day (no not Scipio himself when he was at the highest, either Consul or Censor) accompanied with a greater train of men of all degrees and qualities, than he that day was conducted unto the common place and court of Pleas as an accused person, there to plead his cause. Being commanded to speak in his own defence, he began his oration without any mention at all of the imputations and matters with which he was charged, and entered into a discourse of the acts by him achieved; and that with such a majesty and magnificence as it was well known and confessed, that never man was praised either better or more truly than he. For with what courage and mind he achieved those his brave exploits in deed, with the same spirit he delivered them in words. And no man thought him tedious and was weighed to hear his speech, because all that he related was for his own defence in this his danger, and not upon vainglory and ostentation. The Tribunes of the Commons his adversaries, when they had laid open certain supposed crimes committed of old, as touching his wasteful excess whiles he wintered in Syracuse; as also the riot and outrage of Pleminius which happened at Locri; they proceeded to charge him by presumptions and suspicions, rather than by direct evidences and prouses, for embezzeling and averting to his proper use certain treasure gotten from king Antiochus; and namely, that his son being taken prisoner, was rendered unto him without ransom; and that in all other things, Scipio was respected and regarded of Antiochus, as if he alone had carried the Roman peace and war under his girdle. Also that he bore a strong hand over the Consul, more likeywis a dictator and absolute commander, than a Lieutenant and assistant unto him, all the while he was in the province. Neither aimed he and shot at any other mark, when he went that journey, but that the same, which long before was notoriously known to Spain, Gaul, Sicily and Africa, might as evidently appear to Greece, to Asia, and to all the kings and nations of the East parts, to wit, that he was the only man, he was the chief, the head and pillar of the Roman Empire; that under the shadow of Scipio his wing, that city which is the lady of the world, was couvert and protected; that a beck and nod of his head, was as good as all arrests of Senate and hests of people. Thus when they could not touch him in life, nor fasten upon him any note of infamy, they charged him all that ever they could with matter to kindle envy. Thus with orations they spent the time until night came, and the business was put over to another day: which being come, the Tribunes only betunes in the morning were set in their pews within the Rostra [or common pleading place.] The defendant was called; who guarded with a great company of his friends and followers, passed through the mids of the assembly, approached the Rostra, and stood just under it. Then after an oyez; and silence made: My masters (quoth he) you that are Tribunes of the Commons, and ye likewise Quirites, my neighbours and citizens of Rome, upon this very day of the month it was that I fought a pight battle against Hannibal and the Carthaginians, with right fortunate and happy success; meet therefore and good reason since it is, that to day all pleas and actions surcease: I will go directly and immediately from hence to the Capitol, and present myself before jup. Opt. Max. before juno, and Minerva, with all the rest of other gods and goddesses, precedents and patrons of that temple and fortress, to perform my humble duty unto them, to salute and thank them, for that they have vouchsated me that resolute affection and powerful means withal, both on such a day as this, and also many times besides, to perform my devoir well and truly unto the Commonweal. As many of you therefore (Quirites) as well may, go ye with me, and pray the gods to send you like governors to myself, and no worse. If I say (and not else) as you ever since I was seventeen years of age, even to these mine old days, you always advanced me to honours before the ordinary time of mine age, so I again devanced & prevented the said honours with good service and noble deeds. This said, he departed from the Rostra & ascended up to the Capitol; whereat the whole audience there assembled turned at once and followed Scipio: in so much as at last the scribes and notaries, yea and the very sergeant left the Tribunes there alone, without any to bear them company but their own bondservants and the common crier, who still from the Rostra called and cited the defendant. Scipio not only visited the temples upon the Capitol hill, but also made a perambulation with the people of Rome throughout the whole city to all the churches and chapels of their gods and goddesses. This was in manner a more solemn day unto him in regard of the affectionate favour of men, and the estimation of his true grandeur in deed, than on which he road into the city in triumph over king Syphax & the Carthaginians. But it was the last fair day that ever he saw: and never shone the sun again pleasantly upon P. Scipio. For after this, foreseeing envy growing toward him, and what a life and how full of debates he should have with those Tribunes, upon a longer day granted for the process of law against him, he retired himself apart to Liternum, of set purpose to make default and not appear to plead his cause any more. He carried a greater spirit with him, his heart was too big, and used he had been to higher degree of port & honour, than to take knowledge what it was to be accused: he could not skill to vale bonnet and stoup so low, and to abase himself to the abject condition of those that plead for themselves at the bar. Now when the day was come, and that in his absence his name began to be called, L. Scipio answered for him, and alleged sickness to be the cause why he was away. But the Tribunes his accusers, would not admit of that excuse, replying & saying, That upon the same pride of heart, in which he avoided once before, his judicial trial, and left the Tribune and the whole assembly, he now also would not appear to make his answer. Even for triumphed he then over the people of Rome, when accompanied with those whom he led after him as prisoners (after he had once taken from them their power & liberty to give their censure and doom of him) he sequestered himself that day, by way of an insurrection from the Tribunes of the Commons, into the Capitol. Well are ye now served therefore (say they) and justly punished for that days folly and rashness. For lo, how he himself now abandoneth you, who was your motive & leader then, to forsake us. See how everyday morethan other our courage is fallen and hart abated? And dare we not now send folk to fetch him (a private person and no more) out of his farm and house in the country, and make him to appear and plead his answer; unto whom not past 17 years ago, at what time as he was General of an army on land, and Admiral of the Armada by sea, we were so bold as to send tribunes of the Com. and an Aedile, to arrest and bring him away with them to Rome? In the end, the rest of the tribunes of the Commons, being called earnestly unto by L. Scipio for their lawful favour, set down this order & conclusion, That if sickness were alleged for his excuse, and that there were nothing else but it that occasioned his absence, it should be received for good and lawful, and their colleagues should adjourn his trial to a farther day. It fortuned at that time that Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus was one of the Tribunes, between whom and P. Scipio there was some quarrel and enmity. He forbade expressly that his own name should be subscribed to the instrument of the foresaid decree of his colleagues. And when every man looked to hear some heavier sentence denounced against Scipio, he awarded in this manner. For as much as L. Scipio excuseth the absence of his brother by sickness, it is good and sufficient in my opinion. And more than that, I will not for my part suffer P. Scipio to be accused before he return again to Rome. Yea and then also, if he call for my helping hand, I will give him assistance, and stop the course of process against him. And as to the marine point of the cause, this is my resolution, That P. Scipio being advanced so highly (as he is) to that pitch of honour, by his noble & famous exploits, and by the dignities received at the hands of the people of Rome, as if both gods and men had consented to set him aloft, for him to come down now and stand pleading below at the bar beneath the Rostra, and there to have his ears glow and ring again with the checks and taunts of certain green heads and busy youths, were a greater shame and disgrace to the people of Rome, than to himself. Nay, he stayed not thus with this bare award, but sealed & set it on surely with word of indignation, testifying his discontentment for this course and manner of proceeding. And shall Scipio (quoth he, my master's Tribunes) that renowned conqueror of Africa, stand under your feet at your devotion? Defeated he & put to flight in Spain 4 most brave & noble Generals of the Carthaginians, with their sour entire armies, for this? took he Syphax prisoner, vanquished he Hannibal, subdued he Carthage and made it tributary unto us? Chased he Antiochus beyond the mountain Taurus, (for it must be confessed, that in this glorious conquest L. Scipio had his brother compartner with him) and all for this, to be trodden under foot of two Petilij? And that ye should seek to triumph over P. Africanus? Will it never be better? Shall great personages (with all the good deserts of their own, for all the dignities and honours by you upon them conferred) never reach and attain to a strong fort and sure place of defence, wherein they may make account to be safe and past all danger, and wherein their old age may rest and respose, if not with worship and honour, yet at leastwise in security, exempt from abuse and violent outrage? The sentence itself of Gracchus (enforced with such a speech especially) moved not others only, but also the very accusers themselves; who made no other rejoinder again but thus, That they would consider better what they might by their place, and what they ought of duty to do. When the assembly of the people was broken up, the LL. of the Senate began to sit in counsel; where, the whole order of the Senators (but principally the ancients and as many as had been Consuls) highly commended and thanked Tib. Gracchus, for that he had preferred the weale-publicke, before private grudges and particular quarrels. But the Petilij were well shent and baited with reproachful checks and bitter rebukes, in that they would seem to rise by the fall of another, and to grace themselves with the disgrace of Africanus, and seek to triumph over him and be enriched with his spoils. Well, after that, there were no more words of Scipio Africanus. The rest of his life he passed at Liternum, and never had mind to come to the city: there ended he his days in a country village; and (as they say) he charged his executors upon his deathbed, to inter him in that very place. And there, his tomb or monument was built, because he would not that so much as his funeral obsequies should be performed at Rome, (his native country) so unthankful as it was. A rare man he was, and worthy to be recommended to the memory of all posterity: howbeit, the former part of his life was more singular and memorable, as well for the conduct of martial exploits in war, as the governance of civil affairs in peace, than his latter days. For in his youth, he followed the wars continually; whereas in his old age, as his body decayed and faded, so whatsoever he did, lost much of the wonted beauty and lustre. Besides, there was no matter presented, to employ that wit and spirit of his. What odds was there between his former Consulship and the second, although ye put his Censorship to it in the balance? What comparison was there, and what semblable thing in that lieutenantcie of his in Asia? of so little or no employment was it by reason of his own sickliness; and blemished withal, by occasion of the misfortune of his son. And afterward, his return home again was no less unfortunate, for the hard choice whereunto he was driven, forced of necessity to abide the trial of a doubtful issue in judgement, or in avoiding it by making default, to quit withal his native city for ever. Howbeit he alone went away with the honour above all other, of finishing the Punic war, as great and dangerous to the Romans as any that ever they made.  
When Africanus was once dead and his head laid, his adversaries and enemies were aloft: of whom, M. Porcius Cato was the chief and principal: a man who was wont to bark (as it were) and rail against him during his life, in regard of his greatness. And it is thought, that the Petilij were set on by him, and procured through his persuasion, both in the life of Africanus to have drawn out, and after his death to have preferred a bill in this form and manner following: May it please you to grant and ordain, that true search and diligent enquiry be made, what sums of money were taken in prize, carried away, and levied of king Antiochus and those which were under his obedience and dominion; and that of as much thereof as came not into the public treasury and chamber of the city, Ser. Sulpitius (the praetor of the city) may propose unto the Senate, to know their advice and pleasure touching it: that whomsoever of all the Pretours for the time now being, it shall please the Senate to appoint, he may sit in commission and inquisition thereof. This bill was first crossed by Q. and Lucius Mummius, who thought it meet and reason, that the Senate alone (as at all times heretofore) should make due enquiry of the moneys so purloined and embezeled, as is aforesaid, & not brought into the common chest of the city. The Petilij charged the Scipions for being over great and mighty, and as it were KK. in the Senate, to carry all away before them. L. Furius Purpureo (a man that had been Consul, and one of the ten commissioners in Asia) was of opinion, that the foresaid inquest should be granted in more large and ample terms, namely, as touching the money not only taken from Antiochus, but also from other kings and nations: covertly taxing herein Cn. Marlius his old enemy. L. Scipio on the other side stepped forth to dissuade this matter; albeit it was thought he would rather speak in defence of himself, than against the thing. He complained much and showed his grievance, that such a bill as this should come forth now, and be set on foot after the death of his brother Africanus, the most valiant knight and noblest parsonage that ever was. As if it were not sufficient, that P. Africanus wanted the solemn Panegyric oration at the Rostra after his death, but he must be accused also. Why? the very Carthaginians are contented with the exile of Hannibal, and seek no more: but the people of Rome is not satisfied even with the death of Scipio, unless both his own good name after he is buried be wounded and angled, and his brother also (to fill up the measure of men's malice and hatred) be killed and sacrificed upon his tomb. M. Cato spoke in the behalf of the bill, and persuaded that it might pass. His oration as touching the treasure of king Antiochus, is extant to be seen: and by the majesty of his authority, he diverted the two Mummy Tribunes of the Commons, clean away, from interposing themselves any more. When they once had renounced and given over their negative, all the tribes in general passed their voices affirmatively, Vitrogaslis. After this, Scr. Sulpitius proposed unto the Senate, Whom they would appoint for this inquest according to the act Petilia? and the LL. of the Senate deputed Q. Teretius culeo. This Praetor was so great a friend to the house of the Cornelijs, that some authors, namely those, who report how P. Scipio both died and also was carried forth to be interred at Rome (for that bruit also runneth currant) have written, How he went at his funerals before the bier and the mourners, with a cap of liberty on his head, like as he had done before in his triumph, and gave sweet wine or meed to all those that attended the convoy, as far as to the gate Capena. This honour he did Scipio at his death, for that among other prisoners in Africa, he was by his means recovered out of the enemy's hand. But it should seem rather, that he was such an enemy to that family, that for the cankered rancour and malice which he carried against that name, he was by the adverse faction of the Scipions, chosen especially of purpose to sit upon and execute this inquisition. But certain it is, before this praetor (all in his extremities, who either in love and friendship, or in hatred and enmity, kept no mean) information was given immediately against L. Scipio. Presentments were made likewise, and the names received of his lieutenants A. Hostilius and L. Hostilius both Cato's: & of his treasurer besides, C. Furius Aculeo. And to the end that it should appear to the world, that they were all attaint of this crime of purloining and robbing the public treasure of the common weal in one complot, there were two secretaries also and one of his sergeants called into question. But these three last mentioned, and L. Hostilius beforenamed, were found unguilty and acquit, before Scipio had his judicial trial: howbet Scipio and A. Hostilius his lieutenant, together with C. Furius were condemned. Scipio, for that he (as Valerius Antias writeth) to make a more easy peace to the contentment of Antiochus, received 6000 pound weight of gold, and 480 pound weight of silver more than he brought into the city chamber. A. Hostilius, for that he likewise detained eighty pound weight of gold, and 483 pound of silver: and Furius the Questor for keeping back to his own use 130 pound of gold, & two hundred of silver. These sums I set down of gold and silver, as I find them gathered and registered by Valerius Antias in his Chronicle. As for the sums of gold and silver, which L. Scipio should embezele, I would rather think that the clerk or secretary faulted with his pen in writing the copies, than the author lied so loud with his tongue in the first inditing of the Original. For it is more likely of the twain, that the weight of the silver was more than of gold. As also that the fine wherein he was condemned, should amount but to forty thousand Sestertius, is the fourth part of a Roman denarius, 3 halfpences farthing cue. Sesterces, than arise to two hundred and forty thousand. And the rather I am induced thus to calculate, because it is said, that P. Scipio himself was required in the Senate to give his account but of such a sum; and when he had bidden his brother L. to fetch him that book of accounts, he took it of him, and there before the Senate, tore and rend it with his own hands, with great indignation, that having brought into the Treasury two millions of Sesterces, he was called to his account for forty thousand. In which confident boldness of spirit and courage ', when the Questours durst not (against the order of law) take forth money out of the Treasury, he called for the keys, and said he would be so bold as to open the chists of the Treasury, since he was the cause that they were locked. Many things besides are diversely reported of Scipio, especially as touching the latter end of his life, his trouble and accusation, his death, his funerals, and last of all, of his sepulchre and tomb, which distract me so, that I wot not what report to cleave unto, nor which records to believe. For they accord not as concerning his accuser. Some write it was M. Naevius, others again say that they were the Petilians that called him to his answer. Neither agree they in the time when he was thus troubled, nor in the year, no nor the place wherein he died, ne yet where he was interred. Some affirm he ended his days and was buried at Rome, others at Liternum. And in both places there are monuments and Statues of his to be seen. For at Liternum there stood a tomb, and over the same tomb an image of his parsonage erected, which of late time we ourselves saw overthrown in a tempest. At Rome likewise without the gate Capena, there be three statues upon the monument of the Scipios, whereof two are said to be of Pub. and L. Scipio, and the third of Q. Ennius the Poet. And this difference among authors is not touching his acts and affairs only, but also about the very Orations (if so be they were the Orations indeed of P. Scipio and Tiberius Gracchus, which are commonly so taken and carried about) which disagree so much as they do. For the title of the Oration that goeth for P. Scipio, hath the name of M. Naevius, a Tribune of the Commons: but through the whole Oration itself there is no mention at all of that accuser. He termeth him one while Nebulo [Knave] and another while Nugator [Cousiner.] In like sort the Oration of Gracchus maketh no mention at all either of the Petilij, the accusers of Africanus, or of the day assigned unto him for his answer. And we must devise to tell the whole tale otherwise, if we would have it to agree with the Oration of Gracchus: and follow we must those authors; who write, that when L. Scipio was accused and condemned for taking bribes of king Antiochus, his brother Africanus was ambassador in Tuscan; and upon the news of his brother's trouble and misfortune, left his embassage, & made haste to Rome. Where he took his way directly from the gate to the common place (for that it was told him how his brother was going to prison) and thrust the seargeant from his body, yea, and when the Tribunes themselves would have restrained him, he used violence against them, and carried himself in this action so, as as he showed more kindness and love to his brother, than manners and civility otherwise. For thus complaineth Gracchus in his Oration, That the Tribunes authority and power was infringed and broken by a private person. And in the latter end, when he promised to assist L. Scipio, he knit up his speech with these words, That it was a thing more tolerable, that both the Tribunitian puissance and the Commonweal should seem overcome and surmounted by Tribunes themselves, than by a private man. But he aggravated and enforced this one violence and excessive outrage against him, & made it odious in such sort, that in blaming him for so much overshutting himself and degenerating as it were from his own nature, he rehearsed the commendable parts of his moderation and temperate carriage of himself aforetime, and that in so good terms and ample manner, that thereby he made him some part of amends for the sharp reprehension he used for the present. For he said, that in times past he had rebuked and reproved the people, when they would have made him a perpetual Consul and dictator; that he had forbidden expressly, that any of his Statues in triumphant habit, should be set up and erected in the public places of assemblies, as in the Comitium and Curia, in the Capitol and chapel of jupiter Opt. Max. These commendable reports of him, if they were uttered in an Oration penned of purpose for his praise, must needs testify and show a wonderful magnanimity of his, in the moderate use of high honours according to a civil port; which an enemy by way of reproach and upbraiding him, acknowledgeth and confesseth. But all writer's accord, that Gracchus took to wife the younger of his two daughters (for the elder without all question was affianced and given in marriage by her father unto P. Cornelius Nasica.) But it is not so certainly agreed upon, whether she was both betrothed & wedded also unto him, after her father's death or no. As also, whether it be true (as it is reported) that when L. Scipio was a leading to prison, Gracchus, seeing none of his own fellow Tribunes to succour and rescue him, swore a great oath and protested, that he was an enemy still to the Scipios as much as ever he was, and would not do any thing to curry favour with them, or to come into their grace; yet could he never endure that he should be carried to that prison, into which he had seen his brother Africanus lead kings, great Generals and Commanders of enemies, captive. Moreover, that the same day the Senate fortuned to be at supper together in the Capitol, and arose up all at once, and requested Africanus to affiance his daughter to Gracchus, before the supper and banter was ended. Which espousals being performed with all due compliments accordingly, during the time of that solemn feast, Scipio when he was returned home to his house, said unto his wife Aemylia, that he had fianced and bestowed his daughter upon an husband. She then, falling into a fit of choler like a woman, and chase that he had not made her acquainted with the matter, and taken her advise touching the maiden, who was as much her child as his, broke out into these words withal, that if he had given her in marriage to Tiberius Gracchus, yet good reason it was that the mother should have been at the making of the bargain. Whereupon Scipio took great contentment and joy at this conformity of judgement in the choice, and inferred streightwaies, that he was the man to whom she was espoused. Thus much I thought good to relate of this worthy and noble person, albeit there is great variety of opinions, and diversity of writings in that behalf.  
After the Praetor Q. Terentius, had finished the inquisition and whole process thereof, Hostilius and Furius, who were attaint and condemned, that very day put in sufficient fureties to be bound in recognisance to the treasurers of the city, for the payment of their fines. But Scipio debating the matter still, & pleading that all the money which he had received was in the city chamber, & that he had purloined none of the public treasure, was laid hold on to be had away and committed to prison. Then P. Scipio Nasica called unto the Tribunes for their help, & made a speech, full of true praises and commendations, not in general only of the whole name & family That himself and P. Africanus, together with L. Scipio (who now was going to prison) had to their father's Cn. Scipio and P. Scipio, most noble and famous personages: those who for certain years in the land of Spain, advanced the renown and glory of the Roman name, maugre the heads of many captains and armies, as well of Carthaginians as Spaniards; not only in martial tears of war, but also in this especially, that they had given testimony & proof unto those nations, of the temperate government, and faithful dealing of the Romans; and in the end both of them spent their blood and lost their lives in the quarrel of the people of Rome. And albeit it had been sufficient for all their posterity to maintain only and uphold the glory from them received, yet P. Africanus so far surpassed the praiseworthy acts of his father, that it was verily believed he was not borne of human blood, but descended from some divine & heavenly race of the gods. As for L. Scipio, who now is in trouble (to say nothing of his worthy acts which he achieved in Spain and in Africa, when he was lieutenant there to his brother Consul) he was both reputed by the Senate sufficient, without any casting of lots, to undertake the province of Asia and the war against king Antiochus, and also esteemed by his brother Africanus so worthy a person, that himself who had been Consul twice, Censor once, & had ridden in triumph, thought not scorn to accompany him into Asia in quality of his lieutenant. In which province (to the end that the greatness and resplendent glory of the lieutenant should not dim the brightness of the Consul, and drown his virtues and good parts) it to fell out, that the very same day, on which L. Scipio vanquished Antiochus near Magnesia, P. Scipio lay sick at Elaea, a city distant certain days journeys. He defeated I say an army there, nothing inferior to that of Annibal, with whom his brother had encountered before in Africa. In which battle, among other great commanders and captains under the king, Annibal was himself employed in person, even he who had been the grand-Generall in the Punic war. Which service was so well conducted and managed, that a man possibly could not find fault so much as with fortune, or any accident that happened there. And now, when the war is unblamable, there is picked matter of crimination in the peace: & it (they say) was bought and sold for money. In which challenge the ten deputies and assistants in counsel, are also touched and noted with corruption, by whose advice the said peace was granted & concluded. Well, of those ten, there were some that stepped forth & accused Cn. Manlius: yet so far off was that accusation of theirs from being credited, that it did not so much as hinder & delay the very time of his triumph. But (believe me) in Scipio his case, the very conditions of peace savour strongly of bribery and indirect dealing, for that they are advantageous, respective and favourable on the part of Antiochus. For, his kingdom is left entire and whole unto him; now that he is vanquished, he possesseth as much as before the war began; and Scipio having received from him a mighty mass of gold and silver, hath brought nothing into the common treasury, but averted all from thence, and converted it to his proper use. Why? was there not carried in pomp at the triumph of L. Scipio (in the very sight of all men) as much gold and silver, as in ten triumphs before (and put them all together) could not be showed. For what should I speak of the confines and frontiers of his realm? Namely, that Antiochus beforetime held under his dominion all Asia, and the marches also of Europe adjoining? And how great a part of the world that is, which extendeth from the hill Taurus, and lieth out so far as the AEgean sea; how many not cities only, but spacious countries and populous nations it containeth, all men know right well: as also that this country, bearing out in length more than thirty days journey, & in breadth between two seas ten days journey, even as far as to the top of the mountain Taurus, is taken from Antiochus, and he driven into the utmost angle and corner of the globe of the earth? What could he have been dizseized of more, in case his peace had cost him never a penny of money? When Philip was conquered, he had Macedon left unto him; when Nabis was subdued he enjoyed still Lacedaemon: and no man ever went about to call juintius in question for it. And why? mary he had not to his brother Scipio Africanus, for whose sake, the envy & malice of men hath defaced & hurt L. Scipio, whereas his brother's glory ought to have graced and helped him; Would any man of sense, & reason judge, that so much gold & silver was brought into the house of L. Scipio, as may not possibly be raised if all the goods he hath were sold to the worth? What should become of all that gold of the kings? Where be those great purchases of lordships and inheritances that he hath made therewith? Certes it cannot be, but in that house which hath not exceeded in superfluous expense, there should be seen some heap & mount of this new treasurer: But what care his enemies for this? That which cannot be made of the substance & goods of L. Scipio, they will make good on his body and back; which they mean to torture (belike) and expose to all contumelic and villainy; to the end, that a man of the best mark & quality that ever was should be shut up in a dungeon among robbers by the high way side, amongst night thieves and cutpurses, and there in the hard stocks and baleful darkness render his last breath; and when he is dead, to have his body cast out naked at the prison door. But be it whensoever it shall, this will be no greater blot to the house Cornelia, than a shameful reproach for ever to the city of Rome. Against all these remonstrances, the praetor Terentius opposed and red the law Petilia, the decree of the Senate, and the sentence given against L. Scipio. And he for his own part said, he could not do withal, but if the sum wherein he was condemned, were not brought into the common Treasurehouse, he knew no other remedy, nor what else to do, but to command him (a condemned person) to be apprehended again, and had away to prison. Then the Tribunes went apart to consult and lay their heads together. And within a while after C. Flaminius pronounced aloud, according to his own advice and the opinion of all his Colleagues (excepting only Gracchus) That the Tribunes would, not interpose themselves, but that the praetor might do and execute his office and his authority to the full. But Tib. Gracchus set down his own decree in this form, That as touching the sum wherein L. Scipio was condemned, he would not be against it, not impeach the praetor, but that he might use his power according to his place, and take it out of his goods, as far as they would stretch. But that L. Scipio, who hath subdued the mightiest and most puissant monarch in all the world, who hath set out and extended the bounds of the Roman empire, as far as the farthest frontiers and ends of the earth, who hath obliged and bound king Eumenes, the Rhodians, and so many cities and States besides of Asia, & made them beholden to the people of Rome for favours and benefits bestowed upon them, finally, who hath himself laid up fast in prison many a General captain over the enemies, after heeled them in triumph: that he I say, should lie in prison and irons among the enemies of the people of Rome, he would never suffer and therefore he commanded him to be released and set at large. This decree was heard with so great applause, and all men were so joious to see L. Scipio delivered, that hardly a man would have believed (unless he had seen it) that there had been such a judgement passed in the same city. Then the praetor sent the Questours or Treasurers, to enter and seize upon all the goods of L. Scipio, in the name and to the use of the city: where of there was not to be found, so much as any one token or mention of the king's money, no nor so great a sum could be raised, as the fine came to wherein he was condemned. The friends, kinsfolk, followers and well-willers of L. Scipio, made such a contribution of money for him, that if he would have accepted of it, he had been a richer man by odds, than he was before this cross and calamity fell upon him. But he took never a denier. His nearest kinsmen in blood bought again and redeemed as much of his own goods, as served for his necessary maintenance and no more. And the envy and hatred of men intended against the Scipios, turned upon the heads of the praetor and his counsel, together with the accusers themselves.   

THE XXXIX. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the nine and thirtieth Book.  
MArcus AEmylius the Consul after he had subdued the Ligurians, made the street or high way from Plaisance to Ariminum, until it met with the way Flaminia. In this book are recounted the beginnings of roiotous and dissolute life brought in by the Asian army. All the Ligurians on this side Apennine are tamed and brought under. The Bacchanales (a Greekish feast and celebrated in the night season, the very seminary and nource-garden of all wickedness, being grown to this enormity, that therein was contrived a conspiracy and complot of a mighty multitude) were now visited and searched into by the Consul, and put down with the punishment of many persons. L. juintius Flamininus, the brother of T. Quintius, was deprived of his Senatour's dignity by the Censors, to wit, L. Valerius Flaccus, and Mar. Pacius Cato, a right excellent man, as well for seats of arms as peace. The cause was this, for that whiles he was Consul and governor in Gaul, at the request of one Philippus Poenus, a notorious wanton Ganymede whom he loved, he slew a certain Gaul with his own hand: or, as some have written, because at the entreaty of an harlot, upon whom he was enamoured, he beheaded one of them that were condemned. The in vective Oration of M. Cato against him is extant. Scipio departed this life at Liternum, and (as if Fortune would have his funeral accompanied with the death at the same time of two most renowned and great personages) Hannibal poisoned himself, by occasion that Prusias king of Bythinia (unto whom he was fled for succour after the defeature of king Antiochus) would have yielded him into the hands of the Romans; who had sent of purpose T. Quintius Flamininus to demand him. Likewise Philopamen the General of the Achaens, an excellent man, was poisoned by the Messenians, who took him prisoner in war. Colonies were sent to Pollentia, Pisaurum, Mutina, and Parma. Over and besides, this book containeth the prosperous affairs against the Celtiberians: also the beginning & cause of the Macedonian war, whereof the original spring arcss from Philip, much discontented, that his kingdom was impaired by the Romans, in regard that he was forced by them to withdraw his garrisons out of Thrace and other parts.  
During the time that these affairs passed at Rome (if this were the year wherein they happened) both Consuls made war against the Ligurians, a nation borne as it were to maintain the military discipline of the Romans, and to find them occupied in all times of respite and rest from greater wars; neither was there any other province that gave a sharper edge to the valour of the soldior. For Asia with the beauty of their cities, the abundance of all commodities as well by sea as land, the effeminate tenderness of the enemies, and the royalty of the king's riches, had made their armies more wealthy than valiant: and especially under the government of Cneus Manlius, nuzzled they were in much looseness and negligence. And thereupon it was, that finding the way in Thrace a little more rough and difficult than ordinary to travel in, and an enemy better practised and exercised to deal withal, they received a great foil and loss among them. Now in Liguria, they met with all thingsthat might rouse and awake sleepy soldiers: the country rough and full of mountains, that much ado they had themselves to seize the same, and as great a labour they found to disseise the enemies, that were before possessed of them: the ways, sleepy up-hill, narrow, and dangerous for ambushes: the enemy, light, swift, nimble, and suddenly setting upon them, giving no time of rest, no place of repose and security. Driven they were of necessity to assault strong and fortified castles, with great difficulty and danger both: the country poor and needy, which caused the soldiers to spare and live hardly, and afforded them no foison of preys and prizes: and therefore no victuallers, scullions, soldiers boys and lackeys, followed the camp; neither the labouring beasts for carriage, took up a length their march: nothing there, but armour and men, reposing all hope in their arms, and nothing else. And never wanted they some matter of quarrel, and some occasion or other to make war: for by reason of their bareness and penury, they made roads into the lands of their neighbours, but so, as they never ventured all at once, nor put the main chance in hazard.  
C. Flaminius the Consul having fought sundry times with the Friniat Ligurians, and in many battles gotten the better hand over them, even at home in their own country, brought the whole nation by composition under obedience, and disarmed them: but because in the delivery of their armour, they dealt not sound and faithfully, and should have been chastised therefore, they abandoned their villages, and fled to the mountain Auginus; whither, the Consul pursued them hard at heels: howbeit, being disbanded and scattered again, and most of them disarmed, they fled into the valley through places where no ways led, and over broken and cragged steep rocks, whereas the enemies could not possibly follow after, and so passed the other side of Apennine. But as many as kept still within their hold, were beset round about and overthrown. Then were the legions led to the further side of Apenninus, where the enemies for a small while, defended themselves by the height of the place, but an on they yielded. Then was their armour sought up with more care and diligence than before, and they were disfurnished and stripped out of all. After this, was the war diverted and turned wholly upon the Apuan Ligurians, who had so overrun the territories of Pisae and Bolonia, that they could not be manured and tilled. The Consul having subdued them also, granted peace unto the borderers: and now that he had brought the province into quietness and rest; to the end, that his soldiers should not be idle and do nothing, he made a causey or street-way from Bononia to Arretium.  
The other Consul M. AEmylius, set on fire the villages and wasted the lands of the Ligurians, as well in the champain fields as the valleys, when the inhabitants themselves were retired into the two mountains Balista and Suismontium, which they held. Afterwards, he assailed them also who had taken the hills aforesaid; and first wearied them with lights skirmishes; afterwards, he forced them to descend into the plain, and there in a set battle vanquished them: in which conflict the vowed a temple to Diana. Thus having subdued all on this side Apennine, he then set upon those that dwelled beyond the mountain; among whom were the Frisinat Ligurians, (so far as to whom C. Flaminius went not:) all those, AEmylius subdued, despoiled them of their armour, and forced the multitude of them to forsake the mountains and come down into the plains. After he had quieted the Ligurians, he led his army into the country of the Gauls, and made an high way from Placentia to Ariminum, so as it met with the causey Flaminia: and in the last battle wherein he fought with banners displayed against the Ligurians, he vowed a temple to queen juno. And these were the exploits for that year, in Liguria.  
M. Furius the praetor in Gaul, seeking in time of peace for some pretence and colour of war, had taken from the Cenomans their armour, notwithstanding they were innocent and did no harm. The Cenomanes made complaint hereof at Rome to the Senate, and were put over to the Consul AEmylius, unto whom the Senate had directed a commission of oier and determiner. After great debate with the Praetor, they overthrew him in the action, and had their armour delivered unto them again: and so the praetor was commanded to give over his government and depart out of the province.  
After this, the Ambassadors of the Latin nation, who assembled and resorted in great number out of all parts of Latium, had audience given them in the Senat. These complained, that a great multitude of their own natural citizens, were removed and gone to inhabit in Rome, and there were enroled: whereupon a commission was granted to Q. Terentius culeo the praetor, to make search for such: and look how many of them those Latin allies could prove to have been enroled (either themselves or their fathers) in any city or corporation of theirs, either at the time that C. Claudius and M. Livius were Censors, or after their Censorship, to force those to return thither again, where they had been entered or matriculated. By virtue of this inquisition, to the number of twelve thousand Latins returned home again into their own country: for now the city of Rome was overcharged and pestered with a multitude of strangers and foreigners.  
Before that the Consuls repaired to Rome, M. Fulvius the Proconsul returned out of AEtolia: who, after he had discoursed of his exploits performed in AEtolia and Cephalenia, before the Senate assembled in the temple of Apollo, requested of the LL. to judge it meet and requisite, and accordingly to grant and ordain, that praise and thanksgiving might be rendered unto the immortal gods, and himself allowed to triumph, for that he had so well and happily managed the affairs of the Commonweal. Then stepped forth M. Aburius a Tribune of the Commons, and declared openly, That in case they went about to pass any decree in that behalf, before the coming of M. AEmylius the Consul, he would cross it: for that the Consul himself was minded to contradict that proceeding, and had given straight charge unto him, at what time as he took his journey to the province, that the consultation of this matter should be reserved wholly until his return home. And Fulvius (quoth he) shall lose so much time: and when the Consul himself is present in place to assist, than might the Senate move what decree it pleased them. Then answered M. Fulvius and said: If men were ignorant either of the grudge and quarrel between me and M. AEmylius, or with what outrageous spirit and king like choler and indignation he pursued the said enmity and variance, yet it were not a tolerable thing and to be endured, that the absence of the Consul should both impeach the honour due unto the immortal gods, and also hinder and stay the triumph which I have so justly deserved: that a General (I say) who had so worthily achieved his service, and an army so victorious, should stay and give attendance without the city gates, until it pleased the Consul to return home; who no doubt of very purpose and for the nonce, upon this occasion would make slow haste and take his leisure. But now considering that the enmity and heartburning that the Consul beareth to me is so notorious as it is, What indifferency and reasonable dealing may a man look for at his hands? who taking the advantage of the time when a small number of Senators were assembled, caused an act of the Senate to pass by stealth, and entered it in the treasurehouse, containing thus much in effect, That Ambracia should not be reputed as a town forced by assault, notwithstanding it were assailed with mantilers and platforms: where we were driven to erect new fabrics, and plant other engines and ordinance of war after the former were consumed with fire: where we maintained fight about the walls, as well under the ground as above, for the space of fifteen days together: where, after that the soldiers had scaled and gained the walls, the conflict endured notwithstanding a long time doubtful, from morning to night; and where were slain above 3000 enemies. Now as touching the sacrilege committed (after the city was forced) in spoiling the churches of the immortal gods, what a slander think ye, hath he raised of me? what a matter hath he made thereof? and how hath he informed the Pontifies and Bishops? Unless a man would say, that lawful it was for the city of Rome to be garnished and beautified with the ornaments of Syracuse and other cities won by force; but the law of war extended not to this only city of Ambracia? I beseech therefore the LL. of the Senate, yea and I request the Tribunes, not to suffer me to be mocked and abused by a most insolent & proud adversary. Then on all hands they dealt with the Tribune, some entreated him, other rebuked and blamed him: but the speech of Tib. Gracchus (one of his colleagues) moved him most of all others; who showed, That it was no good precedent and example, that men should maintain and follow their own private quarrels in time of magistracy and public government; but a shameful matter and a soul indignity it was, and much unbeseeming the Tribunes of the Commons and their sacred laws, that a Tribune should be a proctor to other men and prosecute their actions and enmities. Men ought (qd. he) according to their own discretion and judgement, either to love or hate the persons, to like or dislike the causes; not to depend and hang upon the countenance and beck of others, nor to be carried too and fro with the will, pleasure, and appetites of other men. As for the Tribune of the Commons here, he acordeth and taketh part with a choleric and resty Consul, and remembreth well what M. Aemilius left with him in private charge; but forgetteth altogether that the Tribuneship was committed unto to him by the people of Rome: committed I say, and put into his hands for to assist private persons, and to maintain their liberties, and not to uphold the kinglike rule and royalty of a Consul. Never seethe he thus much before him, that it will be written another day in the Animals and yearly Chronicles, That of two Commoner Tribunes in the same fellowship and society, one for the love of the Commonweal renounced and gave over his own private displeasure and enmity to a particular person, and the other took charge as it were by way of Commission, to pursue the quarrel of another man. The Tribune could endure no longer these rebukes and checks, and therewith departed out of the temple: then the praetor Scr. Sulpitius propounded the bill the second time, and so a triumph was granted to M. Fulvius. Who after he had rendered great thanks to the LL. of the Senate, added moreover and said, That the very day wherein he forced the city Ambracia, he had by vow promised, to the honour of jupiter Opt. Max. for to exhibit the great and solemn Roman games. And to that effect the cities of Greece had contributed toward the charges, a hundred pound weight of gold: his petition was therefore, that the Senate would ordain that out of that mass of money which he was to carry and show in triumph, and meant to bestow and lay up in the city Treasury, the foresaid sum of gold might be sequestered and reserved apart for the proper use above named. The Senate commanded, that the College of the Prelates and Priests in this case should be consulted with, and their advice demanded, whether they thought it necessary that so much gold should be spent and consumed in the charges of the said Games? The Prelates made answer again, that it was not material to religion and to the service of the gods, to how great a reckoning soever the charges of the games should arise & amount. Whereupon the Senate permitted Fulvius to deffray what he would himself, so as he exceeded not the sum of 80000 [Asses.] He had purposed to triumph in the month of jannarie, but hearing that Aemilius the Consul (who was advertised by letters, that Aburius the Tribune of the Commons had renounced and let fall his opposition which he commensed) was coming in proper person to Rome, only for to hinder the triumph, and stayed by the way sick; he prevented the day, for fear he should have had more anger and trouble in his triumph, than during his war. So upon the 22 day of December he triumphed over the AEtolians and Cephalenia. Before his chariot there were borne a hundred crowns of gold, weighing twelve pound a piece: of silver 83000 pound weight: of gold 243 pound weight: of Attic Tetradraches 118000: of Philip pieces of gold coin 12422: images of brass 285: of marble 230. Likewise of armour, as well defensive as offensive, and other spoil of the enemies, an huge deal: besides Catapults, Balists, and other engines and pieces of battery. Moreover there went before him 27 captains either AEtolians and Cephalenes, or else under king Antiochus, left by him in those parts. The same day before that he entered into the city, he bestowed in the cirque Flaminius many military gifts and presents upon many colonels, captains, horsemen and centurions, as well Romans as allies. Generally to all the footmen he gave out of the pillage 25 Denarij apiece: twice as much to the centurions, and threefold to the horsemen.  
Now approached the time of the solemn assembly for the election of Coss. and because M. Atemilius whose lot it was to be precedent thereof, could not be present at the day, C. Flaminius came of purpose to Rome. By whom were created Consuls sp. Posthumius Albinus, and Q. Martius Philippus. After that were Pretours elected, to wit, T. Moenius, P. Cornelius Silvius, C. Calpurnius Piso, M. Licinius Lucullus, C. Aurelius Scaurus, and L. juintius Crispinus. In the end of the said year, after the Magistrates were thus created, Cn. Manlius Volso, the third day before the Nones of March, triumphed over the Gauls who inhabit Asia. The cause why he triumphed so late, was this, for that he would avoid making his answer (according to the act of Petilius) while Q. Terentius Calleo was praetor: fearing he should burn in the flame of the same sentence and judgement, whereby L. Scipio had been condemned: or lest the flame of another man's judgement, I mean the sentence whereby L. Scipio had been condemned, would have been too hot for him, and caught hold of him likewise: considering that the jury and inquest were more incensed and provoked against him than Scipio; for that he succeeding after him, had spoiled and marred with all kind of licentious looseness, the military discipline, which Scipio had observed most precisely and severely. Neither was he noted and touched in name for those things only which by bare hearsay were reported to have been done in the province, far remote from the view of men, but also of those particular instances to be seen daily in the demeanour of his soldiers. For verily the foreign excess and strange superstuities took beginning from the Asian army, who brought all with them into the city. They were the first within Rome that took up the use of brazen tables, of rich counterpoints, carpets, cupbourd-clothes, hangings and curtains of sundry kinds of tyssew. Likewise of one footed standing tables, buffotes, and cupbourds, which in those days were counted magnificent and stately movables. Then came up the manner of having at banquets singing minikin wenches, and such as could play upon the dulcimers and other instruments of music, with dancers, jesters, and other pastimes and delight some pleasures and fits of mirth at the table. Then began the board to be furnished and set out with more exquisite and dainty viands, and of greater expense. Then Cooks who in old time were reputed the most contemptible slaves as well for calling and estimation as for the use they were put unto, came to be in great request and price: and that which before time was a mechanical kind of manual service, grew now to be accounted a science of deep skill and understanding. And yet all these things that then bare so great a show, were scarce so much as small seeds and slips, to the excessive superfluities that were to ensue.  
‛ Well, C. Manlius carried in triumph two hundred crowns of massy beaten gold, weighing twelve pound a piece: of silver 220000 pound weight: of gold 2103 pound weight: of Attic Tetradrachmes 127000: of Cistophores 250000: of Philip golden pieces 16320. Also much armour there was, and spoils of Gauls carried in show upon wagons: and 52 captains of enemies were led before his own chariot. Amongst the soldiers he gave a donative of two and forty denarij apiece, he doubled the same to every centurion. Also to every footman he gave duple pay, and to every horseman triple. Many there were of all States and degrees, whom he rewarded with military presents for especial service, and those followed next after his chariot. The soldiers chanted such songs and sonnets, as a man might easily see they were composed to feed the humour of a General desirous of glory, and one that made much of his soldiers especially; whereby his triumph was more honoured with the affectionate favourof them, than otherwise recommended and celebrated with the hearty love of the people. Howbeit, the friends of Manlius served him in good sleed to win the good will of them also, through whose soliciting and earnest endeavour, there passed an act of the Senate, that out of that money which had been showed in triumph, there should be repaired unto the people that subsidy which had been levied among them for soldiers pay, and not yet contented back again. So the Treasurers of the city made true and faithful payment with all diligence of 25 asses and d. in every thousand [for the loan.]  
About the same time two Colonels came out of both provinces of Spain, with letters from C. Catinius and L. Manlius the governors there: by which letters intelligence was given, that the Celtiberians and Lusitanes were in arms, wasting & spoiling the lands of the Rom. confederates. The Senate referred the entire consultation of this matter to the new Magistrates. During the time of the Roman games that year which P. Cornelius Ceihegus, and Aulus Posthumius Albinus represented, a certain mast or high pole which stood not fast in the show place called Circus maximus, fell down upon the image of Pollentia, and overthrew it to the ground. The LL. hereupon made some scruple in conscience, and ordained, that the solemnity of those games should continue one day longer, and caused two images to be set up for that one, and that the new should be all gilt. Likewise the Plebeian plays were renewed one day more, by the AEdiles C. Sempronius Blaesus, and M. Furius Luscus. The year following averted the Consuls Sp. Posthumius Albinus, and Q. Martius Philippus from the army, from the regard I say of wars and government of provinces abroad, to the punishment of a certain intestine conspiracy at home. The Pretours cast lots for their provinces. T. Menius had the jurisdiction of the citizens, and M. Licinius Lucullus between citizens and strangers. Unto C. Aurelius Scaurus sell the governance of Sardinia, and to P. Cornelius Silvius of Sicily: L. juintius Crispinus was assigned to the hither Spain, and P. Galpurnius Piso to the farther. Both Consuls were enjoined to make inquisition into secret conspiracies within the city.  
There was a certain Grecian of base degree and condition, who came first into Hernaria; a man not endued with any of those arts, whereof that nation (of all others most learned) hath brought many unto us, as well for the erudition of our minds, as the trimming of our bodies: but a sacrificing priest he was, and a divining wizard withal. Neither was he one that made outward procession of teaching men, and thereby getting a living openly, and so by an ouvert show of religion possessed their heads and minds with fear and horror; but the knowledge he had forsooth of certain hidden and secret sacrifices. These mysteries of his at first he taught but unto a few, howbeit afterwards they began to be communicated and divulged as well to men as women: and to this religion were added pleasures and delights of wine and good cheer, to the end that more customers might be alured and enticed for to have a liking thereof. Now when as wine had drowned and droused the understanding: when the night seasn, when the entermingling of men and women together one with another (and namely, they of young and tender years, with those of elder age) had clean put out & extinguished all respect and regard of shame fast honesty: there began first to be practised all sorts of corruption, for every one had all pleasures ready at commandment, and his choice of those whereto by nature he was more prone and given to lust after. Neither was there wickedness committed here, of one sort, namely, the abusing of mankind & womankind one with another without distinction: but out of this shop and workhouse proceeded false witnesses, forging of seals, depositions, & testimonies; and more than so, wrong and untrue informations. From hence came the devilish cast of poisoning, & privy murders of the nearest of kindred in one house; and the same so secret, that otherwhiles the bodies would not be found for to be committed to the earth. Many sinful parts were there played by way of fraud, guile, and cunning cozenage; but more by apert force. As for violence, it was kept close & hidden, byreason that with the hideous noises, with the sound and ringing of timbrels, tabours and cymbals, there could no voice nor word be heard of such as cried our, when either they were forced to villainy & abuse, or beaten and wounded to death. The infection of this catching poison out of Hetruria, spread as far as Rome, like a contagious malady. At the first the spacious capacity of the city, having been used to wink & beat with such enormities, concealed all: at length revealed it was & detected to the Cos. Posthumius, much after this manner.  
P. Ebutius (whose father had served in the wars in quality of a gentleman of Rome with a city horse) left an orphan, 
The Eacchanales detected.  after that is guardians were likewise deceased, became ward to his mother Duronia and his father in law (her second husband) T. Sempronius Rutilius, under whom he had his bringing up. Now as his mother was wholly devoted and obsequious unto her husband, so his father in law had so handled the matter in his guardianship, that he could make no good account thereof, and therefore his desire was, that either the infant his ward should be made away, or else obliged and enthralled unto him. The only way to compass and bring this about, was the corruption and abuse of the Bacchanales. The mother therefore upon a time called her son unto her, and told him, that she had made a vow for him when he was sick, that so soon as ever he should recover and be well again, she would present him to the priests of Bacchus to be consecrated and processed in their mysteries: and now quoth she seeing that by the goodness of the gods thou art amended, and I thereby obliged by the bond of that vow, I will acquit myself thereof, and perform it accordingly. She bore him in hand therefore, that he must for ten days live chat, and not touch a woman, and at the tenth days end after he had taken his supper, and was well washed and purified after the manner, she would bring him into the holy place of those sacred mysteries. Now there was a famous strumpet, by condition a bondwoman enfranchised, named Hispala Fessenia, too good iwis for that occupation which she used while she was a young wench and a bondservant: but yet still after that she was manumised and in frank state of a freed denizen, she maintained herself by the same trade and manner of living. Grown she was into familiar acquaintance with the foresaid young Ebutius, by reason they were near neighbours, and dwelled not far asunder: yet so, as she endamaged not the youth one jot either in charging his purse, or touching his credit. For she it was that first was enamoured upon him, and him she wooed: and for as much as he had but short allowance every way from his mother and father in law, and by them kept hardly, he was maintained well by the bounteous liberality of this loving harlot. Nay, more than that, in continuance of time she was so deeply engaged in him, that when her own patron was dead, and herself at the disposition of none, she sued unto the Tribunes and the praetor for another tutor, because she meant to make her last will and testament, wherein she declared Ebutius her only heir in remainder to all that she had. There passing thus between them these gauges and pledges of love, and they using to impart the one unto the other the secrets of their hearts, the young youth by way of merry and pleasant talk, willed her one day not to marvel or think any thing in it, if for certain nights he lay away and parted beds with her: for that upon a religious zeal and devotion that he had, he was minded to be processed and consecrated by the priests of Bacchus, and all to be assoiled from a vow made in regard of his health. The woman hearing him say so, and troubled in spirit, Many god forfend, quoth she, and I would not that for all the good in the world. And better it were for me and you too to die both at once, than so to do: and with that she threatened, she cursed and banned, wishing all mischief and plague to light upon them that had put such a thing into his head. The youth wondered much to hear her words, and to see her so to far and take on beyond all reason and order, beseeching her of all loves to be content, and to forbear those cursed speeches, and said withal it was his own mother, by the consent of his father in law, that had enjoined him so to do. And is it that father in law of yours, quoth she, (for peradventure I should not do well to blame your mother) that hasteneth you by this action of yours, to make shipwreck of your honesty and chastity, of your credit and good name, of your hope another day, and lastly, to hazard your very life? Here at the young man marveiled much more than before, and desired earnestly to know the depth of all this matter. Then after she had prayed all gods and goddesses to pardon her, if for tender love and affection that she bore unto him, she could neither will nor choose but reveal those secrets that in deed were to be concealed, she set tale on end and said, That she herself once entered into that chapel, when as she waited upon her mistress, but since that she was made free and at her own liberty, shenever setsoote within the door. And upon my knowledge (ad. she) it is the very shop and workhouse of all wickedness that can be devised. And now for certain these two years last passed, there is not one processed and admitted to those mysteries there, who is above 20 years of age. So soon as any one is inducted and brought in thither, she or he is delivered to the priests as a very sacrifice to be killed: for they lead them to a place which resoundeth with yelling and crying, with singing of divers consorts, with jangling noise of cymbals, with thumping and beating of tabor, to the end that the voice of any one that crieth and complaineth of force and violence done to the abuse of his or her body, might not be heard. Now I beseech you therefore and all loves I pray you, that in any case by one means or other ye avoid this, howsoever ye do: and plunge not yourself headlong thither, where first you shall be sure to endure and suffer, and afterwards to perpetrate & commit all abominable wickedness not to be named. And never would she let the youth go from her, until he had made her faithful promise to abstain and forbear such mysteries and ceremonies. When he was come home, and that his mother was in hand with him, telling him what he must do this day and that day, and so forth; he flatly denied and said plainly he would do neither the one nor the other, and at one word, processed and consecrated he would not be, whatsoever came of it. His father in law was present & at one end of this resolute speech of his. His mother straightways cried out and said, that he could not find in his hart to lie apart from Hispala one ten days, and that he was so far bewitched and envenomed with the charms & poisoned allurements & baits of that false serpent & perilous Hydra, that he had no respective regard either of his mother, or mother's husband, no not any reverend fear of the immortal gods. The mother rated him of one side, the father baited & coursed him on another, till in the end they hunted him out of doors with 4 bondslaves besides. The young man betook himself to Ebutia, an aunt that he had by his father's side, and showed her the whole matter, why his mother had thrust him out of her house by the head and shoulders: which done, by her advice and counsel the next day he opened and declared the same in great secret, without the hearing of any earthly creature, to the Consul Posthumius. The Consul commanded him to repair again unto him three days after, & so for that time dismissed him. Then the Consul in the mean while inquired of his wife's mother Sulpitia, a grave and sober matron, whether she knew an old wise called Ebutia dwelling in the Aventine? Yes that I do qd. she, and I know her to be an honest dame, and a woman of the old world, and sew her like now adays. I must needs speak with her (qd. he) and therefore I would have you send a messenger unto her, for to will her to come hither. Ebutia at the first sending came unto Sulpitia; and the Consul within a while sorted (as it were by chance) into their company, and began to find some talk of her brother's son Ebutius: with that, the woman's eyes stood full of water, and with tears she began to bewail the case and mishap of the young man; who being spoiled of all his goods and patrimony (by those who of all others should least, have done it) was now at home in her house, chased and driven out of doors by his own mother: for that the honest good youth (God bless us all and be merciful unto us) was unwilling to be consecrated and admitted to certain filthy and detestable sacrifices (if all be true that is reported thereof.) The Consul had enough now, and was fully persuaded of Ebutius that he had told him no lie. Then he gave Ebutia leave to go her ways home, and requested his mother in law Sulpitia aforesaid, to send likewise for Hispala from thence out of the Aventine to come unto her; a woman (qd. he) affranchised and well enough known to all the neighbours of that street: for that I have somewhat also to say to her. Hispala was somewhat disquieted at this message, to think that she should be sent for to so noble and honourable a dame, and knew no cause wherefore. But after that she saw the Lictours before the entry of the door, the troop and train also belonging to the Consul, and withal, the Consul himself in person, she was astonished and (in manner) half dead. The Consul taking with him his wife's mother, had the woman into an inward room of the house, and said unto her, That she need not to be afraid, if so be she could find in her heart to tell the truth: and for assurance thereof, she should have the faithful word and promise either of Sulpitia (a lady of so good credit and reputation) or of himself, if need were. Only he would have her to urter and declare what was ordinarily done at the grove of Similla in the Bacchanals, where they used to sacrifice in the night season. The woman had no sooner heard that word, but she fell into such a fear, trembling and quaking all over her body, that for a good while she was not able to open her lips and speak a word: but after she was come to herself again out of this trance, and by them heartened and encouraged, she said, That when she was a very young wench and a bondmaiden, she, together with her mistress, was there processed and consecrated: but for certain years of late, and namely since that she was affranchised and made free, she was not acquainted with the place, nor wist not what work was there. I con thee thank for this yet (quoth the Consul) that thou deniest now how thou wert there entered into that procession; but say on and tell out the rest as truly and faithfully. She answered again, that she knew no more than she had already disclosed. The Consul replied upon her and said, That in case she were taken in a trip, and that another came forth to her face and reproved her, she should neither find the same pardon nor have the like favour at his hands, as otherwise she might if of herself she confessed the thing, for as much as he who had all from your own mouth, hath already discovered the whole. The woman knew where he was then, and was persuaded verily (as it was indeed) that Ebatius was a blab of his tongue, and had revealed this secret: whereupon she fell down at the feet of Sulpitia; and first began in most humble manner to beseech her, that she would not suffer, that words of course passed between her an enfranchised woman and her paramout, should turn not only to earnest and importance, but also to a capitol matter, to touch her as much as her life was worth: for what I said (quoth she) was but to fright him, and not for what I knew any such thing. Posthumius here at was chased, and fell into a sit of choler: What? (quoth he) thou thinkest belike that thou are jesting and cogging with thy lover Ebutius, and forgettest how thou art in the house of a right worshipful lady, and in communication with a Consul. But Sulpitia on the other side, willed her to stand up, (affrighted as she was) and withal, both exhorted her to be of good cheer, and also appeased the wrath of her son in law. In the end, after she had taken a better heart unto her, she greatly blamed and sound fault with the disloyalty and falsehood of Ebutius for serving her so, and requiting her full badly again for so singular a good turn that she had done him; and then said, That she stood in great awe of the gods, whose secrets she should reveal and divulge; but in greater fear of men, who no doubt for be wraying these matters, would be ready to tear her in pieces with their very hands. And therefore she besought Sulpitia, and entreated the Consul to take some order for her, and to send her into some place out of Italy, where she might pass the rest of her days in safety yet of her life. Be of good cheer woman (quoth the Consul) let me alone for that, I will provide well enough, that thou shalt live at Rome, and that without all danger. Then declared Hispala the original and first commencements of these sacrifices and solemnities. At the beginning (qd. she) it was apriviledged place and consecrated for women only, and they alone meddled with those mysteries; neither was in the custom and manner, that a man should enter in among them; and three set holidays they had in the year, during which time, the priests of Bacchus performed their ceremonies in the day time, and folk were admitted by them, to their religion and procession; and women they were all (and those matrons) who were created priests for that purpose, in their time and turn one after another. But Paculla Minia (a Campane woman) when she was the priest, changed all, as being advertised and admonished by the gods so to do: for she was the first that sacred and admitted men, to wit, her own sons Minius and Herennius the Cerrinians: she altered the solemnity from the day to the night; and for three days in the whole year, she ordained five in every month, to serve for the attendance and ministery of M these mysteries. Since which time that these sacrifices and ceremonies were thus divulged, and men and women intermingled together, and the licentious liberty of the night time also to help all forward, there is no act so wicked, no fact so filthy, but there it is committed: and more sinful and unnatural abuse there is, of mankind one with another, than there is of women. If any are either unwilling to suffer this soul filthiness, or bestirte themselves more dully in the beastly action and performance of that villainy, such presently are to be killed and sacrificed as beasts. And this is supposed amongst them, the principal point and sum of their religion, To hold and believe that nothing is unlawful whatsoever. The men shaking & wagging their bodies too and fro after a fanatical fashion, as if they were bestaught and out of their right wits, seem to divine and tell things to come. The women, attired like the shee-priests of Bacchus, with their heads unbound and their hair hanging loose about their ears, run down with flaming torches to the river Tiber; where they dip their torches into the water, and take them out again light burning still, because they are made with sulphur vice and quick time: and they say, that certain men are by the gods carried away from among them, no man knoweth whither; such as they bind fast to a certain engine or frame, and harry them out of sight into certain hidden caves: and those be such, as either would not swear to be of their conspiracy, or be partners with them in all their mischievous designments, or endure against kind to be abused. The number and multitude there assembled, is exceeding great, and grown now to be another body of a people: and among them are some noble persons, as well men as women. But now for these two years last passed, ordained it is, That none should be there processed and sacred above twenty years old; for such ages they lay for, to serve their turn, as are soon seduced and drawn to error, or most subject to be forced to suffer abuse and villainy. When she had thus finished her information and discovered all, she fell down upon her knees again, and lay at their feet, and repeated her former supplication the second time, to wit, That he would send her away out of the country. Then the Consul entreated his mother in law to spare some void corner of her house, where unto Hispala might retire herself, and there make her abode. So she allowed her an upper lodging in her house, and the stairs that led toward the street were stopped up, and the entrance turned into the house. Then presently were all the movable goods and household stuff of Fessenia removed, and her family sent for thither, and there entertained. Likewise Ebutius was commanded to go and lodge with a tenant or client belonging to the Consul. Thus when both the informers were forthcoming and under Posthumius his hand, he declared the whole matter to the Senate. And after he had laid every thing abroad in order, namely, what was reported to him first, and what he had learned afterwards by enquitie, the LL. of the Senate were surprised with exceeding great fear, as well in regard generally of the commonweal, lest those conspiracies, nightly meetings and conventicles, might import some secret complot of mischief and danger: as also for doubt in particular, that some of their own friends of family should be accessary and culpable. The Senate yet were of this mind, that the Consul was highly to be praised and thanked, for that he had found out and brought to light such a matter as this, both with so singular care and diligence, and also without any tumult and uproar. Then they took order and ordained, Imprimis, That the Consuls should have an extraordinary commission to make search and inquisition into these Bacchanales & night-sacrifices. Item, That Ebutius and Fessenis that informers thereof, should not be prejudiced thereby, nor come to harm for it, yea, and that a recompense and reward should be propounded to others that could give light and reveal the same. Item, That the priests belonging to these religions, be they men or women, should be sought out not only at Rome, but in all other market towns, fairs and places of frequent resort, and convented before the Consuls to be and remain at their disposition. Item, That proclamation be made at Rome, and edicts sent out throughout all Italy, that no person whatsoever, who had been sacred and processed religious by the priests of Bacchus, resort any more into assembly or conventicle for those sacrifices, ne yet do aught pertaining to such divine service. And above all things, that information and presentment he made of all those that had frequented such meetings or conventicles, to commit whoredom or any such filthiness and wickedness. And these were the ordinances of the Senate. The Consuls than granted their warrants out to the AEdiles Curule, to make diligent search and enquitie for those priests of that religion, and upon apprehension to keep them in free ward and large prison-forthcomming coming for to be examined: also to the AEdiles of the Commons to look well, that no service of the gods be celebrated in secret. Moreover, the Triumvirs capital were streightlycharged to set good watch and ward throughout the city, and see to meetings by night, for fear that no skatefire caught hold of any place. To those three Commissaries or Triumvirs were five: other Quinquevirs adjoined assistants, who every one should watch well and take keep of all the houses of his quarter within Tyberis. Then the Consuls having set them about these their several charges, mounted up the Rostra or place of public audience. And when the people were assembled together, than the Consul after he had pronounced the solemn prayer which magistrates are wont to use as a preamble, before they make speech unto the people, began his Oration unto them in this wise. 
The Oration of the Consul Post-huntius, for the overthrow of the Bacchanales.  Never in any of your assemblies, o Quirites, was this solemn prayer unto the gods, either so meet and convenient, or so requisite and needful as in this, to advertise and put you in mind, that those be the true gods indeed whom your ancestors ordained, that you should honour, serve, worship and pray unto, and not these here who prick & provoke (as it were) with goads of furies, your spirits and minds transported and carried away with false and strange religions, to commit allwickednesse, mischief, and filthy lust. Certes, for mine own part I wot not either what I were best to conceal, or how far forth to speak out and utter my mind. If you know not all, I doubt I should give you occasion to be negligent; again, if I discover all, I fear me that I shall affright and terrify you too much. But what and how muchsoever I shall say, be ye sure it will be far less than the greatness and enormity of the thing requireth. Yet endeavour will we so much to deliver, as may suffice to give you a warning and watchword to take heed. This am I well assured of, that you understand not only by hear say and bare report, but also by the ringing noises and yelling cries in the night season, that the Bacchanales have been a long time kept over all Italy, yea and in many places throughout the city of Rome, which resoundeth again there with. But what manner of thing it is, I am verily persuaded there is not one of you that knoweth. Some believe that it is a certain worship and service of the gods; others suppose it is some foolery and wanton pastime tolerated and winked at. But be what it will be, they think there are but a few interessed and employed therein. As touching the number and multitude of them, if I should tell you that they were many thousands, you cannot choose but suddenly be afraid, unless I also presently show, who they be and of what quality. Know ye therefore first and foremost, that the most part of them are women (and from thence is sprung the source of all this mischief.) Then are there men indeed, but such as for all the world resemble women, so effeminate they are: such I say, as have abandoned themselves as well to be abused as to abuse others: fanatical persons and distraught of their wits by reason of excessive watching, past sense and even astonished with bibbing of wine without measure, with houting, hollaing and crying all night without intermission. This conventicle of conspirators is yet of no great force, howbeit it gathereth much strength, in regard that they multiply still, & their number is every day more than other. Your ancestors in times past would in no wise admit that ye should assemble together at a venture and without important and just occasion, unless it were either by rearing a standard or banner upon the fortress for to levy an army; or to gather the people together to give their voices in elections of magistrates; or that the Tribunes proclaimed a general congregation of the common people; or some of the magistrates summoned them to an open audience for to hear an Oration: and wheresoever a multitude were thus met together, there they ordained and thought meet to have a lawful governor and overseer of them. But what kind of night conventicles think ye first these might be, and namely, where men and women are met and jumbled together pell-mell one with another? In faith, if ye wist at what age they of the male sex are processed and made novices, ye would not only pity them, but also be ashamed and dismayed. Think ye my masters Quirites, that young men thus processed and having taken this oath, are meet to make soldiers of? and that ye are to put weapons into the hands of such as are taken out of that stinking and detestable chapel? Shall these, thus stained, polluted, and overwhelmed with filthy uncleanness, as well of their own kind as others, fight for the pure chastity, for the honesty I say of your wives and children? Less harm had it been, if they could have rested so, and become only effeminate by their own unchaste impurity (for that had redounded most to their proper shame and dishonour) and not have abused their hands to practise mischief, and busied their brains to contrive fraud and deceit. But never was there in Commonweal either so great and dangerous a malady, or touching more persons, or reaching to farther matters of greater consequence. For wot ye well this, that all the sinful parts committed for these late years, were it filthy lust, crafty cozening, or any wickedness whatsoever, proceeded and sprung out of this one ungracious chapel and place of counterfeit holiness, and no other. Yet have they not put in practise all their mischiefs, which they have most cursedly complotted and sworn to execute. hitherto their impious and detestable conspiracy hath broken out, and passed no further than to particular and private mischeefs, because they have not gathered force and strength enough to invade and oppress the Commonweal. Howbeit the evil increaseth, and the malady spreadeth further daily, and by this time is grown so much, as it will not contain within the private fortune and condition of particular persons, but threateneth the very main State of the Commonweal. And unless (Quirites) ye take order to prevent it, these night-congregations may soon be as frequent and great as this present assembly, summoned by order of law and commandment of the Consul, in the open day time. Now are they (singled by themselves apart) afraid of you, when they see you thus all assembled together; but so soon as you are retired either to your houses within the city, or farms in the country, and by that means severed as under, they will surely meet together; devise they will and consult both to save themselves, and also to ruinate and destroy you at once. Then take heed to yourselves: then shall you (singled one from another) be in dread and danger of them all in general. It behoveth therefore every one of you to desire and with, that all they who belong any way unto your charge, be wise and well given. Then, if either fleshly lust or furious rage, have drawn and haled any one of them headlong into that gulf and sink of sin, to hold such a person to be of their crew, with whom he hath thus sworn and devoted himself to all sin and abominable wickedness, and not reckon him of your own retinue & train any more. Moreover, careless I am not of your own persons in this behalf, that none of you should be seduced and led away with error. For nothing is there in the world, that deceiveth more under fair semblance, than false religion. For when the name and majesty of the gods is pretended to cover and colour naughtiness, suddenly there entereth into our mind a scrupulous awe, which doth captivate andpossesse our conscience, for fear least in chastising and punishing human trespasses, we violate and offend some divine right and power therewith. But of this scrupulosity discharged ye are, by an infinite number of Pontifical decrees, acts of Senate, yea, and answers of divine Sages and Soothfaiers. For how many a time and often in the days of our fathers and grandfathers, hath commission been granted to the Magistrates, To restrain and forbid expressly all foreign sacrifices and strange liturges? To chase and banish all odd hedge-priests, wizards, tellers of fortunes, and Magicians out of the common place, out of the show place and theatre, yea, and quite out of the city? To search out all their books of Magic and prophecies, and to set a fire on them? Lastly, to abolish all other order and manner of sacrificing, but according to the Cannon, form, and order of Rome? For they judged (wise men as they were, and deeply seen in all divine and human laws) nothing so forcible to ruinate and overthrow religion, as when divine service is celebrated after some strange and foreign fashion, and not according to the ancient custom of the place. Thus much I thought good by way of caveat to foretell you of, to the end, that no superstitious opinion should trouble your spirits when you shall see us to demolish and overthrow the Bacchanales, and scatter these unlawful assemblies. For all this will we do with the good leave, favour and grace of the gods. Who being highly offended to see their divinity and godhead thus polluted with wicked and abominable filthiness, have discovered the same, lying hidden in darkness, and brought it to light: neither in their wisdom and providence, was it their will & pleasure, that such enormities thus detected, should remain unpunished, but be suppressed and extinguished for ever. Now hath the Senate directed out unto me and my colleague, an extra ordinary commission and warrant to make due inquisition here into: by vertuewhereof, we for our parts will accomplish our charge accordingly with all diligence and expedition. As for the night-watch throughout the city, we have given order already to the inferior magistrates to look unto it. Semblably, meet and reason it is, that every one of you according to his place and calling, quit himself well in whatsoever shall be imposed and laid upon him: and especially to endeavour and prevent, that no danger or mutiny arise by the maliciousness of those that are culpable and offenders. Then the Consuls commanded the acts of the Senate in this behalf to be read openly: they propounded and promised also rewards to all informers, that either convented and brought before them any such persons, or presented their names, if they were absent and out of the way. And look whosoever were thus nominated and fled upon it, they would assign him a certain day to make his appearance: upon which day, if he answered not to his name when he were called, he should be condemned notwithstanding his absence. And if any of their names were presented, who happened at the time of the information to be without the land of Italy, he should have a longer term set down, to come in and make his answer. After this, they published an edict, forbidding (lest any one should be desirous to sell or buy aught tending to flight and departure) to receive, conceal, aid or maintain by any means those that were about to sly. After the assembly of the people dismissed, great fear there was over all the city: neither was it contained within the walls, liberties, and territory only of Rome, but in all parts of Italy they began to quake and tremble for fear; and namely after that letters came from their friends and acquaintance, touching the ordinance of the Senate, the solemn assembly of the people, and the Edict of the Consuls aforesaid. The night next following that day (wherein this matter was thus declared openly in audience before the people) many would gladly have started aside and been gone, but apprehended they were and brought back again by the Triumvers, who had set a good watch at every gate. Many presentments were made, and certain persons thus presented, as well men as women, killed themselves. It is reported that there were found in this conspiracy of both sexes one with another above seven thousand. The principal heads were known for certain to be M. and L. Catinius, Romans both, and by calling 
* de Pabe.  not so good as Senators: L. Opitermius of Falerij, and Mintus Cerrinius a Campane. These were the ringleaders of the rest, from them arose all mischief and villainy whatsoever: these were the chief priests (surreverence) and the founders for sooth of this religion. To apprehend these persons with all speed, no possible means were neglected. And when they were brought before the Consuls, they confessed all, and for any let in them, they might presently have been condemned. But such a number there was of them who fled out of the city, that because the actions and goods of many men hereby were in danger to be lost and perish, the Pretours T. Menius and M. Licinius were constrained by the Senate to give thirty days respite and delay for the pleas, until such time as the Consuls went through with their inquisition. By occasion of the same infrequencie (for that they whose names were presented, neither made answer not could be found) the Consuls were enforced to ride their circuit about market towns and places of resort, and there to hold Assize and Sessions for to make inquisition, and judicially to proceed in sentence against the offenders. As many as they found to be only entered, and to have taken orders, namely such as according to a certain form of words indited and prompted by the priest, had made their prayers saying after him (in which was contained a detestable sacrament and oath that they took, to commit all wicked acts and beastly filthiness, and yet notwithstanding had offered and done no such act either in their own persons or in others, to which they were obliged by oath) those I say they left still in prison and durance. But such as were defiled with filthiness of lust, polluted with bloody murders, such as were attaint and stained, with bearing false witness, with forging and foisting of wills and restaments, with counterfeiting of seals, and other such cozening casts, those they executed with loss of life, and the number of them that thus were put to death surmounted those other that suffered only imprisonment. But a wondrous multitude there was of both sorts the one and the other, and those as well women as men. As many of the women as were condemned, they committed over to their next kinsfolk, or to those guardians under whose tuition and subjection they were, that they might themselves privately at home punish them accordingly. But if there were none to be found meet to do the execution, than they suffered publicly abroad in the face of the world. After this, a commission was granted to the Consuls, for to overthrow and pull down first at Rome, and then throughout Italy, all the places of theseBacchanales, unless in any of them there stood some old altar or image consecrated. And for the time to come by an act of the Senate a prohibition went out, that there should be no Bacchanales any more either in Rome, or in all Italy. Moreover, if any person made some conscience of this religion, and held it for a devout, solemn and necessary institution, and withal protested before the praetor of the city, that he could not lay away the same without prick, remorse, and clog of conscience: then the said praetor was to put the cause in question before the Senate, and if the Senate (assembled in no less frequency than one hundred) would allow and permit the same, then might the party solemnize that devotion and divine service provided always, that there were not above five persons present thereat, to assist him, nor any common silver to be used in the ministery, nor Offer-master, nor Priest. Over and besides, another act of the Senate there was joined unto this, and the same moved bythe Consul Q. Martius, That as touching those persons whom the Consul had for the informers and revealers of this matter, the full authority in disposing of them, should be wholly referred to the Senate, so soon as Sp. Posthumius had finished his inquisition, and was returned to Rome. As for Cerrinius the Campane, they ordained that he should be sent to Ardea, there to lie in prison, and that the magistrates of Ardea should have a charge given them beforehand to look to their prisoner more straightly, that neither he broke prison and made an escape, nor yet might have means and opportunity to make himself away. After a certain time Sp. Posthumius came to Rome again, and when he put to question before the Senate, concerning the reward of P. Ebutius, and Hispala Fessenia, for that by their means the Bacchanales were disclosed, there passed an act and decree, That the Treasurers of the city should deliver unto them out of the city chamber 100000 asses a piece. Also that the Consuls should deal with the Tribunes of the Commons for to prefer a bill unto the people, as soon as possibly they might, that P. Ebutius for ever after might be exempt from soldiery, and have his pension and fee, as if he had accomplished his term of service by law required, so as he neither were compelled to go to warfare against his will, nor the Censors should assign unto him a public horse of service. Moreover, that Fessenia Hispala might have the liberty and power to make a deed of gift or alienation of her goods unto whom she pleased, yea and spend the same, and do there with what she thought good. Item, that she might be wedded out of her own family into what house she would herself, and make choice of her tutor and patron to her own liking and contentment, as if her husband by his will and testament had so ordained & set down. Item, that she might be wedded to one of frank condition or freeborn, and that he who had espoused and married her, should not there by sustain discredit or receive damage. Finally, that not only the Cos. and Praetors now in place, but also those here after to come, should provide and take order that no wrong be done to that woman, but secure her from all harm. This the Senate judged meet and requisite to be done. All these things were likewise propounded unto the Com. and executed according to the ordinance of the Senat. Finally, as touching both the impunity and also the recompense of other the informers, it was referred to the discretion of the Consuls.  
By this time Q. Martius also having finished the inquisition in his circuit and quarter, made preparation to go into his province of Liguria, after he had received for to supply and make up his legions 3000 foot, and 150 horsemen Romans, besides 5000 footmen and 200 horse of Latins. The same province with the like number as well of horse as foot, was decreed likewise unto his companion in government. Those armies they took charge of which the former year C. Flaminius and M. Aemylius the Consuls had: moreover by an act of the Senate, enjoined they were to enrol two new legions besides: and withal they levied of the Latin allies 20000 foot, and 3000 horse; 3000 footmen also, and 200 horsemen Romans. All these forces (setting aside the legions) it was thought good to be led to furnish out the army in Spain. And therefore the Consuls whiles they were themselves in person occupied about the foresaid inquisitions, gave commission to T. Menius for to taketh musters. And when those inquests were performed and done as is before said, Q. Martius took his journey first of the twain towards the Apuans in Liguria. But whiles in eager pursuit of them he engaged himself into the secret and blind passes, wherein at all times they had their lurking retraits and places of safe receipt: within those straits and passages which the enemies had seized before, he was environed by them in a place of great disadvantage: where he lost four thousand soldiers, with three ensigns of the second legion, and eleven banners of the Latin allies, which were all taken by the enemies. Also, much armour and many weapons were thrown away here and there, by reason that they were encumbered therewith as they fled through the woody paths of the forest: neither did the Ligurians give over their chase, before that the Romans ended their flight. The Consul, so soon as he was escaped out of the enemy's territory, sent his army away into divers parts of the peaceable country, to the end, that it might not be seen, how much his forces were impaired, yet could not he for all that suppress and smudder the bruit that was blown abroad of his unfortunate journey, nor cancel the remembrance of the overthrow: for ever after, the forest out of which the Ligurians hunted him, was called The straits of Martius. A little before the news of the affairs in Liguria, the letters out of Spain were read, containing sorrow mixed with joy; to wit, That C. Catinius (who two year before went as praetor into that province) sought a field with the Lusitanes in the territory of Asta; where, six thousand enemies fell upon the sword; and the rest were discomfited, put to flight, and driven out of their camp. Afterwards, he conducted his legions to the assault of the town Asta, which he forced and won, with no greater ado than before he gained their camp. But as he approached near the walls and took no good heed to himself, he was wounded, and of his hurt within few days died. Upon the reading of these letters (importing the death of the Propretour;) the Senate was of advise to dispatch a messenger (to overtake the Praetor C. Calpurnius) as far as the port of Luna, and give him to understand from the Senate, that their advice was, he should make all the hast he could in his journey, to the end, that the province might not be without a governor there to command. The courier which was sent, within four days arrived at Luna: and but few days before, Calpurnius was departed and had put himself in his journey.  
Moreover, L. Manlius Acidinus (who was gone into his province at the same time that C. Catinius went) struck a battle likewise with the Celtiberians in the hither province of Spain. But they departed on both sides out of the field with doubtful victory, save only that the Celtiberians the next night following, dislodged and removed from thence: whereby the Romans had liberty and time both to inter their dead, and to gather up the spoils of their enemies. And within few days after, the same Celtiberians having raised a more puissant army, of themselves gave the Romans battle near the city Calagurris. It is not set down in the history, what should be the cause why they were the weaker, considering their number was reenforced: but soiled they were in fight and had the overthrow. Of the enemies there died upon 12000, and not so few as 2000 taken prisoners: and the Romans likewise were masters of the camp. And had not Manlius been impeached and restrained in this train of victory (which he hotly followed) by the coming of Calpurnius his successor in government, the Celtiberians had been utterly subdued. The new Pretours withdrew both armies to their wintering harbours.  
At the same time that these news came out of Spain, the plays called Taurilia were exhibited two days together, in the honour of the gods. And after them, M. Fulvius set out (with great furniture in sumptuous manner for the space of ten days) his plays which he had vowed in the Aetolian war. And for to do him honour, and grace this solemnity, many cunning actors and players came out of Greece. This was the first time that there was represented at Rome, the show of champions and wrestlers for the best game: then also was exhibited the pastime of hunting and baiting lions and panthers: and in one word, these sports were celebrated with as great magnificence and variety almost as the modern pastimes and games in these days. After all this, was holden a Novendiall feast; during which, there was much sacrificing, and all by occasion that for three days it reigned stones in the Picene country: and because it was reported, that the lightning in divers places and in sundry sorts, had blasted and lightly singed the garments especially, of many folk. To the said feast, there was adjoined a supplication of one day, ordained by a decree of the Pontifies, for that the chapel of the goddess Ops (standing in the Capitol) was smitten with a thunderbolt. In regard of these prodigies, the Consuls procured explation by sacrificing greater beasts, and so they purged and hallowed the city. At the same time word was brought out of Vmbria, that there was an Hermaphrodite or Skrat found, almost twelve years old. This was held for a detestable and abominable monster; and therefore order was given, that it should be kept out of the territory of Rome, and killed out of hand.  
The same year, certain Gauls from beyond the Alpes passed into the territory of Venice, without forraying, spoiling, and using any manner of hostility; and not far from the place where as now Aquileia standeth, they seized upon a plot of ground to build a city in. Certain Roman Ambassadors were sent about this matter, beyond the Alpes; where they received this intelligence and answer from the inhabitants of the country, That neither those Gauls took that voyage and expedition by authority and warrant from the whole nation, neither knew they what they did in Italy.  
L. Scipio likewise about the same time, set out his plays for ten days together; for which he said, that he had made a vow during the time of the war against Antiochus, and he deffraied the charges there of with the money contributed unto him by divers KK. and States for that purpose. Valerius Antias writeth, that after he was condemned, and his goods confiscate and sold, he was sent embassage into Asia, for to take up certain controversies and differences between the two kings Antiochus and Eumenes: and then it was (saith he) that the said contribution was made, and many skilful artificers and players gathered unto him out of all Asia; and in the end, after this Embassage he moved the Senate for these games, because he had made no mention not words at all of them after the said war: by occasion whereof (by Valerius his saying) he vowed them.  
The year being now at an end, Q. Martius in his absence was to leave his magistracy: and Q. Posthumius having sitten upon the inquisition aforesaid, and with all fidelity and careful diligence that might be, brought it to an end, held the solemn assembly for election of magistrates: wherein were chosen Consuls, Ap. Claudius Pulcher and M. Sempronius Tuditanus. And the morrow after were elected for Praetors, P. Cornelius Cethegus, A. Posthumius Albinus, C. Asranius Stellio, C. Attilius Serranus, L. Posthumius Tempsanus, and M. Claudius Marcellus. At the years end, upon the relation of Sp. Posthumius the Consul, that in his visitation about the inquests aforesaid, as he road along the sea coasts of Italy on both sides, he found certain colonies dispeopled and desolate, to wit, Sipontum upon the adriatic sea, and Buxentum upon the Tuscan. T. Manius the city praetor (by virtue of an act of the Senate in that behalf) created three commissaries called Triumvirs, for to enrol and plant new inhabitants there, namely, L. Scribonius Libo, M. Tuccius, and Cn. Babius Tamphilus.  
The war against king Perseus and the Macedonians, which now was a breeding, arose not upon that cause and occasion which most men imagine, ne yet from Perseus' himself: for the first groundwork thereof was laid by Philip, who if he had lived longer, would have been seen in open action. One thing there was above the rest which stung him, at what time as the Romans imposed conditions upon him after he was vanquished, to wit, That the Senate laid a bar for to be revenged of those Macedonians who had revolted from him: which he despaired not but it had been possible to have obtained at their hands, considering that Quintius in the capitulations of peace, reserved that point entire and excepted not against it. Now afterwards, when Antiochus was defeated in the battle of Thermopylae, and that both Philip and the Consul entered upon several exploits; Acilius went in hand to assault Heraclea, and Philip at the same time the city of Lamia. Heraclea was no sooner forced, but Philip had commandment to levy his siege before Lamia, and the town was yielded to the Romans: and this he took to the heart. Howbeit, the Consul appeased his choler for the time, in that making haste in person to Naupactum (unto which town the Aetolians after their rout were retired) he suffered Philip to war upon Athamania and Aminander; to adjoin also and lay unto his kingdom those cities which the Aetolians had taken from the Thessalians. Now had Philip chased Aminander out of Athamania, and won certain cities without any great ado. Demetrias also (a strong city of great importance, and very commodious for all things) together with the nation of the Magnetes, he brought under his obedience. After this, he forced certain towns in Asia, which were troubled with the seditious variance of their principal and great personages, by reason that they knew not how to use their new liberty, wherewith they had not been acquainted: he won these cities (I say) by taking part with those, who in this civil dissension were the weaker, and otherwise would have gone to the walls. By these means the wrath of the king against the Romans was well allayed for the present: nevertheless, he ceased not all the time of peace to bethink how he might gather more strength, and be able to war again, whensoever any good occasion should be presented unto him. He increased therefore the revenues of the crown, not only by raising taxes out of all the fruits of the earth, and setting impost and customs upon all merchandise brought into his realm by sea from foreign parts; but also revived the rents & issues of the old mines which had discontinued, yea & in many places ordained new. Moreover, to replenish his country, which by many calamities following war, was dispeopled, he not only took order that his subjects should multiply by forcing them to get, breed, and bringup children, but also translated a great multitude of Thracians into Macedon; and for a good time wherein he was in repose and rest from the war, he bent his whole mind, and employed all his study how to make himself great, and augment the puissance of his kingdom. Then old matters and quarrels were renewed, which might whet his stomach, and kindle his anger against the Romans. For the complaints which the Thessalians and the Perrhoebians made for that their cities were by him possessed, likewise those grievances which the ambassadors of king Eumenes laid abroad touching the Thracian towns, which he seized and held by force, were heard by the Romans; so as it evidently appeared, that they neglected them not. But that which moyed the Senate most, was this, That they had intelligence how he intended to be lord of Aenus and Maronea: as for the Thessalians, they took less regard of them. Moreover, there came the ambassadors of Athamania, who complained not for the loss of somepart of their territory, nor that he encroached upon their frontiers, but that all Athamania full and whole, was reduced under the subjection and jurisdiction of the king. The banished persons also of Maronea, who had been chased out of the city by the king's garrison (for that they stood in defence and maintenance of liberty) made relation, that not only Maronea was in the hands of Philip, but the city of Aenus also. Likewise there came ambassadors from Philip, to purge him of all these matters laid to his charge, who averred, That their king and master had done nothing but by commission and warrant from the Roman General. They pleaded and alleged, that the case of the Thessalian, Perrhoebian, and Magnesian cities, yea, and the whole nation of Athamania together with Aminander, was all one with the Aetolians: namely, That after Antiochus the king was chased and expelled, the Consul himself being employed and occupied in besieging the cities of Aetolia, sent Philip for to recover the States abovenamed, which being vanquished inwarre, were now subject unto him. Hereupon the Senate, because they would not determine and set down any thing in the absence of the king, sent three delegates or Commissioners, to decide these controversies, to wit, Q. Caecilius Metellus, M. Boebius Tamphilus, and T. Sempronius. Upon whose arrival, there was published a general Diet of all those States that were at difference with the king, to be holden at Tempe in Thessaly. When they were all set there in counsel, the Roman legates, as umpiers and judges, the Thessalians, Perrhoebians, and Athamanes as plaintiffs and accusers, and Philip as defendant to hear and receive the challenges and accusations against him; the chief ambassadors from the said cities, pleaded against Philip, bitterly or mildly, more or less, according to the several disposition of their natures, and the proportion either of affectionate favour or malicious hatred which they bore to him. Now all the question and debate touching Philippopolis, Tricca, Phaloria, Eurymenae, and other towns about them was this, Whether those pieces, considering the Aetolians won and held them by force (and well known it was, that Philip had taken them from the Aetolians) belonged in right to the Thessalians, or appertained of old time to the Aetolians? For Acilius had granted them unto the king upon these conditions, namely, if they were any of the appurtenances of the Aetolians, and if they combined and took part with the Aetolians willingly of their own accord, and not by constraint & force of arms. Upon like terms stood the controversy of the Perrhaebian and Magnesian towns. For the Aetolians had brought a confusion in all their tenors, by reason that they held and possessed those cities, by taking their vantage upon divers occasions. Besides these substantial points properly to be decided, the Thessalians came in with their complaints also: for that those towns (in case they were out of handdelivered unto them yet) he should render them spoiled, naked and desolate. For over and besides those who miscarried by casualty of war, Philip had carried away into Macedon 500, even the principal flower of their youth, and abused them like slaves, in putting them to base ministries & servile drudgeries, and look whatsoever by compulsion he redelivered to the Thessalians, he had taken order afore that they should be good for nothing. As for example (say they) Thebes in Phthia, the only maritime city for much traffic and merchandise, was in times past gainful and commodious to the Thessalians, and brought them great revenues and profits. But Philip had turned the staple and all the trade and negotiation by sea from thence to Demetrias, and having gotten hulks and hoys, caused them to balk and pass by Thebes, and direct their course for Demetrias. Nay he could not so much as hold his hands from evil entreating their ambassadors who by law ofnations are inviolable. For he forlaied them in ambush, as they were in their journey to T. Quintius. By which means the Thessalians all in general were so overawed by him, and put in such fears, that there is not a man amongst them dare open his mouth, either in their own cities, or in any of the Diets and Counsels of the whole nation. For why? their patrons of whom they hold their liberty are far off, but an imperious lord they have that sitteth ever on their skirts, and pricketh them continually in the sides, and will not suffer them to use and enjoy the benefits granted them by the people of Rome. For take away from them the liberty of speech once, what freedom have they left? And even at this present, for all the assurance and confidence they have in the privilege of ambassadors, they rather sigh and groan out their words, than speak frankly, and parley with liberty. And unless the Romans provide better in some good sort, that both the greeks remaining inMacedonie, may be void of fear, and Philip also kerbed and kept short for being so bold, it will be to no purpose at all, that either he was vanquished, or they enfranchised. He is therefore to be held in with a rougher and harder bit in his mouth, like an headstrong and frampold horse, that will not be ruled with a gentle snaffle. In this sharp and eager manner dealt the last, whereas the former had used fair language to appease and mollify his anger, beseeching his grace to pardon them in case they spoke their minds for their liberty, to lay down the rigour of a lord and master, to bear himself like a kind ally and loving friend, and to take example of the Romans, and them to imitate, who chose rather to gain associates by love, than constrain them by fear. After audience given to the Thessalians, the Perrhaebians came in place, and alleged, that Gonnocondylus (a city which Philip named Olympias) belonged in right to Perrhaebia: and earnest they were, that it might be restored unto them. They demanded also to have Mallaea and Ericinium again. Then the Athamanes put in, and spoke for their liberty, and to have the forts of Athenaeum and Poetneum rendered unto them. Philip because he would seem more like a plaintiff than a defendant, & to accuse rather than tobe accused, began himself also with complaints. He found himself grieved, that the Thessalians had won by force of arms the city Menelais in Dolopia, part of the appurtenances belonging to his kingdom. Item, That the same Thessalians and the Perrhaebians together had forced Petra in Pieria. As for Xyniae (an Aetolian town without all question) they had indeed laid it unto his signory, but Parachelois, which should be under Athamania, by no right in the world was annexed to the Thessalians, and comprised within their charter. For as touching the matters (quoth he) charged upon me so odiously, namely of laying await for the ambassadors, of frequenting these port-townes or abandoning those: the one is a mere mockery & ridiculous thing: namely for me to give account what havens, merchants, and mariners sail unto or arrive at; the other is clean adverse & contrary to my nature, & that which I never could abide to practise. For this many years (quoth he) ambassadors have never ceased and given over, to inform grievous matters against me to the Roman Generals, and to the Senate at Rome: and which of them ever to this day hath had so much as a foul word given again unto him from me? Supposed and objected it is, that once they were forlaied by the way as they were going to Quintius, but it is not said withal what happened unto them. This manner of dealing and accusation savoureth of quarrelers that sane would have somewhat to say, be it never so false, when they can find no matter of truth to charge a man withal. These Thessalians beyond all mean and measure abuse the kindness and indulgence of the people of Rome, and faring as men who had endured a long drought and thirst, they drink over-greedily, pouring in shear liberty, and nothing else to it, and know not when to make an end, and to break their draft: Like, for all the world to bondslaves suddenly set at freedom beyond their hope and expectation, whose manner is to break out into broad terms and licentious language, and can not contain but revile and rail at their very masters. And at last, in a furious fit of choler he burst forth into these words, That the sun was not set and gone to bed for ever, but would one day rise again. This minatory speech of his not only the Thessalians took to themselves, but the Romans also construed as a glance at them. Upon these words arose some bruit and murmuring in the assembly, but being in the end appeased and stilled, he answered the agents for the Perrhaebians and Athamanes in this wise, That the case and condition of those cities for which they stood, was one & the same, namely, that the Consul Acilius and the Romans passed them unto him by a deed of gift, as having aforetime belonged to their enemies. Now if they who have given, will also take away the same, than (qd. he) I must needs quit my hold, and lose them: but in so doing, they shall to gratify their fickle, inconstant, & vain allies, men of no regard, and good for nothing, do mere and manifest wrong to a far better and more faithful friend For nothing is there in the world more thankless and less while accepted than liberty, especially with them who know not how to use it, and by abuse thereof will soon spill the grace of such a benefit. Then the Roman Delegates, having heard the reasons and allegations of both parties pronounced sentence, That the Macedonian garrisons should quit the cities abovesaid, and the realm of Macedon be confined within the ancient bounds and limits. As touching the injuries which they complained to have been reciprocally offered from one to another, there was a form and course of law to be set down, which should contain a process and manner, how the matters between the Macedonians and the other nations might be reform and composed. Hereat the king was highly offended and displeased, but the Delegates went their ways toward Thessalonica, to visit likewise the cities of Thrace, and to hear their causes; where the ambassadors of king Eumenes made a speech to this effect.  
If the pleasure of the Romans be, that the two cities Aenus and Maronea shall be free, it is not for us in modesty to say any more, but advertise and admonish them to leave the same in real and not in verbal liberty, and not suffer a gift by them granted to be impeached or intercepted by another. But if they have less care and consideration of the cities and states planted in Thracia, yet more meet and reason it is, that those places which sometimes were subject to Antiochus, should fall to Eumenes rather than to Philip; by way of recompense for war-service, in regard as well of the merits of his father Attalus during the war against Philip, as of his own deserts, who during the war with Antiochus, was personally present in all travails and dangers both by sea and land. And to this effect, he hath besides an award of the ten Delegates passed already beforehand, who in the grant and donation of Chersonesus and Lysimachia, have no doubt given Maronea and Aenus likewise to be as dependences and parcels of a greater gift, considering the neerevicinitie and neighbourhood of those other cities. For, as concerning Philip, what hath he deserved at the hands of the people of Rome? what right of signory can he pretend, why he should plant garrisons in these cities so far remote and distant as they be, from the marches and frontiers of Macedon? I wish ye would call for the Maronites, and hear what they can say, who are able to inform you more fully and certainly in all respects of the whole state of these cities. Then were the ambassadors of the Maronites called in: who affirmed, That the king had a garrison not in one place only of their city (as he had in other cities besides) but in many quarters thereof at one time; so as Maronea was pestered full with Macedonians. And therefore (say they) the king's favourites and flatterers are they that rule all and bear the sway: they and none but they, may be allowed to speak both in Senate at the counsel table, and in general assemblies before the people: they go away with all honours and dignities, and either are invested therein themselves, or else confer them upon whom they please. The best men, who stand either for defence of freedom, or in maintenance of the laws, either are driven their country and banished, or sit a cold and blow their nails, for any advancement they come unto; and being subject and thrall to persons of no worth, stand still like cyphtes and hold their peace. Somewhat they said moreover in brief as touching the right of their limits, to wit, That Q. Fabius Labeo, at what time as he was in those parts, confined Philip within the bounds of the old kings-street or high way, which directly leadeth to Paroreia in Thrace, and in no place turneth and declineth toward the sea: but Philip afterwards had made a new causey, and drawn it with a compass about, within which he impaled and took in the cities and territories also of the Maronites. To these challenges Philip began far otherwise, than he did of late against the Thessalians and Perrhoebeans, and in this wise he spoke. 
〈…〉  I have quoth he no matter to debate either with the Maronites or Eumenes; but now at this present I am to contest even with you (my masters of Rome) at whose hands I have seen thus long that I can obtain no reason and equity. I thought it meet and right, that the Macedonian cities which had revolted from me during the time of truce, should be rendered again unto me: not for any great increase of signiory that thereby should have accrued unto my kingdom (for small towns they are god wot, and situate upon the utmost frontiers) but because their precedent and example might have imported much, to retain the rest of the Macedonians in their duty and allegiance. In no wise it would be granted. During the Aetolian war, I was enjoined by the Consul Acilius to besiege and assault the city Lamia: and after I had been toiled out and wearied with maintaining skirmishes, raising fabrics, planting ordinance and engines against it, even when I was at the very point to scale the walls and force the city, the Consul reclaimed and called me away, yea, and compelled me to levy the siege, and withdraw my forces from thence. And for to make me some part of amends for this wrong done, permitted I was to win again and conquer certain small piles and forts, rather than cities of Thessaly, Perrhoebia, and Athamania. And even those also, I may say unto you Q. Caecilius, ye have taken from me within these few days. And now forsooth of late, the ambassadors of Eumenes also (and God will) have presumed upon this as a thing granted and without all question, That more reason it is for Eumenes to have and enjoy that which belonged to Antiochus, than for me. But my judgement is far otherwise. And why? Eumenes could never have continued in his realm, unless the Romans, I will not say, had vanquished king Antiochus, but surely if they had not waged war against him. And therefore is he indebted unto you, and you no ways beholden unto him. As for my kingdom, so far was it off, that any part or quarter of it should be in hazard and jeopardy; that when Antiochus of his own mere motion offered to buy my society with three thousand talents, and fifty covered ships of war, together with all those cities in Greece which I held in possession aforetime; I refused all, and disdained his alliance, yea, and I processed openly, even before that M. Acilius came over with his army into Greece, that I was his enemy, and together with that Consul, was employed in what part soever of the war, which he charged and laid upon me. Also when L. Scipio the Consul his successor, determined to lead his army by land to Hellespont, I not only gave him leave to pass peaceably through my realm, but also caused the high ways to be paved and gravelled, bridges to be made against his coming, yea, and furnished him with provision of victuals. And this did I, not in Macedon alone, but also throughout all Thrace, where among other matters, this was not of least importance and consequence, to restrainethose barbarous nations there, from running upon them, and to keep them in peace and quietness. In consideration now of this kind affection of mine (if I may not call it a good desert) unto you, whether ought ye Romans in reason to give me somewhat to that I have, to augment and increase my dominion by your largesse and munificence, or, to take from me (as you do) that which I have either in mine own right, or by gift from you? The Macedonian cities, which you confess to have been parcels of my kingdom, are not restored unto me. Eumenes on the other side, he comes to make spoil of me, as if I were Antiochus, and (mark I pray you the devise of it) he pretendeth a decree of the ten delegates to colour his most shameless, impudent, and cautelous falsehood; even that by which himself may be most refuted and convicted. For in very express and plain terms it is thus written, That Chersonnesus and Lysimachia are given to Eumenes. Where I pray you, and in what corner of the instrument and patent stand Aenus, Maronea, and the cities of Thrace? Shall he obtain that at your hands, and by your means, as given and granted from those ten Delegates, which he never durst so much as once demand and require of them? Tell me (if the thing be worth so much) in what place ye would range and reckon me? If your purpose be to persecute me as an enemy and mortal so, spare not, but go on still as ye have begun: but if you respect me as a king, as your ally and friend, I beseech you, repute me not worthy of so notorious and manifest a wrong. This Oration of the king in some measure moved the Commissioners, and therefore by framing a mean and indifferent answer, they held the matter still in suspense undecided. If (say they) the cities in question were given to Eumenes, by virtue of a decree set down by the ten Delegates, we will not change nor alter any thing therein. But in case Philip acquitted them by conquest and force of arms, he should have held them as the guerdon of his victory. If neither, we are of opinion, That the hearing and decision of this difference shall be referred over to the Senate: and to the end, that all may remain entire, the garrisons in those cities shall be withdrawn and depart. These, I say, were the causes that principally estranged the affection of Philip from the Romans, and wrought discontentment in his heart; insomuch, as evident it is, that the war was not enterprised by his son Perseus upon any new quarrels and fresh occasion, but upon these motives let unto him by his father to be pursued.  
No suspicion was there at Rome of a Macedonian war. L. Manlius the Proconsull was returned out of Spain: and when he demanded a triumph of the Senate, assembled in the temple of Bellona, the same in regard of his noble and worthy exploits might have been obtained, but for example sake it was not granted. For an order it was in Rome, by ancient custom of their forefathers, that no man might triumph, who brought not his army back with him, unless he left unto his successor the province fully subdued and settled in peace. Howbeit, Manlius was allowed an indifferent honour, namely, to enter into the city by way of Ovation. In which solemnity he had borne before him in a pompous pageant two & fifty coronets of gold. Moreover in gold a hundred thirty two pound weight, and in silver six thousand three hundred. Also he pronounced aloud in the Senate, that Q. Fabius the Questour was coming, and brought with him ten thousand pound weight more of silver, and eighty of gold, which he meant likewise to bring into the chamber of the city.  
That year a great commotion and insurrection there was of bondslaves in Apulia. L. Posthumius the praetor had the government of Tarentum, and he sat in inquisition upon a damned crew of certain herdsmen and graziers, who had conspired together, and used to rob by the high way side, and in the common pastures belonging to the city; which commission he followed with such severity and rigour, that he condemned seven thousand of them. Many escaped and fled, but many were executed and suffered death. As for the Consuls, long were they kept in the city of Rome, about the levy of soldiers, but at length they went into their provinces.  
The same year, C. Calpurnius and L. Quintius the Pretours in Spain, having in the beginning of the Spring led forth their armies out of their wintering holds, and joined their forces together in Beturia, advanced forward into Carpetaine, (where the enemies were encamped) with a resolution to manage and conduct the war with one joint mind and common council together. Not far from the cities Hippon and Toletum, there began a skirmish between the foragers of both parts, that were gone forth to make provision: seconded they were from the one camp and the other, by means whereof, the whole armies of both sides by little and little, came forth into the field to strike a full battle. In this tumultuary medley, the enemies had the vantage, as well of the ground wherein they were embattled, as of the manner of fight and service. By reason whereof, both the Roman armies were discomfited and driven back into their camp; but the enemies pressed not upon them, notwithstanding they were put in great fright and much disordered. The Roman Praetors doubting lest their camp the morrow after should be assailed, dislodged in the night between, in great secret & silence, without any found of trumpet, and departed. In the morning by break of day, the Spaniards in ordinance of battle approached the trench and rampire: and being entered within the camp (which they found void and empty beyond their hope and expectation) they rifled and ransacked all that the Romans left behind them, whiles they made haste away in the night season: from whence the enemies returned to their own camp, and there for certain days abode in standing leaguer and stirred not. In that battle and in the chase together, there were slain of Romans and allies 5000: and with the spoils of their bodies, the enemies armed themselves: from thence they marched to the river Tagus. The Roman Pretours in the mean season employed all that time to levy and assemble new forces out of the confederate cities of Spain, and in comforting and encouraging the hearts of their own soldiers after their fright, upon this adverse conflict and unlucky soil. Now when they had gathered (as they thought) a sufficient power, and took themselves strong enough, and that the soldiers also desired to be doing with the enemy, for to raze out and cancel the former ignomy and disgrace, they encamped twelve miles from the river Tagus aforesaid: and about the third watch of the night advanced their standards, and marching in a four square barrel, by daylight they were come to the bank of the river (now were the enemies lodged upon a little mount beyond the water:) and incontinently in two places (where the river showed a fourd) they waded through with their arms, Calpurnius on the right hand and Quintius on the left. All this while the enemies continued quiet and moved not: but in the mean time, while as they wondered at their sudden coming, and devised how to trouble and disorder the soldiers as they should make haste to pass the river, the Romans had transported over themselves, and their bag and baggage also; yea and brought all together into one place. And because they perceived by this time the enemy to stir and remove, and had no time to fortify their camp, they put themselves in battle array. In the mids, stood the fifth legion of Calpurnius, and the eight of Quintius, which was the very slower and strength of the whole army. Now they had a fair open plain all the way between them and the enemy's camp, so as there was no cause to fear any ambush. The Spaniards so soon as they espied two armies of their enemies upon that side of the bank which was next to them, all at once issued out of their camp, and ran to battle; to the end, that they might surprise and impeach them, before they could join and range themselves together. The fight was sharp and hot in the beginning: for the Spaniards of the one side were puffed up withthe conceit and pride of their late victory: and the Romans of the other, were galled and incensed for anger of a dishonour received, which they were not used unto. The battle in the mids (consisting of two most valiant and hardy legions) fought right courageously: which the enemies, seeing that they could not otherwise force to recoil and give ground, began to charge upon them with a battailon in coinfashion close together; and still they pressed hard upon them in the mids more & more in number, and ever thicker ranged. Calpurnius the praetor seeing this battle distressed and in danger, sent with all speed L. Quintilius Varus and L. juventius Talva, two lieutenants, to either of the legions severally, to encourage and exhort them to stick to it like men, and to make remonstrance & relation, That in them alone consisted all the hope of conquering & keeping Spain: if they never so little yielded back and lost their ground, there was not one of the whole army that should ever see Italy again, no not so much as the farther bank of Tagus. As for himself, he took with him the cavalry of two legions, and when he had wheeled a little about and set a compass with them, he charged hotly upon the flank of the foresaid strong battaillon of the enemies, which assailed and urged still the main battle. Quintius also with his cavalry flanked the enemies on the other side: but the horsemen of Calpurnius fought more fiercely by odds than the other, & the Praetor himself in person was foremost of them all; for he was the first that drew blood of an enemy, & so far engaged himself within them, that hardly a man could know of which side he fought: by his singular valiance, the horsemen were mightily animated: and by the valour of the cavalry on horseback, the Infantry also were enkindled to fight on foot. The principal Centurions were abashed and ashamed to see the praetor in person among the pikes and swords of his enemies: and therefore every man for his part did his best, put forward the port-ensigns, willing them to advance their banners, to the end, that the soldiers might follow hard after. Then began they on all hands to set up a fresh and lusty shout; they took their bier and charged upon them as from the vantage of an higher ground: by reason whereof, they disarrayed them first, and like a forcible stream they bore them down before them, so as they could not stand upon their feet and sustain this violence of theirs, but fell one upon another. As many as fled toward the camp, the horsemen pursued, and so intermingled themselves among the rout of the enemies, that they entered peil-mell with them into their hold; where, they that were left for the guard thereof, renewed the fight, so that the Roman horsemen were forced to light from their horses: and whiles they maintained the medley, the fist legion came to second them, and consequently more and more succours as they possibly could, ran to them: down went the Spaniards, and were massacred in all parts of the camp; and not above 4000 of them all, fled away and saved themselves: of which number, about three thousand (who still kept their armour) seized upon a hill near adjoining: the other thousand, being for the most part armed by the halves, were scattered all over the fields. The enemies were at first above five and thirty thousand, but after this battle see how few of them were left: and from them were won 133 ensigns. Of Romans and allies, there died few above six hundred; of auxiliary soldiers from out of the province, about 150. Five martial Tribunes were lost, and certain Roman gentlemen, whose death espècially, made it seem a bloody victory. After which, the army abode within the enemy's camp, for that themselves had no time to fortify their own. The next morrow C. Calpurnius in an open audience, highly praised the horsemen, and rewarded them with rich harnish and trappings, declaring aloud, That by means of their good service principally, the enemies were discomfited and their camp forced. As for Quintius the other praetor, he bestowed upon his men of arms, small chains and buttons of gold. The Centurions likewise of both armies received gifts at their hands, and namely those who sought in the main battle.  
The Consuls having finished the levy of soldiers, and accomplished all things requisite to be done in Rome, led the army into their province of Liguria. Sempronius departed from Pisa, and made a journey against the Apuan Ligurians; where, by wasting their territories and burning their towns and fortresses, he made way into the forest and opened the passages as far as to the river Macra and the port of Luna. The enemies took a certain mount (an ancient hold) where their ancestors sometimes had seated themselves: but from thence they were by force dizseized, by reason that the Romans overcame the difficulties of the avenues thereto. Ap. Claudius likewise for his part, was equal in valiance and good fortune to his colleague, as having fought certain prosperous battles with the Ligurian Inguames. He forced besides six towns of theirs, and took many thousands of prisoners within them. Of the chief authors of that rebellion, he caused three and forty to lose their heads.  
Now approached the time of the solemn assembly for election of Magistrates at Rome: and albeit Sempronius his lot it was to hold the said assembly, yet Claudius returned first to Rome, because P. Claudius' his brother made suit to be Consul. He had for his competitors, L. Aemylius, I. Fabius Labeo, and Servius Sulpitius Galba, all four of the nobility. Old suitors they were all, and because they had suffered the repulse aforetime, they renewed the suit for this dignity, as being so much the rather due, because it had been once denied them. And this was the cause that these four followed and pressed the harder for to obtain the same, because it was not lawful for any more than one of the Patrisij at once to be created Consul. There were also of Commoners certain persons well beloved and of good reputation that stood in election for the place, to wit, L. Porcius, I. Terentius culeo, and Cn. Baebius Tamphilus: they also had taken repulse before time, and were put off still in hope one day yet to obtain that honourable dignity. Claudius' of them all was only the new Competitor. Now men thought verily without any doubt and question, yea, and destined in their conceits Q. Fabius Labeo, and L. Porcius Licinius to be Consuls. But Claudius the Consul together with his brother bestirred himself, and without his ushers attending upon him, traveled and laboured hard in all parts of the common place: notwithstanding the adversaries, yea & the most of the Senators cried out upon him and said, That he ought to consider and remember rather that he was the Consul of the people of Rome, than brother to P. Claudius; why then sat he not still in the Tribunal either as precedent and judge of the court assembled, or else as a beholder and spectator only, without saying any word himself? Howbeit, he could not possibly be reclaimed from this disordinate affection of his which he showed in labouring for his brother. This election was divers times also troubled with the great debates and contentions caused by the Tribunes of the Commons: whiles some of them spoke against the Consul; others again maintained his suit, and took part with him. But in the end, Fabius took the soil, and Appius went away with the game, for his brother. So P. Claudius Pulcher was created Consul beyond his own hope, and more than others looked for. L. Porcius Lictnius held his own, and obtained the second place in his course; for that the Commoners went moderately to work, and showed not so much affection and forcible means as Claudius did. After this, was holden the election of Pretours. And chosen there were, C. Decimius Flavus, P. Sempronius Longus, P. Cornelius Cethegus, I. Naevius Matho, C. Sempronius Blaesus, and A. Terentius Varro. Thus much concerning the acts atcheeved both at home in the city, and abroad in the war, that year wherein App. Claudius and M. Sempronius were Consuls.  
In the beginning of the next year, in which P. Claudius and L. Porcius bore the Consulship, when as Q. Caecilius, M. Baebius and T. Sempronius (who had been sent to hear and decide the controversies between the two kings, Philip and Eumenes, and the States of Thessaly) had made report of their embassages; they permitted likewise the ambassadors of the said princes and cities, to enter into the Senate. Who related the selfsame things again, which had been alleged before in the presence of the foresaid Legates in Greece. After this, the LL. of the Senate addressed another new embassage into Macedon and Greece, whereof App. Claudius was the chief, for to visit and see, whether the cities adjudged and assigned to the Rhodians, Thessalians, and Perrhaebians were delivered unto them accordingly. They also had in charge to cause the garrisons to quit Aenus and Maronea, and to look that all the sea coast of Thracia, were freed from the subjection of Philip and the Macedonians. They were enjoined moreover to go into Peloponnesus, from whence the former embassy was departed in more doubtful teaimes than if they had never gone thither. For over and besides other things they were sent away without any answer for their dispatch: and albeit they requested the Achaeans for to assemble their general Diet, they mought not obtain it. For which, when as Q. Cacilius found himself discontented and greevously complained, & the Lacedæmonians withal made piteous moan, that the walls of their city were demolished and razed, their common people lead away in captivity into Achaea, and there sold, and the laws of Lycurgus taken from them, under which their city and Commonweal until that day had been maintained and governed: the Achaeans excused themselves most of all for the imputation of refusing to hold a Council; and to that purpose they rehearsed a law and ordinance, whereby they were forbidden expressly to call and publish a Diet unless it were in the case of levying war and contracting of peace, upon occasion that any ambassadors came directly unto them from the Senate of Rome with letters, or commission in writing. But for that this manner of excuse should not serve their turn again afterwards, the Senate gave them plainly to understand, that they ought to take care and order that the Roman ambassadors might at all times have means of free access to their Counsels, like as they also reciprocally should have a Senate held for their sakes, as often as they would themselves.  
After these embassages were departed, Philip was advertised by his ambassadors, that there was no remedy but he must abandon those cities, and withdraw his garrisons: and herewith being mightily offended and angered against all, yet he discharged his choler only upon the Maronites. Unto Onomastus, warden of the ports and seacoasts, he gave commandment to kill the cheese of the adverse part. And he by the means of Cassander, one of the king's supports and favourites, who a long time had dwelled in Maronea, procured certain Thracians to be let into the town by night, and there he committed murder and massacre, as if it had been a city won by force of arms. And when the Roman ambassadors made complaint to him, namely, of such outrages committed so cruelly against the guiltless Maronites, and so proudly and insolently against the people of Rome; in that they should be killed and cut in pieces as enemies, unto whom the Senate had ordained restitution of their freedom, he made answer and said, that neither himself, not any of those who belonged unto him, could do withal: but it was long of themselves and their variance one with another; whiles some of the citizens drew to him, and others inclined to king Eumenes. Which ye may (qd. he) soon know to be a truth, if ye will but ask the Maronites themselves: for this account he made, that whiles they were all terrified with so late and fresh a massacre, there durst not one of them open his mouth against him. Appius replied again and said, That they were not to make an enquiry in this so evident and notorious a fact, as if it were in any respect doubtful: but if he would discharge and clear himself as innocent of the action, he should send to Rome Onomastus and Cassander, who were named to have committed the outrage, that the Senate might examine them upon interrogatories. This word at the first so troubled and dashed the king, that his colour went & came in his face, & he knew not how to keep his countenance. But after he was come again to himself, he made answer, That (if they needs would) he cared not much to send Cassander, for that he had dwelled and continued in Maronea; but as for Onomastus, who neither was at Maronea, nor so much as in any quarter near unto it, how possibly could he be charged or touched with the matter? Now as he spared Onomastus the rather of the twain, and was loath to have him come in question, as being his more dear and honourable friend: so he feared him much more than the other, lest he should bewray and disclose the thing; for that himself had conferred with him thereabout; and besides, he had served his turn divers times as a minister to execute, and been privy unto him as a complice to plot such like designments. Cassander also, as it is verily thought, was poisoned and made away, by certain that were sent of purpose to accompany him through Epirus to the sea side; and all because the villainy should not be detected and come to light. Thus the Legates departed from the parley and conference with Philip, as showing in their countenance, that they were nothing well pleased: and Philip on the other side went his ways as resolute to levy war again: but for as much as his forces as yet were not sufficient to do any exploit, and because he would delay the time between, he determined to send his younger son Demetrius to Rome, both to purge his father of those matters wherewith he was charged, and also by humble request to appease the anger of the Senate; supposing, that this young gentleman, who had been left as an hostage at Rome, and there had showed a good testimony of a princely nature and royal disposition, might much avail in the cause. In the mean while himself under colour of aiding the Bizantines, but in very truth to strike some terror into the princes of Thrace, made an expedition against them: and when he had in one battle discomfited them, and taken prisoner their chief captain Amadorus, he returned into Macedon, having sent certain messengers to solicit the barbarous nations, inhabiting near the river Ister, for to enter and invade Italy. In Peloponnesus also the coming of the Roman Legates was expected, who by this commission were enjoined to pass out of Macedon into Achaea: against whom because the Achaeans would not be to seek what to say, Lycortas their praetor summoned a public counsel aforehand. In which there was parley as touching the Lacedæmonians, namely, how that of enemies they were become informers and accusers, and danger it was, lest when they were vanquished they would be more to be feared, than all the time that they waged war. For during the wars, the Achaeans found the Romans to be their good associates, but now the same Romans are more friendly to the Lacedæmonians, than to the Achaens, seeing that Areus & Alcibiades (banished persons both out of Lacedaemon, and by the means of the Achaens restored again to their place) had undertaken to go in embassage to Rome, against the Achaean nation, which had so well deserved at their hands; and there gave so hard language against them, as if they had been chased and driven out of their country, and not restored thereunto by them. Hereupon arose a great outcry from all parts of the assembly, for to put to question, what should be determined expressly of them by name; and in this fit, where all went by choler, and nothing by counsel, condemned they were to die. Some few days after came the Roman ambassadors, for whose sake a Counsel was holden at Clitore, a city in Arcadia. But before any matter was treated on, the Achaeans were surprised with exceeding fear, considering and thinking how this deciding of matters was not like to be managed and carried with any indifferency for their behoof; for as much as they saw Areus and Alcibiades (condemned by them in the last counsel) to be in the company of the said ambassadors, and no man durst open his lips and speak a word. Appius declared, That the Senate was much displeased at those matters whereof the Lacedæmonians had made complaint, namely, That first in a tumultuary fray and conflict, they were murdered who had been called forth by Philopaemen, and came to plead and speak in their own cause: Then, after they had exercised their cruelty thus against their persons, to the end, that in no part their inhumanity should be wanting, they had razed the walls of a right noble and famous city, abolished their most ancient laws, and put down the discipline & government of Lycurgus, so renowned throughout all nations. When Appius had made an end of his speech, than Lycortas, both in regard that he was praetor, and also because he took part with the faction of Philopaemen (who was the motive and author of all that had been done at Lacedaemon) made answer in this wife. More hard it is for us now o Appius to speak before you, than of late it was in the presence of the Senate. For than we were to answer the Lacedæmonians, who accused us: but at this present we have you to be our accusers, before whom, as competent judges we should plead in our own defence. Howbeit we have submitted ourselves, and undergone this unequal and hard condition, presuming upon this hope, that you will lay aside that accusatory heat which not long since you used, and put upon you the person of a judge to hear with indifference and equity. For mine own part, considering that you erewhile have but related those matters which the Lacedæmonians both here in place before Q. Caecilius of late, and also at Rome afterwards complained of, I would think that I am to answer therefore not unto you, but unto them in your hearing. You charge us with the murdering of them, who being called out by the Praetor Philopaemen to plead their cause, were killed. This crime I hold that it ought not to be objected against us by you Romans, no nor so much by any other in your audience. And why so? because it was expressly specified in your own treaty and accord of covenants, that the Lacedæmonians should have nothing to do with the maritime cities. At what time as the Lacedæmonians took arms, & seized by force in the night ofthose cities, which they were precisely forbidden to meddle withal; if T. Quintius, if the Roman army had been in 
* Morea.  Peloponnesus, as aforetime, no doubt we must needs think, that being thus surprised and evil entreated, they would have had recourse thither for succour. But since ye were so far off, whether else should they fly and retire themselves, but to us your allies? whom they had seen before to help and succour Gyttheum, whom upon the like cause they knew to have assailed Lacedaemon together with you? It was in your quarrel therefore that we enterprised a just and lawful war. Which being an act of ours, by others commended, and which ought not by the very Lacedæmonians to be condemned, and considering that even the gods themselves have approved thereof, in that they gaveus victory, how cometh it then to pass, that you bring those matters into question which are by right of law warranted? And yet a great part thereof in no respect toucheth and concernéth you. That we caused them to come forth to answer their cause, who had raised a commotion of the multitude, who had forced the maritime cities, who had ransacked them, who also had massacred the principal citizens, we are to answer therefore, and to us that properly appertaineth. But that they were murdered in the way as they came into our camp, was nothing to us, but your deed o Areus and Alcibiades, who now (forsooth) are become our accusers. The banished Lacedæmonians (of which number those two also are, & who at that time were with us, for that they chose the coast towns to retire into for their habitations) supposing that their own death was sought, and that there would have been outrage committed upon them, they ran upon those, by whose means they were driven out of their country; even upon an indignation, that they might not so much as pass their old age in banishment with safety. They were the Lacedæmonians then, and not the Achaeans that flew the Lacedæmonians: whether justly or unjustly, that is not the question, neither skilleth it. But what say ye to this, o Achaeans, how can ye deny but that ye are culpable, in that ye have abolished the laws and the most ancient discipline of Lycurgus? and with all razed the walls of Lacedaemon? And how is it possible that both these points should be objected unto us by the same men? considering that those walls were never built by Lycurgus, but chose (and not many years past) for to overthrow and annul the discipline instituted by Lycurgus? For the tyrants of late days built them to serve as a fortress and bulwark for themselves, and not for a defence unto the city. And if Lycurgus at this day should rise again from death to life, he would take joy in their ruins, and say that he acknowledged now his own native country and ancient Sparta indeed. You Lacedæmonians should not have expected Philopaemen nor the Achaeans, but yourselves ought with your own hands to have pulled down and destroyed, all the tokens and memorial of tyranny. Those walls were the very marks, and as a man would say, the unseemly and deformed scars of your thraldom and servitude. And you who without walls for the space almost of eight hundred years had lived in freedom, yea, and for a certain time also had been masters of Greece, became slaves during a hundred years, enclosed and restrained within walls as if ye had been settered by the feet. Now as touching the laws, which ye pretend to have been taken away by us, I suppose verily that the tyrants they were, who deprived the Lacedæmonians of their ancient laws: and that we have not taken from them theirs (for none they had of their own) but rather have given them ours: neither have we done otherwise than well by them, but regarded much the good of their city and Commonwealth, in that we have united them in out solemn court of parliament, and incorporated them unto us; to the end, that in all Peloponnesus, there should be but one body, one State, and one Counsel. Then (I wot well) they might have justly complained to have been wronged, than they might have grieved and said they had not been well used, in case we ourselves had lived under one kind of laws, and putthem to be ruled by others. I know full well, o Appius, that all my speech hitherto is neither beseeming allies to use unto their allies, not decent and meet for a nation that is free, but rather (to speak more truly) fit for slaves debating before their masters. For if that found of the trumpet, if that voice of the public crier were not in vain, whereby ye ordained and declared, That we Achaeans before all others should be free; if the consederation stand firm and stable; if our alliance and amity be entertained and observed equally and indifferently; why demand not I of you Romans what you did after the winning of Capua? Seeing you will have us Achaeans, to make account unto you, what we did to the Lacedæmonians whom we conquered by war? Set case that we caused some of them to be killed. What of that? Commanded not you (I pray) that the Senators of Capua should lose their heads? We have demolished the walls indeed, but ye have not only ruinated their walls, but wholly turned them out of city and territory. But (you will say) the consederation in behalf of the Achaeans is equal and indifferent in outward appearance, and in truth and effect their liberty dependeth upon the good will and pleasure of the Romans, who indeed have the pre-eminence of the signory and dominion besides. I know it Appius, as well as you can tell me, yea, & (although it behoveth me not so to be) I am not overmuch offended and discontented therewith. But this I beseech you, let there be as great odds and difference as ye will between us Achaeans and you Romans: provide this only, that your enemies and outs be not with you in as good regard & account, nay that they be not in a better degree & condition, than we granted them our own laws, in that we admitted them to be incorporate in the general Diet of the Achaean State and commonalty. But will ye have the truth? the conquered have not sufficient to content and satisfy the conquerors: enemies demaundmore than allies have and enjoy; and those things which are confirmed by oath, ratified and consecrated by monuments and instruments of writings, cut and engraven in stone, for a perpetual memory to all posterity, they would force and wrest from us even with our perjury. True it is, o Romans, we honour and reverence you; yea and if you will needs have it so, we dread and fear you also: but yet so, as we both honour and also fear the immortal gods more than you. Audience he had with the accord and consent of the greater part: and all men judged, that he had spoken like a magistrate indeed, and for the dignity and majesty of his place: in such sort, as it was easily seen, that they were never able to hold their dignity and maintain their authority with the Romans, in case they went coldly to work and proceeded in mild terms with them. Then Appius answered and said, That he would gladly advise and persuade them, all that he possibly could, to be reconciled unto the Lacedæmonians, whiles they might do it with full contentment; for fear lest soon after they should be constrained and forced to seek unto them against their wills and maugre their hearts. At this word they all sighed and groaned again; but afraid they were and durst not refuse to do that which they were commanded. This petition only they made unto the Romans, that as touching the Lacedæmonians they would change and alter what they thought good; and not force the Achaeans to sin against their conscience, in disannulling those things which they had established and ratified with a solemn oath. So the sentence of condemnation only (lately passed against Areus and Alcibiades) was reversed.  
In the beginning of this year (when at Rome they had sitten in consultation about the provinces of Consuls and Pretours) Liguria was assigned unto the Consuls for their charge and government, because there was no war in any other place. Then the Pretours cast lots for theirs. To C. Decimius Flavus fell the jurisdiction of the city: and to P. Cornelius Cethegus that other between citizens and foreigners: C. Sempronius had the government of Sicily, and Q. Naevius Matho of Sardinia; with commission also to sit upon the inquisition in case of poisoning. A. Terentius Varro was deputed L. governor of high Spain, and P. Sempronius Longus of the low. Out of those 2 provinces it fell out so, that there came much about the same time two lieutenants, L. juventius Talva and T. Quintilius Varus; who having related before the Senate how great a war was now dispatched and finished in Spain, required withal, that there should be rendered praise and thanks to the immortal gods for the happy success in the wars, & likewise that the Praetors might be permitted to bring away their armies. So there was a solemn procession ordained to be holden two days: but as touching the reducing of the armies, they gave order to refer it wholly to be debated, at what time as there should be question about the armies of Consuls and Pretours together. Some few days after, it was ordained, that the Consuls should have with them into Liguria, two legions apiece, which Ap. Claudius and M. Sempronius had the conduct of. As touching the Spanish forces, great contention there was between the new Pretours and the friends of Calpurnius and Quintius in their absence. Both sides had Tribunes and both had Consuls to take part with them. The Tribunes threatened to cross the act of the Senate, if they ordained that the armies should be brought home. The Consuls again protested, that if the Tribunes thus opposed their negative, they would not suffer any other decree and ordinance to pass. In conclusion, the respect of those that were absent, was of less importance: and an act of the Senate was entered, That the Pretours should enrol 4000 footmen of Romans, and four hundred horsemen: likewise five thousand foot and as many horse of Latin allies, to conduct with them into Spain. And when they had thus enroled these four full legions, look what surplusage there remained over and above five thousand foot and three hundred horse in a legion, they should give them their congee and dismiss them of soldiery; first as many as had served out their full time, and then those who had borne themselves most valiantly in the war under Calpurnius and Quintius.  
After this debate and variance was appeased, there arose another in the neck of it, occasioned by the death of P. Decimius the praetor. Cn. Licinius and L. Puppius (who had been Aediles the last year before) likewise C. Valerius the Flamine of jupiter, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus, laboured to be in his room late deceased. As for the last of these rehearsed (because he was Aedile Curule) he showed not himself in his white rob; but he made more means and laboured above all the rest, having to his adversary and concurrent the Flamine abovesaid. At the first he seemed equal only unto him in the suit, but afterwards when he began to have the better of him, certain Tribunes of the Commons stood upon this point, and alleged, That his name was not to be accepted as eligible; for that one and the selfsame person might neither take not exercise at one time, the function of two magistracies; and namely, both Curule or of State. Others again said, that it was meet and reason that he were dispensed with and exempt from the laws in that behalf, to the end, that the people might be at liberty to elect whom they would for Praetor. L. Porcius the Consul was first of this resolution, not to admit his name: and afterwards, because he would seem to do by warrant and authority of the Senate, he assembled the LL. together, and said, that he propounded and put to question before them, That for as much as an Aedile elect, sued to be praetor without all right, or any precedent tolerable in a free-state; for his own part he was minded (unless they were of a contrary opinion) to hold the general assembly for the election, according to law. Then the LL. gave their advice, that L. Porcius the Consul, should commune and treat with Q. Fulvius, that he would be no hindrance, but that the assembly for the substitution of a praetor in the room of C. Decimius departed, might be holden by order of law. As the Consul was thus in hand with him according to the act of the Senate, Flaccus made answer, That he would do nothing unsitting his own person. By this doubtful and indifferent answer of his, he put those in good hope (who expounded and construed as they would have it) that he would accommodate and apply himself to the authority of the LL. of the Senate: but at the time of the election he sued more earnestly than before; complaining of the Consul and Senate, That they wrung and wrested out of his hands the benefit of the people of Rome intended unto him; and to bring him into ill will and obloquy of the people, they made much ado about two offices & a double dignity: as if all the world law not, that after he were declared & pronounced Praetor, he would incontinently resign up the Aedileship. The Consul perceiving both him fully resolute and set upon a pitch in the suit, & also the favour & affection of the people enclinedmore and more toward him, broke up the assembly aforesaid, and called a Senate: where, in a frequent session of Senators it was ordained, That for as much as Flaccus was little or nothing moved with the authority of the LL. of that honourable court, he was to be dealt withal in a general assembly before the body of the people. When the people were met together at the summons of the Consul, he proposed the matter unto him before them. Flaccus relented never a jote, but persisted still in his opinion, and gave the people of Rome thanks for their favour, in that they showed themselves willing to elect him praetor, so often as they had time and place wherein they might testify and declare their love to him: which affectionate kindness of his fellow citizens, he never meant to reject and abandon. This constant and resolute speech of his, kindled and inflamed so great love and affection in them toward him, that past all peradventure he had been chosen praetor out of hand, in case the Consul would have received his name. Much strife and debate there was amongst the Tribunes, one against another; yea and between them and the Consul, until at length the Consul held a Senate, and there a decree passed in this wise, That forasmuch as the woodhull stubbornness of Q. Flaccus of one side, and the inordinate affection of men on another side, was such, as the solemn assembly for subelecting of a praetor in the place of the deceased, could not be holden according to the laws, the Senate agreed and resolved, that there were already Pretours enough, and that P. Cornelius should administer and execute both jurisdictions in the city, and exhibit the plays and games in the honour of Apollo.  
After this troublesome debate about the election, was by the sage wisdom and valorous courage of the Senate suppressed, there arose another far greater, by how much the thing was of weightier importance, and the persons agents therein more in number, and for quality and place mightier. There stood in election to be Censors (and that with earnest endeavour and exceeding heat of contention) L. Valerius Flaccus, P. and L. both Scipions; Cn. Manlius Veljo, and L. Furius Purpureo, all Patritij. And of commoners, M. Porcius Cato, M. Fulvius Nobilior, T. and Marcus both Sempronijs, the one surnamed Longus, the other Tuditanus. But M. Purcius over-went them all by many degrees, as well those of the Patricians as also of the commons, notwithstanding they were come of most noble families. This man carried with him so vigorous a spirit and pregnant wit, that howsoever he were bornè and descended, 
The commendation of M. Porcius Cato.  it seemed he was able to make way of himself to advancement and honour. He wanted no Art and skill meet and requisite for the managing either of private business of his own, or public affairs of state: cunning he was in country husbandry, as well as in civil policy. Some are advanced to the highest dignities and most honourable places, by their deep knowledge in the law: others attain to promotion by eloquence: and therefore be again, who have risen and become great through martial prowess and feats of arms. But this man was by nature so trainable and pilant to all alike, that whatsoever he addicted and gave himself unto, a man would have said, he had been borne and framed even from his mother's womb to it and to nothing else. In war, a most hardy and valiant soldier: and in many soughten fields highly renowned. Being mounted once to high places of honourable calling, a right excellent commander he proved, & General of an army. In peace again, for sound council in the civil law, passing well learned: for pleading at the bar and making orations, most eloquent. Neither carried he himself so, that his tongue flourished only whiles he lived, as leaving no monument behind him of his singular eloquence; but it liveth, nay it flowreth still, immortalised as it were & recommended to posterity in all kind of writing. Orations of his there be extant many, which he penned & pronounced as well in his own cause as for the defence of his friends, yea & invectives also against others: for able he was to put down and weary his adversaries, not only by declaiming and accusing them, but also by pleading his own cause. Factious quarrels and enmities there were exceeding many, that tormented him; and he plagued others with as many: and hard it is to say or set down, whether he were urged and pressed upon by the nobility, or himself coursed and baited them more. Doubtless, by nature he was austere and rigorous, his speech was sharp, biting, and beyond measure plain and free: but he carried a mind with him that stooped to no desires and lusts whatsoever: his life so severe and precise, as it was untouched and without all spot of blame: despising all fawning favours, and contemning earthly riches. In thrift and frugality, in sobriety, in patience, in sufferance of travail and danger, his body was steel to the very back. And as for his mind and courage, it was such, as very age and time (which abateth and consumeth all things else) was not able to break and daunt: when he was fourscore years old and six, he pleaded at the bat for others: he made orations for his own defence, and wrote books: and in the nintieth year of his age, he convented Sergius Galba before the people, to receive his judgement by them. As all his life time before, the nobility was set against him, so when he stood now to be Censor, they pressed hard upon him: insomuch as all his competitors (excepting L. Flaccus, who had been his colleague in the Consulship) complotted together, how they might give him the repulse and put him besides the quishion: not only for that their own teeth watered, and they were desirous themselves rather of that honour; nor because they repined to see a new risen gentleman, & one of the first head to be a Censor: but also because they looked for no other but that his Censorship would be rigorous and prejudicial to the name and reputation of divers men; considering how he had been crossed and hurt by very many, and was desirous himself to wait them a shrewd turn, and be meet with them again. For even then, whiles he laboured and sued for the place, he used minatory speeches, and gave out, that they only were opposed against him, who feared they should have a Censorship sharply exercised without partiality and respect of persons. And herewith he maintained and upheld the suit of L. Valerius with him, saying, that if he had but him of all others to be his colleague, he should be able to repress the wicked enormities newly come up and rise in the city, and to bring in request again the ancient manners and fashions of the old world. Men were much moved in these respects and considerations; and so maugre the heads of the nobility, they not only created him Censor, but also adjoined unto him L. Valerius for his companion in that government.  
After the election of Censors was ended, the Consuls and Pretours took their journeys into their several provinces, all save Q. Naevius; who before that he could go into Sardinia, was stayed behind no less than four months, about certain inquisitions of poisoning: whereof, he fate upon many without the city of Rome, in corporate burroughes, market towns and places of great resort, for that he thought that manner of proceeding more convenient. And if we list to believe Val. Antias, he condemned two thousand persons.  
Semblably, L. Posthumius the praetor, (unto whom the government of Tarentum by lot fell) did good justice upon great conspiracies made by certain graziers; and with great care and diligence followed the inquest of the Bacchanals, and dispatched the relics thereof quite and clean. Many of them who were adjourned and made not appearance, but gave the slip and left in the lurch their sureties bound body and goods for them, and lurked in that quarter of Italy; he either judged and condemned as guilty and convicted, or caused them to be apprehended and sent to Rome unto the Senate; who were all cast in prison by P. Cornelius.  
In the farther part of Spain all was quiet, by reason that the Lusitanes were in the last war subdued: but in the hither part, A. Terentius forced Corbio a town of the Suessetanes, which he assaulted with mantilets and other fabrics of war, and sold all the prisoners: which done, he passed the winter peaceably in that higher part of Spain also.  
The old Pretours, C. Calpurnius Piso and L. Quintius returned to Rome; and both of them were with great accord and consent of the LL. of the Senate allowed to triumph. And first C. Calpurnius triumphed over the Portugals and Celtiberians. In which triumph, he carried in show 83 coronets of gold, and 12000 pound of silver. Within few days after, L. Quintius triumphed over the same Portugals and Celtiberians. In which solemnity, there was represented in show, as much gold and silver as in the former.  
The Censors, M. Porcius and L. Valerius, whiles men hung in suspense between fear and hope what they would do, held a review and a new choice of the Senate. Seven Senators they displaced and deposed from that dignity: amongst whom, there was one of mark, for his nobility of birth and honourable offices which he had borne, namely L. Quintius Flamthinus who had been Consul. An ancient order (they say) it was intime of our forefathers, That when the Censors had put any out of the Senate, they should note them directly for those faults which they had committed: and at this day, extant there be divers sharp orations of Cato, against them whom either he cassed and displaced out of Senate, or from whom he took away horses of service: but of all others, the forest and bitterest is that of his, against this L. Quintius; which if he had pronounced as an accuser before he had noted him with that disgrace, and not as Censor after the said note, his very own brother T. Quintius (if he had been then Censor) could not possibly have kept L. Quintius in the state of a Senator. Among other grievous matters, he articledagainst him, That he had trained with him from Rome into his province of France (in hope of many great rewards) one 
* This Philip I take to be no Carthaginian. The name soundeth not like others of that nation: but bothiss and Paenus are Roman proper names.  Philippus Paenus, a notorious and costly Ganymede. This boy, as he was fooling & playing the wanton with the said Quintius then Consul, used to upbraid him with this, That he was had away from Rome, against the very time that the show of sword-players at utterance was to be exhibited: and this he said, to show how ready he was to satisfy the pleasure of him his lover. Now it chanced as they were making good cheer together, and having taken their wine liberally were well heat therewith, news came and reported it was in the banquet time, That a certain noble man of the Boians was arrived, with his children, as a renegade from the adverse part; and was desirous to speak with the Consul, for to have assurance from his mouth of safeconduct: who being brought into the pavilion, began to parley with the Consul by a truchman or interpreter. And in the mids of his speech; How saith thou (quoth Quintius to that wanton dainty, his Catamite) because thou hast miss & lost the sight of those sword-players at Rome, wilt thou fee presently here this Frenchman die in the place before thee? He made not any great semblance unto him in good earnest of his desire that way: but the Consul at the first beck of that beastly filth & baggage, caught the naked sword which hung over his head, and first gave the poor Gaul a wound in his sconce as he was speaking unto him, & afterwards as he made shift to fly from him and called upon the protection of the people of Rome and the assistance of those that were present, Quintius ran him quite through the sides. Valerius Antias, who never had read the oration of Cato, but gave credit to a flying fable only, without any head or author, telleth the tale with some other circumstance, howbeit much like in substance of matter, as touching his lecherous lust & bloody cruelty. He writeth, that Quintius whiles he abode at Plaisance, sent for a famous courtesan (upon whom he was enamoured) to a banquet; and as he courted and made love to this strumpet, vaunting himself unto her, among other discourses he recounted with what rigour he had followed certain inquisitions; what a number of prisoners he had in irons condemned to death; and how many of their heads he minded to chop off. Then this harlotry sitting next beneath him, said, That she had never in all her life seen any man to cut one's head of, & it was a sight that of all other she would sainest see. Whereupon, this kind amorous knight, to gratify the quean, caused one of those poor souls condemned to die, to be set out of prison into the banqueting room, and presently to be beheaded before her face. A cruel fact it was and inhuman, whether it were committed as Cato hath objected in his Oration, or as Valerius hath written in his story, that any human creature should be thus massacred like a sacrifice, and the table bespreint with his blood, amid the cups standing full of wine and the dishes furnished with viands, where and when the manner and custom was to taste and take the first say in the honour of the gods, and that devoutly with grace and good prayers; and alto content and feed the eye of a wanton and shameless callor, lying in the bosom of the Consul. In the end of Cato his Oration, this condition was offered unto Quintius, That if he would plead unguilty, and deny this fact and others which he charged him with, than he should put in a real caution, and stand to his defence and trial: but if he confessed himself guilty, than he willed him to consider whether he thought any man would grieve and be sorry at the ignominy which he was to receive, who being transported & carried beside his understanding with wine and women, made but a sport & pastime to shed men's blood at a very banquet. In taking a review of the cavalry or gentlemen of Rome, L. Scipio Asiaticus had his great horse of service taken from him. This Censureship was likewise executed with severity and rigour to all sorts and degrees, and namely in the prising and valuation of their goods. For Cato commanded the sergeants to take a note of all the ornaments, jewels, & apparel of women, also of their chariots and coaches if they amounted to the sum of 15000 asses, & to enrol the same in the Censors book. Item, all bondslaves under twenty years of age, sold after the last tax of assessment for ten thousand asses or upward, that they should be valued at an higher price by ten fold than they were esteemed worth: and that for all these things they should pay and contribute to the city chamber after three in the thousand. These Censors cut off all water either running out of any common stream into a private house, or derived into particular fields and grounds. And all houses either built by private persons upon common ground, or any ways encroaching and leaning to public places they caused to be demolished and pulled down within thirty days. After this they set out divers pieces of work to be wrought at a price, of that money which was ordained to that purpose, namely to pave certain pools with stone, to scour and cleanse the draughts and sinks where need was: and in the mount Aventine and other parts where none were already to make new. And particularly of themselves Flaccus caused the causey or wharse to be made against the waters called Neptuniae, that the people might pass too and fro that way: and also a street way through Formianum. And Cato for his part built two galleries, Moenium & Titium, in the Mineries; and bought four shops for the city: he built there also the stately hall or palace called Porcia. As for the city revenues, they did set and let them forth to farmers, at an exceeding racked rend: but all the city works they put out to undertakers by the great, at as low a reckoning as they could. These leases and bargains aforesaid being once canceled by order from the Senate, and new made at the importunate suit and that with outcries and tears of the Publicans, as well farmers as undertakers: then the Censors by proclamation commanded those to avoid far from the subhastation, who had disannulled the former leases and bargains, and with some little abatement and easing of the former rents, they demised the same profits and revenues again to others. This was a censureship of great note, full of repine, ill will, and heartburning, which troubled and molested M. Porcius as long as he had a day to live, for that he was reputed and held to be the author of that severity and rigour exercised therein.  
The same year two Colonies were erected and inhabitants sent from Rome, to wit Pollentia into the Picene territory, and Pisaurum into the Gauls country. Six acres of land were assigned to every one of the coloners. And the same Triumvirs, namely Q. Fabius Labio, M. Fulvius Flaccus, and Q. Fulvius Nobilior, were they that both parted the said lands, and also had the leading and planting of the foresaid Colonies.  
The Consuls that year achieved no memorable exploit at all, neither at home in city nor abroad in war. Against the year following they created Consuls M. Claudius Marcellus and Q. Falius, who upon the fifteenth of March, on which day they entered into their government, put to question as concerning the provinces, as well their own as the Pretours. For there had been chosen Pretours C. Valerius the Flamen of jupiter (who also the year before was in election for the place) Sp. Posthumius Albinus, and P. Cornelius Sisenna, also L. Puppius, L. julius, and Cn. Suinius. Unto the Consuls was assigned the province Liguria, together with the charge of the same armies which P. Claudius and M. Porcius had conducted. As for both the provinces in Spain [as well beyond as on this side Iberus] they were reserved with their ordinary forces, for the Pretours of the former year by special commission without casting any lots at all therefore. The new Pretours were enjoined for to dispose and part their governments, that C. Valerius the Flamine of jupiter might exercise one of the jurisdictions of Rome. So he was L. chief justice for the foreigners, and Sisenna Cornelius over the citizens. Unto Sp. Posthumius fell Sicily, to L. Puppius Apulia, to L. julius Gallia, and to Cn. Sicinius Sardinia. As for L. julius he was enjoined to make haste and set forward on his journey: for the Transalpine Gauls (beyond the mountains) had passed over by the straits of the forests and ways unknown before time, into Italy, as hath been beforesaid, and were building them a town in that territory, which at this day is called Aquiliensis. This praetor had in charge to impeach them in that enterprise, so far forth as he might possibly without war and force of arms: and if there were no other remedy but that they must of necessity use violence, then to certify the Consuls thereof: for agreed it was that one of them should lead the Legions against the Gauls. In the end of the former year there was a general assembly holden for the choosing of an Augur: wherein Sp. Posthumius Albinus was created in the joume of Cn. Cornelius Lentulus late deceased. But in the beginning of this present year P. Licinius Crassus the arch-Pontifie departed our of this world, in whose place M. Sempronius Tuduanu, was invested for the bishop. But C. Servilius Ceminus was created the archprelat or high priest aforesaid. In the honour of P. Licinius at his funerals, there was given a dole of flesh; and a show exhibited of 120 sword-fensers fight at sharp: likewise there were represented funeral plays and games, which contained three days: and after that solemnity, a least was holden; during which, when the tables were set and spread accordingly all over the grand-place of the city, suddenly there arose a tempest with great storms, which forced most men to erect tents & booths there: but after a while when the weather was fair again, they were taken down and had away: and men commonly gave out and said, That whereas the prophets and wizards had foretold among other their fatal presages, that they should be forced to quarter and pitch tents in the market place of Rome; now that prophesy was fulfilled, and they were freed and excused from farther danger. And no sooner were they eased and delivered of that scruple, but they were troubled with another; for that it had reigned blood two days in the court-yard of Vulcan: and the Decemvirs published a solemn supplication for the expiation of that prodigious sign.  
Before that the Consuls departed into their provinces, they brought into the Senate for to have audience, the embassages come from beyond sea. And never before that day were so many men of those foreign parts seen at Rome. For from the time that the bruit was blown abroad amongst the nations bordering upon Macedon, that the Romans gave no dease ear to the complaints and accusations commenced against Philip, and that many had sped well by complaining; every city and State in their own behalf, yea and many private persons in particular (for an ill neighbour he was to them all) repaired to Rome, in hope either to be righted and eased of their wrongs, or to discharge their stomachs and be moaned and comforted for their misery. Likewise from king Eumenes there arrived an embassage accompanied with his own brother Athenaeus to make complaint, as finding themselves grieved that the garrisons were not with drawn out of Thracia: as also to inform that Philip had sent certain aids into Bythinia to Prusias who made war upon Eumenes. Now Demetrius (Philip his son) at that time a very young gentleman, was to answer to all these challenges: and an easy piece of work it was not, either to bear in mind all the matters objected, or to think upon the points of every answer accordingly. For over and besides, that the articles were many in number, most of them were of very small consequence and importance; namely, strife about limits and landmarks, about carrying away men and ravishing women; of driving of cattle, of ministering justice partially & with affection, or else of none ministered at all: of sentences given & judgements passed in causes either by force or for favour. The Senate perceiving that neither Demetrius could speak to these points and give them good evidence, nor themselves be well informed and clearly instructed by him; being moved also and grieved to see the youth so raw a scholar in these affairs, & therewith much troubled in spirit, gave order to inquire and demand of him, Whether he had received any notes in writing from his father, as touching the premises? And when he answered and said, Yea, they thought the first and principal thing for them to do was, to see and hear what were the answers of the king to every specialty and particular. And thereupon they presently called for that book of his fathers, and then permitted him to read the contents thereof. Now therein were set down certain brief abstracts of pleas and defences, to each several point; showing, Imprimis, that some things he had done according to the decrees and awards of the Roman Delegates and commissioners. Item, Whereas he had left somewhat undone, the default was not in him, but in the very parties that accused him. He had interlaced between, certain grievances and complaints, as touching the iniquity and hard penning of those decrees; and how matters were not scannedand debated before Caecilius with that indifferency and equity as was meet and requisite: and namely, that without desert of his part, all men were set against him & insulted over him. The Senate collected hereby good arguments, how the hart of Philip was wounded & galled against the Romans. But when the young prince excused some of these matters, & for the rest promised and undertook, that all should be done to the uttermost as it pleased the Senate to order & set down; than it was thought good to deliver this answer unto him, That his father had in nothing done better, nor more to the contentment of the Senate, than that he seemed willing (howsoever matters were passed already) to make satisfation to the Romans by the means of his son Demetrius. As for the Senate, they could dissimule, forget, put up and endure many things done and passed; yea and were persuaded verily in their hearts, that they might believe and trust Demetrius; as knowing assuredly, that although they sent his body again to his father Philip, yet they had his heart and affection with them still, as a sure pledge and hostage: and that he was a friend to the people of Rome, so far forth as his reverend duty to his father would permit and give him leave: letting him withal to understand, that for to do him honour, they would send ambassadors into Macedon; to the end, that if aught had not been so fully effectuated as it should have been, it might be done yet in good time, without imputation of fault and blame, or penal satisfaction to be made for any thing hitherto omitted: yea and desirous they were, that Philip should understand, that by the mediation of Demetrius and for his sake, he stood yet in good terms of peace and friendship with the people of Rome. These things intended and done for the increase of credit and reputation, presently turned to the displeasure of the young gentleman, and in the end to his utter ruin and overthrow.  
Then were the Lacedæmonians admitted to audience in the Senate. They moved many petty matters and trifling controversies; but those that principally touched the main point were these; to wit, Whether they should be restored again whom the Achaeans had condemned, or no? Item, Whether they were justly or unjustly killed, whom they murdered? Moreover, they put to question, Whether the Lacedæmonians were to be comprised within the general assembly and counsel of Achaea; or, that this State (as beforetime) should have their rights and franchises apart by themselves from all others in Peloponnesus? The Senate ordained and awarded; Imprimis, That they should be restored. Item, That the sentences pronounced against them, should be reversed. Item, That Lacedaemon should do service to that high court and public Diet of Achaea: and finally, that this accord and award should be engrossed, subscribed, and signed as well by the Lacedæmonians as Achaeans.  
Q. Martius was sent ambassador into Macedon: who also had direction and order given him by the same commission, to visit the state of the allies in Peloponnesus: for there also remained some troubles after the old quarrels and variance; yea and the Messenians refused to appear at the general council of Achaea. Now if I would set in hand to record the causes and circumstances of that war, I should forget my purpose in the beginning of my work, wherein I resolved not to touch at all any discourse of foreign histories, no farther than they were linked to the Roman affairs. Howbeit one memorable occurrence there happened, which I cannot pass by, namely, that albeit the Achaeans had the better hand in war, yet it chanced that Philopoemen their praetor was taken prisoner by the Messenians, as he made an expedition to seize upon Corone by prevention, which the enemies were desirous to be masters of. Surprised he was in a valley of great disadvantage, and some few horsemen with him. It is reported, that by the help of the Thracians and Candiots, he might have fled and escaped: but for very shame to abandon those men of arms, which were the noblest gentlemen of that nation, and whom he lately had made choice of, he had not the power to do otherwise, but stay to see the last. For whiles he came himself behind in the rearward, because he was desirous to make means for their evasion through the straits of that pass, and to that purpose valiantly received the charge of the enemies, his horse fell and cast him at once; so as with his own fall and his horse lying upon him, he had like to have gone away in a swoon: a man now threescore years old and ten; and withal, newly crept abroad and recovered of a long and linger disease, which had mightily wasted and consumed the strength of his body. Well, thus lay he along, and the enemies ran over him; and so soon as they knew who he was, they reared him upon his feet from under his horse, no less respective than if he had been their own General, in regard of a reverence they bore unto the man, and in remembrance of his noble exploits: they brought him again to himself, and forth of that by-valley standing out of the pass, they carried him into the high way: and were so far possessed and overcome with joy so unexpected, that they could not well believe their own eyes that they had gotten him. Some dispatched vaunt couriers to Messene with the news hereof; namely, that the war was brought to an end, considering that Philopoemen was taken & a coming as prisoner. At first the ridings seemed so incredible, that the foremost messenger was held not only for a vain liar, but also for one not well in his wits: but after that there came one after another, and all with one voice verified and affirmed the same, at length it was believed. And then, see what they did! before they knew for certain that he approached near unto the city, they all ran forth of the gates by heaps to see the man: all (I say) bond as well as free, women and children one with another. In so much, as the gates were choked up with the thrust and throng of the press: for no man could believe assuredly it was true, the thing was so strange, unless he might see him with his own eyes. They that had the charge of bringing him, found much ado to put by the multitude whom they encountered, and to enter in at the gate: and so thick they stood in the press, that they took up all the ways besides, so as he could not be brought forth to be seen. Now because the most part of the people might not possibly have a sight of him, they got up all at once into the Theatre, which stood near unto the way, and pestered it full; and with one voice they cried aloud, That he might be brought thither and presented unto the vieu of the whole people. The magistrates and principal citizens, fearing lest the compassion that mought arise in men's hearts upon the beholding of so worthy a parsonage, would raise some trouble and commotion; whiles some comparing the reverence of his former authority and majesty, with this present condition and calamity: & others calling to remembrance his manifold deserts and passing good turns, mought haply be touched with pity; set him a far off in the open sight of them all, and then at once took him hastily out of their vieu: for their Praetor Dinocrates gave out openly and said, That the magistrates were to inquire and demand certain points of him as touching the main sum of the total war. Then he was brought into their councel-chamber, where their Senate assembled and began to consult about him. It was now well toward evening; and so far off they were from resolving in other matters, that they could not be think themselves and agree, in what place they might keep him that one night in safeguard. Astonished they were and amazed, to consider and think upon the greatness of his estate past, and of his noble virtue and valour: and no man durst receive the charge and custody of him in his own house, nor trust any one besides with his keeping. At length some there were, that put them in mind of the public treasury of the city, vaulted under the ground like a dungeon, and walled all about with strong square stone. Into it was he let down bound as he was, and a mighty huge stone (being the cover of the vault) was by an engine laid over, to enclose him sure. Thus reposing more trust for his safe custody in that place than in any person, they waited and attended the next morning. When morrow day was come, the whole entier multitude in general, recommending the benefits and good turns done of old by him to their city, were of mind to pardon and spare him, and by his means and mediation, to seek for remedies and redress of their present distresses and calamities. But those persons by whose motive and enducement the Messenians had revolted (and such were they as ruled all the commonweal) consulted apart in secret, and concluded with one consent to put him to death: only the doubt and question was, whether they should do the thing with speed, or by delay. But those prevailed in the end, who were more greedy of present revenge, & so they sent one unto him with a draft of poison. When he had taken the cup in his hand (by report) he gave not a word, but only asked, whether Lycortas (the other General of the Achaeans) were espaped alive, and the foresaid horsemen safe? When answer was made, that they were in safety; That is happy, (quoth he) and therewith drunk off every drop in the cup right heartily, and a while after yielded up his vital breath. But long joyed they not of his death who were the bloody authors of this cruelty: for the city of Messene being conquered by force of arms, among other capitulations, delivered these malefactors into the hands of the Achaens, who demanded presently to have them. The bones and relics of Philopaemen were likewise rendered unto them, and interred he was by the general council of all Achaea, in such solemn wife, that in heaping upon him all honours that could be devised for an earthly man, they forbore not also to adore him as a god immortal. The Historiographers, as well Greek as Latin, attribute so much unto this man, that some of them have recommended to posterity (as a memorable thing of all others that happened this year:) to wit, that in this one year there died three renowned captains, Philopaemen, Hannibal, and P. Scipio. See how they have matched him in equality with the greatest warriors and noblest Generals of the two most puissant nations in the whole world!  
Then came T. Quintius Flamininus in embassage to king Prusias, whom the Romans had in suspicion and jealousy, both for that he had received Hannibal after the flight of Antiochus, and also because he made war upon Eumenes. Now, were it that among other matters Flamininus charged Prusias, that he entertained in his court the most spiteful enemy of all men living, unto the people of Rome; who first solicited his own native country to take arms against the Romans, and after the force and power there of was abated and defeated, persuaded king Antiochus to do the like: or rather that Prusias of his own accord to gratify Flamininus there present, and to do the Romans a pleasure, had a meaning and intent either to kill Hannibal, or to deliver him alive into their hands. I wot not how it came about, but upon the first communication and conference between them, there were soldiers sent incontinently to be set and guard his house. Hannibal evermore forecast in mind some such issue and end of his life, seeing the deadly and inexpiable hatred that the Romans bore unto him; reposing besides no confidence at all in the fidelity of these kings, and having withal some experience already of the inconstancy and levity of king Prusias. Moreover, he had in horror this coming of Flamininus, as fatal unto him, and a mean to work his final destruction. To the end therefore he might be ever provided aforehand against those inconveniences and dangers, wherewith on all sides he was encombeted, and have a ready way of evasion to save himself, he had devised and caused to be made seven doors for egress out of his house, whereof some were very privy and secret vaults, because they should not be environned with guards. But kings commandments are of that force, that whatsoever they would have to be searched out and discovered, cannot lie long hidden. For the guards so compassed & enclosed the whole circuit of the house, that it was impossible for any to get forth and make an escape. Hannibal being advertised that the king's soldiers were at the gate, assayed to steal away at a postern, which stood furthest out of the way, and where of the conveyance was most secret, but perceiving that the soldiers had be set it too, and lay for to encounter and receive him that way, and that every place was invested with a set guard, he called for the poison which he had of long time before ready prepared for all such occurrent occasions, and uttered these words withal, Let us rid these Romans of this their continual fear and pain wherein they have been all this while, since that they think it so long to stay for the death of one old man. Flamininus shall obtain no great nor memorable victory of me, disarmed thus as I am, and betrayed into his hands. But this very day shall prove and testify, how far the people of Rome are degenerate and changed from their ancient manners. Their forefathers (qd. he) advertised king Pyrrhus their enemy armed in field, & lying with an host of men against them in Italy, they gave him warning I say to take heed of poison: but these living at this day, have sent their ambassador, even one that hath born the dignity of a Consul, to advise and counsel Prusias wickedly to take the life away of his own guest. Then after he had cursed the person of Prusias and his whole realm, and called upon the gods, protectors of the law of hospitality, to bear witness how he had violated his faith and broken promise with him, he set the cup of poison to his mouth, and drank it of. This was the end of Hannibal. Polybius and Rutilius write, that Scipio also died this year. But I, accord neither with them not with Valerius. From them I square, because I find, that when M. Porcius and L. Valerius were censors, the same L. Valerius being Censor, was elected Precedent of the Senate, whereas Affricanus had been Precedent for ten years space together, during the time of two reviewes by censors next before. And so long as the said Affricanus lived, there would have been no other chosen Precedent in his room, unless himself were to have been cassed and deprived of the Senators dignity, of which disgrace and note of infamy, there is not one that maketh any mention. And as for Valerius Antias he is sufficiently refuted by M. Naevius a Tribune of the Commons, against whom there is an Oration extant, and the same penned by P. Affricanus, and bearing his name. This Naevius is recorded in the rolls and registers of magistrates, by the title of Tribune of the Commons, in that year when P. Clodius and L. Porcius were Consuls, but he entered into his office during the Consulship of App. Claudius and M. Sempronius, the tenth of December. From which time to the fifteenth of March are three months, upon which day Pab. Clodius and L. Procius began their Consulship. So, it seemeth that he was living during the Tribuneship of Naevius, and that he might well commense an action against him, and call him to his answer, but he departed this life before that L. Cato and M. Porcius were Censors. But in my conceit the death of these three (the most renowned personages each one of their own nation) are not to be compared one with the other, in this regard, that they happened at just at one time, more than for this, that none of them at had an end correspondent and answerable to the portly state and glorious lustre of his life. For first and for most in this they all jumped together, that they neither died nor were interred in their native country. Again Hannibal and Philopaemen were both poisoned. Hannibal was banished and betrayed by his own friend and host, Philopamen was taken prisoner, and left his life in prison and irons. As for Scipio, although he was neither exiled not condemned, yet making default of appearance at the day assigned nnto him, and being cited to his answer in his absence, willingly banished not himself only for his life time, but his corpse and funerals also after his death.  
Whiles those affairs passed in Peloponnesus (from whence our pen hath a little di●●ted and digressed) the return of Demetrius and the ambassadors into Macedon, diversely wrought in men's minds, & amused them some in one thing, & some in another. The common people of Macedon, who were mightily afraid that the Romans would make war upon them, highly affected Demetrius, and cast a favourable aspect upon him as the author of peace, and withal they destined him without all doubt to the kingdom, after the decease of his father. For albeit he were younger than his brother Perseus, yet men thought and spoke, that he was begotten in matrimony by Philip of his lawful wife, whereas he had Perseus by a concubine, who carried no token and mark of a certain father, as having to his mother a woman that was nought of her body and common. Whereas Demetrius resembled his father Philip, and was as like him as might be Moreover, men said, That the Romans would place and establish Demetrius in the ro iall throne of his father, but Perseus was in no credit and reputation among them. Thus folk stuck not to give out abroad in their common talk. Whereupon not only Perseus was in care and doubt, that the pre-eminence of age only would little boot and advantage him, considering in all respects else he was inferior to his brother, but Philip also himself, supposing verily that it would hardly lie in his power to leave the inheritance of the crown to whom he pleased, thought that his younger son was a mote in his eye, and troubled him more than was for his ease. Offended otherwhiles he was, that the Macedonians resorted unto him so much as they did, and highly displeased that there should be any more toiall courts than one in his realm, during his life. And to speak a truth, the young prince himself returned from Rome more puffed up, no doubt, with pride, than was be seeming; as who presumed and grounted much upon the opinion that the Senate had of him, perceiving that they had granted those things to him which had been denied unto his father before: but look how much favour and honour (in respect of the Romans) he won among the rest of the Macedonians, so much envy and ill will he procured himself thereby not only with his brother, but with his father also: and especially after that other Roman ambassadors were arrived, and that Philip was forced to part with Thracia and withdraw his garrisons, and to do other things either by virtue of the old award of the first commissioners, or by a new ordinance of the Senate. Well, he performed all, but with an heavy heart and many a deep sigh and groan, and so much the rather, because he observed and saw how his son Demetrius conversed more with the ambassadors, and frequented their company oftener than his. How be it he obeyed, and did whatsoever was enjoined him by the Romans, because he would minister unto them no occasion of levying war against him our of hand. And supposing it was good policy to avert their minds from all suspicion that he minded any such designs tending that way, he led his army into the midst of Thracia against the Odrysians, Danthelets, and Bessians. He won the city Philippopolis, abandoned by the inhabitants who were fled, and had retired themselves with their whole families to the high mountains next adjoining: and after he had wasted the lands and territories of the Barbarians that inhabited the champain country, he received them under his subjection by composition. Afterwards, having left a garrison at Philippopolis, which soon after was chased and expelled by the Odrysians, , he determined to build a town in Deuriopus, a region of Paeonia nearer the river Erigonus, which issueth out of Illyricum, and keeping his course through Paeonia, dischargeth itself, and falleth into the river Axius. Not far from Stobae the old city, he built a new, and caused it to be called Perseiss, thereby to do honour to his eldest son Persius.  
During the train of these affairs in Macedon, the Consuls took their journey into their several provinces. Marcellus sent a messenger before him to L. Porcius the Proconsul, to give him to understand that he should present his legions before the new town of the Gauls. But at the first approach of the Consul, the Frenchmen yielded the place. Twelve thousand they were that bare arms, and most of them had by force gotten their armour out of their country villages, which was taken from them maugre their hearts, with all things else, that either they had gotten out of the country by pilling and robbing, or brought with them of their own. Whereupon they addressed their Ambassadors to Rome, for to make complaint of these abuses and wrongs: who having audience given in the Senate by C. Valerius the praetor, declared, how by occasion that Gaul was surcharged with a multitude of people, they were constrained as well for want of ground and possessions, as also for need and poverty, to pass over the Alpes and seek themselves some place of habitation. And where they saw any quarters for let, defart, and unpeopled, there they had planted themselves, without offering injury to any person: where also they had begun to build a town, which might be a good proof and argument, that they came not to do violence upon any city or country village. And now of late M. Claudius had sent unto them a message, that unless they submitted and yielded, he would war upon them: whereupon they preferring certain peace (although it were less honourable) before the doubtful hazards and adventures of war, surrendered, rather to be in the protection and safeguard, than under the subjection of the people of Rome. But a few days after, they were commanded to quit both city and country. And thereupon resolved in their mind to depart in silence and saying never a word, into what place soever they could, there to seek their fortune: but then they were disarmed, yea and spoiled and stripped of all that ever they had, and nothing left, that either they drove before them, or carried about them. In regard whereof, they were humble suppliants to the Senate and people of Rome, that they would not proceed in more rigour and cruelty against them, harmless persons as they were, and submitting themselves unto them, than against processed enemies. To this Oration of complaint the Senate caused this answer to be returned: That neither they had done well in coming into Italy, and presuming to build them a city upon other men's territories, without permission of the sovereign Roman magistrate, who had the government of those parts: nor yet the Senate was well pleased, that they should be thus despoiled, considering they had yielded. And therefore minded they were to send with them their Ambassadors to the Consuls, to command them in their name, to see that all their own goods should be restored again unto them, so that they made return thither from whence they came: who also should go forward immediately over the Alpes, to give the States of France warning to keep in their people with them, & hold them in their native country: for as much as the Alpes were the frontier limits standing in the mids to confine between them, & therefore those mountains neither ought nor might be passed of one side or the other: & to make account of this, that they should speed no better now in transgressing their bounds, than at what time as they first made a way and passage over them into Italy. The Ambassadors employed about this business, were L. Furius Purpurio, I. Minutius, and L. Manlius Acidinus. Thus the French, after restitution made unto them of all that was their own by good right, and without wrong of others, departed out of Italy. Now when these Roman Legates were come, they had good words and courteous answers from the Transalpine nations. And those amongst them that were more ancient than the rest, blamed the people of Rome for their overmuch lenity, in that they let those persons go, who without warrant from the whole State, durst be so bold as to take a voyage to settle upon any lands belonging to the Signory of Rome, and were so hardy as thereon to build a town. For surely they deserved not less than to abide grievous smart for their rash demeanour. Moreover and besides, whereas the Romans have given them their own goods again, they feared much that so great indulgency of theirs, would induce and encouraged others to enterprise the like. So they friendly entertained and as kindly accompanied the ambassadors, yea and liberally presented them with rewards.  
M. Claudius the Consul having thus expelled the Gauls out of his province, began to lay the ground of the Istricke war, and for this purpose wrote his letters unto the Senate, for a warrant and commission to pass with his legions into Istria. The Senate was therewith contented. But whereas they were in question and consultation about conducting a Colony to inhabit Aquileia, they could not agree whom to send, whether Latines or Roman citizens. But in conclusion the LL. thought it better to plant there a Colony of Latins. The Triumvirs for to effect this, were created P. Scipio Nasica, C. Flamininus, and L. Manlius Acidinus.  
The same year were two Colonies of Roman citizens erected at Mutina and Parma: and two thousand persons were to either place translated out of the territory which lately was occupied by the Boians, and before time had been in the tenor of the Tuscans. They of Parma were endued with eight acres of land, and those of Mutina with five a piece. The Triumvir-Commissioners who had the disposing and managing of this business, were M. Aemylius Lepidus, T. Ebutius Carus, and L. Quintius Crispinus. Likewise the colony Saturnia consisting of Roman citizens, was brought into the territory of Caletra, by the conduct of Q. Fabius Labco, C. Asranius Stellio, and T. Sempronius Gracchus, deputed Triumvits therefore: who set out for every man ten acres of ground.  
The same year A. Terentius the Propretour, not far from the river Iberus in the Ausetanes country, fought fortunately against the Celtiberians, and forced certain towns which they had fortified. Base Spain beyond Iberus was quiet this year, because both P. Sempronius the Propretour lay sick of a long disease, and also the Lusitanians (as good hap was) rested still & quiet, as being by no man provoked to stir. Neither was there any memorable exploit achieved in Liguria by Q. Fabius the Consul. M. Marcellus was called home out of Istria: and after he had discharged his army, returned to Rome for to hold the election of the magistrates. For Consuls he created Cn. Babius Tamphilus and L. Aemylius Paulus. This man had been Aedile Curule together with M. Aemylius Lepidus, who was Consul five years before; and yet the same Lepidus suffered the repulse twice ere he was created Consul. Then were Pretours chosen, to wit, Q. Fulvius Flaccus, M. Valerius Laevinus, L. Manlius the second time, M. Ogulnius Gallus, L. Cacilius Denter, & C. Terentius Istra. In the very end of the year there was a solemn supplication holden by occasion of certain prodigies: for men believed verily that in the court-yard of the goddess Concordia it reigned blood for the space of two days: & reported it was not far from Sicily, that a new Island was discovered out of the sea, where never any was before seen. Valerius Antias writeth, that Hannibal died this year: and that to compass and work his death, there were sent in embassage to Prusias, L. Scipio Asiatticus, & P. Scipio Nasica, besides T. Quintius Flamininus, who in that action is named most.   

THE XL. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The Breuíarie of L. Florus upon the fortieth Book.  
WHen Philip had given commandment to make straight search for the children of those whom he kept in prison (and personages they were of most noble birth) for to put them to death: The oxena feaving the king his malicious intent and wicked lust, in the behalf as well of her own children, as of her sisters, little ones (God wot) and very young infants, brought forth and offered unto the said children naked keen swords, and a cup of deadly poison, persuading with them to avoid the imminent shame & dishonour, by present death: which after she had obtained and seen effected, fore likewise played her own part, and flew her own self. Moreover, in this book are related the debate and variance between Perseus und Demetrius, the two sons of Philip king of Macedon: and how Demetrius came to his death by poison, through the mischievous practice of his brother Perseus: who devised false crimes and raised slanders against him: and principally among the rest, charged him that he intented to kill his own father, and meant to usurp the kingdom, and last of all, because he was a friend to the people of Rome: by which means after the death of Philip, Persous obtained the crown. Also it containeth the happy exploits achieved by many and divers commanders in Liguria, and in Spain against the Celtiberians. The books of Numa Pompilius were by certain husbandmen as they laboured in the ground of L. Petilius a Notary, under the janiculum, found enclosed within a coffer of stone, and written both in Latin and Greek. And when the praetor of the city, to whom the books were brought, had perused them and sound therein many points tending to overthrow religion and the divine service of the gods, he swore before the Senate, that it was dangerous for the State and commonwealth, that they should be red and preserved: in such sort, that by an Act of the State, they were burned within the Comitium or Hall of public assemblies. The Colom e Aquileia was now erected. Philip exceedingly displeased with himself, & pricked with remorse of conscience, for that he had caused his son Demetrius to be poisoned, upon the false suggestions and accusations of his other son framed against him, devised to punish Perseus, and rather to conserve the kingdom upon Antigonus his friend than that his son should succeed him: but in this designment and purpose of his he suddenly died: and so Perseus took the crown and kingdom upon him.  
IN the beginning of the year next ensuing, the Consuls and Pretours cast lots for their several governments. As for the Consuls, there was no other province to employ them in, but Liguria. The civil jurisdiction among citizens fell to M. Ogalnius Gallus; and the foreign over strangers to M. Valerius. High Spain was assigned unto Q. Fulvius Flaccus; and the nether-land thereof to P. Manlius. L. Cecilius Denter had the governance of Sicily, and C. Terentius Istra of Sardinia. The Consuls were enjoined to take musters: for Q. Fabius had written out of Liguria, that the Appuans inclined to rebellion, and greatly to be feared it was, that they would break out and make roads into the territory of Pisa. And well they knew already, that of the two provinces of Spain, the higher parts were in arms, and the war with the Celtiberians was still in train: and as for the lower, the military discipline there, was clean corrupt and gone, by reason of riotous pleasures and idleness, where unto the soldiers were wholly given, by occasion that the praetor lay so long sick. For these causes thought good it was, that new armies should be levied and enroled; to wit, four legions for Liguria, and every one of them to contain 5200 foot and 300 horse: unto which, there was an addition of fifteen thousand footmen and nine hundred men of arms from our of the Latin allies. And these two armies were to serve the Consuls. But over and besides, they were commanded to enrol seven thousand foot and six hundred horsemen of Latin allies, and them to send into France to M. Marcellus, who was to continue still in place of command, after the term of his Consulship expired. Likewise they had in charge to levy of Roman citizens 4000 footmen and 200 horse, and of allies 7000 of the one, and 300 of the other to be conducted into both provinces of Spain. And Q. Fabius Labeo had his commission of government renewed for one year longer, with the charge of that army which he had in Liguria.  
The spring season that year was very stormy and tempestuous. On the 
* 19 of Apri●: 〈…〉  even of the feast Palilia about noontide, suddenly there arose a mighty blustering wind, which overthrew many edisices as well sacred as prosane. It cast down the brazen statues and images in the Capitol: it caught up the wicket of the door belonging to the temple of the 
* L●●●a.  Moon, (which is in the Aventine) carried it away and set it fast to the back wall of the temple of Ceres. It overturned and laid along other statues in the great cirque of shewplace called Circus maximus, together with the pillars upon which they stood. The lanterns and pinnacles it rend and tore after a strange sort, from the rouse and top of certain churches, and carried them clean away. And therefore this tempest was held for a prodigious token, and the Aruspices gave order for the expiation and satisfaction thereof. Likewise the same provision was made in regard of a report from Reate, that a mule was sole with three feet: and from Formiae, that the chapel of Apollo (and namely at Cajera) was stricken with lightning. For these prodigies, there were twenty greater beasts killed for sacrifice; and a supplication holden one whole day. And about the same time, intelligence was given by letters from A. Terentius the praetor, that P. Sempronius having continued above a year sick, was departed this life, in the farther province of Spain; which was the cause that the Pretours were willed to make more haste, and so much the sooner to pass into Spain.  
After this, the embassages from beyond the sea had audience given them in the Senat. The first was that, of the two KK. Eumenes and Pharnaces, and also of the Rhodians; who complained for the great loss and overthrow by the Sinopians received. And about the same instant arrived also ambassadors from Philip, from the Achaeans and Lacedæmonians, who had their answer and dispatch, after a speech made by Martius, who had been sent to visit the estate and affairs of Greece and Macedon. But as touching the foresaid kings of Asia, and the Rhodians, this stood for their answer; namely, That the Senate would sent their ambassadors and commissioners to take knowledge and see to all things there in place. But as concerning Philip, Martius had so told his tale, that he put the LL. of the Senate in more fear and perplexity: for in his declaration he confessed, that Philip indeed had accomplished the will and pleasure of the Senate, but in such sort, as it was evident to be seen, that he would do so no longer than he were held thereto and compelled of necessity; for apparent it was, that he minded to make war again, considering that whatsoever he either did or said, tended to no other end. For first and foremost he caused all the multitude to be removed and translated (with their whole families) out of the cities by the sea-coast, into that quarter which now is called 
* Peus●●dia.  Emathia, and in times past was named Paeonia; and gave those cities aforesaid to the Thracians & other barbarous nations to inhabit; supposing that this kind of people would be more fast and faithful unto him in his wars against the Rom. And verily this deed of his bred a great discontentment & murmuring throughout all Macedonia: insomuch, as few there were of them, who thus left their native habitations together with their wives and children, that could bite in & contain their secret grief and heartburning, and say nothing: but being pricked and nestled more to anger than kerbed and bridled with fear, they broke out, and were heard to curse and cry out upon the king, as they went along the way in troops and companies. Hereupon his fell stomach by nature was so galled, that he had all men in jealousy, and no time nor place there was, but he suspected. In the end, he began to give it out openly, that he could not make account to be in safety and security, unless he apprehended andkept in prison the children of those persons whom he had before time killed, for to dispatch and make away them also (in time) one after another. This cruelty in itself heinous enough and enormous, the calamity and woeful misery of one house made more odious and detestable. Murdered he had many years before Herodicus, a noble man and a prince of the Thessalians: and some time after, he flew also his sons in law, who had married his daughters. These gentlewomen being left widows, had each of then by their husbands a little son: and the names of these women were Theoxena and Archo. As for Theoxena she would in no wise marry again, albeit she had many suitors that wooed her: but Archo was wedded to one Poris, the very principal & noblest parsonage of the Aenean nation: and when she had borne him many children, she died, and lest them all very young. Then afterwards Theoxena likewise was married to the foresaid Pori s, to the end, that she might have the bringing up of those her sister's children with her own hands: and in truth she was not more kind to her own pretty son than to those her sister's children; but so tenderly regarded them all alike, as if she had borne them of her own body. Now when she heard once of the king's edict and proclamation which was gone forth, for the apprehension of all those infants whose fathers before had been put to death; supposing that these children should be exposed not only to the abuse and scornful mockery of the king, but also to the lust and villainy of his guard, the conceived in her mind an horrible designment: yea and she stuck not to say, That with her own hand she would rid them of their lives, rather than they should come within the clutches of Philip. But Poris her husband (who abhorred the very naming of so abominable a fact) said, that he would convey them out of the way as far as Athens, to certain trusty friends of his there, and would himself in proper person accompany themall the way thither, and take part with them of that exile and banishment. So they put themselves in their journey all together [he and his wife and children] from Thessalonica toward Aenea, unto a solemn sacrifice and feast which yearly they use to celebrate with much ceremonious pomp, in the honour of Aeneas their first founder. Now when they had spent that day in feasting full solemnly, about the third watch of the night (when all others were sound asleep) they were embarked in a ship prepared aforehand by Poris; making semblance, as if they would return to Thessalonica; but indeed purposing to cut over to Euboea. But when they had laboured and wrought to no purpose upon the wind, which was full against them, they were overtaken and prevented by the daylight before they were far from the land, and past sight. And being discovered by the king's officers who had the charge and keeping of the haven, there was a pinnace of foist (well appointed with armed men) set out to fetch in that vessel, with express commandment (as they would answer to the contrary at their utter peril) not to come again without it. Now as they approached near, Poris verily for his part was very earnest with the towers, mariners, and failers, to plietheir business and make way from them; otherwhiles stretching out his hands up to heaven, call and praying unto the gods to help them in this their hard distress. But the courageous lady his wise, all the while (turning again to execute that designment of hers long before purposed) tempered and mixed a potion of poison, and brought forth certain swords withal. Now when she had set the poisoned cup before the children in their very eye, and drawn the swords naked: Death (q d. she) is the only means we have to save our liberty; lo here the ways that lead to death: now as every one's heart standeth to his or that, take thereto, and avoid the cruelty and pride of the king. Come on lads and jolly striplings, lead you the way first thatare the bigger and elder; take sword in hand, fall thereupon and work the feat at once: or if ye list rather to belong a dying, drink here of this cup. What should they do? the enemies were fast upon them ready to board their vessel, their mother on the other side, encouraging them instantly to take their death. In such wise, that to conclude, some dying the one way and some the other, were all cast headlong over shipbourd, when they were but half dead. Then she for her part embracing her husband about the middle (because she would die with him for company) threw herself and him both together into the sea. Thus the king's men seized upon the ship, when the masters thereof were gone.  
The horrible example of this fact kindled more coals, and set the malice and hatred kindled against the king as it were on a light and flaming fire anew, insomuch as now commonly in all places they fell to open cursing of him and his children. Which maledictions & execrations, it was not long but all the gods listened and gave ear unto, and caused that he likewise exercised cruelty even upon his own flesh and blood. For Perseus seeing his brother Demetrius to arise every day more than other in favour, greatness, and reputation with the whole Macedonian people, and to grow also in credit and grace among the Romans, supposing with himself how he had no other hope left him of attaining to the crown, but by the means of some wicked practice, bend all his thoughts and studies that way, and aimed only at that mark. But believing verily that he was not strong enough & sufficient alone, to execute & bring forth so much only, as within that unmanly & womanish mind of his he had devised & conceived, he practised with his father's friends, and eftsoons sounded their hearts one by one apart, casting out ambiguous and doubtful speeches. And at the first verily some of them showed countenance, as if they could not abide to hear of any such thing, because they reposed more hope in Demetrius. But afterwards, as the hatred of Philip grew daily greater against the Romans, which Perseus still fostered and maintained, whereas Demetrius with all his might laboured against it; they foreseeing in their mind the unhappy end of Demetrius, who lay too open and was not heedful enough to guard himself against the fraudulent and mischievous plots of his brother, sided with Perseus; making this account in policy, to set that going and help it forward, which in the end would take effect, & namely to entertain and advance the hope of the mightier. For the execution of the rest they reserved every thing to a meet & convenient time therefore. As for the present, the best course they thought upon was this, to incense the king all that ever possibly they could against the Romans, to induce and put him forward still to think of nothing but war, whereto of his own accord his mind stood well enough and was inclined. And withal (to the end that Demetrius might be from day to day more and more suspected) they entered of purpose (as before they were agreed) into speech, as touching the hope and great port of the Romans: where at when some of them would seem again in scornful wise to elevate and debase their manners and fashions, others to deprave their deeds and acts, some scoffing in general at the very form and making of their city, how it was not yet embellished and beautified either with stately edifices in public places, or with fair houses of private men; others mocking and having in derision the principal and chief personages of the city in particular; the inconsiderate young gentleman, carried away as well with an affectionate love to the Romans, as with a desire to cross his brother, would answer to all those points in the defence and maintenance of the Romans: by which means he brought himself both into more jealousy with his father, and also to be subject and exposed to slanderous imputations. Whereupon his father acquainted him no more with any counsel as touching the Roman affairs, but wholly relied upon Perseus, and with him conferred thereabout, imparting unto him both day & night all his projects & designs whatsoever. By this time were they returned, whom he chanced to send to the Basternes for to levy succours and aid-souldiours, and brought they had with them from thence certain noble young gentlemen, and some among of royal blood. One of them promised to give his sister in marriage to one of Philip's sons, insomuch as the association by way of affinity with that nation, set the king's heart also aloft. But Perseus broke out into these words: What serves all this for (qd. he) since we have not so much help and safety by aids from abroad, as harm and danger by a mischief and malady at home. We keep here & foster in our bosom, I dare not say a traitor, but I assure you a very dangerous spy & no better; whose body verily the Romans have sent us again, but his heart & soul they are possessed of, ever since he was an hostage at Rome. All the Macedonians in a manner have their eyes upon him set, him they court, & give out in plain terms, that they will no other king than whom the Romans shall set up. Old Philip was of himself badly enough affected in his mind, but upon these suggestions buzzed into his head, he was the worse, & more disquieted and set out of frame: he entertained these surmises, and set them nearer to his heart than he made fair in outward show and countenance. Now it fortuned that the time was come of the ordinary review of his army, the solemnity whereof was usually performed in this manner. They cut a dog overthwart the midst in two halves, the head and foreparts together with the entrails were set on th●●●●ht hand of the high way; the hindparts on the left. Between this sacrifice thus divided, the companies in their armour passed in a show. Before the front of the vanguard were carried the coats of arms and royal ensigns of all the Macedonian kings that ever had been from the beginning. Then followed the king himself in person with his children. Next marched the king's guard and cohort, with the squires of his body. And last of all, in the rearguard behind came the rest of the multitude and commons of the Macedonians. of either side of the king went his sons, two lustiegentlemen. Perseus was about thirty years old, and Demetrius five years younger; the one in the mids and best of his age and strength, and the other in the very prime & flower thereof. An happy father had he been for so fair issue, seeing this proof, this maturity and perfection of theirs, if the grace of God had gone withal, & that they had been well disposed and affected in mind. The manner & custom of this review & solemn sight was (after the sacrifice duly accomplished) for the whole army to joust and tourney in this wise, that being divided into two battalions, they should one charge the other, & represent the show of a very conflict and set field. And who should be the chief leaders and captains in this brave pastime, but the kings two sons? But believe me they jested never a whit, nor made a vain show for disport, but went to it roundly in good earnest, as if they would determine now who should be king another day? Fowl work the y made with their wooden wasters and headless pikes; many were wounded, and nothing wanted there but sharp iron, of a very bloody battle indeed. That regiment which Demetrius commanded, had the upper hand by odds. Perseus' showed himself highly displeased and angry thereat; but chose his friends and favourites of the wiser sort, rejoiced at it, and made remonstrance, That this was the only thing to minister just occasion unto him for to challenge and accuse his younger brother. Now the same day, the one as well as the other feasted their companions, who had thus performed the jousts and tournaments of either side with them. Perseus was invited by his brother to supper, but he refused and denied to come. Howbeit such was the good fellowship amongst them, and so merry were the young gallants and lusty Cavaliers, that they passed the festival day in all joy and mirth, either part with their captain, and plied the wine full liberally. Then in their cups they fell to discoursing freely of their running and pastime, and began to cast out merry conceits and broad jests at their adversaries of the contrary side, insomuch as they forbore not to glance at the very cheefetaines themselves. Now had Perseus sent a privy spy, one of his guests, to listen what good talk there was at his brother's board, but he demeaning himself & walking not so circumspectly as he should, was encountered by certain youths, that chanced to come forth of the hall or parlour where they sat at supper, and was evil entreated and well beaten for his labour. Demetrius nothing ware thereof, among other table talk, Why go we not (quoth he) and banquet with my brother? and if there remain any anger & displeasure behind after our jousting in jest, appease and mitigate the same in simplicity of hart and mirth making? Mary, no better, cried they all again with one voice, save only those that feared to be met withal presently, and see rved alike for misusing and knocking the foresaid spy. Demetrius would needs draw even them also with him; whereupon they carried weapons hidden under their apparel, for fear of the worst, that they might defend themselves, if any violence were offered. But what can be carried so secret, but out it will, where there is intestine discord in one family? All was full of spies & false knaves, as well in the one house as the other. For there ran a pick thank and tale carrier before unto Persius, and declared unto him that there were coming with Demetrius four young men with privy skeines by their sides. And albeit he wist well enough what was the cause thereof (for he had heard that one of his guests was by them beaten) yet to aggravate the matter and make it more odious, he commanded the door to be fast locked, and from the upper rooms and losts of the house and out of the windows to the street side, he kept off and repelled those (that came to banquet and be merry with him) from approaching the door, as if their coming were for no other purpose but to murder him. Demetrius after he had for a time cried out in the street and taken on for this disgrace and indignity, saying it was long of the wine and nothing else that he was thus excluded, returned again to his own house to make an end of the banquet there: and all this while knew nothing what the matter was. The morrow after, Perseus, so soon as ever he thought he might have access to the speech of his father, came to the court; & in the sight of the king, stood afar off with a troubled countenance and heavy cheer, and not a word with him. How now (quoth his father) what is amiss with you? is not all well? Ah, my good lord and father (quoth he) I would you knew, that it is the fair gift & grace of God that I am livesman at this hour. That brother of mine, goeth not about us any more by way of secret practices & hidden ambushes: for the night that was, he came with armed men to set upon me in mine own house, & to take away my life. I was driven (father) to shut the doors against him, and to save myself from his furious rage, within the defence of the walls thereof. When he had thus possessed his father with fear and astonishment together; Nay (quoth he) I will prove all plainly before your face, that you shall know it is a truth that I say, if your grace can be content to give me audience. Audience? (quoth he) yes marry will I, and that with patience: and immediately he commanded Demetrius to be called before him. And withal, he sent for two of his old friends to assist him, and to take their advice, to wit, Lysimachus and Onomastus, who wist nothing of the quarrel and variance between the two brethren, for that they had been strangers a long time at the court. In the mean while, he walked up and down alone, attending their coming, coursing and discoursing many matters in his head, and his son Perseus stood still aloufe. After word was brought that the parties were come, he retired aside with those two friends, and as many of his guard, into an inner room, and permitted his sons to bring with them into the place, three friends a piece unarmed. And when he was set, thus began he to speak.  
Here sit I a most wretched father, 
The speech of Philip to his two sons.  to be a judge between my two sons, the one plaintiff, the other defendant in the case of parricide; and to find among those of mine own house and blood, the foul stain of that felonious crime, either falsely forged, or in deed committed. Certes, long ago I feared such a storm & tempest toward, & I saw it rising afar off, when I perceived your unbrotherly looks one toward another, 
Vulta saepe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  when I overheard some unhappy words to pass between you. Yet other whiles I was in good hope, that the heat of your anger might evaporate and flake, and the suspicions and jealousies be cleared and pass away considering that even professed & mortal enemies, have laid down arms, concluded peace, and become friends at last: yea and great quarrels and enmities between private persons have had their end. I hoped that one time or other, ye would remember how ye were natural brethren, that ye would call to mind, how ye were little children together, and had conversed with all simplicity and singleness of heart familiarly in your infancy: and finally, that ye would think upon my good lessons and precepts unto you, which now I fear me much, that I have sounded to your deaf ears in vain. How often have I blamed and detested in your presence and hearing, the examples of brethren at discord & variance, recounting unto you the stories of the fearful sequel & horrible issue thereof? namely, how they have thereby undone themselves and their race, overthrown their own houses, yea and utterly subverted whole kingdoms? On the other side, I laid before you better patterns and precedents to follow, and namely of the concord, agreement, and unity between the Lacedaemonian KK. that reigned two by two together, to their own good and the public weal of their country for many hundred years: but the same city fell soon to decay and ruin, when the fashion once was taken up, to usurp the tyranny and sovereign rule every man for himself alone. Moreover, I set before your ●●●s these two brethren hereby, Eumenes and Attalus, who at the first began with so little, that they were in manner abashed and ashamed to take upon them the title and style of kings: and at this day are equal in graundeur of dominion to myself, to Antiochus, and to any kings of this age living: and that by no other means in the world, more than by brotherly love & mutual concord. Nay, I stayed not so, but discoursed unto you & recited sundry examples of certain Romans, which either I had learned by hearsay, or observed by mine own eyesight and experience: and namely, the two Quinty, T. and L. who warred both against me. The Scipios likewise, P. and L. who vanquished and subdued Antiochus: their fathers also and uncles, who were brethren, and whose concord and unity all their life long was such, as it was not disjoined in their very death. But neither the wickedness of those first recited, and a semblable end correspondent to their ungracious life, was able to scare you from outrageous discord; nor yet the good hart & meaning of the later sort, together with their happy fortune, draw & induce you to be wise. During my natural life, whiles my breath is within my body, both twain of you, seduced by foolish hope and disordinate desire, are ready to take possession of my kingdom over my head. And so long only would ye have me to live, until that I surviving the one of you, might presently by my death put all out of question, and make the other (as sole heir apparent) undoubted king. Sick ye are I see well of father and brother, ye can abide neither the one nor the other. There is no goodness in you at all: nothing is there that ye hold dear, nothing that you count holy and inviolable: but in am and steed of all, there is crept and entered into you an unsatiable desire to reign, and that hath wholly possessed your hearts. Come on therefore now, grieve and wound your father's ears with your ungracious tales and wicked words; debate and dispute the matter with reciprocal accusations, you that shortly will decide and determine it by dent of sword: say on & spare not; speak out all, that either you can allege truly, or list to devise and invent falsely. Mine ears are now wide open, but shall hereafter for ever be close shut, against all secret slanders that ye shall whisper & report one against the other. When he had breathed out these words with great indignation, the assistants there, began all to weep a good and shed tears, and for a good time there was sad cheer and not a word; until at length Perseus began and said: 
The accusaterie Oration of Perseus against his brother Demetrius.  I should be like have opened the door in the night that I should, and received into my house armed guests to banquet with me, yea and held out my throat unto them for to be cut: since that nothing is believed, unless the deed had been done and dispatched: since that the same is said unto me (who have been forlaid, and whose life hath been sought) which were more beseeming to speak unto a wood-kerne and robber by the highway side: It is not for nought I see well, that these here, give out abroad an d say, That you have no more sons but Demetrius, and call me a bastard, & a supposed son of yours, as begotten of a concubine. For if you held & avowed me legitimate, if you vouchsafed me the place, the degree and love of a son, you would never far and storm against me so as you do, for discovering the ambush set for me, and complaining thereof; but against him rather that laid in wait to surprise me: neither would you set so light and make so small account of my life, as to be moved neither for the danger past wherein I was, nor at the peril to come, if such wait-laiers may escape unpunished. Now, if there be no remedy, but that we must die & say nothing, let us hold our tongue and be mute: let us only pray to the gods before, that this intended mischief begun in me, may also take an end in me alone, and that you be not he, who is to be wounded and pierced through my body. But in case (like as by the very instinct and suggestion of nature, they that are assailed and set upon in a desert wilderness, be taught to implore & call for men's help and succour, although they neither saw nor knew of any before) in case (I say) it be lawful for me likewise to open my mouth and speak, when I see the naked sword drawn upon me: then I beseech you for your own love, even for the love of your good self, and the name of a father (which whether of us twain have more esteemed & regarded, you have full well known long ago) to give me audience, & to hear me, as if you had been awakened at my cry & pitiful lamentation in the last night's roiot, & came in the way where I was forced to call, Help, Help: and as if you had taken Demetrius in the manner, within my gate, in the very entry of my door, accompanied with armed men, at an undecent and undue hour of this night past. Those plaints and moans which then I would have uttered by way of disordered and confused cries, in that sudden affright of mine upon the deed doing; the same I now make the morrow after. Ah brother, we have lived now a good while, not (iwis) as brethren that should banquet and make merry one with another. It is the crown that you look after, that is certain & past peradventure: but your hope to attain unto it, is crossed divers ways. My birthright & mine eldership is a block in your way, between you & it; the law of nations is against it; the ancient custom of the Macedonians checketh it; and finally, the will, pleasure, and judgement of our father is opposite unto it. Mount you cannot possibly so high, but by the effusion of my heart blood. You go to work, you assay all means, you leave no stone unrolled, and nothing unattempted to effect that: but to this day, either mine own wary diligence or happy fortune hath guarded me, and withstood your wicked parricide. Even yesterday, during the time of the solemn revieu and purging of the army, during the time of running at tilt & jousting, in time of the show & pastime resembling a skirmish, you miss very little of making a bloody battle of it and a deadly conflict indeed; and nothing else saved me from death, but this, that I suffered myself and my men to go by the worse and be overcome. From this martial combat, as if it had been no more but a game and sport among brethren, you would needs have trained and drawn me to a supper. Why? think you father, that I should have supped among those guests unarmed, who came in arms to banquet with me? Do you believe, that I should have been in no danger of their naked swords of steel at night; who in the day time and within your sight, laid on such load with 
* 〈…〉  wooden swords and bastons, that they had like to have killed me? To what end else came you, brother, at that time of the night? why came you as an enemy, considering I was in choler and my blood was up? or, wherefore came you accompanied with tall fellows, privily armed and with short swords under their garments? I durst not venture to sit at supper with you: should I have received you then, coming as you did with armed men to banquet with me? Father, if the door had been opened; whereas you hear me now to make my complaints, you should have been by this time busied about my winding-sheet, hearse, & funerals. I lay not forth & urge matters in slanderous manner, after the fashion of these accusers at the bar; neither collect I bore conjectural presumptions to enforce and conclude any doubtful points: for what need I so to do? denieth he that he approached my door with a troop of men? or that he had in his train a company, such as aware weapons covertly under their apparel? Do but send for them whom I shall name. But in faith, what will not they dare to do, that can do this? and yet I trow, they will never be so hardy and shameless as to deny it. If I had taken them in the manner with their weapons about them within mine entry, and so brought them before you, than you would say, it were a plain case and out of all doubt. If then, they confess as much with their mouth, hold them as culpable as if they had been surprised in the act doing. Now curse (& spare not) the greedy appetite and thirst after a kingdom; now fall to raise and call up the furies out of hell to set brethren together by the ears: but, good father, let not your cur says and execrations thus fly at blind random: make some distinction yet and difference, between him that lieth in a wait, and the party who is forelaid. Let him be holden guilty that sought to kill his brother, let him feel withal the gods of his father to be his enemies and angry against him. But as for him who was in danger to lose his life through his brother's mischievous practice, let him have his refuge and recourse to the mercy and justice of his father. For alas, whether else should I fly for succour? seeing that neither the solemn revieu and purging of your army, nor the running and jousting of the men at arms, neither mine own house nor my table, ne yet the very night season (which nature hath given to mankind for covert and repose) affourdeth me safety and security? If I go to my brother (being bidden to supper) die I shall: if I receive my brother within my doors (coming to banquer) die I must. So that whether I go or stay, all is one; I cannot avoid but fall into trains and ambushes, laid for to take away my life. To what place shall I retire and betake myself? None have I regarded, nothing have I relied upon, but the gods and your good self, father. As for the Romans, I stand in no such terms with them of grace and favour, as to trust upon their succour: nay they all wish me hanged, because I take the wrongs done unto you by them, to the heart; because I show myself discontented and touched with the indignity, that so many cities, so many nations are plucked from you; and namely, that of late they have despoiled and bereft you of all the maritime parts and sea coasts of Thrace: and so long as either you or I live, they never look to enjoy Macedon. But if by the mischievous practice of my brother, I might once be rid out of the way; and withal, if old age had made an end of you, yea and peradventure before that day came, (which they would never stay so long for) than they know which ell and make full account, that both the king and kingdom of Macedon, will be theirs sure enough. Indeed if the Romans had spared any piece at all without Macedon, I should have thought and made reckoning, that it had been a place of retreat and refuge left for me. But what need that, so long as I have strength enough among the very Macedonians. You saw yourself yesterday how violently the soldiers charged upon me: what wanted they but the sharp sword and edged weapons? well, that which they failed and miss of in the day time, my brother's banquetters met with in the night. For what should I speak of the greater part of the nobility? they have grounded and built all their hopes of dignity, promotion, and advancement, in the Romans, and namely in him who now can do all in all with them, and is of greatest reputation. And certes, to speak a truth, him they prefer not only before me his elder brother, but also they go within a very little to set him before yourself, his liege king and natural father. For this is he, for whose love and in favour of whom, the Senate hath remitted and pardoned you that penalty which you had incurred. This is he, who now protecteth you from the force of Roman armies: who deemeth it meet and reason that your old age should be obliged and beholden to his youth. For him stand all the Romans: with him take part all those cities which are delivered and free from your subjection: of him hold the Macedonians that wish peace with the Romans, and take contentment therein. Now for me, father, what hope or help can I have elsewhere, but in you alone? Whereto think you tend those letters of Quintius sent lately unto you; wherein he writeth, That you did passing well for your own estate, in sending Demetrius to Rome: and exhorteth you withal, to send him again the second time, accompanied with more ambassadors, and those the very principal and best of all the Macedonians? This T. Quintius (if you will needs know the reason) is the man, who leadeth, induceth, and directeth him at this present, in all things: he is his counsellor and schoolmaster. And Demetrius hath rejected and cast you off his own father, and hath put him in your stead. There it is, where all these privy plots have heretofore been first contrived and set a hatching: and at this present in willing you to send more in embassage, and those the chief personages of the Macedonians with him, he seeketh nought else but helpers & assistants to put those designs in execution. As many as go from hence to Rome, be they never so sound & uncorrupt at their setting out, be they loyal subjects and acknowledging no other but Philip for their king, return from thence tainted and infected with the alluring enticements of the Romans. Demetrius alone is altogether in their books. They are all for him, and pass for none else. Him they call their king, during the life of his own father. Now, if I seem to be touched, offended, and grieved herewith, by and by I am sure to have it charged reproachfully on both sides of mine ears, not only from others, but also from your mouth father, that I aspire and seek to be king. For mine own part, I would both they and you knew, that if 't he diadem and crown were here set between us both, I would none of it. For who is he, that I should need to undermine and supplant, for to step into his place and succeed? None there is at all but my father before me, and long may he so be, I pray God, and I wish to survive him no otherwise, but if I be worthy and deserve that he should likewise desire the same. If my father will make me his heir and inheritor of the kingdom, I will accept thereof. He indeed coveteth to be a king, yea, and ungraciously covereth it, who hasteneth to make pace forward, and to step before the course of nature, the order of age, the custom of the Macedonians, and the law of nations. But what imagineth Demetrius, suppose ye? Mine elder brother (thinketh he) stands in my way between me and home; to him appertaineth the kingdom by right and by my father's will: Let us rid him out of the world. What? I am not the first that sought to be a king by murder of a brother. As for my father, he is aged, he is desolate, and bereft of a son; he will have more care to look to his own person, than mind to revenge the death of his son. The Romans, they will rejoice, they will approve and maintain my fact. These be nice points, and these be ticklish and doubtful hopes, but believe me father, they are not altogether vain and frivolous. For thus stands the case, and this is the sum of all: Well may you preserve me out of danger, now whiles I am alive, by inflicting punishment upon those who take weapon in hand to kill me; but let their enterprise speed once, and take effect, you shall never be able to pursue them to the purpose and revenge my death.  
When Perseus had made an end of his speech, they that were present in place cast their eyes wistly upon Demetrius, as if he would have made answer immediately, and so were all silent a long time, and said not a word; for they perceived evidently that he could not for weeping open his mouth: but in the end he was urged by them to speak, and then after that necessity had surmounted his grief, 
The oration of Demetrius in his own defence, before his father.  thus he began, My father, all those means of help which were ever wont to serve the defendant in good steed, I am prevented and disappointed of, by the plaintiff my accuser. By those false and feigned tears of his, wrung out and shed to work the ruin and undoing of another, he hath made my true tears suspected, which gushing out of mine eyes, proceed from a melting and wounded heart within. And whereas himself hath not ceased, (ever since that I returned from Rome) to practise secretly with his consorts and complices both night and day to lay wait for my life, now he begins first with me, and will needs put upon me the visor, and have the world believe that I play the part not only of a secret and cunning wait-laier, but of an open these and a notorious murderer and cuthroat. He seemeth to fright you with his own danger, that he might make even you the very means and instrument to hasten forward the death of his innocent brother. He saith that he hath no place of refuge in the whole world: to the end that I might have no par●●ll at all of hope left, so much as in you. Thus circumvented as I am, left alone, forlorn, destitute and void of all succour, he chargeth me with being in favour and grace with foreign strangers; a thing iwis, that doth me more harm than good. Moreover, see how he proceedeth like a practised and cunning barrister, in that he inserteth and mingleth the last night's work together with the blame of my former life; to the end that he might make more supitious by the course of mine other years passed, this criminous matter also (the simple truth whereof you shall know anon) and withal confirm and maintain this vain surmise and slander, of my hopes, my will, & intended designs, by this subtle invention of his, by the sained & forged fable I say of that which was pretended the night that was. He hath not failed moreover to make you believe that this accusation of his was not premeditate and studied upon beforehand, but framed ex tempore, and occasioned only upon the sudden fright and trouble overnight. But in good faith, Perseus, if I had been a traitor to the king my father and the realm, if I had complottedwith the Romans and other of my father's enemies, me thinks you should not have waited for this nights devised fable, but you ought to have accused me before this time, of treason. And if that imputation were vain and frivolous without this surmise, and served to discover & bewray your envy & spite which you bear against me, more than it detecteth any crime which is in me; yet you should have let me alone & forborn this day, or put it off until another time; that it might have been clearly seen whether of us twain laid wait for the other, you or I, upon a strange and extraordinary manner of hatred. As for me (so far forth as I possible can, in this sudden trouble of my spirits) I will endeavour to speak severally of each point, which you have heaped up together so disorderly, and reveal I will the ambushes & trains of this night, yours or mine, fall out as it shall. He would have it thought that I practised to kill him, for this intent for sooth, that when mine elder brother were once made away, unto whom the inheritance of the crown appertained by the law of nations, by the custom of the Macedonians, and also, as he saith, by your judgement; I the younger might step into his place, and succeed him whom I had killed. What meaneth then, and whereto serveth that other part of his Oration, wherein he saith, that I have been so respective to the Romans, and that upon the affiance that I have in them, I hoped to be king? For if I were persuaded thus of the Romans, that they could set up whom they pleased to be king of Macedon, and if withal I presumed so much of their good grace and favour to me ward, what need had I then to commit a parricide? Was it because I had a mind to wear a diadem imbrued with my brother's blood by me murdered? and was I desirous to make myself odious and execrable among them, with whom either for mine honesty indeed, or at leastwaies for a counterfeit show thereof, I have won some credit, such as it is, if haply it be any at all? Unless perhaps, you think that T. Quintius (by whose virtue and counsel, you reproach me that I am ruled) advised me to kill my brother, Quintius, I say, who is so kind unto his own brother, and liveth with him so lovingly. This plaintiff and accuser of mine, hath collected not only the affection of the Romans which they bear unto me, but also the opinion which the Macedonians have of me, yea, and in manner the consent of all gods and men in my behalf; in which regards all, he took himself not able to match me in this quarrel and difference about the kingdom: and yet see, how the same man layeth to my charge, that as if I were in all other respects inferior unto him, I was sane to have recourse to this last shift of practising mischief and wickedness. Will you have this to be the case? Will you be content to join issue in this point? That whether of us twain feared the other to be reputed worthier of the kingdom, he should be judged and condemned to have sought and contrived the death of his brother? But let us discuss and examine in some sort or other, the order and manner of this pretended and devised crime. He hath burdened me, that I have laid for him many and sundry ways; yet hath he knit up all these means and couched them together in one days work. I purposed to kill him (saith he) in the open daylight, after the solemn revieu and assoiling of the army, even when we jousted together, and seemed to charge one another in battell-wise: yea upon the very day (God he knoweth) of the said solemnity. I intended iwis (believe him if you will) when I invited him to supper, to make him away with a cup of poison. I would have stabbed him (what else?) or run him through with my sword, when I came to banquet with him, & was accompanied with some of my train armed and having weapons about them. You see, father, what proper and choice opportunities I had picked out to commit this pretended murder; namely, the very day of disports, the time of supper, of banquet and collation. As for the day, let us examine it and the manner thereof: was it any other than that, wherein the army was surveied and solemnly purged? when between a sacrifice cut in twain, the royal coats of all the arms of Macedonian kings that ever had been, were carried aloft in a stately show; and we alone your two sons (father) matched on either side of you before the rest, and the whole Macedonian army followed after. When I was thus cleansed and purified by this expiatory sacrifice (if haply I had committed any sin before that deserved expiation) and especially at the very same instant when I beheld before mine eyes (on either side of the way) the parcels of the beast sacrificed: entertained I then in my thoughts the practice of poison, and the handling of swords prepared aforehand against the banquet, to perform a parricide? that afterwards I might with some other sacrifices expiate and cleanse my conscience thus stained and defiled with all kind of wickedness? A like matter surely. But a spirit corrupt and blinded with the humour of slandering another, upon a desire to gather matter and make all suspicious, careth not to huddle one thing upon another confusedly. For if I meant to have poisoned you at supper, what was there more unfit to set forward that designment, than to provoke you to anger, by running so eagerly upon you and fight with you so toughlie, that thereby you might take good and just occasion (as you did) to refuse being requested, for to come to supper? And when in your choler you had once denied to sup with me, was it not the next way for me then, to endeavour how to appease you, and seek some other opportunity and occasion, since I had prepared the poison for that present only? But I must leap straightways from that designment to another, even to the kill of you by the sword, & that upon the very same day, under a pretence of banqueting with you? If I thought that for fear of death you forbore my table at supper time, how comes it that I imagined not semblably, that for the said fear you would avoid my company at banquet aft oer supper? There is no cause why I should be ashamed and blush, Father; if upon such a festival day as it was I drank wine liberally, and took perhaps a cup too much among my companions. Nay I would it might please your majesty to inquire with what mirth, pastime, and merriment I feasted yesterday at home in my house, and this joy (undecent happily you will say and unseemly) set us the farther out, because in that skirmish and warlike pastime of lusty youths, our side went not by the worse. But this misery & unhappy fear upon that our mirth and jollity, hath well delayed and cooled the wine; spent it hath the strength thereof suming up into our heads: which if it had not come between, we as great laiers await as we were, had to this hour lain fast and sound asleep in our beds. Well, if I had minded to assail and force your house, and that done, to murder you the master thereof, would I not think you, have for born for my part one day to bib & quaff wine so freely? and likewise kept my soldiers from drinking drunk? But because I should not alone plead my simplicity and make my excuse thereby, this my good brother also, who God wot is none of these naughty and suspicious creatures, comes in with his vie and saith, I know nothing, I charge no body, neither wot I what to say else, but that they came armed to banquet with me. If I might be so bold as to ask how you came to that knowledge, you cannot choose but confess that either my house was full of your spies, or those armed men of my train took their weapons so openly, that every one saw them. And because he would have you believe o father, that neither himself made any enquiry before, nor at this time pursueth the matter with any accusatory spirit, he willed you to demand of them whom he named, whether they had not their swords about them? to the end that after you had sought into it as a matter doubtful, and found them to confess it, they might thereby be held c onvicted. But why rather will you not, that examination should be taken in this manner; whether they took their swords with them to kill you or no? And whether they did so by my warrant, direction, and privity? For this is it that you (brother) would make the world believe, this is it which you would have to appear, and not that which my men confess. But the case is plain and evident, yea, and they will be known no other, than that they were armed in their own defence. Whether it were well or ill done, they are of age to make account and render a reason of their doings. Do not you mingle my cause with that action of theirs, which interesseth it nothing at all. But rather declare and make it plain, whether we meant to assail you openly or secretly? If openly, why were we not all armed? why was there none of us besides those persons that did beat your spy? If secretly, what was the train and order of the execution of that design? After the banquet ended, & I the setter of the banquet retired from thence, should those four have stayed behind to fall upon you when you were asleep? How could they have carried it so close as not to be spied (strangers as they were & my men besides, & above all other most suspected) for that a little before, they had been seen in a brawl? And say, they had killed you; by what means could they escape & save themselves? Was it possible that your house should be forced & kept with four swords? Fie, fie Perseus, speak no more for shame of this night, but come again to that rather which galleth you at the heart, which kindleth your envy, and setteth you on fire. How cometh it to pass, o Demetrius, that men speak abroad that you shall be king? why should you be deemed of some more worthy than myself, to succeed the royal estate of my father? How is it that I am in doubt and fear of my hope, which, but for you, were sure and certain? These are the secret thoughts of Perseus, although he saith nothing: these make him of a brother to become an enemy: these cause him to be mine accuser: these conceits they be that fill your palace, your court, and your realm, with surmises, slanders, and suspicions. But for mine own part, father, like as I ought neither to hope for your royal crown, nor at any time peradventure, to make words and dispute about it; because I am the younger, and because it is your will and pleasure, that I should give place unto mine elder brother: so, it became me not heretofore, neither doth it become me yet, to demean and carry myself so in any action, that I should seem unworthy to have you for my father, but to be capable of all dignities whatsoever. The one point I should attain unto by indirect courses and wicked vices, in not yielding unto him, as right and reason would: but the other, by my good carriage and sober behaviour. You reproach me with the Romans, brother; & those things which in right aught to turn to my praise & glory, you blame & reprove me for. It was no seeking of mine, that I was delivered to the Romans as an hostage, or sent to Rome as ambassador: but when I was appointed by you, father, I refused not to go. At both times, such was my dealing & demeanour, that I had an ei e still and good regard, not to discredit either your highness, or your kingdom, or the Macedonian nation. And therefore you were the cause, father, of that amity and friendship which I have with the Romans. As long as you and they are at peace, I shall be well affected to them: begin war once; I that was an hostage and ambassador among them, and (though I say it) not unprofitable for you my father, even I, will become a most spiteful and mortal enemy unto them. Neither do I at this day require, that the favour I have among the Romans might steed me any way; only I beseech you, that it may not prejudice and harm me. It began not by occasion of war, neither is it reserved for the time of war. For assurance of peace, I was a pledge and hostage: for maintenance of peace, I was employed in embassage. Content will I be, by the one and the other, in case I neither purchase fame nor incur blame. If I have committed any impiety against you father, if I have done or designed any wicked part against my brother, I refuse no punishment, I crave no pardon or favour. If I be innocent, I desire only and humbly beseech your grace, that I be not overweighed with the heavy load of envy and ill will, since I can be overthrown by no crime justly objected unto me. This is not the first day, that my brother hath accused me: but this is the first day, that he is seen to be my accuser: and full little have I deserved it at his hands. If my father had been displeased and angry with me, I would have thought that you of all others, being the elder brother, should have been a mediator and intercessor for me (the younger) to my father, and a means to purchase a pardon for my folly & the error of tender youth: but see! where my succour and refuge should have been, there chose is my ruin & overthrow. From my feasting and banqueting, from my mirth and good cheer, by his means have I been haled hither not half waked, but t with mine eyes full of sleep, to answer in the case of parricide: & forced I am to plead mine own cause without my counsel, without my proctor or advocate. If I had been to speak in the defence of another, I would have taken time to study, premeditate & frame an oration. And yet, what was I to hazard there, but the reputation of wit and learning. Instead thereof I, not knowing for what cause I was sent for, heard your majesty first (wroth and angry as you were) to command us to plead our causes: & then my brother, who hath stood up to accuse me. As for him, he hath pronounced an Oration studied for, & devised long before hand: but I was allowed no longer time (than whiles I heard myself accused) to bethink me what to plead, or to examine & take knowledge of the matter that he hath laid forth against me. In that present moment of time, could I, think you (so suddenly taken as I was) either give ear to my accuser, or consider & think duly of mine own plea? astonished so I was, with that sudden trouble & unexpected occurrent, that much ado I had, to understand what I was charged with: so far was I from devising what to speak in mine own defence, What hope should I have now? and in what case were I, if I had not my father for my judge? at whose hands (albeit I am not so well beloved as mine elder brother is, yet since I am the party defendant, I ought at leastwise to find as much pity and compassion. For I beseech you (o father) to save me, in regard of myself and you: but he requireth you to take away my life, only for his own assurance and better security. And what will he do against me think you, after you have made over the crown & sceptre into his hands; who now already thinketh it meet and reason, to dispose of my blood at his good pleasure? In uttering of these words, the tears gushed forth so abundantly, that they stoppped his mouth so, as uneth he could either speak or draw his breath. Then Philip after he had commanded them to go apart, and communed a while with his friends, spoke & said, That he would not decide their cause upon these words of theirs, nor upon one hours debating, but by enquiry into both their lives, and observing their behaviour in deed and word, as well in great matters as in small. Hereby they all saw well enough, that the accusation of the precedent night's act, was sufficiently refuted and evicted, and the only thing in Demetrius to be suspected, was the overgreat favour that the Romans bore toward him. This was the very seed of the Macedonian war, sowed as one would say, during the life of Philip, but the war was after to be waged most of all against Perseus.  
The two Consuls took their journey into Liguria, the sole consular province of them both; and because they had achieved their exploits fortunately there, ordained there was a solemn procession for one day. It fortuned that there came two thousand Ligurians or thereabouts, to the utmost frontier of the province of Gaul, where Marcellus lay in leaguer, requesting to be received under his protection. Marcellus after he had commanded the said Ligurians to give attendance upon him in the same place, required by his letters the advice of the Senat. The Senate gave order to M. Ogulnius the lord chief justice of the city, to write back again unto Marcellus to this effect, That it was more meet that the Consuls, unto whom that government appertained, should give order and determine (as touching the Ligurians who yielded and submitted) what was expedient for the common weal in that behalf, than the Senate. As for them; if they were to give their opinion, they thought it not good to accept of the Ligurians surrender: and being once received, then to be disarmed: but they were of this mind and advise, that it was requisite they should be sent and referred over to the Consuls.  
The Pretours at the same time arrived in their provinces, to wit P. Manlius in base Spain, where he had been governor before during his former Pretourship; and Q. Fulvius Flaccus in the higher: where he received the army of Terentius; for, that other side of Spain beyond Iberus, had been left without a lord deputy, by occasion of the death of P. Sempronius the Pro. praetor. Whiles Fulvius Flaccus assaulted a town in Spain named Vrbicula, the Celtiberians made head and came upon him; where many and sundry hot skirmishes passed, and wherein many Roman soldiers were both hurt and slain. How beit Fulvius held still his resolution, and by no forcible means whatsoever, could be brought to levy the siege. The Celtiberians toiled out of heart with divers combats, retired and departed. The city then seeing their succours dislodged and gone, within few days was forced and ransacked; and the praetor gave the pillage thereof to his soldiers. Thus Fulvius after he had gained this town, and P. Manlius, when he had retired and rallied his forces into one place, which had been dispersed; without any other memorable act performed, brought their armies within the wintering harbours. And these were the exploits in Spain, during that summer season. Terentius who was departed out of that province before, entered the city of Rome in a petty triumph, by way of ovation. He carried before him in show, eight thousand three hundred & twenty pound weight of silver, and fourscore of gold: besides two golden coronets weighing 67. pound.  
The same year the Romans were chosen Arbitratours between the people of Carthage and king Masanissa, as touching their territories: & came personally to see the place in controversy. And thus stood the case: Gala the father of this Masanissa, had won the ground in question from the Carthaginians. Syphax afterward dizseized Gala thereof: and consequently to gratify Asdrubal, his wife's father, freely gave the same to the Carthaginians, and set them in possession again. Now last of all, even this very year, Masanissa had dispossessed the Carthaginians of the same. This matter was debated by the parties of both sides in the presence of the Romans, with no less courage and servency of spirit, than at other times when they tried the issue by dent of sword in open field. The Carthaginians laid claim and put in their plea, For that first it appertained to their ancestors in right of inheritance, & afterwards was conveyed to them by the free gift and donation of Syphax. Masanissa counterpleaded again and alleged, that he had both recovered the said territory, as parcel of his father's realm, and also held it by the law of nations: and that the case was clear on his side, in regard as well of the just title as also of the present possession wherein he was; saying, that in this cause he doubted nothing else but that the modesty of the Romans should prejudice him, for fear lest they might be thought to be partial in the cause and respective to him, a king their ally and good friend, and in favour of him to give up their award against the common enemies both to him and them. The commissioners and arbitrators would not infringe and alienate the right of possession, but left all as they found it, and referred the entire decision of the matter to the Senate of Rome.  
Nothing was there done after this, in Liguria: for first, the enemies were retired for safety into their wild's and forests out of the way; and afterwards they cassed their army, and slipped away every man to their own villages and castles. The Consuls likewise were willing to breakup and dismiss their forces; and thereupon sent to the LL. of the Senate to know their pleasure in that point: who advised the one of them to discharge his own regiments, and repair to Rome for the election of magistrates the next year: and the other, with his legions, to winter at Pisae. Armour there ran, that the Transalpine French put their youth and serviceable men in arms: but it was not known what quarter of Italy this multitude thus levied, would invade. But the Consuls thus agreed together, that Cn. Baebius should be present at the general assembly at Rome, for the election aforesaid, because M. Baebius his brother sued to be Consul. Then was the assembly holden for the creation of Consuls, and elected there were, P. Cornelius Lentulus, and M. Baebius Tamphilus. This done, the Pretours also were chosen, namely the two Quintij Fabii, the one Maximus, and the other Buteo; T. Claudius Nero, I. Petilius Spurinus, M. Pinarius Posea, and L. Duronius. When these were entered into their magistracy, the provinces were by lot after this manner disposed. The Ligurians fell to the Consuls: as for the Pretours, Q. Petilius was lord chief justice for the citizens pleas, and Q. Fabius Maximus for the strangers: Q. Fabius Buteo had the government of Gaul, T. Claudius Nero of Sicilia, M. Pinarius of Sardinia, L. Duronius of Apulia together with the Istrians; for that the Tarentines and Brundusines had given intelligence, that the seacoasts were much troubled and annoyed by the robberies of pirates and men of war from beyond-sea: and the like complaints were made by the Massilians, of the Ligurian navy. For these ca uses order was given, and warrants went out for to levy armies: that the Consuls should have four legions between them, containing in every one 5200 Roman footmen and 300 horse: also to enrol 15000 footmen and eight hundred horsemen of Latin allies. In the provinces of Spain (both the one and the other) the old Pretours continued still in their government, with the charge of those armies which they had already: and for a supplement to reinforce and make up their broken companies, there were appointed three thousand foot and two hundred horse of Roman citizens, together with six thousand of the one and three hundred of the other, from out of the Latin nation. All this while they forgot not their navy at sea. And the Consuls had in charge to choose for that purpose, two wardens called Duumvirs, who after they had out of the Arsenal thou into the sea twenty ships, and set them a slote, should furnish them with mariners, and those Roman citizens, such as had been slaves and were enfranchised: and that natural Romans freeborn, should only be captains and have the conduct of the said vessels. These two Duumvirs so parted and ordered betwixt them the defence of the maritime coasts, with ten ships apiece; that the cape of Minerva should be as it were the middle point and mark between them: so as the one should guard that part on the right hand as far as to Massilia; and the other the left side, even to Barium.  
This year were seen at Rome and reported from foreign parts many uncouth and strange prodigies. In the churchyards belonging to Vulcan and Concordia, it reigned shear blood: and the bishops made relation, that the spears [of Mars] shook and moved of their own accord. Also at Lanuvium the image of juno Sospita shed tears. Moreover, the plague reigned so hot in the country villages, market towns, marts and places of frequent resort, yea and within the city of Rome, that they were not able to furnish the funerals accordingly & enterre the dead. The LL. of the Senate, being in great anguish and trouble, in regard of those fearful tokens and the loss of their people, ordained, That as well the Consul should kill greater beasts for sacrifice unto what gods they thought good, as also the Decemvirs should visit and peruse the prophetical books of Sibylla. And by virtue of their decree, there was a public supplication proclaimed at Rome for one whole day, at all the altars and shrines of the gods and goddesses. By their counsel also and direction, both the Senate advised and the Consuls also published throughout all Italy for three days space, solemn litanies and devout holidays. The rage of this pestilence was so great, that whereas there passed an act by the Senate to enrol 8000 footmen and three hundred horse from out of the Latins (in regard that the Islanders of Corsica were revolted and the Iólians up in arms within Sardinia) with which power M. Pinarius the praetor was to sail over into Sardinia: the Consuls made report again unto them, that such numbers of people were dead already, and so many lay sick, that it was not possible to levy that proportion of fight men. So the praetor had commission to furnish out that defect of soldiers, with a supply which he was to receive of Cn. Baebius the Proconsul, who then wintered at Pisae; and from thence directly totake the seas and pass over into Sardinia.  
L. Duronius the praetor (unto whom the province of Apulia was allotted) had a commission besides to make inquisition for the Bacchanals; for there remained yet some seeds of the former enormities, which began already the former year to sprout and bud forth. But L. Puppius the praetor last before, had entered into the enquiry and search of the matter, rather than effected aught and brought it to a final end: and therefore the LL. gave order to this new praetor to cut off this mischief in the spring and breeding thereof, before it got more head a second time, and upon growth spread farther. Moreover, the Consuls by the advice and authority of the Senate, preferred certain laws unto the people, as touching the 
* Lex de ambi●u.  inordinate suit and ambitious seeking after offices of government. After all this, they brought into the Senate the foreign embassages; and gave audience first to them that came from the KK. to wit, Eumenes, Ariarates the Cappadocian, and Pharnaces of Pontus. But no other dispatch and answer they had than this, That they would send certain Delegates and commissioners, to hear, decide, and determine their controversies. After them, the Ambassadors of the Lacedaemonian exiles, and of the Achaeans, were admitted into the Senate house. The banished persons aforesaid were put in some good hope, that the Senate would write their letters to the Achaeans, for their restoration. The Achaeans declared as touching the recovery of Messene and the pacification of all troubles there, with the great contentment of the LL. of the Senate. There arrived moreover two Ambassadors from Philip king of the Macedonians, namely Philocles and Apelles, about no suit that they had to the Senate, but sent rather as spies to underprie and to learn somewhat as touching those points that Perseus had charged Demetrius with, and namely, of certain speeches that he should have with the Romans, an d especially with T. Quintius, against his brother about succession in the kingdom. These twain were chosen by the king as indifferent persons, and nothing affectionate either to the one brother or the other: howbeit they were the ministers, consorts, and complices of Perseus, in his intended mischievous plot against his brother. Demetrius (as one ignorant of all designments against him, but only of the late wicked prank of Perseus which last broke out) at the first, was neither in great hope, nor yet in utter despair, to be reconciled unto his father. But afterwards, he had less confidence every day than other in the good affection of his father toward him, seeing his brother continually to buzz into his ears many matters, and possess his head with tales against him. And therefore he looked circumspectly about him that he trod not awry, and namely, that he let no words fall, or did anything that might be offensive and breed more jealousy; and above all, he wholly forbore conference and commerce with the Romans; in such sort, that he would not have them so much as to write any letters unto him: knowing full well, that his father's heart would be exasperated against him, by such imputations and informations especially.  
Philip, because he would provide that his soldiers & men of action should not pair & wax worse through idleness & disuse of arms, & that under one he might avert from himself all suspicion that he intended any war against the Romans, appointed the city Stobi for the Rendez vous of his army, & marched into the quarters of Maedica. A great desire he had, to mount up the crest and top of the hill 
* Catena mund●, or, Monte argentato.  Aemus, because there was an opinion commonly received, & which he had given credit unto, that from thence a man might discover within one prospect, the 
* Mar. maiore.  Portick & Adriatik seas, the river 
* Danubius, Donaw.  Ister also and the Alpes: for thus he thought, that the vieu of these places would stand him in no small stead in projecting and plotting the war against the Romans. When after diligent inquiry of them that knew those quarters well, as touching the ascent of that mountain, he had learned and fond it clear and certain, that there was no way at all for to conduct an army thither, and that a few men, and those deliver & lightly appointed, should find enough to do and exceeding much difficulty to pass, he taketh his younger son apart, whom he was resolved not to have with him in that expedition; and because he would seem to dulce and mollify his discontented mind with some familiar and private speech, first he demanded of him, considering so great difficulties of the journey presented unto them, whether he were better to hold on the way still and follow his design, or give over? But if I should go forward (qd. he) I cannot forget that which befell to Antigonus in the like case, who being upon a time much tossed at sea in a boisterous tempest, and having with him in the same ship all those that were of his blood, is reported to have given this good advertisement and lesson to his children, that they should always remember, & also give their posterity warning, never to venture all their goods in one bottom, not to engage themselves together with their whole race & offspring in any peril and danger. Remembering therefore (qd. he) this good precept & counsel of his, I will not hazard both my sons at once in this present jeopardy which I see before mine eyes: but for as much as I propose to take mine elder son with me, I will send my younger back into Macedon, for to uphold & maintain the hope of my posterity, & for the defence of my kingdom in the mean while. Demetrius found him straight, & wist well enough that he was sent away for no other intent but that he should not be present in counsel, when upon the view of those places abovesaid, he was to devise & consult in what coast lay the nearest and shortest way to the Adriatic sea and to Italy, and what course they should plot for the management of the war. But there was no remedy; he must not only then obey his father, but also soothe him up and seem to approve and like well of that which he said, for fear lest it might be thought, that it went against his stomach to yield obedience unto him, and so be held in more jealousy and suspicion than before. Howbeit, to the end that he might pass into Macedon with safety, Didas one of the king's Deputies and L. governor under him of Paeonia, was commanded to accompany and conduct him with a mean guard and convoy. Now was this Didas one of those conspirators that had sworn the death of Demetrius; whom Persius had made sure to his part, like as he had many other of his father's friends, ever since that men began to make no doubt, unto whom Philip in affection was inclined, and whom he meant to make the heir apparent of the crown. And at this very instant Perseus had charged him and given him instructions, by all obsequious services to insummate and wind himself into most familiar talk, and to come so near within him, that he might draw from him all his secrets, and discover the very inward and hidden thoughts of his heart. Thus departed Demetrius attended with a train about him more dangerous to his person, than if he had traveled alone without any company. Philip first passed through Maedica, and then forward over the deserts lying between Maedica and Aemus, and at the seventh days gift was come as far as to the foot of the mountain. Where after he had rested and stayed one day, to make choice of those whom he minded to take up with him; the morrow after he set forth and put himself in his way. At the first, the labour was not great, nor the pains much to overcome the nethermost hills; but the farther they went and the higher that they advanced, the more wild and woody still they found every place; yea, and they met with many that had no passage at all. At length they were mounted to a pass or way so shadowed and dark, that for the trees standing so thick together, and their boughs plaited and interlaced one within another, unneath or hardly could a man see the sky through them. But when they approached once the pitch and crest of the mountain, behold (a thing not lightly seen in other parts) they light upon so gross and thick a mist, which overspread and covered all, that they had as much ado to march forward, as if they had traveled in the dark and mirke night. At last by the third days end, they gained the very top of the mountain. Now when they were come down from thence again, they made no less report thereof than the common opinion was that went of it; which I believe leeve verily they did of purpose, because they would not be mocked and scorned for this their foolish and vain voyage, rather than for that they could indeed within the same prospect and from one place, view seas, mountains, and rivers, situate and distant so far asunder. Much moiled they were all, and sore toiled in this untoward way; but the king above the rest, by reason that he was far stepped in age, and unwieldy of body. Well, after he had done sacrifice there upon two altars consecrated to jupiter and the Sun, he descended in two days, whereas he had made three of it in ascending: and that which he feared most, was the cold nights, which there in the beginning of the dog-days were like to those of midwinter in other places. Many difficulties he wrestled and strove with all during those days, & being returned into his camp, he found no better. Nothing was there but extreme want and penury, as being pitched in a place compassed about on every side with deserts and wilderness. And therefore when he had stayed there but one only day to rest & repose his men, whom he had taken with him in that journey, he hastened away, and in a running march, as if he had fled in rout, entered the country of the Denthelets. These Dentheletes were his own confederate allies, but the Macedonians (such was their need & necessity) peeled and spoiled their confines, no less than if they had been professed enemies. For first they wasted and destroyed their holts, graunges, and farm houses, afterwards certain wicks and villages also, robbing and rifling as they went, to the great dishonour of the king; who could not choose but hear the piteous complaints and moans of his associates, crying to the gods, patrons of alliances, and calling upon his name for help, but could have no meed and remedy. When he was purveyed of corn from thence, and returned into the country Maedica, he began to assail a city which they call Petra. Himself in person lay encamped in the avenue and ready way upon the plains, but he sent his son Perseus with a small company to fetch a compass and give the assault from the higher places that commanded the town. The townsmen thus hard bestead with terror on every side, for the present yielded upon composition, and gave hostages; but after the army was retired, they forgetting their pledges, abandoned the city, and fled for refuge into certain forts, fenced places, & high mountains. Philip having wearied his soldiers with all manner of travel to no effect, and withal entertained more jealousy and suspicion of his son Demetrius, by the lewd practice and false suggestions of Didas (the governor of Paeonia) returned into Macedo nigh. This Didas (as hath been said before) sent to conduct Demetrius home, abused the simplicity of the young gentleman, who was nothing circumspect and wary, but seemed discontented and complained to him (as good cause he had) of those that were nearest in nature and blood unto him; he, I say, by flattering, by soothing him up, and seeming withal to be offended and grieved for his part at such hard usage, laid snares and grinns, & set traps for him; and in conclusion, by his double diligence, and offering his voluntary service to do him pleasure, protesting also to be true and fast unto him, yea, and to keep his counsel, fetched out of him the very secrets of his heart. Now had Demetrius a purpose with himself to fly to Rome, and to effectuate this designment of his, he was persuaded, that of a special grace and favour the gods had sent and offered unto him this Didas the praetor of Paeonia to be his helper and assistant; for through his province he conceived some hope to pass and escape with security. This intent and plot of his was both immediately disclosed to his brother Perseus, and also by him declared to his father. And first were letters hereof brought unto him, whiles he lay at the siege of Petra. Afterwards Herodorus (the principal friend that Demetrius had) was committed to ward, and withal, order was taken to watch and observe Demetrius that he started not aside; but all underhand and close, without semblance of any such matter. These occurrents above all others, caused the king to have a dolorous and heavy return into Macedon. These new accusations thus presented, troubled him much: howbeit he thought good to expect the return of those whom he had sent to Rome as spies to hear all and find out the truth. In the anguish and agony of these cares and perplexities, when the king had continued certain months, in the end those ambassadors came home; who at first ere they set foot out of Macedon, had devised and framed before hand what reports they would make from Rome. These messengers, to make up the full measure of all their wicked and devilish practices, delivered also into the king's hand a false and forged letter, sealed with a counterfeit sign of T. Quintius. The said letter was indited to this tenor and effect, That Quintius should seem for his own excuse to say, that albeit young Demetrius, carried away with an inordinate desire to be king, had slipped a little, & treated with him about some such matter, yet would he do nothing to prejudice any one about K. Philip, neither would he be thought or found a man, to give any ungodly and ungracious counsel. These letters struck it dead sure, and made the king believe, that all the former imputations fastened upon Demetrius were true & past all peradventure. Whereupon Herodorus presently was put to the rack and examined, but after he had endured intolerable pains a long time, & confessed nothing, he died in the end under the tormentor's hand. Perseus' accused Demetrius again before his father, for that he intended and provided to take his flight through Paeonia. And there came forth certain to testify against him, saying, that he had corrupted, inveigled, and induced them to accompany him in that journey. But that which made most of all against him, was that same devised letter of T. Quintius. Howbeit there was no grievous sentence pronounced openly against him, to the end, that rather by some covert and cautelous practice, he might come to his death: and this, not for any fear that he had of him, but doubting least some ouvert punishment executed upon him, might reveal and discover his secret designment, of making war upon the Romans.  
Philip himself taking his journey from Thessalonica to come to Demetrias, sent Demetrius his son to Ae●●reum, a city in Paeonia, and the same Didas still to accompany him: but Perseus he addressed to Amphipolis, for to receive the hostages of the Thracians. Now it is reported, that when Didas took his leave of him and departed, the king gave him in charge to kill his son Demetrius. Didas then, either purposing indeed or making semblance to sacrifice, invited Demetrius to the celebration and feast thereof, whereupon he came from Aestreum to Heraclea. And (as men say) at this supper he met with a cup of poison. He had no sooner drunk it, but immediately he felt that he was sped; for within a while it began to work extremely, and for very dolour and pain, he was forced to rise from the table and retire into his bedchamber: where he piteously complained of the hard heart and cruelty of his father, of the murderous mind of the parricide his brother, 
Demetrius' 〈◊〉.  and of the treacherous villainy of Didas: and all this while endured deadly wrings and torments in his belly. But afterwards there were sent into the chamber, one Thyrsis a Stuberaean, & Alexander of Berrhaea, who enwrapped his head and throat with the bedcloathes, carpets and counterpoints of tapistry, and and held them so hard, that they throttled & smodered him, and in the end stopped his breath that he died. Thus was this poor innocent young man piteously made away; whose enemies one single kind of death could not content and satisfy, but needs they must kill and murder him twice.  
Whiles these things happened in Macedon, L. Aemylius Paulus, who continued still in government after his Consulship expired, marched with his army against the Ligurians Ingaunes in the beginning of the spring. So soon as he was entered into the confines of his enemy's country, and there encamped, there came Ambassadors unto him under colour of seeking peace, but in deed only to eskout and spy. Paulus made them answer, That he could contract no accord with them, unless they yielded first: which they seemed not so much to refuse, but said, That they needed some time to persuade their nation unto it, being a rude and uncivil kind of people. And when they had ten days truce allowed to effect this, they requested moreover, that the Roman soldiers might not pass over the next hills adjoining, either for sewell or forage, for as much as those lands were the only tilled and well manured grounds of their appertinances and territory. When they had obtained so much, they assembled all their forces on that side of the hills, from whence they had averted the enemies, and suddenly with a mighty multitude charged upon the Roman camp, and assaulted all the avenues and gates thereof at once. With all forcible means they continued the assault in such sort, as the Romans had not so much as either time enough to set forth and display their ensigns, or room sufficient to put their army in order of battle: but were compelled to defend their camp more by standing thick thronged together against the enemies in the very gates, than otherwise by hardy fight. But about the going down of the sun, when the enemies were retired, Paulus dispatched two light horsemen with letters to M. Baebius the Consul, as far as Pisae, that he should come away with all speed to succour him, being in time of truce besieged. But Baebius had delivered up his army before to M. Pinarius the praetor, as he went into Sardinia. Howbeit he both certified the Senate by his letters, that L. Aemylius was invested by the Ligurians, and he wrote also to M. Cl. Marcellus, whose province was next adjoining, to bring over his forces (if he thought so good) out of Gaul into Liguria, and deliver L. Aemylius from siege. But alas, these succours should have come all too late: for the Ligurians the very next day returned and advanced against the camp. Aemylius albeit he not only knew that they would come, but also might have brought his power forth into the field and ranged them in array, yet he kept himself so close within the strength of his rampiar, minding to hold off and not to fight, until Baebius might with his army come from Pisae. Now the letters of Baebius caused great fear at Rome: and so much the more, for that Marcellus being returned to the city, some few days after he had made over his army unto Fabius, put them out of all hope, that the army which was in France, could not possibly pass into Liguria, by reason of the war with the Istrians, who impeached the planting of the colony at Aquileia; against whom Fabius was gone, & might not possibly retire from thence, now that the war was once begun. The only hope they had therefore of aiding Aemylius was this, (and yet the same seemed to be with the latest, considering the urgent necessity of the time) in case the Consuls made haste to go into their provinces: which to do, all the LL. of the Senate called aloud and earnestly unto them. But the Consuls denied flatly to stir one foot, before the levy of soldiers was fully finished; alleging that it was not their slackness, but the violence of the plague, which caused it to be so late ere it were performed. Yet for all this, such was the general accord and consent of the Senate, that they could neither will nor choose but go forth of the city in their rich coats of arms, and by proclamation to assign a certain day, upon which all the soldiers whom they had enroled should show at Pisae: and commission they had to take up subitarie soldiers, all the country over as they went, to priest them forth presently and have them away. Moreover the Pretours, Q. Petilius and Q. Fabius were both of them commanded, the one, namely Petilius, to enroll in haste two tumultuary legions of Roman citizens, and tender the military oath to all that were not above fifty years old: and Fabius, to levy of the Latin allies, fifteen thousand foot, & eight hundred horsemen. The two Duumvirs or Wardens for the navy and the ports were created, namely C. Matienus and C. Lucretius: who were soon provided of ships ready rigged, trimmed and furnished to their hands. And Matienus, who had the charge of the coasts upon the gulf of Gaul, was commanded to bring his fleet with all speed possible along, to the tract of the Ligurians, if happily he might any way steed L. Aemylius and his army. Aemylius after he perceived that no aid appeared from any place, supposing verily that the two horsemen abovesaid, were intercepted and stayed by the way, thought good to put off no longer, but alone with his own forces to try the fortune of a fight. And thereupon before the enemies came (who now already began more coldly and heavily to assail them than before) he put his men in battle array at the four gates of the camp, to the end that upon the signal given, they should at once from all parts sally forth. To the four extraordinary cohorts, he adjoined two other, under the conduct of M. Valerius a Lieutenant, & commanded them to break forth at the false postern gate called Extraordinaria: within the gate Principalis on the right hand, he embattled the Hastati or javelineres of the first legion, & the Principes of the same legion in the arrierguard to second them, commanded both by M. Servilius & L. Sulpitius, Kn. marshals, or Tribunes military. The third legion he marshaled full against the other gate Principalis on the left hand. This change only was here, for that the Principes were set in the front, and the Hastati behind in the tail of them. Sex. julius Caesar and L. Aurelius Cotta, two military Tribunes had the leading of this legion. Q. Fulvius Flaccus a Lieutenant having the conduct of the right wing, was placed at the gate Questoria. Two cohorts and the Triarij of two legions had commandment to stay behind for the defence of the camp. The General himself in person road all about from gate to gate, exhorting and encouraging his men: using all the forcible means he possibly could devise, to provoke and whet the stomachs of his soldiers, and to give a poignant edge to their courage and choler: one while reproaching his enemies for their falsehood and treachery, who having craved peace and obtained truce; during the time of the said truce, against all law of nations were come to assail the camp: another while showing and declaring unto them what shame & indignity it was for the Roman army to be besieged by the Ligurians, who more truly may be accounted thieves and robbers, than go for warlike enemies. If (quoth he) you should escape from hence, not by your own virtue and valour, but through the help and succour of others, with what face shall any of you be able to meet, I say, not those soldiers who have vanquished Hannibal, diffeated Philip, and subdued Antiochus, the mightiest kings and greatest commanders of our age: but even them who many a time have hunted & chased the very same Ligurians like bruit beasts, over the wild's and forests as they fled, and hewed them a pieces in the end? That which the Spaniards, that which the Gauls, that which the Macedonians & Carthaginians dare not enterprise, namely to approach and enter upon the rampire of the Roman camp; shall a Ligurian enemy adventure to do? shall he of his own accord presume to besiege and assail our camp, whom heretofore when we beat all the blind bushes, by-woods, & thickets, to start him out, we had much a do to find, he lay so close and lurked so covertly? At these words the soldiers set up a consonant cry in token of applause, & answered him with a general shout, saying: There was no fault on their part, seeing that no man had given them the signal to issue forth and make a sally. For let him once but say the word to sound the trumpet, he should see and find, that both Romans and Ligurians were the same still, as beforetime. Now the Ligurians kept two camps on the near side of the mountains affront the Roman leaguer; from whence (for the first days so soon as the sun was up) they used to advance their ensigns and march forward, well armed and ranged in battle array: but then, they put no armours upon their backs, nor took weapon in hand, before they had filled their bellies well with meat and their nolles with wine: they came forth (I say) dispersed and out of order; as who hoped and trusted assuredly, that the enemies would not march under their ensigns without their rampire. Against them (coming thus in disarray) the Romans issued forth at once, out of all the gates in one instant with a mighty shout, which not only they who were within the camp set up, but also the lackeys, scullions, launders, and other drudges that follow the camp redoubled. This was such an unlooked for occurrent to the Ligurians, that they were set in as great an affright therewith, as if they had been surprised and beset all about with sudden ambushments. For a small while there was some show of a conflict, such as it was; but anon they took their heels and fled for life; but as they fled, they left their lives behind them in every place. Then the men of arms had the signal given to mount on horseback, to pursue them and not suffer one to escape alive: and so in this fearful rout they were driven to take their camp for safety: but in the end were dizseized and turned out of it also. That day were slain of the Ligurians not so few as fifteen thousand, and 2500 taken prisoners. Within three days after, the whole nation of the Ligurian Ingaunes, yielded absolutely, and put in their hostages. A search was made for all the pilots and mariners, who had exercised piracy on the sea, and they were all laid up fast in prison. Semblably C. Matienus one of the Duumvirs or warden s of the navy, met with two and thirty ships of that sort, belonging to men of war upon the coast of Liguria, and bourded them. To carry these news to Rome, and letters to the Senate, L. Aurelius Cotta, and C. Sulpitius Cotta were sent to Rome: who also were to require that L. Aemylius (when his time was expired) might depart out of his province, and bring his soldiers from thence with him, and so discharge them of service. Both these demands were granted by the Senate, and a solemn procession besides was ordained in all churches and chapels, and at every shrine and altar for three days space. The Praetors also were commanded, Petilius, to casse and dismiss the legions of the city; and Fabius, to remit the Latin allies the levying and mustering of their soldiers. Also there was order given to the Praetor of the city, for to write unto the Consuls and give them to understand, that the Senate thought it meet and reason, that the subitarie soldiers (who were enroled in haste for the sudden tumult and alarm) should with all speed be licenced to depart.  
The same year the colony of Gravisca was planted in the territory of Tuscan, which in times past had been conquered from the Tarquinians; and five acres of land was set out to every man. The Triumvirs who had the charge thereof to distribute these lands, were C. Calpurnius Piso, P. Claudius Pulcher, and C. Terentius Istra. A year it was of note, in regard of the drought that happened, and the dearth of corn and all other fruits of the earth. For recorded it is, that in six months space it never reigned one drop.  
The same year it fortuned, that as certain ploughmen and labourers ploughed and digged somewhat deep within the ground, in the lands of L. Petilius a secretary, (which lands lay under the hill janiculum) there were found two coffers of stone, each of them about eight foot long and four foot broad, the lids and covers whereof were bound and soudered with lead. Both these chests had a superscription upon them in Greek and Latin letters to this effect, That in the one of them lay buried Numa Pompilius the son of Pompo, sometime king of Rome: and in the other, were bestowed the books of the said Numa. The owner of this ground opened these coffers by the advice and counsel of his friends: and that which carried the title and inscription of the king's sepulture, was found empty, without any show or token of the relics of a man's body or anything else, by reason the bones and all were rotten and consumed, in continuance of time after so many years past. In the other were found two fardels, wrapped within wax candles (or ceare-clothes) containing either of them seven books; which were not only whole and sound, but also seemed very fresh and new. One seven of them were written in Latin, as touching the Pontificial law: the other seven in Greek, entitled, The discipline or doctrine of Philosophy, such as those days might afford. Valerius Antias saith moreover, That they were the books of Pythagoras; according to the common received opinion of Numa, that he was the disciple of Pythagoras; herein giving credit to a probable lie, resembling a truth. These books were first read by those friends of his who were present at the place where the chests were opened; but afterwards as they came into more men's hands to be read, it chanced that Q. Petilius the lord chief justice of the city, desirous to peruse those books, borrowed them of L. Petilius, with whom he was familiarly acquainted, by reason that the abovenamed Quintus Petilius had chosen the foresaid Lucius into the decurie of the Scribes and Secretaries. Who after he had read the titles with the summaries and contents of every chapter, and finding the most part thereof, tending directly to abolish the state of religion then established, said unto L. Petilius, that he purposed to fling those books into the fire; but before he did so, he would permit him to use what means he thought by order of law or otherwise would serve his turn to recover the said books out of his hands, and good leave he should have to take that course without his displeasure, or any breach of friendship between them. The Scribe or notary aforesaid goeth to the Tribunes for their assistance, the Tribunes put the matter over to the Senate, before whom the praetor said plainly, That he was ready to take his corporal oath, if he were put to it, that those books ought neither to be read nor kept. Whereupon the Senate judged, that for such a matter the offer only of the praetors oath was sufficient, and that the books should be burned with all speed possible in the open place of assemblies called Comitium: but they awarded withal, that there should be paid unto Q. Petilius the right owner as much money for the books, as the praetor and the more part of the Tribunes of the Commons esteemed them worth. The Scribe would touch none of the money: but his books were burnt in the foresaid place before all the people in a light fire, made by the ordinary servitors attending upon the sacrificers.  
The same summer there arose suddenly a great war in higher Spain. The Celtiberians had gathered a power of five and thirty thousand men, a number more than lightly at any time before they had levied. Now as Q. Fulvius Flaccus lord Deputy of that province. He for his part, because he was advertised that the Celtiberians put their youth in arms, had raised and assembled as great aids of the confederates, as he could, but nothing came he near to the enemy in numbers of soldiers. In the beginning of the Spring he led his army into Carpetania, and encamped before the town Ebura, after he had planted a mean garrison within it. A few days after the Celtiberians pitched their tents within two miles from thence, under a little hill. When the Roman praetor perceived they were come, he sent his brother Marcus Fulvius with two companies of the horsemen of allies in espial, to view the enemy's camp, willing him to approach as near to the trench and rampire as he could, and to see what compass the camp took, but to forbear skirmish, and in any hand to retire, in case he perceived the cavalry of the enemies made out against him. According to this direction, he did in every respect. And so for certain days together, there was nothing done, but only these two companies of horsemen showing first, and afterwards retiring back, so soon as the cavalry of the enemies issued out of their camp. At length the Celtiberians also came forth and advanced forward with all their power, as well horse as foot, and having set them in ordinance of battle, stayed as it were in the mids between. The whole ground was a smooth and even plain, fit to join a battle in. There, stood the Spaniards (I say) expecting their enemies but the Roman praetor kept his men within the rampire four days together; and they likewise of the other side held the same place still in battle array. The Romans all that while stirred not a foot. The Celtiberians then, seeing the enemies refused fight, held themselves quiet also within their camp: only the horsemen rid forth, and they kept a corpse de guard, to be in readiness if peradventure the enemies should be busy & come abroad. Both of the one side and the other, they went out at the backside of their camp to purvey forage & fuel, and impeached not one another. The Roman Praetor, supposing now, that after so many days rest, the enemies were borne in hand and hoped fully, that he would never begin first, commanded L. Actlius to take with him the left wing of the cavalry, & six thousand of the provincial auxiliaries, and to fetch a compass about the hill which stood behind the enemies; and from thence, so soon as they heard a cry, to run down a main and charge upon their camp. And because they might not be dscovered, in the night time they departed. Flaccus the next morning by peep of day, sent out C. Scribonius (a colonel of the allies) against the enemy's camp, with the extraordinary horsemen of the left wing: whom when the Celtiberians beheld both approaching near toward them, and also more in number than wally they had been, they put forth all their cavalry at once out of the gates: & withal, gave the signal to the Infantry also to come abroad. Scritonius, according to the direction given him, so soon as ever he heard the first noise & shout of the horsemen, turned the head of his horse, and retired back full upon the camp: therewith the enemies followed more freely: first the horsemen, and within a while the footmen also, making full account to be masters of the Roman leaguer that day, & verily now were they not passed half a mile When Flaccus supposed that they were trained far enough from their own camp, for succouring it, he issued forth at once in three places, with his army arraunged before in order of battle withinforth, and caused them to set up a mighty cry, not only to animate the soldiers to the combat, but also that their fellows behind the hill might hear it. Who made no stay, but presently ran down and set upon the enemy's camp as they had in charge, where there were left in guard not above five hundred armed men. By reason therefore, that they within were so few, the enemies without so many, and the enterprise so sudden and unlooked for, they were mightily terrified, and so in manner without any skirmish and resistance at all, their hold was forced and won. Actlius set on fire that part also, which might easiest be seen of them that were fight in the plain. Now the Celtiberians which stood behind in the rearguard, were the first that discovered the flame, but afterwards it was noised and went currant through the main battle, that their camp was lost and all on a light fire. The enemies hereby were greatly amated, but the Romans much more animated. For now they might hear the shout of their fellows, having the upper hand; now might they see the tents of their enemies burning with bright flames. The Celtiberians for a while stood in suspense, doubtful what to do; but afterwards, perceiving they had no place of safe retreat, if upon their di scomfiture they should fall to running away, they saw no other hope but in fight it out, and so they began to renew the medley afresh, with more resolution than before. Fiercely they were encountered and charged in the midst of their battle tell by the fifth legion: but against the left flank and wing, where they saw the soldiers of their own nation ranged (who came to aid the Romans) they made head, and advanced their ensigns with more boldness and confidence. And verily that left wing of the Romans was at the point to have recoiled, but that the seventh legion seconded and succoured them: & withal, they that were left within Ebura in garrison, came from the town in the very midst and hottest of the conflict; and Actlius from another part played on their backs. Down went the Celtiberians along time, and were cut in pieces between. As many as remained, made shift to fly and escape on all hands into every quarter. The cavalry was sent out after them two ways in several bands; who also committed a great carnage and execution. That day were slain of the enemies about 23000, 4800 taken prisoners, with 500 horse and above; besides fourscore and eight military ensigns gotten from them and carried away. A great victory this was, but not without bloodshed of the Romans part: for of two legions there died somewhat more than two hundred, but of Latin allies 830; of foreign aids, much about 2400 lost their lives in the field. The praetor then retired with his victorious army into his own camp. Acilius was commanded to abide still in that of the enemies, which he had forced and won. The next morrow they fell to gather up the spoils of their enemies: and those who had borne themselves valiantly in that service above the rest, were rewarded with gifts in a full and frequent assembly of the whole army. After this, when the hurt and maimed were brought back into the town Ebura, the legions were led thr ough the country Carpetania, towards Contrebia. This city when it was once besieged, sent to the Celtiberians for succour; but they came not in time: not for any slackness of their part, but because after they were departed from home, and had entered on their journey, the foul ways hindered and stayed them, which they were not able to pass for the continual rain that fell: over and besides, the waters were out and the rivers swollen so high, that possibly they could not come forward: whereupon the besieged inhabitants being in despair of help, from their friends, rendered the town. Flaccus likewise was forced by the storm and tempestuous weather to put his army within the same city. Now the Celtiberians, who were on foot in their journey, and not ware that their friends had surrendered, at length having passed over the rivers (when the rain gave over and the weather took up) came to Contrebia; but seeing no camp without the walls, and supposing that either it was removed to the other side, or the enemies dislodged and gone, they approached the town, and marched loosely and recklessly forward in disarray. The Romans sallied out upon them at two gates, fell upon them (disbanded as they were) and put them to the rout. But see what happened! that thing which hindered them that they could not make head, resist, and settle themselves to begin fight (namely, because they came not together in one entire band, not yet by great companies about their colours) the same stood them in good steed to save many of their lives that fled. For they ran so scattering, and were so spread all over the plains, that in no place could the enemy meet with them in any number thick together, to compass them about on every side. Howbeit twelve thousand of them were killed, & above five thousand taken prisoners, besides four hundred horse, and threescore and two ensigns of war won from them. Those who after their straggling flight retired homeward, met with another troop of Celtiberians coming forward, unto whom they recounted the yielding up of Contrebia and their own misfortune: by which means they caused them to turn and go back again, who immediately slipped away into their villages and forts. Then Flaccus departed from Contrebia, and conducted his legions through Celtiberia, wasting and spoiling as he went: where he forced many castles, until the greater part of that country was reduced under his obedience. These affairs passed in high Spain that year. As for the lower province, Manlius the praetor fought fortunately in certain battles against the Portugals.  
The same year a Colony of Latins was planted in Aquileia, within the territory of the Gauls, and thither were conducted three thousand footmen, and every one of them were endowed with fifty acres of land. The Centurions besides had a hundred, and the horsemen a hundred and forty acres apiece given unto them. And the Commissioners for this conduct and distribution were P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, C. Flaminius and L. Manlius Acidinus. In which year also two temples were dedicated, the one to Venus Erycina near the gate Collina (which L. Porcius Licinius the son of Lucius dedicated, being a Duumvir deputed for that purpose, and had been vowed before by L. Porcius the Consul in the Ligurian war) the other to the goddess Piety, in the herb market: and of this chapel M. Acilius Glabrio the other Duumvir, had the dedication; where, he erected and set up in the honour of his father Glabrio, a guilt statue, which was the first gilded image that ever was made in Italy. This Glabrio the father was he, who had vowed to edify the said temple that very day on which he fought the battle against K. Antiochus, at Thermopylae, and by warrant from the Senate, had bargained for the building thereof at a price. In those days wherein these holy houses were consecrated, L. Acmylius Paulus the Proconsul, triumphed over the Ligurian Ingaunes. He had borne before him in show five and twenty golden Coronets, & besides them there was no gold or silver else carried in that triumph. But many principal Ligurians, men of mark, whom he took captive, were led before his chare. He dealt among his soldiers, three hundred Asses apiece. The fame of this triumph of his, was much more renowned by this occasion, that the Ligurian ambassadors craved to have a perpetual peace with the Romans; saying, That their whole nation were resolved, never to take arms again, but by commandment and licence of the people of Rome. Q. Fabius the praetor, returned this answer unto them by the advice of the Senate, That it was no news to hear this language from the Ligurians; but it stood them upon and was beseeming rather, to carry a new mind, and the same agreeable to their speech: and therefore they should go to the Consuls, and do that which by them they were enjoined; forasmuch as the Senate would believe none but the word only of the Consuls in the behalf of the Ligurians, as touching their true and sincere meaning to observe peace. Thus was peace concluded with the Ligurians: but there was a battle fought in Corsica with the Islanders there; in which M. Pinarius the praetor slew 2000 of them in the field: which diffeature compelled them to give hostages, and besides, 100000 pound weight of wax. From thence the army was conducted into Sardinia, where passed some fortunate battles against the Ilians, a nation at this day not fully quieted and appeased. In this very year also were the hundred hostages rendered back again to the Carthaginians; with whom the people of Rome made and maintained peace, as well for their own part as in the behalf of K. Masanissa, who at that time with an armed garrison, held the possession of that territory which had been in question. The Consuls in their province sat still and had nothing to do. M. Boebius was sent for to Rome, against the general assembly for the election of magistrates: who created Consuls, A. Posthumius Albinus Luscus, and C. Calpurnius Piso. After this were elected Praetors Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, A. Posthumius Albinus, P. Cornel. Mamercus, T. Minutius Mollicubus, A. Hostilius Mancinus, and C. Maenius; and they all entered into their magistracy upon the 15 day of March.  
In the beginning of that year wherein A. Posthumius Albinus, and C. Calpurnius Piso were Consuls: A. Posthumius the Consul brought into the Senate those persons who were come from Q. Fulvius Flaccus out of the hither province of Spain; to wit, L. Minutius his Lieutenant general, and the two Colonels, T. Maenius and L. Massaliota. These men after they had made report of two fields fortunately fought against the Celtiberians, of their country yielded & brought under subjection, and that the term of government in that province was expired, & no more left to be done there; so as there was no need either of the ordinary money which was wont to be sent for soldiers pay, or of corn to be carried unto the army for that year: requested of the Senate first in regard of their happy success, to yield honour and praise to the immortal gods: and then, that Q. Fulvius might depart and come his ways out of the province, & bring with him that army of his from thence, whose valiant service, both himself and also many Praetors before him had used: which (say they) was not only meet and convenient, but also requisite and needful in a manner to be done: for as much as the soldiers were so stiff-necked & obstinate, that it seemed impossible to hold them any longer in that province, but that they would be gone and depart without licence, if they were not dismissed: or else break out into some dangerous fire of a mutiny, if a man should go about to keep and hold them back by strong hand. The Senate gave order that Liguria should be the province for both Consuls: which done, the Pretours also cast lots for theirs. To A. Hostilius fell the civil jurisdiction over the citizens: and to Minutius over the foreigners. P. Cornelius had the government of Sicily: C. Maenius of Sardinia. Unto L. Postrunius was allotted the farther part of Spain, and to Tib. Sempronius the hither. This Sempronius (because he was to succeed Q. Fulvius) fearing that his province should be left naked and disfurnished of the old soldiers, I demand (qd. he) of you, o L. Minutius, since you bring word, that there is no more trouble behind in that province, whether you think that the Celtiberians will continue fast in their allegiance forever, so as, that province may be protected and held in obedience without any army at all? And if you cannot undertake to assure us of the faith and loyalty of these Barbarians, and do advise us in any hand to maintain an army in those parts, whether you will give counsel to the Senate, for to send a supply into Spain, that they only should be cass and discharged, who have served out their full years required by law, and so that new and raw soldiers be mingled with the rest of the old? or that the old legions should full and whole be removed out of the province, and new levied, enroled, and sent thither in their steed? considering that the small account that usually is made of such fresh and untrained soldiers, were enough to induce and move even the more quiet and peaceable sort of Barbarians to rebel and make war again? Soon said it is, but not so easily done, to have made an end of all troubles in such a province, especially where the people are naturally inclined to war, and prone ever and anon to make insurrections. Some few cities, as far as I can hear, and namely those which being near unto the soldiers lying in winter garrison, were by them held in awe and kept down, have yielded and are become subject: but they that are farther off, be in arms still and have weapon in hand. Which being so, I tell you (my L.L.) even now before hand, that I will perform my service to the Commonweal, with the help of that army which is there already at this present: but in case Flaccus bring away those legions with him: I will choose those quarters which are in peace, to winter in, and not hazard my young and new soldiers among them, to be presented to the devotion & mercy of most fierce and warlike enemies. The Lieutenant answered to these demands in this manner, That neither himself nor any man else was able for his life, to divine and foredeeme what was in the heart of the Celtiberians now, and what they would mind and intend to do hereafter: & there fore he could not deny, but the better policy it was to send an army among these Barbarians (peaceable though they seemed to be at this present) because as yet they are not enured to government, & cannot well skill of being subjects. But whither it be more expedient to employ new forces, or the old, it is for him to speak and set down, who upon his knowledge can say, how loyally the Celtiberians will carry themselves in time of peace; and is withal assured, that the soldiers will hold them content and keep quiet, if they be detained any longer in the province. But if a man may conjecture and give a guess what they think in their heart, eirlier by their grumbling words secretly one to another; or their speeches uttered in the presence & hearing of their General, when he maketh orations to them in public audience: I tell you truly, they have cried out with open mouth, that either they will keep their General with them in the province, or home they will with him into Italy. This debate between the praetor & the Lieutenant, was interrupted and broken off, by a new matter propounded before the Senate by the Consuls, who thought it meet and reasonable, that order should be taken for their own furniture and setting forth with men, money, and munition to their provinces, before any thing were spoken or treated of as touching the Praetor his army. So, ordained it was, that the Coss. should have their entire army of new soldiers, to wit, each of them two legions of Roman citizens with their cavalry, together with the usual and accustomed number at all other times of Latin allies, namely 15000 foot and 800 horse. And with this power they had in charge to make war against the Ligurian Apuans. As for P. Cornelius and M. Baebius, they continued still in place of command: and were willed to hold their provinces, until the Consuls were thither come. Then they were commanded to discharge the army which they had, and so to return to Rome. After this, speech there was concerning the army of Tib. Sempronius; and the Consuls had warrant to enrol one new legion, consisting of five thousand and two hundred foot, and four hundred horse: over and besides, one thousand footmen, and fifty horsemen of Roman citizens. Likewise the Latin nation was charged with a levy of seven thousand foot, and three hundred horse. With which army it was thought good, that Tib. Sempronius should go into the higher province of Spain. As for Q. Fulvius, he was permitted to bring back with him (if he thought well thereof) all those soldiers, as well Romans as allies, which had been transported over into Spain before the Consulship of Sp. Posthumius and Q. Martius: & more than that (after a new supply was come) the surplusage in two legions above ten thousand and four hundred foot, and six hundred horse; and the over-deale of twelve thousand footmen of Latins, and six hundred horsemen; and namely those whose valorous service C. Furvius had tried and found in two battles against the Celtiberians. Moreover, solemn processions and thanksgivings were by authority ordained, for his happy managing of the affairs of the common weal; and then the rest of the Pretours were sent into their provinces, Q. Fabius Butio had his commission renewed to govern Gallia still. Thus it was agreed in the Senate-house, that there should be eight legions maintained and kept in pay that year, over and above the old army in Liguria, which was in good hope shortly to be dismissed. Howbeit even these forces (being no greater than they were) hardly could be made full & complete, by reason of the pestilence which now three years had reigned, & dispeopled the city of Rome & all Italy. During which plague the praetor Q. Minutius, and not long after him, the Consul C. Calpurnius died: with many other brave and famous persons of each degree and quality. So as, at length these men began to hold this depopulation & calamity for a prodigious token & strange wonder. Whereupon C. Servilius the Archbishop was charged, to search out means for to appease the wrath & anger of the gods; & the Decemvirs likewise to peruse the books of Sibylia: the Cos. also to vow certain presents and oblations, to Dan Apollo, Aesculapius and Lady 
* Health.  Sulus, and to set up their images garnished with gold: which he vowed and erected accordingly. The Decemvirs proclaimed supplications and prayers two days together for the health of the people, throughout the city, and in all market towns and places of frequent resort and assembly. All above twelve years of age, aware chaplets and garlands of flowers upon their heads, and bare branches of laurel in their hands, whiles they were at their prayers and devotions. Moreover, there was crept into men's heads a suspici on that some devilish and wicked hand might be the cause of all this. Wherevon by an Act of the Senate, a commission was granted out unto C. Claudius the praetor (who was substituted and chosen in the room of T. Minutius) to make search and diligent inquisition after all confections of poison, and the practisers thereof, within the city, and for the compass of ten miles about it every way: In like manner, to C. Maenius, for to sit in the enquiry thereof (before he crossed over-sea into his province Sardinia) in all the mart-townes and places of assembly which were more than ten miles off, from Rome. Of all others, the Consul his death was most suspected. For given out it was, that Quarta Hostilia his wise, had murdered him: but when it was seen once that her own son Q. Fulvius Flaccus, was declared Consul in place of his father in law and mother's husband, the death of Piso the Consul began to be more infamous and suspicious a great deal than before. And witnesses came forth ready to depose, that after Albinus and Piso were pronounced Consuls (in which election the said Flaccus was re●ected and suffered a repulse) his mother reproached him therewith, and laid it in his dish, that this was the third time that he had sued for the Consulship & gone without: adding moreover, and willing him to be ready to stand for it again, for that she would work and bring it about, that within two months he should be Consul. Among other testimonies and depositions making for the cause and tending to the same, that speech of hers also, taking effect too truly and so just within the time, was thought sufficient to condemn Hostilia.  
In the beginning of this spring, whiles the levy of soldiers stayed the new Consuls at Rome, whiles the death of the one and the choosing of the other into his place, caused all things there to go more slowly forward; in the meantime P. Cornelius and M. Baebius who had done nothing worthy of remembrance during their Consulship, led their armies against the Ligurian Apuans. These Ligurians, who before the coming of the Consuls into the province looked for no war, were surprised at unawares, and to the number of 12000 of them yielded: whom Cornelius and Baebius resolved (upon advice had first with the Senate by letters) to transplant from the mountains, into the plains and champion country from their own home; to the end they should have no more hope to return, for otherwise they supposed the Ligurian war would never have an end. Now there was in the Samnites country a certain territory belonging in common to the people of Rome, which sometime had been in the tenure and possession of the Taurasines. In which place they being desirous to plant the Ligurian Apuans, published an edict, That they should descend down the mountains Anidos, together with their wives and children, and bring away with them all that ever they had. But the Ligurians sent their ambassadors oftentimes to entreat, that they might not be forced to abandon their domestical gods, the place of their nativity, and the sepulchers of their ancestors: and there with promised to deliver up their armour, and to put in hostages. Howbeit, seeing they could not prevail, and having not strength and power enough to wage war again, they obeyed the edict and proclamation. So there were translated from thence at the public charges of the city, to the number of four thousand persons freeborn, together with their women and children: and unto them was allowance made of 150000 Sesterces, toward the building of new houses. And for to distribute and divide l and among them, the same men (to wit, Cornelius and Baebius) had commission; who also removed them into those parts. Howbeit at the request of these twain, there were Quinquevirs or five commissioners assistants granted unto them by the Senate, by whose advice they might manage all. These affairs being finished, after they had brought with them to Rome their old army, they obtained of the Senate a grant to triumph. And these were the first that ever triumphed and made no war before. Only the enemies were led in show before their chariot; for nothing had they gained and won for to be carried or led in pomp; neither was there aught to be seen in their triumphs, which might be dealt and given among the soldiers.  
The same year Fulvius Flaccus the Praetor in Spain, by occasion that his successor stayed long ere he came into the province, brought forth his army into the field out of his wintering camp, and began to waste and spoise the farther parts and territories of Celtiberia; from whence the inhabitants came not in to submit and do their homage and fealty. By which deed of his, he rather provoked and angered the barbarous people, than terrified them: for when they had secretly gathered together certain forces and companies, they beset and barred the passage Manlianum, by which they were assured that the Roman army would pass. As L. Posthumius Albinus was upon his journey into the nether province of Spain, Gracchus his colleague charged him, to advertise Quintus Fabius for to bring his army to Tarracon, for that he purposed there to discharge his old soldiers, to distribute the supply which he brought, and to range in order all his army by companies. Notice also was given to Flaccus of the very day (which was near at hand) upon which his successor would come. This new occurent caused Flaccus to lay aside those enterprises which he intended, and in all haste to withdraw his forces out of Celtiberia. The barbarous people knowing not the cause hereof, but supposing that he had some inkling of their revolt & how they had in secret taken arms, and that thereupon he was sore afraid, guarded and stopped the passage so much more straightly. Now so soon as the Roman army was entered into the pass, one morning betimes at the break of day, the enemies arose suddenly at once out of two parts, and charged the Romans: which when Flaccus perceived, he gave commandment by the ministery of the Centurians, that every man should keep his place and stand his ground, and to have his arms and weapons in readiness; by which means he appealed the first tumult and affright in his host. Then after he had brought all his labouring beasts with the baggage, unto one place, he embattled and put in array all his bands and companies, partly by himself in person, and partly by his lieutenants and colonels, according as the ground and the time required, showing no sign at all of fear, but putting his men in mind of the enemies, in these terms: Ye have (quoth he) to do with those that twice already have yielded unto us, who are enured and practised still in wickedness and perjury; not bettered in virtue and courage: those (I say) who are like to make our return home honourable and glorious, which otherwise would have been obscure and nothing memorable: so as we shall carry to Rome for a triumph, our swords all bloody and newly bathed in the green wounds and fresh massacre of our enemies; and bear away the spoils of their bodies, all imbrued and still dropping with their blood. Time would not permit him to say anymore, for now the enemies advanced forward, and the charge was already given in the utmost skirts of the army, and anon the main battles encountered and joined conflict. The fight was door & cruel alike in all parts, but the fortune divers: for the Roman legions in the main battle fought right valiantly; & the two wings of either hand did their devoir as bravely. The auxiliary strangers had to deal with enemies armed in deed at all points like to themselves, but better soldiers by odds than they were; in such sort, as they were overcharged by them, and could not make good their ground. The Celtiberians perceiving they were not able to match the legions in ranged battle and close handfight, cast their companies into a pointed and coin-formed battaillon, for to pierce perforce and enter upon their enemies: in which manner of fight they are so strong, that it is not possible to withstand them, wheresoever they give their violent charge. And then the legions also were put in disarray, and the whole main battle after a sort, was disbanded and broken. Which disorder and fearful trouble when Flaccus perceived, he road a gallop to the legionary men of arms: What? (quoth he unto them) Is there no help at all in you? and shall this army here be thus diffeated utterly and come to nought? Whereat they cried on all hands to him, to give direction & speak only the word what he would have done, and he should see how they would bestir themselves in the execution of his command. Mary (quoth he) double your troops, you that are the horsemen of two legions, and run your horses with full career against that wedge-formed battaillon of the enemies, wherewith they press upon our men; and this shall you perform with the more violence of your horses, if you disbridle them and let them have full head, and so set spurs and rush in among them: which we have read in stories, that the Romans many a time have practised to their great praise and honour. No sooner said, but done it was; plucked were the bridles over their horse heads; twice they ran through the mids of them too and fro from one side to another, broke all their lances upon the enemies, overthrew them, and made foul work and carnage among them. When this pointed battaillon of the Celtiberians was once broken, (even the whole and only hope they had;) then they began to fear and tremble, than were they at the point to quit the fight, and to look about them which way to take their flight. The extraordinary cavalry in the out wings (seeing so brave a service performed by the Roman horsemen) were enkindled and incensed by their valorous example, and of their own accord also without attendance of any man's commandment, charged upon their enemies, thus disordered and in disarray already. Then the Celtiberians ran away and fled on all hands. The Roman General seeing them once turn back and show their hin-parts, vowed to build a chapel to Fortuna equestris, and to exhibit games in the honour of jup. Opt. Max. The Celtiberians, thus disbanded and scattered in the rout all over the length of the straight passage, were killed and cut in pieces. It is recorded, that there died that day seventeen thousand enemies, and were taken prisoners alive more than three thousand, together with 277 field ensigns, and well-near eleven hundred horses. For that day, the victorious army lodged within no camp at all: yet was not this victory so clear, but it cost them the loss of some soldiers: for of Romans were slain, four hundred seventy and two; of allies (and namely of Latins) 1019; & together with them, aid-souldiors three thousand. Thus the army having by this good hand recovered their ancient honour and glory, was conducted to Tarracon. Tib. Sempronius the Praetor, (who was arrived two days before) went out to meet Fulvius in the way as he came, and showed how he rejoiced on his behalf, for this good managing and happy achieving the affairs of the commonweal: which done, they agreed together with great accord as touching the soldiers, namely, whom to casse and send away, and whom to retain still in service. Then Fulvius having shipped the soldiers that were discharged, took his journey to Rome: and Sempronius conducted the legions into Celtiberia.  
Both the Consuls led their forces into Liguria, and entered the country in two divers quarters. Posthumius with the first legion and the third, beset and invested the two mountains, Balista and Suismontium, and so straightly he kept the narrow passes of those parts with his garrisons, that he cut them off from all victuals, and tamed them with extreme scarcity and want of all things. Fulvius with the second legion and the fourth, after he had assailed the Apuan Ligurians from the coast of Pisae, received submission and homage of as many of them as inhabited about the river Macra; and when he had embarked upon seven thousand of them, he sent them over to Naples, coasting along the Tuscan sea. From whence they were brought into the Samnites country, and a certain territory assigned them to inhabit among the rest of their countrymen. As for A. Posthumius, he cut down the vineyards, and burned the Corn of the Ligurian mountainers, so long until they were driven by all manner of calamities following war, to come in and submit, yea, and to deliver up their armour and weapons. From thence Posthumius departed and took the sea, because he would visit the coasts of the Ligurian Ingaunes and Intemelians. Now, before that these Consuls came to the army which was appointed to meet at Pisae, it chanced that A. Posthumius and M. Fulvius Nobilior, the brother of Q. Fulvius, were the commanders, and had the conduct thereof. This Fulvius was a Colonel of the second legion, who during the time of those months, wherein by turn he had the command and charge thereof, dismissed that legion, having bound the Centurions by an oath, that they should make payment back of their wage money well and truly to the Questors in the chamber and treasury of Rome. Notice hereof being given to Au. Posthumius at Placentia; (for thither it happened that he was gone) he road after those cassed soldiers, and pursued them with a company of light horsemen. As many of them as he could overtake, after he had checked and rebuked them for their fault, he brought to Pisae; of the rest he gave information to the Consul. Who put the matter to question, and after it had been debated in counsel, an act of the Senate passed against the said M. Fulvius, that he should be confined and sent into Spain beyond new Carthage. And letters he had given him to carry from the Consul to P. Manlius into the farther province of Spain. As for the soldiers, they were commanded to return again to their colours, and for an ignominious disgrace of that legion, ordained it was, that for a full years pay they should be content and take up with six months wages; And look what soldier repaired not to the army accordingly, the Consul had warrant and commission to make sale of him and all that he had.  
The same year L. Duronius, who was returned with ten ships to Brundisium from out of Illyricum (where he sat as Praetor the former year) leaving his ships there in the road, came to Rome: where, in discoursing of the acts by him done, he laid the whole fault of all the roverie and piracy at sea upon Gentius the king of the Illyrians, saying, that all the ships which had lain upon the coast of the adriatic sea, came out of his realm. For which he had sent ambassadors to complain, but they could never find means to speak with the king about it. Now there were ambassadors arrived at Rome from Gentius, who avouched, that when the Romans came for to parley with the king, he happened to be sick in the most remote parts of his kingdom: & therefore Gentius their king and master requested the Senate, not to give credit to those false accusations and forged slanders which his enemies had raised and informed against him. But Darenius alleged moreover, that divers and sundry persons, as well citizens of Rome as Latin allies within his dominion, had received many wrongs: yea, and by report certain Roman citizens were stayed and detained at Corryta. Whereupon it was in counsel thought good that they should all be brought to Rome, and that C. Claudius the praetor should have the hearing of the matter, before which time no answer would be given unto king Gentius or his ambassadors.  
Among many others that the plague this year consumed, certain priests and prelate's also died, and namely, L. Valerius Flaccus, a bishop, in whose room was chosen Q. Fabius Labeo. Also P. Manlius one of the three Triumvirs for the celebration of the holy feasts. In whose steed Q. Fulvius the son of Marcus was elected Triumvir. He was at that time very 
* Praet●rtatus, I●app●ar●th that helias under 17. ●●ne●●● age, and so Livy useth t●●s word in the end of the 22 book: for Praetexta was Puerilis habitus, Tacitus 12. lib. and upon this is should seem ensued Lex●u●a annalis, o● annaria, for the re●●esse of that disorder.  young, and not out of his embroidered Praetexta. But as touching the king of sacrificers, who was to be chosen in place of Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, there was debate between C. Servilius the Archbishop, and Cornelius Dolabella one of the Duumvirs for the navy. For when the bishop would have had him to resign that office, that he might consecrate and inaugurate him the king sacrificer, he refused so to do. For which cause the bishop set a round fine on the Duumvir his head. Then Dolabella appealed to the people; and before them it was to be tried, Whether the said fine should be taken off or paid? Now when most of the tribes called into the rails for to give their voices, advised the Duumvir to obey the bishop, and awarded the fine for to be pardoned and remitted, in case he would give over that office which he had, behold it lightened at the very instant from heaven, which is the only ominous sign that interrupteth and breaketh the assemblies of the people. Whereupon the College of the bishops made scruple of conscience to inaugurate Dolabella, but they consecrated P. Cloelius Siculus, who had been sacred in the second place. In the end of the year C. Servilius Geminus likewise the Archbishop himself departed this world, who also was one of the ten Decemvirs deputed for the holy ceremonies. And Q. Fulvius Flaccus, was by the college of the bishops, elected bishop in his room. But M. Aemylius Lepidus was created the sovereign pontiff, notwithstanding many noble persons made suit therefore. Likewise Q. Martius Philip, a Decemvir for the holy mysteries, was chosen in his place. Moreover, there deceased Sp. Posthumius Albinus an Augur, in whose steed P. Scipio the son of Affricanus was elected by the Augurs. The same year granted it was to the inhabitants of Cumes, at their own request and petition, that they might commonly speak Latin: as also to the public criers, to make portsale of goods in the Latin tongue. The Senate gave thanks to the Pisanes for the offer they made of lands, wherein to plant a Colony of Latins. And three Triumvirs or Commissioners for that business were created, namely, Q. Fabius Buteo, Marcus and Publius, both named Popilius, and both surnamed Laenas. Letters were brought from M. Maenius the Praetor (who having the government allotted unto him of Sardinia, had commission also to inquire after the practice of poisoning in all places, not within ten miles of the city of Rome) importing thus much, that he had condemned already three thousand persons, and that the informations and presentments multiplied daily, by reason of new matters discovered still; and therefore either he was to give over that inquisition, or to resign up his province Sardinia.  
Q. Fulvius Flaccus returned out of Spain to Rome with great honour and renown for his acts there achieved. Who remaining yet without the city because of his triumph, was created Consul with L. Manlius Acidinus, and within few days after, road triumphant into Rome, accompanied with his soldiers, whom he had brought home with him. He carried in triumph a hundred and twenty 
* Which were s●rt unto him from princes and city, to set out his triumph: these were called Coronae triumphales, and 〈◊〉 the gold Coronarium.  golden coronets. Moreover in gold one and thirty pound weight, besides 173200 pieces of coin in Oscane silver. He dealt to his soldiers fifty Denarij apiece out of the booty and pillage which he had gotren. To every Centurion he gave it double, and to the gentlemen of Rome that served on horseback, triple. The like he did in proportion by the Latin allies, and to all in general he paid double wages. This year was the law first proposed by L. jusius a Trib. of the Commons, as touching the year of the age requisite and meet for to sue for any public office, or to exercise the same. And hereupon it came, that the whole race of that family was surnamed 
* The law itself called Annaria or annal.  annal. Many years after there were created four Praetors according to the law Baebia, which provided that there should be each other year four chosen. And these were they who were first elected, namely, Cn. Cornelius Scipio, L. Valerius Levinus, Q. and M. both named Mutij, and both surnamed Scevolae.  
Unto the Consuls Q. Fulvius and L. Manlius the government of the same provinces was ordained, which to those of the former year, with like numbers of horse and foot, as well citizens as allies. In both provinces of Spain, Tib. Sempronius and L. Posthumius continued still to have the command and conduct of the same armies which they had. And for to furnish them out, the Consuls were enjoined to enrol three thousand footmen, and three hundred horsemen of Romans, likewise five thousand foot of Latin allies and four hundred horse. P. Mucius Scevola by lot had the civil jurisdiction within the city of Rome, and commission to inquire into the devilish cast of poisoning both within the city, and without for the compass of ten miles. Cn. Cornelius Scipio was lord chief justice in foreign pleas and causes, Q. Mutius Scevola was lord deputy in Sicily, & C. Valerius in Sardinia. Q. Fulvius the Consul, before that he went in hand with any affairs of State, said he would both discharge himself and also the city of the duty to Godward, in performing the vows which he had made. He declared, that on that very day wherein he fought his last battle with the Celtiberians, he had made a vow to exhibit games to the honour of that most mighty and gracious God jupiter, and likewise to build a temple to Fortuna equestris: and how thereto the Spaniards had contributed certain sums of money. So a decree passed, that those plays should be set forth: and two Duumvirs chosen, to give order and bargain for the edification of the same temple. Likewise there was set down a certain stint of money to be disbursed for the defraying of the charges: to wit, not exceeding that sum in the solemnity of the plays, which was allowed unto Fulvius Nobilior, when he exhibited the like sports after the end of the Aetolian war. Item, that for these games he should not seek or send for, gather and raise, receive or do any thing, contrary to the Act of the Senate, which in the time of L. Aemylius and Cn. Baebius Coss. was made as touching such pastimes. This decree the Senate ordained, by occasion of the superfluous and excessive expenses employed about the plays of T. Sempronius the Aedile; which were very chargeable not only to Italy and the Latin allies, but also to foreign provinces. The winter this year was very sharp, by reason of snow, and all manner of tempestuous weather. The trees that were tender and subject to frost and cold, were all blasted and killed: besides the winter season continued much longer than ordinary in other years. And thereupon the festival solemnity of the Latin holidays were so troubled and disordered by a sudden and insuportable storm and tempest upon the hill [Alba] that by an ordinance of the Bishops, it was celebrated again the second time. The same tempest cast down certain images in the Capitol, and disfigured very many places with thunderbolts and flashes of lightning. It overthrew the temple of jupiter in Tarracina, the white temple at Capua: Item, the gate there called Romana & the battlements of the walls in divers places. Among these wondrous prodigies it was reported also from Reate, that a mule was foaled with three feet. For this cause the Decemvirs were commanded to go to the books of Sibylla: and out of that learning, they showed to what gods sacrifice should be made, and what number of beasts was to be killed. And because many places were with lightning defaced, they ordained that a solemn supplication should be holden one whole day in the temple of jupiter. This done, the foresaid games & plays which Q. Fulvius the Consul had vowed, were with great magnificence exhibited for ten days together. After this followed the election of the Censors, wherein M. Aemylius Lepidus the Archbishop, and M. Fulvius Nobiltor, who had triumphed over the Aetolians, were created. Now between these two men, there had been notorious enmity, oftentimes testified & showed in many sharp & bitter debates, both in the Senate, & also before the people. When this election was ended, the two Censors according to the ancient use and custom, sat upon their ivory chairs of estate in Mars field, near the altar of Mars. To whom there soon repaired thither, the principal Senators, accompanied with a troop besides of citizens: and among the rest, Q. Caecilius Metellus made a speech to this effect. My masters, 
The nation of Metedus to the Censors.  you that are Censors, we have not forgotten that you erewhile were chosen by the universal body of the people of Rome, to be superintendents & wardens over us for our manners & behaviour: and that it becometh us to be taught, admonished, and directed by you, and not you by us. Howbeit we ought to tell and declare, what there is in you, that either is offensive to all good men, or at lestwise which they wish were amended. When we behold & consider you severally apart, either you, o M. Aemylius, or you M. Fulvius, we have not this day in the city of Rome any men, whom if we were called to a new scrutiny for to pass our voices again, we would prefer before you to this office and place of dignity. But when we see you both together, we cannot choose but much doubt and fear that ye are very badly matched and coupled as companions in government: and that the common weal shall not receive so much good by this, That ye please and like us all so well; as sustain harm in this, ●●●t you displease and dislike one another. These many years together, there hath been great heartburning and much malice between you, and the same must needs be grievous & hurtful unto yourselves: but now it is to be feared, that from this day forward, that rank or will be more prejudicial to us and the common weal, than unto you. Upon what motives and causes we are thus fearful, much we could say, but that peradventure your irreconcilible anger is such, as hath snared and possessed wholly your spirits and minds already. These quarrels, jars, and grudges of yours, we all in general would request you heartily to end this day, & in this very temple wherein we are assembled: & since the people of Rome by their voices have conjoined you in one office; suffer yourselves by us to be linked and reconciled in perfect atonement. With one mind and accord, with one heart and counsel, choose the Senate; review the Chivalry and knighthood of Rome; number the citizens; assess their goods; purge & cleanse the city; & finally consummate the solemnity of the Cense with a sacrifice. And whereas in all your prayers well near, ye shall use this ordinary form of words, That this thing, or that, may fall out in the end well and happily, to myself and to my colleague, See that you wish the same truly, sincerely & from the very hart, that whatsoever ye shall pray unto the gods for, we men may believe and all the world see, that you desire the same to be effected in deed. T. Tatius and Romulus in this very city reigned together with great untie and concord: in the midst whereof even in the very marketplace, they had encountered and joyeed battle together as mortal enemies with their cruel armies. What! not enmities only have an end, but wars also. And many a time most venomous and spiteful foes become faithful allies, yea, & other whiles near neighbours & fellow citizens. The Albans after the subversion & utter mine of their city, were brought over to inhabit Rome. The Latins & Sabines both, were endenizend Romans. An old said saw it is, & not so old as true, & for the truth become a common proverb, That enmities ought to be transitory & soon die, whereas friendship should continue & live for ever. At these words, there arose a confused bruit among them there assembled, in token of their consent & approbation: & anon were heard the destinct voices of them all in general, craving & requesting of the Censors the same; which making one entire sound, brak off the speech of Metillus. Then Aemylius among other matters complained, that M. Fulvius had twice put him besides the Consulship, which otherwise he was sure of. And Fulvius on the other side found himself grieved, that he evermore by Aemylius had been provoked, & that he had waged law by stipulation against him to his dishonour and disgrace. Yet both of them made saite and showed, that if the one were as willing as the other, they would relent and be overruled by so many honourable personages of the city. So, at the instant request of all them that were present, they shook hands and thereby assured one another to forgive and forget all matters past, and truly to make an end of malice, and be perfect friends again: whereupon they were much commended by the whole assembly, and conducted by them into the Capitol. Where the Senate approved and highly praised, as well the careful industry of the principal citizens, in effecting this so weighty a matter, as also the good nature and debonaritie of the two Censors. Who afterwards when they required to have a certain sum of money assigned unto them for to employ in the public edifices and other works of the city, were allowed by their decree, the full rent and revenues of one whole year.  
The same year L. Posthumius and Tib. Sempronius the Propretours in Spain, agreed so together, that Albinus should make an expedition against the Vaccei through Lusitania, and so return from thence into Celtiberia. But Gracchus went as far as the utmost quarter of Celtiberia, for that in those parts there was the greater war. And first he forced the city Munda, which he surprised so dainly in the night at unawares. Then, after he had received hostages, & put a garrison there, he went forward assaulting forts and burning the villages, until he came to another city of exceeding strength, which the Celtiberians call Certima: where, as he was about to approach the walls with his engines of battery, there came unto him orators out of the city; who like good plain men of the old world, made a speech unto him, nothing dissimuling but that they would war and be revenged, if their strength and forces were sufficient. For they reqested leave to pass to the Celtiberian camp, there to receive aid and succour: but if they could not speed, than they would consult apart by themselves what to do. Good leave they had of Gracchas; and some few days after, they brought with them ten Orators more. About noontide it was of the day; and the first thing that they craved at the praetor his hand was this, That he would make them to drink before they parled. When they had once quaffed and carowssed round, they called again for more: whereat, all that were present and stood about them, laughed heartily, to see them so rude and uncivil, and altogether without good manners. But afterwards, the eldest man of the company began in this wise: We are sent (quoth he) unto you from our nation, to know what assured means hath induced you to levy war against us? To this demand Gracehus answered, That he came with the confidence that he had in a brave and valiant army; which (if they were so desirous) he would do them the favour to see, that they might be able to make more certain report to their countrymen upon their own knowledge. And with that, he commanded the colonels and knight marshals, to put in arms and embattle all the bands and companies, as well foot as horse; and then armed as they were to charge one upon another in manner of a battle. These ambassadors, after they had once seen this sight, were sent away: who went directly to the Celtiberians their neighbours, and frighted them from sending any succour to the city besieged. The townsmen within having in vain set fire-lights in the night time aloft upon their turrets (which was the signal agreed upon between them) and seeing themselves destitute of the only hope they had of aid, yielded by composition. So they were enjoined to make payment of four and twenty hundred thousand Sesterces; and to deliver forty of their noblest gentlemen and best men of arms; not by way of hostages (for commanded they were to serve in the wars;) and yet in truth, they stood for a pawn of assurance for their fealty. From thence anon he marched to the city Aldo, where the Celtiberians lay encamped, and from whom of late the ambassadors aforesaid came: whom, for certain days he provoked to fight, making small skirmishes, by sending out against their corpse deguard his lightarmed vauntcourtiers, to the end, that skuffling together every day more than other, he might train them all forth of their camp at length. And when he perceived once that his design had taken effect, he commanded the captains of the auxiliary soldiers, that after some short skirmish, they should make semblant as if they were overcharged with numbers, and so at once turn their backs, and fly as fast as they could to their own camp: himself in the mean while put his men in battle array within the rampire at every gate. Long it was not, but he might see his own bands and companies retiring back for the nonce and running away, and after them the barbarous enemies following as hard as they could in chase. Now had he his army embattled for the purpose, and ready to receive them: and therefore he made no longer stay than only to suffer his friends and allies to enter at liberty into the camp, but he set up a loud cry, and at one instant issued forth at all the gates. The enemies were not able to endure this unexpected violent charge; and so they that were come to assail the camp of others, could not so much as defend their own: for presently they were discomfited and put to flight; and within a while driven for very fear into their hold, and in the end turned out of it also. That day nine thousand of the enemies left their carcases in the field, three hundred and twenty were taken prisoners, together with 112 horse, and 73 field ensigns. Of the Roman army, there died not above an hundred and nine. Presently after this battle, Gracchus marched with his legions to waste and spoil the country of Celtiberia: and as he made havoc in all places as he went, with driving booties, with harrying and carrying all that ever he could come by; the cities and States of the country, some submitted willingly of their own accord; others for constraint and fear received the yoke of subjection; so as in few days space he became master of an hundred and three towns that yielded unto him. A mighty rich pillage he got in this expedition. After this, he marched back again toward the city Alce from whence he came, and began to besiege and assail the town. The inhabitants endured the first assault of the enemies, but afterwards seeing their town not only assailed by force of arms, but also shaken with engines and instruments of battery, distrusting the strength of the city, they retired all within their fortress: from whence also in the end, (having sent their Orators beforehand) they and all that ever they had, were at the devotion of the Romans. A great booty there was gotten, and many noble gentlemen taken prisoners: amongst whom were two sons and one daughter of Thurrus. This Thurrus was a prince and great lord of those parts, and simply the mightiest potentate of all the Spaniards by many degrees: who being advertised of the hard hap and calamity fallen upon his children, sent unto Gracchus into the camp for a safeconduct, and thither he came himself in person. And first he demanded, Whether he would grant unto him and his, their lives? The praetor answered, That they should live. Then he demanded again, If he might bear arms and serve under the Romans? and when Gracchus permitted that also; Then will I follow you (quoth he) against mine old friends and allies, since they disdain to respect and▪ regard me. From this time forward he took part with the Romans; and in many journeys he bore himself loially and valiantly in their wars, and much advanced the Roman State. After this, Ergavica (a noble, rich, and mighty city) affrighted at the calamities of other neighbour towns and States about them, set the gates open for to receive the Romans. Some Authors have written, that these towns and cities yielded not bona fide and in sincerity of heart: but that so soon as he had withdrawn the legions out of any quarter, suddenly from that part they revolted: also, that afterwards, he sought a cruel battle near the mountain Caunus with the Celtiberians, from the break of day until noon: in which conflict there were many slain both of the one side and the other: neither did the Romans any other great deed (as they suppose) at Ergavica that day to testify their victory, but kept the field, and challenged them out of their camp to fight. Moreover, that the next morrow all the day long, they gathered up the spoils of the dead: and on the third day struck a second battle, which was greater than the other: and then at length, the Celtiberians without all doubt lost the field clear; insomuch as their camp was forced and ransacked. Furthermore, that there died of the enemies that day two and twenty thousand, and not so few as three hundred taken prisoners, and well-near as many horse, besides the winning of threescore and twelve military ensigns: and so the war came to a final end, the Celtiberians made peace indeed, continued fast and firm therein with all loyalty, and were not so fickle and unconstant as before. They write moreover, that the same summer L. Posthumius smit a brave and fortunate battle with the Vaccei in the farther province of Spain, where he put to the sword 35000 enemies, and forced their camp. But it soundeth more like a truth, that he came not timely enough into that province, for to perform any such exploits during that summer season.  
The Censors made a revieu and new choice of Senators in good concord and faithful unity: for the precedent of the Senate was chosen, M. Aemylius Lepidus the Censor himself, who also was the high priest or Archbishop. Three Senators were cassed and deprived of their places: but Lepidus held some in, whom his colleague over-passed and lest out. Of that portion of money, which out of the main allowance was divided between them, they caused these works following to be made. Lepidus for his part raised the great causey or wharf at Tarracina, which was a piece of work nothing acceptable to the people, for that he had himself lands and possessions there of his own, and seemed to ease his private expenses, under colour of doing a public work with the city's money. He built a Theatre, a fore-stage, or a vant-scaffold near the temple of Apollo. He bargained with the Publicans or Undertakers for the polishing, blaunching & whiting of the temple of jupiter in the Capitol, and likewise of the pillars about it. From these pillars he removed the Images and Statues, which seemed to have been unhandsomely set one against another, and out of all order. Likewise he took from thence, the targuets and field-ensignes of all sorts, that were there set up and fastened. But M. Fulvius put forth to making more works in number, and those of better and greater use. To wit, a peer, and certain main piles within the river Tyberis; upon which piles, certain years after P. Scipio Affricanus and L. Mummius being Censors, took order for arches to be founded and erected. Item, A stately hall or palace behind the new shops of the bankers. Item, A fish market, with other shops round about it, which he sold to particular persons. Item, A market place, and a porch or gallery without the gate Tergemina, and another behind the arsenal, & near the temple of Hercules. Item, near the Tiber, and behind the church of the goddess Hope, he caused to be built the chapel of Apollo the Physician. Now they had besides another stock of money in common, which they employed in taking order for water to be conveyed into the city, & certain vaults to be made. But this work was impeached by M. Licinius Crassus, who would not suffer the water to pass through his ground. Over and besides, these same Censors, instituted certain rents for portage, and pondage, and divers other imposts. Many chapels also, and public places in the tenure and occupation of private persons, they took order to be reduced to the use of the people in common, and to be set open for all comers. They changed the order of giving voices, and caused to enrol the tribes according to sundry quarters and divisions, having regard withal of the degrees of men, of their trades, mysteries and occupations. Also the one of the Censors M. Aemylius sued unto the Senate, that allowance should be made unto him of money for the games and plays at the dedication of the temples of queen juno and Diana, which in the Ligurian war he had vowed eight years before; and assigned there was unto him twenty thousand Asses. So he dedicated both those temples within the cirque or shewplace of Flaminius. Also he exhibited stage plays three days together after the dedication of the temple of juno, and two days after the other of Diana: and every of those days within the cirque Flaminius. The same Censor dedicated in Mars field a chapel to the sea-gods, vowed by L. Aemylius Regillus, eleven years before, in a naval battle at sea, against the captains of king Antiochus. Over the gates of which chapel there was fixed a table with this title. FOR THE APPEASING AND COMPOSING OF A GREAT WAR BETWEEN TWO KINGS, 
Antiochus and E●me●es.  * THE HEAD, * TO SUBDUE ** FOR TO MAKE PRACE**. THIS CONFLICT, 
This place is defective in the Latin.  * WHEN L. AEMYLIUS REGILLUS THE praetor, THE SON OF M. * UNDER THE CHARGE, COMMAND, AND GOVERNMENT, HAPPY FORTUNE AND CONDUCT OF HIM BETWEEN EPHESUS, SAMOS, AND CHIOS, THE FLEET OF KING ANTIOCHUS' THE ELEVENTH DAYS BEFORE THE KALENDS OF FEBRUARY WAS VANQUISHED, DISCOMFITED, SHAKEN, BATTERED, AND PUT TO FLIGHT, AND THERE UPON THE SAME DAY TWO AND FORTY GALLEYS WERE TAKEN, WITH AT THE MARINERS AND SERVITORS WITHIN THEM. AFTER WHICH FIGHT K. ANTIOCHUS' AND HIS REALME*****. IN CONSIDERATION HEREOF VOWED A TEMPLE TO THE SEA GOD'S, ASSISTANTS UNTO HIM IN ATCHEEVING THE NAVAL VICTORY. Another table likewise, with the very same inscription, was set up and fastened over the gates of the temple of jupiter in the Capitol. Within two days after that the censors had chosen a new Senate, Q. Fulvius the Consul made an expedition against the Ligurians and after he had passed with his army over wild's and mountains, where no tracts led them, through straits and passes of forests, he fought a pight battle with the enemies, and not only won the field, but also in one and the self same day forced their camp. Whereupon three thousand and two hundred of the enemies, & all that quarter of Liguria yielded unto him. Then the Consul placed these that had surrendered, in the plains and champain country, and planted garrisons upon the mountains. Letters hereof with great speed came to Rome: whereupon there were ordained processions for three days. During which time of procession, the Pretours celebrated sacrifices, and killed forty greater beast. But the other Consul A. Manlius did no exploit worth remembrance in Liguria. Three thousand Transalpine Frenchmen passed over the Alpes into Italy, in peaceable manner marching without any hostility or harm doing, and requested of the Consul and the Senate a territory to inhabit, where they might remain quietly under the signory of the Romans. But the Senate commanded them to avoid out of Italy; and gave the Consul Q. Fulvius in charge to make search and enquiry into this matter, yea, and to proceed against them who had been the cheefetaines and counsellors to persuade them to pass over the Alpes.  
This very year died Philip king of the Macedonians, worn away to nothing partly for age, and partly with grief of hart after the death of his son [Demetrius.] It fortuned that he kept his winter in Demetrias, tormented with anguish of mind for the loss and miss of his son, disquieted with remorse and repentance for his cruelty against him, which stung and pricked his guilty conscience. Besides, he saw his other son (who now was the undoubted heir apparent of the crown, as well in his own opinion as in the conceit of others) how all men turned their eyes and courted to him. He considered withal, how his old age was despised and forlorn; whiles some expected his death, others did not so much as look for it; which was the greatest grief and trouble of all other. And together with him, there was Antigonus the son of Echecrates, bearing the name of his uncle Antigonus by the father's side, who had been guardian to Philip. This Antigonus the elder had been a man of princely port & regal majesty; renowned also for a brave conflict and noble battle against Celomenes the Lacedaemonian. And him the Greeks for distinction sake from other KK. of that name, surnamed 
* 〈…〉  Tutor. His nephew or brother's son (I say) Antigonus, of all the honourable friends that Philip had, was the only man that continued fast and firm unto him without all corruption. But this his loyal fidelity and truth caused Perseus to be no friend of his, but rather the most mortal enemy that he had in the world. This said Antigonus forecasting in his spirit, in what dangerous terms he should stand, when the inheritance of the kingdom were devolved upon Perseus, waiting his first time and opportunity; when he perceived that the king's mind was troubled, & that now and then he fetched deep sighs for sorrow that his son was dead; one while would give ear only to the king's words, other whiles also would find some talk & minister occasion to speak of the act so rashly & unadvisedly committed. Oftentimes he followed & seconded him in his moans & complaints, and would be thought to lament with him for company. And (as Truth useth always to give many signs & tokens of herself coming to light) he would enforce and help forward every small thing what he could, to the end that all might the sooner be discovered and break forth. The chief ministers and instruments of this villainous fact, were Apelles and Philocles, who were the ambassadors sent to Rome, and had brought those pernicious letters, under the name of Flamminus, which wrought the death of Demetrius. For commonly it was given out through all the king's court, that those were falsified letters, forged by his Secretary, and sealed with a counterfeit signer. But the thing being rather deeply suspected, than apparently detected, it chanced that Antigonus upon a time met with 
* 〈…〉  Xychus, and laying hold upon him, arrested his body, and brought him into the king's house; and when he had left him in the safe custody of certain persons, he went himself directly to Philip. It should seem to me, and if it please your grace (quoth he) by many words which I have observed, that you would spend a great deal to know the whole truth as touching your two sons, and be resolved whether of them twain it was that laid wait to take away the life of the other. Now the only man of all other that can undo the knot and clear this doubt, is in your hands forth coming, and that is Xychus. Herewith he advised the king to call before him the said party, since that (as it fell out) he was already brought into the court. Sent for he was and presented before the king; & being asked the question, he denied everything at the first; but with such inconstancy, as it appeared evidently, that upon some little fear of torture offered unto him, he would be ready to bewray all: for at the very sight of the tormentor and the scourges, he relented. Then he disclosed & showed in order the whole proceeding & manner of this wicked practice and villainy, how it was wrought as well by the ambassadors, as also by his own self their minister. Immediately there were some of purpose sent to apprehend the said ambassadors. And Philocles who was present in the way, they surprised and took of a sudden: as for apples (who had been sent to pursue one Chaereas) being advertised how that Xychus had bewrayed & told all, sailed over into Italy. As concerning Philocles, there is no certainty known. Some report, that at the beginning he denied the matter stoutly: but after that Xychus was brought to his face and confronted him, he stood no longer in it. Others say again, that being put to torture, he endured the pains, and continued still in the denial. Philip's sorrow and greet was by this means renewed and redoubled, reputing himself more unhappy in his sons, and his misery the greater, in that one of them was now dead and gone. Perseus' being certified that all was discovered, took himself for a greater and mightier person, than to fear and think it needful for him to fly upon it. And therefore he fought only to keep far enough out of the way, purposing to stand upon his guard all the while that his father lived, and avoid the flaming fire (as it were) of his burning choler. Philip seeing that he could not possibly come by his person for to execute justice, thought upon that which only remained to be done, and studied how Perseus besides impunity, should not be recompensed and rewarded also for that his wickedness. He called therefore Antigonus before him, unto whom he was bounden and beholden already, for bringing to light the unnatural murder committed upon Demetrius his son; and of whom he conceived this opinion, in regard of the fresh and late glory of his uncle Antigonus, that the Macedonians should have no cause to be ashamed or repent, if they had him for to be their king. And in this wise he broke with him: Since my unhappy fortune is such (quoth he) o Antigonus, that I ought (contrary to all other fathers) to wish myself childless, I have a mind and purpose to make over unto you that kingdom, which I received at the hands of your uncle, which he preserved and kept, yea, and augmented for my behoose during the time of my nonage, and wherein (whiles I was under his guardianage) he bore himself not only valiant, but also true and faithful unto me. No man I have but you, whom I can esteem worthy to wear the crown; and if I knew of none at all, yet had I rather that both it and the realm perished and were extinct for ever, than Perseus should enjoy it as the guerdon of his ungracious and devilish fact. I shall imagine yet that Demetrius is risen from death to life, I shall think that I have the fruition of him again, if I may leave you in his place, you I say, the only man of all others that wept for the death of the poor innocent young man, and lamented for my unhappy error and unfortunate trespass. After this speech with Antigonus, he never ceased to entertain and grace him in the face of the world with all kind of honour that he could devise. For seeing that Perseus was in Thrace, Philip went in progress to every city of Macedon, and recommended Antigonus to all the princes and States thereof. And without all doubt, if God had given him longer life but a little, he would have installed him in full possession of the kingdom. Well, to return again unto Demetrias, where he wintered (as before is said) he departed from thence, and sojourned a long time in Thessalonica. From thence after he was come to Amphipolis, he was surprised with a grievous malady. Howbeit certain it was and very apparent, that he was more sick in mind than body; and that ever and anon the remembrance and object, the apparition and ghost of his son, whom he caused (innocent as he was) to be done to death, followed and haunted him so continually with care and grief, that he was out of all sleep and could not lay his eyes together: yea it drove him into raving, cursing, and execration of Perseus his other son; and so he ended his days. But although Philip died somewhat with the soon for Antigonus, yet he would have gone very near to have stepped into his throne, if either the king's death had immediately been divulged abroad, or that Antigonus had then been about the court that he might have had intelligence thereof. For Calligenes the king's Physician, who had the cure of him, stayed not until the breath was fully out of the king's body; but so soon as he perceived that his state was desperate, upon the first deadly signs that he observed, sent messengers post to Perseus, who were set of purpose in places convenient, according as it was complotted between them twain: but he concealed the king's death from all them that were not of the household, until he was come. By which means Perseus surprised them all before they looked for him, or knew abroad that the king was departed, and thus he took the crown upon him by policy, which he had purchased with mischief.  
The death of Philip sell out very well to give some delay and respite, and to gather more forces for the waging of war: for the nation of the Bastarnae having been a long time solicited thereto, departed out of their own country, and with a great power as well of foot as horse, came on this side the river 
* 〈◊〉.  Ister. Now there were arrived before to advertise the king hereof, Antigonus and Cotto. This Cotto was a noble man among the Bastarnians. And Antigonus was full against his will joined in embassage & sent with Cotto to raise the Bastarnians. Howbeit not far from Amphipolis they met with news (but very uncertain) of the king's death: which occurrence troubled the whole course of their designs. For thus it was complotted, that Philip should give the Bastarnae sale passage through Thrace and find them victuals: to the effecting and performation whereof, he had entertained the peers and principal States of those quarters with presents, and assured them upon his fidelity, that the Bastarnians should pass through their country peaceably without any harm doing. Now his intent and full purpose was, to extinguish utterly the nation of the Dardanians, and to plant the Bastarnians in their country. Hereby he aimed at a two fold commodity: the one was this; that the Dardanians (a people most malicious ever to the Macedonians, and who always in time of the troubles & adversities of the kings, took their vantage to annoy them) might be rooted out: the other, that the said Bastarnae leaving their wives and children in Dardania, might be sent to waste and spoil Italy. Now were they to pass to the Adriatic sea & so to Italy, by the way of the Scordiscians' (for other way there was none to lead an army) and soon would they, thought he, grant passage unto the Bastarnians: for they differed not at all, either in language, or manners & fashions: & more than that, they were like enough to join with them in the expedition, seeing they went to the conquest & pillage of a most rich and wealthy nation. These designments were accommodated & fitted to what events soever should happen. For in case the Bastarnians should happen to be defeated by the Romans and put all to the sword; yet this would be a canfort again; that the Dardanians were consumed from the face of the earth, that he should meet with a booty of that which the Bastarnians left behind them; and finally, have the possession free and entire to himself of all Dardania. But in case their fortune were to have the upper hand, then whiles the Romans were averted from him, & amused upon the war with the Bastarnians, he should be able to recover whatsoever he had lost in Greece. These had been the designs projected by K. Philip. So they entered peaceably, & marched without hostility, under the word and promise of Cotto and Antigonus. But shortly after that news came of the death of Philip; neither were the Thracians so tractable and easy to be dealt withal in commerce and traffic: nor the Bastarnians could be content with that which they bought with their money, or be kept in order as they marched, but that they would break their ranks and turn out of the direct way. Here upon they began to do wrong & injury on both sides are one unto another: which increasing daily more & more to outrages, kindled the fire of an open war. In the end, the Thracians not able to endure the violence and multitudes of these enemies, leaving their villages in the plains beneath, retired to an exceeding high mountain called Donuca. To which place, when the Bastarnians would have gone: behold notwithstanding they approached to the tops and ridge of the hills, they were surprised with a storm and tempest, much like to that where with the Gauls (as it is reported) perished at what time as they were a spoiling and pilling the temple at Delphi. For they were not only drenched first with showers of rain pouring upon them, pelted afterwards with thick storms of hail stones, strucken with great cracks of thunder, and blasted with leams of lightning that dazzeled their eyesight: but also the lightning flashed so upon them on every side, that it seemed they were charged and shot directly against their bodies: so as not only the common soldiers, but also the principal leaders and chieftains themselves were smitten down there with and overthrown. Whereupon when they were scattered and would have fled down the hill, from the exceeding steep rocks they tumbled down they knew not how with their heads forward. And albeit the Thracians pursued them thus scared and affrighted, yet they had nothing in their mouth, but That the gods forced them to run away, and that the sky fell upon them. Being thus disparkled with this tempestuous storm, and returned as it were out of a shipwreck into the camp from whence they set forth, and most of them but half armed, they began to debate in counsel what to do. here upon arose some dissension among them: whiles part were of opinion to return back into their own country, and part advised to follow the way still and pierce forward into Dardania. About thirty thousand and persons went through under the conduct of Clondicus: the rest of the multitude returned the same way they came into the parts beyond 
* Dona●.  Danubius. Perseus' being possessed of the kingdom, commanded Antigonus to be put to death: and whiles he was setting the states in order, & establishing himself in his own seat, he sent ambassadors to Rome, as well to renew the aminie that his father had with the Romans, as also to request that he might be styled with the name of king by the Senate of Rome. And these were the affairs in Macedon that year.  
Q. Fulvius the other Consul triumphed over the Ligurians: and known it was for certain, that this triumph was granted unto him more for favour, than for any great exploit of his that might deserve such honour. He carried in show a mighty deal of the enemy's armour: but little or no money at all. Howbeit he dealt among his soldiers thirty Asses a piece: to every Centurion he gave twice as much, and to each gentleman serving on horseback, the same threefold. There was nothing in this triumph more memorable and worthy the noting, than this, that as it fell out, he triumphed now the very same day that he had the year before upon his Pretourship. After his triumph, he published the general assembly for the election of Magistrates: wherein where created Consuls, M. junius Brutus, and A. Manlius Volso. This done, when there had been three of the Pretours elected, a sudden tempest broke up and dissolved the assembly. The morrow after, which was 
* Ante quartum Idus Martij, i. the 11 of March.  four days full before the Ides of March, the other three were chosen, namely Marcus Titinius Gurvus, Titus Claudius Nero, and T. Fonteius Capito. The Roman games were exhibited again the second time, by the two Aediles of the Chair, Cn. Servilius Capto, and Ap. Claudius Cento, by occasion of certain prodigies that happened: for there was an earthquake; and in the public pavilions and tabernacles, where the sacred beds of the gods were solemnly spread, the heads of the gods which were laid in those beds, turned away of their own accord, and the wool together with the other coverlets which were laid before jupiter fell down. It was taken also for a prodigious wonder, that the mice and rats had gnawn and tasted before of the olives upon the table [of jupiter:] for the satisfaction & expiation of which prodigies, nothing else was done, but the solemnzing of those games and plays again, as is aforesaid.   

THE XLI. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the one and fortieth Book.  
THe fire in the temple of Vesta went out. Tib. Sempromus Gracchus the Proconsul, vanquished the Celtiberians, and received their submission, and for a memorial of the worthy deeds by him achieved, he built a town in Spain called Gracchmis. Psoileumius Albinus the Proconsul, subdued the Vacceans and Lusitanes: and both of them triumphed. Anticcbus, the son of king Antiochus, whom his father had given in hostage to the Romans, after the death of his brother Seleucus, who succeeded his father late deceased, was sent from Rome into the realm of Syria. The Censors held a review and numbering of the citizens, and solemnly purged the city. There were enroled in their books, of Roman citizens 273244. Q. Veconius Saxa, a Tribune of the Commons, published a law, That no man should make a woman to be his full bei●. M. Cato was the man that persuaded and spoke for this law, and his Oratum is extant. Moreover, this book containeth the wars and exploits of many captains against the Ligurians, Istrians, Saxdians, and Celtiberians: also the occasions and causes of the Macedonian war, which Perseus the son of Philip began: for he had sent an embassage to the Carthagenians, which they gave audience unto in the night season. Other states also and cities of Greece he solicited. This Perseus, setting religion aside (for many stately and magnificent temples be built in divers places, and namely at Athens, to jupiter Olympius: and at Antiochia, to Inp. Capitolinus) was otherwise a king of most base demeanour and carriage.  
THe beginning of this book, and the greater part thereof immediately ensuing, is lost. Imprimis, As touching the disposition of the provinces by lot, as well of Consuls as Praetors; and namely, how the government of Gaul sell to A. Manlius, and of Liguria to M. junius: and how of the Pretours, M. Titinius was assigned to the hither province of Spain, and T. Fonteius to the farther; Nero to Etruria, T. Ebutius to Sardinia, Item, as concerning the fire of Vesis, the exploits of Tib. Gracchus and L. Albinus in 
* Cei●iberis.  Biskai and 
* Lus●ania.  Portugal: the survey and taxing of the city of Rome holden by the Censors; the law Voconia, as touching the inheritance of women, mentioned in Cicero, in S. Augustine de civitate Dei, and others: finally, of the acts achieved by M. junius about Genua. And thus it showeth a praerupt and broken front as ye see.  
To have armed the same, which in peace he had received of his father: and for that cause it is said, That he was passing well beloved of the youth and lusty gallants, who desired nothing more than to spoil and raise booties.  
Now when the Consul was in deliberation with his council, as touching war in Istria, some were of opinion, to proceed thereunto incontinently, before that the enemies could assemble their forces; others advised, to consult first with the Senate: but their counsel imported, who were for speedy expedition. So the Consul dislodged from Aquileia, and encamped near the lake Timavus, which lieth hard by the sea. Thither came Caius Furius (one of the naval Duumvirs) with ten ships: for two such Duumvirs or wardens had been chosen, to make head against the Illyrian fleet: who with twenty ships in all, keeping the upper sea, were to guard the seacoasts so, as they had Ancona (as it were) the middle centre between: for L. Cornelius took the charge of all that lay on the right hand thereof, as far as to Tarentum; and C. Furius of the left, unto Aquileia. These ten vessels (I say) were sent to the next port, against the marches of Istria, with other ships of burden fraughted with store of victuals and provision. The Consul followed after with his legions, and pitched his camp five miles from the sea. And within a short time, there was a good and frequent market kept in the port, from whence there was conveighted all manner of provision into the camp. And to the end that this might hold in more security, good guards were set about the camp on every side. Toward 
* Selaveni●.  Istria there was one standing frontier garrison, consisting of a cohort of Placentines, levied on a sudden, opposed and lodged between the sea and the camp. And to the end the same might serve for a guard to defend them that watered at the river, M. Ebutius (a colonel of the two legions) was commanded to adjoin two squadrons of soldiers out of the second legion. T. and C. both Aely, (colonels likewise) had led the third legion, by the way that goeth to Aquileia, which should guard the foragers and sewellers. From which quarter about a mile distant was the camp of the French. And a certain petty king there was among them, one Carmelus, having the conduct of three thousand armed soldiers, or somewhat more. So 'zounds as the Romans were approached, the lake, 
* Tima●●o, or Larechia.  Timavus with their camp, the Istrians set them down secretly in a close place behind a little hill; and from thence followed the Roman army as it marched, by cross and crooked ways, espying and lying for all advantages that might be presented: for intelligence they had of all that was done either at sea or by land. And when they perceived upon a time the corpse de guard before the camp feeble and weak and that there was a great number of unarmed merchants between the camp and the sea, without any defence at all either from land or water, they ran at once upon the two foresaid guards, to wit, the Placentine cohort, and also the squadrons of the second legion. Now their enterprise at the beginning was covered and hidden by occasion of a morning mist, which at the first warmth of the sun broke and scattered away, and then began somewhat to appear through it: but the light was not yet clear and come to the full; by reason whereof everything (as commonly in such a case) showed far bigger than it was. And this at that time mightily deceived the Romans, causing the army of the enemies to seem the greater by many degrees. At which sight, the soldiers of the one guard as well as the other being affrighted, fled into the camp with a great tumult and alarm, and there caused far more fear than they brought with them: for neither were they able to tell why they fled thus as they did, nor give a ready answer to those that asked them the question. Over & besides, a great noise they heard from the camp gates, as where there was no sufficient guard to sustain the first assault. Besides, their running thus huddle together in the dark, while one tumbled upon another, made such a confusion, that they knew not whither the enemies was within the rampire or no. No other cry was heard but this; To sea, To sea. For by occasion that one soldier at adventure began to set up that note, all the camp presently rung again therewith, from one end to the other. Whereupon at first, (as if they had been commanded so to do) to the sea they ran, some few armed, but the most part without any armour or weapons: afterwards more, and consequently at last in manner all; yea and the Consul himself, seeing that he laboured in vain to reclaim them, back he fled, and could prevail neither by command no r authority, ne yet with prayers in the end; only M. Licinius Strabo (a Tribune or Colonel of the third legion, abandoned of his owned legion) remained behind with three ensigns and no more. The Istrians finding him alone, (for no man else was seen in arms to make resistance) entered jointly into the camp, ran upon him (and as he was embattailing his soldiers and encouraging them in the quarter about the praetor his lodging) surprised, and with numbers overcharged him. The skirmish and fight was more cruel, than for proportion of so few defendants; and not ended, before that the Tribune himself and those about him, were slain every man. The General his pavilion and all about it, was overthrown; which when the enemy had ransacked and rifled of all that was there, they went as far as the treasurers lodging, the market place, and to the gate, 
* By that gate was the market served, and i● led directly to it.  Quintana: where they found abundance of all things set out ready for their hands, and within the treasurers pavilion the tables spread and covered with good cares & meat upon them. Then their chief lord and leader (the petty king aforesaid) made no more ado but fate him down, fell to his victuals and made good cheer; and anon all the rest following his example, did the semblable, and never once thought of arms or of enemies; and like to those who were not wont to fa●e so well and feed liberally, they greedily overcharged their bellies with wine and viands: but the Romans all the while stood in far other terms. They trembled, they went hastily to their business both on land and sea. down went the shipmen and sailors with their titls and booths; and look what provision of victuals or other things were set forth to s●●le upon the strand and shore, they harried and hurried a shipbord: the soldiers all affrighted ran amain to the sea side, for to be embarked. The mariners fearing lest their vessels should be overcharged, some put back the press and withstood them for coming in, others shove off from the wharf, and launched into the deep. Hereupon began a brawl and broil, and from that they fell together by the ears, soldiers and mariners, one with another: some went away with knocks and wounds, and others left their lives behind them; until at length, by the Consul his commandment, the fleet was retired far from the land. Which done, he began to sort the armed and unarmed apart. And hardly were there (of so great a multitude) twelve hundred found with armour about them, and very few horsemen that had brought their horses with them. All the rest were a confused and disordered company, resembling the rascal sort of camp-followers, as victuallers, launders, skullions and lackeys: who had been a ready booty to have preied upon, in case the enemies could have thought upon any feats of arms. Then at last came a messenger to recall the third legion, and to surprise the guard of the Gauls; and with that, from all parts they began to return again toward their own camp, for to recover it, and wipe away and fordo the shameful blot and dishonour which they had received. The Colonels of the third legion commanded the soldiers to throw down upon the ground their forage and fuel, they charged the Centurions to set the elder and unwieldy soldiers two and two upon the horses and labouring beasts which they had discharged of their load; & willed the horsemen to take up behind them every one a young lusty footman; showing what an honour it would be to the third legion, for to regain by their valour the camp, which had been lost by the cowardice and fear of those in the second: and easily (say they) may it be won again, if the Barbarians, whiles they are encumbered with the pillage, might be surprised at unwares, and be taken themselves, like as they overtook others before. This exhortation was received with great alacrity and contentment of the soldiers. A lost were the ensigns born and advanced apace, neither slaid the port-ensignes one whit for the soldiers. Howbeit the Consul and those companies which were brought from the sea, came first to the rampire. L. Atius a principal Centurion of the second legion, not only encouraged the soldiers, but made remonstrance unto them, That if the Istrians these victorers, had ever meant to guard and keep the camp with the same force of arms by which they had won it, they would at the first have pursued the enemies to the sea, so soon as they had turned them out of their tents; and afterwards have set a good corpse de guard, at leastwise before the rampire and the avenues thereof: but like enough it is (saith he) that with guzzelling wine they were dead asleep like beasts. And herewith he commanded A. Baculenius his own ensign-bearer, a man of approved valour and singular prows, to advanced his banner forward. Marry, that I shall (quoth he) full soon, if you will follow me alone that the thing may be done more quickly. With that he forced his whole strength, and having flung the ensigned over the trench into the camp, he was the first himself that entered at the camp gate. On another part likewise T. & C. both Aelij, and colonels of the third legion, were come with their cavalry: then presently followed those also whom they had horsed two by two upon the labouring jades and garrons for carriage, and after them the Consul with his whole army. But of the Istrians some few there were (such as were not stark drunk) whose wits and memory served them to run away; the rest were dead asleep indeed, and never awoke again. So the Romans recovered all their goods, save only the wine and victuals which was devoured and consumed. The Roman soldiers who were crazy and sick, and had been left in the camp, after they perceived their own fellows within the rampire, found their hands again, caught up weapons, and made a great carnage and execution. But above all others C. Popilius, surnamed Sabellus, a gentlemen and cavalier of Rome, bore himself most bravely that day, who being left in the camp (because he was hurt and maimed in one of his fleet) flew the greatest number of the enemies, by far. Eight thousand Istrians fell upon the edge of the sword, and not one taken prisoner alive: for the choler and despiteous indignation of the soldiers was such, as they had no mind at all of prizes and booties. Howbeit, the king of the Istrians, drunk as he was, had so good fortune as to be taken from the very board where he sat, and hastily mounted on horseback by his men, and so fled away and escaped. Of the winners there perished in all two hundred thirty seven soldiers: and of them, more died in their morning flight than in the recovery of their camp. Now it chanced to, that Cn. and L. both named Gavily, new coloners and inhabitants of Aquileia, as they came with victuals, had like to have stumbled ignorantly upon the camp, when it was taken and possessed by the Istrians. They being retired backed in great haste to Aquileia, leaving their carriage behind them, set all on a fright and uproar, not only at Aquileia but also at Rome within few days after: for thither was the rumour run, That not only the camp was forced by the enemies, and (which was true indeed) the Romans put to flight, but that all was lost, and the army utterly defeated. Whereupon, as the manner was in all sudden tumults and alarms, writs went forth for musters and levies of soldiers extraordinarily, not in the city only, but also throughout all Italy. Two legions of Roman citizens were enroled, and the Latin allies were commanded to set out ten thousand foot with three hundred horse. M. junius the Consul had commandment to pass over into Gallia, and to levy of the cities & States of that province, as many as they were able to make and furnish. It was ordained withal, that T. Claudius the praetor should make proclamation, that the soldiers of the fourth legion, and of the Latin allies five thousand foot and two hundred and fifty horse, should meet together at Pisae; and that in the absence of the Consul he should defend that province: also that M. Ti●inius the praetor should appoint the rendezvous at Ariminum; that the first legion, and the like number of allies, as well foot as horse, should there assemble. Then Nero took his journey, clad in his rich coat of arms, toward Pisae his province. And Titinius having to Ariminum Caius Cassius a Colonel, to take the conduct of the legion there, took musters at Rome. M. junius the Consul passed out of Liguria into Gaul, and arrived at Aquileia, having levied aid-soldiors as he went, of all the cities of Gaul & the Colonies, to be in readiness out of hand. There he was certified that the army was safe and found: whereupon he dispatched his letters to Rome to advertise them that they should not trouble themselves any more with this false alarm, and himself after he had discharged the Gauls of those aids which he had imposed upon them, went to his companion in government. Great was the joy at Rome, coming thus as it did unlooked for. The musters were laid aside, the soldiers discharged who were enroled and had taken their military oath, and the army visited with the plague at Ariminum was dismissed and sent home. The Istrians albeit they were encamped with a great strength of armed men, not far from the Consul his camp, after they heard once that the Consul was come with a new army, disbanded and slipped every man away on all sides to their several cities, and the Consuls retired with their legions to Aquileia, there to winter.  
When these troubles of Istria were thus at length appeased, there went forth an act of the Senate, That the Consuls should agree between themselves, whether of them twain was to return to Rome for to hold the assembly for election of magistrates. At what time as A. Licinius Nerva, and C. Papirius Turdus, two Tribunes of the Commons, in all their Orations to the people, inveighed bitterly against Manlius in his absence, and promulgated a law to this effect, That after the Ides of March (for the Consuls had their governements already prorogued for one whole year) he should continue no longer in place, to the end, that so soon as he was out of his office, he might presently be called to his answer judicially. Quintus Aelius; one of their Colleagues, withstood this bill by them proposed, and after much debate and contention prevailed so much, that it passed not.  
About the same time Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, and L. Posthumius Albinus, being returned out of Spain to Rome, had audience given them by the praetor M. Titinius in the temple of Bellona, there to discourse of the acts by them atcheeved, to demand their deserved honours, to the end that praise and thanksgiving also should be rendered to the immortal gods. Moreover, at the very same time intelligence was given by letters from T. Ebutius the Praetor, which his son brought and showed to the Senate, of great troubles in Sardinia: Namely, that the Ilians, joining unto them the strength of the Balari, had invaded the province standing in peaceable terms: neither was he able to make head against them with so feeble an army as he had, and the same wasted and consumed much with the pestilence. The same news related the ambassadors likewise of the Sardinians, making humble suit to the Senate, to relieve and succour their cities at leastwise, for that their villages & country towns were already past help. This embassage, with all other matters concerning Sardinia, put over to the new magistrates; as pitiful an embassage also was presented unto them from the Lycians, who complained greevously of the Rhodians, unto whom they had been annexed and made subjects by L. Cornelius Scipio: Indeed (say they) we lived sometime under the signory of K. Antiochus, but that servitude of ours under the king, compared to this present state and condition wherein we now are, seemed unto us an excellent liberty: for not only are we now yoked and kept under public authority in general, by taxes, levies, and impositions, but every one in particular endureth mere bondage and slavery. Ourselves are abused, yea and our wives and children suffer villainies before our eyes: upon our bodies, our backs and sides they work upon and discharge their humour of cruelty: in our good name (an indignity unsupportable) we are desteined, depraved, and defamed: yea openly in the face of the world, they cease not to commit outrages against us, even to usurp & extend their authority over us, and to try masteries upon us with extremity: to the end that we Lycians might be put out of all doubt, that there is no difference between us and slaves bought and sold for silver in ouvert market. The Senate moved with these remonstrances by the Lycians, addressed their letters to the Rhodians to this effect, that it was no part of their meaning and intent, that the Lycians should be slaves to the Rhodians: or that any other borne free, should be enthralled by any person but their will was, that the Lycians should in such terms live under the government and protection of the Rhodians, that both states, the one as well as the other, might range and frame themselves like good associates under the dominion and empire of Rome.  
After this followed two triumphs over Spain, one immediately upon another: first, Sempronius Gracchus over the Celtiberians: & the morrow after, L. Posthumius [Albinus] over the Lusitanians and other Spaniards of those parts. Tib. Gracchus carried in show 40000 pound weight of silver: and Albinus twenty thousand. Both of them divided among their soldiers twenty five Denarija piece, to each Centurion the same duple, and triple to every horseman. Thus did they also by allies as well as by Romans.  
It fortuned about that time, that M. Innuis the Consul, came out of Istria to Rome, by occasion of the election which was to be holden: and when the two Tribunes of the commons, Papyrius and Licinius, had in the presence of the Senate baited and wearied him with interrogatoties, as touching the affairs passed in Istria, they brought him forth also before the body of the people. To which questions, after that the Consul had answered, how he had not been above 11 days in the Province: & as for the things that happened in his absense, he knew no otherwise than they did, only by the common bruit & report: then, they went on urging him still, & ask how it came to pass, that A. Manlius rather came not to Rome, to give account unto the State, why he passed out of Gaul (which was his allotted province) into Istria: & to show, when it was that either the Senate decreed, or the people of Rome granted by their voices to enterprise that war? But haply it may be said (qd. he) that albeit the war was undertaken only upon his own head alone: yet no doubt, executed it was right worthily with policy and valour. Nay iwis, but far chose: & hard it is to say, whether it were begun more jewdly, than managed inconsiderately. Two entire corpse, de guards were on a sudden at unawares surprised by the Istrians: the Roman camp was forced and taken, with all the strength of horse and foot that was therein: the rest scattered without arms, and the Consul himself was the foremost man that ran away to the sea side unto the ships: and surely he should render an account of all these matters, when he is a private person again, since that he would not do it being Consul. This storm past, the general assembly for the magistrates election was holden: wherein were created Consuls, C. Claudius Pulcher, and Tib. Sempronius Gracchus. The next day following were the Praetors chosen: to wit, P. Aeli us Tubero the second time, C. Quintius Flamininus, C. Numisius, C. Mummius, Cn. Cornelius Scipio, and C. Valerius Laevinus. The civil jurisdiction of the city fell to Tubero, the foreign to Quintius. The government of Sicily was allotted to Numisius: of Sardinia to Manmius. Howbeit this province by reason of the great war therein became the charge of a Consul. And by lot it fell to Gracchus: but Istria to Claudius his colleague. Gaul was divided into two provinces; where of Scipio by lot obtained one, and Laevinus the other.  
Upon the Ides of March, on which day Sempronius and Claudius entered their Consulship, moved it was only in the Senate, as touching Sardinia and Istria, and the enemies to both those provinces, who there had levied war. But the morrow after, the ambassadors of the Sardinians being referred over to the new magistrates, & L. Minutius Thermus who had been lieutenant to the Consul Manlius in Istria, entered into the Senate-house. By them the Senate was informed how dangerous the wars were in those provinces. Moved likewise were the Senators by the embassies of the Latin allies, who in the end were admitted into the Senate, after they had importuned the Censors and Consuls of the former year: the sum of their complaints was this, That their own citizens being once enroled at Rome, were most of them departed and removed thither to dwell: which if it might be suffered, within few reviews and sessings it would come to pass, that their cities should be dispeopled and desolar, their villages and fields desert and waist, and able to set out no soldiers for the wars. Semblably the Samnites and Pelignians complained, that four thousand households were gone from them, and retired to Fregellae: and yet neither the one nation or the other, were set at a less proportion of soldiers in all their levies. Two cautelous means and devises there were brought up, whereby men changed thus their cities at pleasure. The law granted this indulgence to the allies of the Latin nation, as many as left issue of their race behind them in their house, That they should be reputed citizens of Rome. By abusing this law, some did injury to their allies, other wronged the people of Rome: for, both they that were to leave such issue at home, gave their children as it were in villeinage to some Roman citizen or other whom they liked of; with condition to manumise and make them free, that they might be tribes or enfranchised citizens. And they also who wanted issue to leave behind them, were held as citizens of Rome. But in process of time without any of these colourable pretences of right, without regard of law and respect of issue, they crept in and had the benefit of the Burgeosie and freedom of Rome, by their transmigration thither to inhabit, by enrolment in the reviews. To meet with thes e practices, the ambassadors craved a remedy for the time to come: as also that they would petemptorily command all their allies to repair again to their own cities: with an express inhibition, that no man should receive any other to be his vassal and villain, and so to alienate him, with intention by that means to change the city wherein he lived: and that whosoever became citizens of Rome after that manner, should not be counted for a citizen. These petitions were granted by the Senate. Then were decrees passed for those provinces of Istria and Sardinia which were in arms, to wit, for the enrolling of two legions into Sardinia, having either of them five thousand and two hundred foot, and three hundred horse, besides twelve thousand footmen, and 600 horsemen of the Latin allies; and ten quinquiremes or galeaces, with five banks of oars, in case the General would warp them out of the arsenal. The like number as well of the Infantry as Cavallerie, was assigned for Istria. The Consuls also were enjoined to send to M. Titinius in Spain, one legion with 300 horse, besides 5000 footmen of allies, and 250 horsemen.  
Before that the Coss. cast lots for their provinces, certain prodigies were reported. Namely, that in the territory of Crustumium, there fell from heaven a stone into the lake of Mars: That in the territory of Rome, there was an infant born like a very stump, without head, feet, or hands: and a snake or serpent seen four footed. That in the market place of Capua, many houses were smitten with thunderbolts and lightning. Also at Puteoli two ships were set on fire by lightning, and burnt. Whiles these prodigious wonders were by others related, there was seen a wolf also in the day time at Rome, which having entered at the gate Collina, after much coursing and hunting, with much ado and noise of them that followed the chase, escaped away from them all, and passed through the Esquiline gate. In regard of these strange tokens, the Consuls killed greater beasts for sacrifice: and for one whole day, a solemn supplication and prayers were made at all the shrines and altars of the gods. These sacrifices done and passed, accordingly as it appertained, the Consuls cast lots for their provinces: and to Claudius befell Istria, to Sempronius Sardinia.  
After this, C. Claudius published a law by virtue of an ordinance of the Senate, in favour of allies; and proclaimed, That those allies, & namely of the Latin nation, who either themselves or their ancestors, had been enroled among the Latin allies, during the Censorship of Marcus Claudius, and Titus Quintius, or any time afterwards, should make returned every man into his own city, before the first day of November next ensuing. And Lucius Mummius the praetor had in commission to inquire and search for those that returned not accordingly. To this law and edict abovesaid of the Consul, an Act also of the Senate was adjoined, That the dictator, Consul, Interregent, Censor, and lord cheese justice in the common pleas for the time being, should endeavour and take order, that whosoever were manumised and made free, should take an oath, That he who manumised or enfranchised him, did it not with any intent, for to exchange the city wherein he was: and look who would not thus swear, him they thought not worthy to be manumised. But his charge and jurisdiction was afterwards committed to C. Claudius the Consul.  
Whiles these affairs passed at Rome, M. junius and A. Manlius, who had been Consuls the year before, having wintered in Aquileia, in the beginning of the Spring entered with an army into the frontiers of Istria. Where, as they made waste and spoil far and near as they went, the Istrians entered into a commotion and took arms, rather upon grief of heart and indignation to see their goods thus peeled and ransacked, than for any assured hope they had of their sufficience to make head against two armies. Having therefore raised a concourse of their able youth from all their cities and States, they assembled in haste a sudden and tumultuary army, which at the first gave battle, and fought more in heat of courage, than with persistence of resolution. In conflict there were slain of them to the number of four thousand; the rest abandoned all war, and fled here and there into their cities. From thence they sent ambassadors first into the Roman camp to crave peace, and then the hostages which were demanded. After intelligence given at Rome of these news by the letters of the Proconsul's, C. Claudius the Consul fearing least this occurrence might put him by the government of his province and the conduct of the army, without solemn prayers and vows made, without his Lictors clad in their coats of arms, departed suddenly in great haste (all of the head) by night toward his province, and made no man privy thereto, but only his colleague. His voyage thither was not so rash and inconsiderate, but his carriage there, was more foolish and undiscreet: for being thither come, he assembled a general audience; where, after he had very unseasonably reproached Manlius for his running away out of the camp, (to the great discontentment of the soldiers, who were the first that fled;) and with opprobrious terms shaken up M. junius also for taking part in this dishonour with his companion: in the end he commanded them both to avoid out of the province. Whereupon the soldiers made answer again, and said, That they would then obey the Consul's commandment, when (according to the ancient custom of their forefathers) he had made his solemn vows within the Capitol; and then taken his leave and departed out of the city, accompanied with his Ushers in their rich coats of arms, warlike. Hereat he was so far entraged with anger, that he called upon the treasurers deputy belonging to Manlius, for chains and gyves, and menaced to send junius and Manlius both bound to Rome. But the deputy likewise made as little reckoning of the Consul's commandment: and the more animated he was to disobey the Consul, by reason that he was backed by the whole host round about him; who as they supported the cause of their captains and leaders, so they hated the Consul at the heart. In conclusion, the Consul being laden and wearied with the contumelious and railing behaviour of every one in particular, and with the frumps and taunts of the multitude in general (for they stuck not over and besides to mock him and make a laughing stock of him) he went his ways again to Aquileia, in the same ship wherein he came. From thence he wrote unto his colleague by an edict, to charge those new soldiers who were enroled for Istria, to meet at Aquileia: to the end, that no business should keep him at Rome, but that with all speed he might depart from the city in his coat of arms, and after he had conceived and pronounced his vows accordingly. His companion in office was well content, and did all these things requisite full willingly: and a short day was assigned for the assembling of the soldiers at the Rendez vous abovenamed. But Claudius was at Rome well-near as soon as his letters; where, at his first coming, he made an oration in the public audience of the people, as touching the demeanour of Manlius and junius: and having stayed no longer than three days at Rome, he set out with his Lictors formally in their cote-armour, when he had made his vows solemnly in the Capitol, and so departed into his province again with as much celerity and haste (if not more) as he came from thence.  
Some few days before, junius and Manlius began to assault by all forcible means the town Nesatium, into which the principal persons of the Istrians, and Aepulo their king, were retired. Claudius, with his two new legions, presented himself before the town; and alter he had discharged the old armies and their commanders, laid siege unto it, and intended to force it with mantilets and engines of battery. The course also of the river which ran along beside the walls, and not only impeached the assailants but yielded water unto the besieged, he diverted into another new channel, and bestowed many days work thereabout. This mightily affrighted the barbarous people, to see how they wet cut off from water. Howbeit, they never thought of peace for all this, but fell in hand to kill their wives and children; and when they had so done (because they would present to the vieu of their enemies, so horrible a fact and fearful spectacle) they massacred them upon the walls openly in their sight, and then threw them headlong down. Whiles the silly women and poor infants (amid their piteous and lamentable cries) were thus cruelly murdered, the Roman soldiers mounted over their walls and entered into the city. Their king when he once perceived (by the fearful outcries of those who fled) that the town was lost; for fear he should be taken alive, stabbed himself with his dagger to the heart. All the rest were either taken prisoners or killed. After this, two other towns, Mutila and Faveria, were won by assault and razed. The pillage was greater than a man would have looked for in so poor a nation: which was bestowed every whit upon the soldiers. Five thousand six hundred and two and thirty persons were sold outright in port-sale under the guirland. The chieftains of this war were first scouraged with rods, and then beheaded. Thus Istria, by the ruin of three towns and the death of their king, was appeased: and all the cities and states thereof from every quarter, came in with their hostages, made submission, and did fealty and homage to the Romans.  
The Istrians war was no sooner ended, but the Ligurians began to complot for to take arms and enter into rebellion. T. Claudius the Proconsul (who the former year had been Praetor) was governor and commander at that time of Pisae, with a garrison of one legion. The Senate being advertised thereof by his letters, thought good to send the very same letters to C. Claudius (for the other Consul was already passed over into Sardinia:) and withal, a decree was granted out to this effect, That considering he had performed his commission in Istria, so as there remained no more for him to do there, he should (if he thought so good) transport his army into Liguria. Moreover, upon the Consul his letters, wherein he wrote what exploits he had achieved in Istria, there was ordained a solemn procession for two days together. Semblably, the other Consul Tib. Sempronius, managed his affairs as happily in Sardinia: he entered with an army into the country of the Sardinian Ilians. Great aids were come from the Balarans to relieve and succour those Ilians: with both these nations he fought a battle in pitched field. The enemies were discomfited and put to flight, turned out of their camp, and twelve thousand armed men slain. The morrow after, the Consul commanded all their armour and weapons to be gathered together and laid on an heap; and this he burned as a sacrifice to the honour of Vulcan. Which done, he retired with his victorious army into the associate cities, there to pass the winter.  
C. Claudius likewise, upon receipt of the letters of T. Claudius, and the commission directed from the Senate, marched with his legions out of Istria into Liguria: where, the enemies were come down into the plains, and lay encamped near the river Scultenna. In which place there was a battle fought: fifteen thousand of them were put to the sword, and not so few as seven hundred taken prisoners, either in the conflict or within the camp; for that also was forced & won: besides, one and fifty ensigns they lost. The Ligurians, as many as escaped the execution, fled on all sides to the mountains for refuge; and notwithstanding that the Consul spoiled and wasted their champain country, there was not one man made show of arms. Thus Claudius having in one year vanquished and subdued two nations, and in one Consulship (a rare felicity in any other man) reduced other two provinces into quietness and peace, returned to Rome.  
Certain prodigious and monstrous sights were that year reported, to wit, in the territory of Crustumium, a certain foul called Sangualis, with her bill pierced into a sacred stone. In Campain a boeufe spoke: at Syracuse a bull that strayed out of the fields from the heard, leapt the brazen cow there in the city & did his kind. In the territory of Crustumium, there was a supplication & procession holden one day long in the very place of the foresaid prodigious sign. In Campaine, the boeufe or cow aforesaid, was put out to be kept & fed at the charges of the city. Last of all, the prodigy of Siracusa was expiate by a purgatory sacrifice, by direction from the soothsayers to what gods, supplications and sacrifice should be made. That year died M. Claudius Marcellus the bishop, who had been Consul and Censor. In his stead M. Marcellus his son was consecrated bishop. Likewise in the same year, there was a colony of two thousand citizens of Rome, planted at Luca. The Triumvirs or the commissioners who had the conduct and placing of them, were P. Aelius, L. Egilius, and Cn. Sicinius: one and fifty acres of land and an half was set out for them apiece to occupy, out of the territory late conquered from the Ligurians, and which had been sometime the possession of the Tuscans, before it was holden by the Ligurians.  
Then came the Consul C. Claudius to the city of Rome, where after he had discoursed before the Senate, as touching the prosperous execution of his affairs, as well in Istria as Liguria, and thereupon demanded a triumph, he soon obtained that honour; and during his magistracy triumphed at once over those two nations. In which solemnity of his triumph, he carried in show 307000 Deniers, and 
* Victoriatus, the same that Qu●natius, 〈◊〉 i Denarius. It had the image of Victory stamped upon it.  85702 Victoriates. He gave to every common [Roman] soldier fifteen Denarij apiece, a double proportion to the centurions, & thrice as much to every horseman. But upon the allies he bestowed less by the one moiety than to natural citizens: and therefore as they followed his chariot, they were silent & said never a word: a man that had seen them would have said they were malcontent.  
During the time of this triumph, the Ligurians perceiving that not only the Consul his army was brought home to Rome, but the legion also at Pisae discharged by T. Claudius: thinking now all fear past and overblown, secretly levied a power; and having passed over the cross frontiers, by traversing the ways through the mountains, descended into the downs, and wasted the domaines of Modenna, and by sudden assault surprised the very colony. The news hereof was no sooner arrived at Rome, but the Senate commanded C. Claudius the Consul to hold the high court for the solemn election, with all convenient speed: that so soon as new annual magistrates were created, he might return into his province, and perforce recover this colony out of their hands. So according to the advice and ordinance of the Senate the said assembly was holden: wherein were elected Consuls Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispalus, and Q. Petilius Spurinus. Then were the Praetors afterwards chosen, to wit, M. Popilius Lenas', P. Licinius Crassus, M. Cornelius Scipio, L. Papyrius Maso, M. Alburius, and L. Aquilius Gallus. The Consul C. Claudius had his patent sealed again for one year longer, to continue in command of the army, and government of the province Gallia. And for fear least the Istrians likewise should follow the example of the Ligurians, he had commission to send those allies of the Latin nation, whom he had brought out of his province for to solemnise his triumph.  
Upon that very day, on which the Consuls, Cneus Cornelius and Quintus Petilius entered their magistracy, and sacrificed each of them an ox as the manner was, in the honour of jupiter: In that beast which Q. Petilius caused to be slain, the liver was found headless. When he had reported this accident unto the Senate, he was enjoined to sacrifice another boeufe, for to appease the wrath of the gods. Moved then it was in the Senate house as concerning the provinces, and a decree passed, that both Consuls should be sent to Pisae, and against the Ligurians: but order was given, that whether of them had the charge of Pisae allotted unto him, he should (when the time came) repair to Rome against the election of yearly magistrates. Moreover, there was another branch of this decree, that either of them should enrol two new legions, and three hundred horsemen, and levy of the Latin allies ten thousand foot apiece, and six hundred horse. And T. Claudius continued still in full command, until such time as the Consul was arrived in his province. Whiles these matters were thus debated and passed in the Counsel house, Cn. Cornelius was called forth by a bailiff or usher. And within a while after he was gone out of the temple, he returned thither again with an heavy and dismayed countenance, and declared unto the LL. of the Senate, that the liver of that ox which he also had killed for sacrifice, a beast of six years old and well liking, was consumed and come to nothing; and when he hardly believed the minister attending upon the sacrifice, who told him hereof, that himself caused the water to be poured forth of the pot wherein the tripes and inwards were sodden, where he saw the rest of the tripes and entrails full and whole, but all the liver wasted away, after a wonderful and miraculous manner, not to be spoken. The LL. were much terrified and amazed at this prodigious object: and the more perplexed were they, for that the other Consul likewise related unto them, how in regard that in his sacrifice the liver wanted an head, he had killed three oxen more, one after another, and yet could not procure the favour and grace of the gods. Hereupon the Senate commanded him still to sacrifice these greater beasts, until such time as he had his desire and the gods were pleased again. Now it is said, that all the other gods were well enough contented, and their ire mitigated and appeased, only the goddess 
* Health.  Salus, Petilius could not be reconciled unto, for all that ever he might do. Then the Consuls and Pretours committed the disposition of their provinces to the arbittement of the lots. Pisae fell to Cornelius, and Liguria to Pettlius. As for the Pretours, L. Papyrius Maso was lord cheese justice by lot appointed, within the city of all citizens pleas, and M. Aburius had the jurisdiction over strangers: M. Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis had the charge to govern the lower Spain, & L. Aquilius Gallus, Sicily. The two Praetors behind, requested earnestly that they might not be sent into their provinces, & namely M. Popilius into Sardinia: alleging, that Gracchus was able to quiet that Island; and the rather, for that T. Ebutius the praetor was by the Senate adjoined to him for assistance: neither was it good to interrupt courses begun, the continuity whereof is the most effectual means to exploit any great important affairs. For what with delivering up of the sword by the old L. Deputy, and receiving it by the new successor (whom it were more meet first to be trained up in knowledge of the State, than to be put to the managing of State-matters) oftentimes the good opportunities of atcheeving brave enterprises pass by and are lost. This excuse of Popilius was held for good, & so approved. Then comes P. Licinius Crassus, and he for his part made allegations why he might not go into his province: namely, by occasion of the solemn sacrifice, that he was to give his attendance upon. Now the higher part of Spain was allotted unt him. But commanded was he either to go into his province, or else to take oath in a frequent and full assembly of the people, that the solemn sacrifice (as he pretended) was the thing that hindered him, and nothing else. This order being set down and thus passed in the behalf of P. Licinius; then steps me up M. Cornelius, and required them to take an oath of him likewise, that he might not go into the nether province of Spain. So both these Pretours were sworn according to one and the same form of oath. Whereupon M. Titinius and T. Fontetus were commanded to remain in quality and place of Proconsul's within Spain, and retain still the same authority and power of command: and order was granted, that for to supply their forces, there should be sent unto them three thousand citizens of Rome with two hundred horse, and also five thousand Latin allies, and three hundred horsemen.  
The solemnity of the Latin holidays began the 
* Fifth of May.  third day before the Nones of May: wherein, because at the sacrificing of one beast the magistrate of Lanuvium in his prayer left out these words [Populi Romani Qutritium] and prayed not for the good estate of the people of Rome, and the Quirites, it bred a scruple. The matter was moved in the Senate, and the Senate referred it over to the College of the bishops and prelate's of the church. And they pronounced this award, That for as much as those Latin feasts were not solemnised as they ought, they should begin again a new: and that the citizens of Lanuvium, by whose default they were thus to be renewed, should be at the charges of all the beasts for sacrifice. Moreover, to breed more fearful scrupulosity in men's minds, it fortuned that Cneus Cornelius the Consul as he returned from that solemnity out of the Alban mountain, fell down in a sit of Apoplexy: which turned into an Hemiplegia or dead palsy all the one side of his body, and so he was conveyed to the bath and hot waters at Cumes: where, by occasion that his disease grew upon him still, he departed this life: from whence he was brought to Rome, and there carried forth in all magnificence of funeral obsequies, and right honourably interred. He had been Bishop also as well as Consul. Q. Petilius the other Consul, being commanded to hold an assembly for the surrogation of a colleague unto him, (so soon as possibly he might be warranted by the auspexes and approbation of the sacred birds) and withal, to proclaim and publish the Latin seasts and holidays aforesaid; summoned the election against the 
* 3 of August.  third day before the Nones of Sextilis: and the Latin solemnity, the third day likewise before the 
* 11 of August.  Ides of the same month.  
Whiles men's minds were much possessed already with religion and set upon their devotions, word was brought moreover of certain fearful prodigies: to wit, that at Tusculum there was seen a burning flame in the sky: that at Gabes, the temple of Apollo, and many private men's houses: likewise at Graviscae the town wall and one of the gates were smitten with thunderbolts. For the procuration where of, the LL. of the Senate ordained that the Bishops should give order according to their discretion.  
Whiles the Consuls were thus stayed, first both, by their own scrupulous holiness; then one of them by the death of the other; & afterwards by occasion of the new election & the renewing of the Latin festival solemnity: C. Claudius in the mean time approached with his army to Modenna, which the Ligurians the year before had won. He had not continued the siege full three days, but he forced the colony: and having thus recovered it from the enemies, he restored it again to the former inhabitants. Eight thousand Ligurians died there within the walls upon the sword: and immediately he dispatched his letters to Rome, wherein he not only declared the simple news, but glorified himself and made his boast, That through his fortitude and fortune, both the Romans had not an enemy that durst show his head on this side the Alpes; and that he had conquered so much land as might serve for to be divided by the poll, among many thousands. Tib. Sempronius likewise at the same time, fought many fortunate battles in Sardinia, and utterly tamed and subdued the Islanders: fifteen thousand enemies he there slew: all the States of that nation which had revolted, were reduced to obedience under the people of Rome: the old tributaries had an imposition and exactation laid upon them of a duple tribute, which they surely paid: the rest were put to a contribution of corn. After he had set the province in quietness, and received out of the whole Island two hundred and thirty hostages, he sent certain lieutenants as messengers to make report at Rome of all his proceedings: who also in his behalf should make suit unto the Senate, That in regard of the happy success in those exploits, under the charge, conduct and fortune of Tib. Sempronius, first, due honour praise and thanksgiving might be rendered to the immortal gods; and then, that himself might be allowed at his departure out of the province, to bring away his army with him. The Senate gave audience to the messengers abovesaid within the temple of Apollo: and upon their relation ordained a general procession for two days: commanding the Coss. to sacrifice 40 head of greater beasts: & withal, enjoined Tib. Sempronius the proconsul to continue that year with his army in that province. Then the election which had been published against the 
* The third of August.  third day before the Nones of Sextilis for the substitution of one of the Coss. was the same day accomplished. And Q. Petilius the Cos. created for his colleague, M. Valerius Lavinus, for to enter immediately into his magistracy. This Laevinus had been a long time desirous to be employed in some province or other: and fitly it fell out for his longing desire, that letters came, importing how the Ligurians rebelled and were gone out again in arms. So after he once heard the contents of these letters, he made no longer stay, but upon the very 
* 5. of August.  Nones of Sextilis all goodly to be seen in his warrior's coat of arms, he commanded the third legion (by occasion of this alarm) to go into France, to C. Claudius the Proconsull: also the Duumvirs or two wardens for the ports and navy, to go to sea, and with a fleet to make sail for Pisae, and from thence to coast about all Liguria, and thus by hover upon the seas, to terrify the enemies that way also. Q. Petilius likewise the Cos. had appointed a day for his army to meet in the same place. Moreover C. Claudius the Proconsull, advertised of the Ligurians revolt, over and besides those forces which he had about him at Parma, levied in haste a strength of more soldiers; and so with his complete army approached the borders of the Ligurians. The enemies upon the arrival of C. Claudius, by whose conduct they well remembered how late they had been discomfited and put to flight near the river Scultenna, minding to seek for defence rather by the strength of advantageous places than force of arms, against that power of his which to their cost they had before tried, seized the two hills, 
* 〈◊〉 Pelegrino.  Letus and Balista, about which they raised a mure also for their better safety. But such as lagged behind and quit the champain plains and lower grounds with the latest, were surprised and cut short, to the number of fifteen hundred. The rest kept within the mountains: who albeit they were in fear and danger of their own parts, yet forgot not their inbred cruelty; but ran upon the booties and prizes which they had taken at Modenna, their poor prisoners whom they held captive, they piteously mangled and killed most villainously: as for the beasts in the temples every where, they rather hacked hewed and cut in pieces butcherlike, than sacrificed in decent seemly and religious manner. Thus being satisfied with the blood and massacre of living creatures, they took all their breathless things they had, and reared and stuck them upon the walls; and namely, implements of all sorts, made rather for use and necessity than ornament and show. Q. Petilius the Consul, for fear lest the war would be ended in his absence, dispatched his letters to M. Claudius, to hast away with his army to him into France, for he would attend his coming upon the plains called Macri. Upon the receipt of which letters, Claudius dislodged out of Liguria, & delivered unto the Consul his army at the said plains called Macri. Few days after came Caius Valerius the other Consul thither also. There they divided their forces, and before they departed one from the other, they both together made a survey & review of their several armies. This done, they cast losts into what quarters they should either of them go, for that they held it not good policy to charge the enemy both of them jointly in one part. Now certain it is, that Valerius received his lot according to the auspexes, in that he was within the precint of the temple or prospect by the Augur assigned. But Petilius herein made default (as the Augurs pronounced afterwards) and namely the error was herein, because he being himself without the compass aforesaid, had put the lot into the casket, which was carried afterwards within the circuit of the said temple. This done, they went into divers quarters: Petilius encamped affront that bank & rising of the hill between Balista & Letus, which by a continual ridge uniteth and joineth the one mountain to the other. There, as he was exhorting his soldiers in open audience, he let fall (by report) an ominous word, presaging his own death, never thinking of the ambiguity & duple construction thereof; saying that he would that very day 
* Capete Letum, thus written with a capital L. signifieth. To gain the hill Letus: but with the little ●, (which See care cannot importeth. To take his death.  capere Letum. In two several places at once he began to mount up the hills. That regiment wherein he was himself, avaunced forward courageously: but the other was repulsed and beaten back by the enemies: whereupon the Consul iodofull gallop to help that side which went down: and in every truth reclaim his men he did from running away; but whiles without good regard of his own person he kept before the ensigns in the forefront, he chanced to be shot through with a dart, and so fell down dead in the place. The enemies were not ware of the General's death: but some few of his own men who saw him fall, made haft (as knowing well that in it consisted now the main victory) to cover his body. So the rest of the multitude, as well cavalry as infantry, captainelesse as they were, disseazed the enemies and were masters of the mountains. Of Ligurians there were slain 3000: of the Roman army not above two and fifty. Now besides this evident issue and event which fell out upon so heavy and deadly a presage by the 
* Valerius Maximius reporting the same story, calleth this Om\e of his (which I commonly interpret) [Osse] fortiutum vousjactum; When a man casteth forth a word at a venture, and speaketh more truly than he is aware. For want of a proper term to express the Latin [Omen] all translators high: hearts, French, Italian, and English, have been put is their shifts, and help themselves with [Praesage.] Which in mine opinion is nos appropriate to the thing, but common: as comprising other tokens; of birds, whether they be auguria of auspicia; of beasts inwards; of lightning and the rest: or rather implying 〈◊〉, i. the fore-deeming by those signs, yea, and extendeth to the fore-giving of the mind. Whereas that other word [Osse] is very significant, and in analogy equivalent to [Omen.] I merveil much therefore, why it is thought either strange and new (seeing it is English, used no 〈◊〉 commonly in times past, and at this day currant in the North-paris, where the people haply are more observant of such presages) rather than many other foreign words, brought into our language, and ranged with the English: or why it should be condemned as absonant and not pleasing to the ears, more than 〈◊〉 in Greek, which commonly be tokeneth (a voice) and more properly in Plato (as) Budaeus hath well observed) is taken for [Omen] like as f for omina●i, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [divinare] at Eustathius noteth upon Homer, I had, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 E. From whence, who seeth not that [Osse and Ostang both] are derived? The word then being not basely borne, but descended from the north, of all learnin g, the Greek tongue, and enfranchised in this Island time out of mind (howsoever it hath been confined into the North) would not be exiled clean, but rather reduced and received for a free denizen, quasi postliminio.  osse aforesaid, the pulletier also was heard to say, that all was not well in the auspexes of the birds; neither was the Consul himself ignorant thereof.  
C. Valerius having heard [The great clerks 
This within those mark● [] The Latin copies have not, but is partly supplied out of Priscian in his 17 lock.  and deep divines, those also that were profoundly seen in the common law, gave it forth, That seeing the two ordinary Consuls (Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispalus, and Q. Petilius Spurinus) of that year, were both dead, the one by sickness, the other by the sword, it was not lawlfull for the other Consul (C. Valerius Laevinus) subroged in the place of the deceased, to hold the assembly general for the election of new Magistrates.] conducted. On this side the Apennine were the Garules, Lapirines, and Her catians: beyond the Apennine were the Briniates. Against them that had peeled and ransacked Pisae and Luna, Q. Mutius made war within the compass of the river Audena: & when he had brought them in subjection, he took from them their arms. For which exploits atcheeved in France and Liguria, under the conduct and happy fortune of the two Consuls, the Senate ordained that there should be public procession for three days, and commanded to sacrifice forty greater beasts. And thus verily the tumultuous wars of the French and the Ligurians, which arose in the beginning of the year, were in short time and without any great mastery dashed and appeased.  
But now in am thereof, great care was taken for the Macedonian war, by occasion that Perseus sowed the seeds of debate and quarrel between the Dardanians & the Bastarnians. Besides, the Roman ambassadors who were sent into Macedon, to see in what terms things there stood, were now returned to Rome, and had brought word, That in Dardania they were up in arms. With them there came also from, king Perseus certain Orators to make excuse in his behalf, and to clear him in the action, namely, that the Bastarnians neither were by him sent for, nor entered into any execution by his motife. The Senate would neither acquit the king as unguilty, nor yet directly accuse him as culpable in that point. Only they required, that he should be advertised and admonished, to be very well advised and careful to keep that league and accord inviolable, which he would seem to entertain with the Romans.  
The Dardanians seeing that the Bastarnae were so far off from departing out of their country (as they well hoped they would) that they endamaged and endangered them still every day more than other, as bearing themselves bold upon the succours of the Thracians near neighbours, and the Scordisci; thought it their best course in policy, to adventure upon some hardy enterprise, although it were rash and inconsiderate: whereupon they assembled all in arms, and from every quarter of their country showed and advanced before the next town, to the camp of the Bastarnians. Winter time it was, a season of the year which they made choice of, that the Thracians and the Scordisci might be retired home in to their own countries: which when they were advertised of, and that there remained none but the Bastarnae alone, they divided their forces in two parts: with the one, to march directly forward and openly to make head against them affront; with the other, to search a compass through byways and blind forests, and so to charge upon their backs. But before they could wheel about the enemy's camp, the battle was begun: wherein the Dardanians had the overthrow, and were driven to put themselves within their city, which was almost twelve miles distant from the camp of the Bastarnae. The conquerors followed the train of victory, and incontinently invested the town, making full account, that the next day either the enemies would yield, or else they should be able to win the place by fine force. In the mean time, the other regiment above said of the Dardanians, which cast about, knowing nothing at all of their fellows diffeature, began to assail the camp of the Bastarnians, left without a sufficient guard for defence.  
As the manner of kings was, 
There wanteth 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 ●● king the ●● 〈◊〉 of king T●●●●●●.  he sat in a stately throne of Ivory, to hear pleas and decided of the finallest and most tristing matters. So transported was he and carried away with an humour of levity and spirit of inconstancy, so distracted and wandering in all the course of his life, that he was never settled and well contented in any condition of state whatsoever: in such sort, as neither he knew his own self, nor any man else wist well what to make of him. He would not seem to speak unto his friends, and hardly was seen to laugh familiarly among those of his nearest acquaintance. He made a fool of himself, and mocked others likewise; such was his unordinate and irregular munificence. To men of honour standing highly upon their worth and reputation, his manner was to bestow childish trifies, as sugar-plums to eat or to play withal, toys and gewgaws instead of great and precious presents: others again that looked for nothing, those he enriched. And therefore some deemed, that he knew not what he did: others gave it out, that he did all in plain mockage: and there were again that let not to say, how he was out of his right wits, and clean besides himself. Yet in two things, which were both great and laudable, he carried with him a princely and royal mind indeed; to wit, in adorning cities with stately gifts, and honouring the gods with divine worship. He promised the Megapolitans in Arcadia, to raise a wall about their city; and in truth the better part of the money to destay the charges there of, he sent unto them. He went in hand to build a magnificent Theatre of marble at Tegaea: at Cizicum, he gave freely to the Prytaneum (a fair hall by itself in the heart of the city, where, at the common charges, certain had their diet of freecost) by way of honourable reward, a cupboard of golden plate sufficient for the furniture and service of one table. As for the Rhodians, I cannot say, what one special gift singular above the rest, he bestowed upon them; so liberally minded was he to them-ward, and his hand ever open to give them of all forts whatsoever they needed or required. Now, his magnificence in honouring the gods, what it was (if there were nothing else) the temple of jupiter Olympius begun by him in Athens (so answerable every way to the majesty of that great god, that the like to it is not to be found again in the whole world) may testify sufficiently. Moreover, he beautified Delos with goodly seaensigns, and with a great number of statues and images. Likewise he promised to edisie at Antiochia, a stately temple in the honour of jupiter Capitolinus; not only arched abovehead with a golden embowed rouse, but seeled all over the wall sides with plates of gold: besides many other things in divers places, which by reason that he, reigned but a very short time, he could not finish and perform. In magnificence also of plays, public shows, and pageants of every sort, he over-went all the kings his progenitors before him, as well in regard of Grecian actors and gamesters, whereof he had many about him, as of the rest who were acquainted with the fashions of his own country. He represented the fight of sword-players at the sharp with unrebated swords, after the custom of the Romans; with greater terror and fear at first, than pleasure and delight of men, who were not used to behold such sights: but afterwards by often exhibiting the same, in such manner, as sometime they drewblood one of another, yea and otherwhiles gave not over so, but fought to the utterrence, even to death, he made it a familiar exercise and a pleasant spectacle to the eye; and thereby set an edge upon the courage of many young gallants, and emboldened them to embrace chivalry and follow feats of arms. So as in process of time, he that was wont at the beginning to send as far as Rome for these sensers, and to hire them for great wages and reward, now with his own L. Cornelius Scipio (had the jurisdiction) over foreigners. To M. Attilius the praetor, the government of Sardinia by lot was fallen, but he was enjoined to pass over into Corsica with the new legion which the Consuls had enroled, consisting of five thousand foot and three hundred horse, And during the time that he should be employed there in the wars, Cornelius had commission to continue in his charge and place of command; within Sardinia. Unto Cn. Servilius Caepio for low Spain, and P. Furius Philus for the higher, were assigned three thousand Roman footmen and an hundred and fifty horse; but of Latin allies, five thousand of the one and three hundred of the other. As for L. Claudius he was appointed to Sicily without any supply at all. Moreover, the Consuls had commandment to enrol two legions besides, with the full number as well of foot as horse, and to charge the [Latin] allies, with the setting out and maintenance of a thousand foot men and six hundred horse. This levy and taking of musters, the Consuls went through with, in more difficulty, by reason of a great mortality, which beginning the year before with a morrein of kine and oxen, turned this year into pestilent epidemial diseases of men. Look who fell sick once, lightly they died before the seventh day: and those that overlived and escaped that crisis, lay long sick by it, and commonly of the quartane ague. The most that went of this malady were slaves, whose breathless carcases lay ordinarily along every street unburied: and more than that, 
* Libitina non sufficiebat.  men were not able to enterre so much as the dead bodies of free persons, they died so thick; in such sort, as they putrefied and rotten above ground: for neither hungry dog not greedy gripe, would once touch them. And for certain it was known and noted, that neither all that year nor in the former, during the mortality of man and beast, there was not a vulture or gripe any where to be seen. Divers prelates and priests of State dropped away of this plague, and namely, Cn. Servilius Caepio a bishop, the father of the praetor: Tib. Sempronius Longus the son of Titus, one of the Decemvirs for sacrred rites and divine service: P. Aelius Paetus the Augur: Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, C. Attchus Aemylius the chief superintendant of all the parish-priests, and M. Sempronius Tuditanus a bishop. These were substituted bishops in place of the dead, to wit, C. Sulpitius Galba in stead of Tuditanus.  
For Augurs were subordained, T. Veturius Crassus Sempronianus in the room of Gracchus; Q. Aelius Paetus for P. Aelius. Decemvirs over holy rites was elected, Catus Sempronius Longus; and C. Scribonius, surnamed Curio, supplied the want of the grand superintendent aforesaid, Still continued the pestilence; where upon the Senate ordained, That the Decemvirs should have recourse to the books of Sibylla: by whose order and direction, public supplications held for one day long: and after a devout manner, the people conceived and made a solemn vow in the common-place, according to that form of words which Q. Martius Philippus indited & prompted unto them, to this effect: That if this malady and pestilent disease, were removed out of the territory of Rome, they would for two days space solemnize a feast, go in procession and pour out their prayers with all devotion. In the Vejentian country a main child was borne with two heads; and another at Sinuessa but with one hand. At Oximum a maid child came into the world with teeth in the head: and over the temple of Saturn (standing in the market place of Rome) there was seen in the sky a bow full bend all the day long, if the air were clear and the weather fair: and at one time there shone out three suns. Also in one night, there evidently appeared many flaming lights and fire-drakes shooting along in the air. The men of Lanuvium and Caere affirmed plainly, That within their town they saw a serpent with a crest and mane, yea and the same marked all over with yellow spots like gold: and it was held for certain, that in the territory of Capua an ox spoke.  
Now were the ambassadors returned out of Africa by the 
* 7 of june.  Nones of june, those I mean, who went to Carthage, after they had been with king Masanissa, and spoken with him. But better and more certain intelligence they had by this king, than from the Carthaginlans themselves, as touching the affairs that had passed in Carthage. Howbeit, thus much they reported upon their assured knowledge, that ambassadors came from king Perseus, and had audience in the Senate secretly by night within the temple of Aeseulapius. Also both the king affirmed flatly, and the Carthaginians themselves but faintly denied, that ambassadors likewise had been sent from Carthage into Macedon. Whereupon the Senate was of advice and resolved to dispatch their ambassadors also into Macedon. And these three were sent, to wit, C. Laelius, M. Valerius Messala, and Sext. Digitius.  
During this time, Perseus, by occasion that certain Dolopians obeyed him not, and of some matters in controversy and difference referred the audience and decision to the Romans, and refused the arbitrement of the king, led forth an army against them, and reduced the whole nation under his obedience and jurisdiction. From thence he passed over the Oetaean mountains, and upon certain religions motions arising in his mind, he went up to Delphos, for to visit the Oracle. Being thus on a sudden seen in the very heart and midst of Greece, he struck a terror not only into the cities next adjoining, but also the bruit of this tumultuous alarm was blown as far as to king Eumenes. After he had stayed at Delphi not above three days, he returned turned into his own realm, by the way of Phthiotis, Achaia and Thessaly, without any damage done or wrong offered to the territories through which he passed. Neither thought he it sufficient thus only to win the love and favour of those cities and states through which he was to journey, but he addressed either ambassadors or wrote his letters, praying them to bear no longer in mind the enmities which had been between them and his father, for as much as they were not so bitter and deadly but they might well enough, yea, and aught to end and die with him: as for himself, he saw no let or hindrance in the world to impeach them for entertaining a faithful amity with him. But above all others he sought means to be reconciled to the Achaeans, and to re-enter into grace and favour with them. This nation alone of all Greece, together with the city of Athens, were grown into those terms of despite and malice against the Macedonians, that they debarred them from once setting foot within their confines. And hereupon it came, that when certain slaves fled out of Achaea, they retired into Macedon for refuge, and there remained: and because the Achaeans had forbidden the Macedonians to come within their liberties, they durst not likewise for their parts enter into the marches & frontiers of his kingdom to recover their bondmen. Which when Perseus perceived, he caused all those fugitive slaves to be apprehended, and he dispatched his letters unto the Achaeans, where in he wrote That he would right courteously send back their slaves home again, although they were run away from them unto him; advertising and advising them to beware and look well unto it, that there were no more any such escapes and run away of their bondservants here after. When these letters were read by Xenarchus their praetor, who sought to currey some favour and to wind himself into grace with the king, most of them that were present judged the letters to have been written right graciously and with great government and moderation, but principally those persons, who beyond their hope were to recover and receive their slaves whom they had lost. But Callicrates one of them who were fully persuaded, that the safety of their whole estate depended upon the loyal observance and inviolable maintenance of the accord contracted with the Romans, spoke thus or to this effect following, It may seem to some here (quoth he) my masters of Achaea, 
The Oration of Ca●●tates the Achaean.  that we are in question at this present of a small matter and of mean importance: but I for my part am of opinion, that we are not now in hand to treat, but have already debated, and after a sort concluded, one of the greatest affairs and of most consequence that we know. For we who have interdicted the KK. of Macedon and the Macedonians to come within our borders, and have decreed that this edict may stand firm and irrevocable, and that for this intent especially, Because we would admit neither ambassadors nor messengers from the KK. for fear least by intercourse of them, the hearts of some among us might be solicited and tempted to novelty and alteration; we now are content to hear the king, although absent in person, preaching in some sort to us, yea, and more than that (God send us good luck) approve and applaud his Oration. And whereas the very wild beasts refuse (for the most part) the meat which is laid for a bait to deceive and hurt them, yea, and have the wit to shun and avoid the same; we, blind beetles that we are, suffer ourselves to be caught and fed with the vain appearance and colourable show of a little kindness, and for hope to recover some poor slaves (a matter of small worth and reckoning) suffer our own freedom to be undermined, and in danger of subversion. For who seeth not, that the ouverture is made, and the way laid open for entrance into confederacy with the king, only to violate and break our association with the Romans, wherein standeth all our weal and welfare? Unless some man peradventure will make a question, whether the Romans must levy war against Perseus? and doubt thereof now after Philip is dead, which in his life time was expected, and by his death only interrupted? Two sons, ye know full well, king Philip had, Demetrius' and Perseus. For nobleness of parentage by the mother's side, for virtue, for wit, for the love and affection of the Macedonians, Demetrius far surpassed his brother. But for that the father intended ever and meant, that whether of his two sons hated the Romans, he should have the crown after him for recompense, he caused Demetrius to be murdered; for no other crime in the world that could be laid to his charge, save only that he was entered into amity with the Romans: but Perseus he made the king, whom he knew that the people of Rome judged more worthy to suffer punishment than to inherit a kingdom. And this Perseus, what other thing hath he done else after his father's decease, but made preparation for war? First and foremost he procured the Bastarnians, to the terror of all the world, for to invade 
* Servia, as some think.  Dardania; who if they had settled there, Greece should have had more troublesome neighbours of them than Asia hath of the Galatians. And albeit he was disappointed of this hope, yet he gave not over to design and plot for war; nay, if we will speak a truth, he hath already begun the war. Dolopia he hath subdued by force of annes, and could not abide to hear that the determination of certain provinces which were debatable & litigious, should be referred to the award of the people of Rome. From thence having passed over the mountain Octa, that all upon a seddaine he might show himself in the very centre of Greece, he ascended up to Delphi. And to what end, think ye, hath he taken this diswonted voyage and unaccustomed expedition? After this he made his progress all over Thessaly: And what if he annoyed and hurt none of them all, whom he hated in his heart? I fear me so much the more this manner of dealing, and that it is a bait to catch them withal. Then, forsooth, he sendeth his letters unto us, with a goodly show of a bon-present, and willeth us to think eftsoons how to prevent from haeceforth, that we never had need again of the like bounty of his. What is that, but to annul and repeal that edict of ours, wherein the Macedonians are debarred from setting foot within 
* Morca.  Peloponnesus? and to bring about, that we may have again the king's ambassadors to come unto us, that we may entertain mutual hospitality between their princes and ours? and anon after, see the Macedonian armies, yea, and the king also in person to cross from Delphi (for a final arm of the sea lieth between) strength over into Peloponnesus? and finally, that we band and combine with the Macedonians, when they shall take arms against the Romans? As for me, this is mine advise, to make no new ordinance, but to let all alone in their entire, as they now stand, until such time as we are come to some certain terms, Whether we have cause to be afraid, or fear only our own shadows? If the league shall continue firm and sure between the Romans and the Macedonians, then may we have intercourse of friendship, of commerce and traffic with them. But for this present to think and consider hereof, in my simple judgement, is a nice and ticklish point, and besides, out of season, untimely, and somewhat with the soon. When he had thus said, Arco brother to Xenarchus the P retour discoursed in this manner following. Callicrates (quoth he) hath caused both me and all of us besides, 
The Oration of Archo.  who are of contrary opinion to him, for to find the more difficulty in speaking our minds to the cause in question. For whiles in maintenance of the association which we have with the Romans, he saith that it is disturbed and troubled, (albeit there be no man about either to disturb or trouble it) he hath wrought cunningly and contrived, that whosoever seemeth to gainsay him, may be thought to oppose & set himself against the Romans. In the first place, as if he had been a man, not conversing here among us, but one come from the Senate of Rome, or some inward secretary & of the privy counsel to the KK. he knoweth forsooth, and uttereth all that in great secrecy hath been done. Nay, he foretelleth like a wise man, what would have ensued, in case Philip had lived longer: & namely how it came about, that Perseus thus inherited the crown: what the Macedonian designs are: and what the Romans intent to do. But we, who know neither for what cause, nor in what manner Demetrius came by his death, ne yet what Philip meant to have done if he had lived still, must accommodate and frame our counsel to those occurrents which have openly passed in the view of the world. We take knowledge, that Perseus after he was invested in his throne and crowned king, repaired to the Roman ambassadors: and we know likewise that he was entitled by the people of Rome with the style of (King Perseus.) We hear besides, that Roman ambassadors came to the king, and were by him well received and graciously entertained. If I haveany judgement these be all signs of peace and not of war, neither can the Romans take offence, if, as we followed them when they bare arms, so we follow them now likewise, as the authors of peace. And verily I see no reason why we alone of all other greeks, should make so mortal and inexpiable war against the realm of Macedon. What! is it because we are so near unto the Macedoninas, and by that vicinity expossed to all dangers from thence? or that we are the weakest of all the rest, and like to the Dolopians, whom Perseus of late hath subdued? Nay iwis, it is far otherwise & clean contrary. Sure enough we are for any harm they can do us, in regard either of our own forces (which the gods of their goodness have vouchsafed us) or of the distance of place so far remote. But set case we be as much subject as the Thessalians & Aetolians: Say, we are of no more credit and authority among the Romans (albeit we have been always their associates & friends) than the Aetolians be, who were their open enemies but the other day: Then, what right, what privilege and commerce, the Aetolians, the Thessalians, the Epitotes, and in one word, all Greece besides, have and use with the Macedonians, we also may have and hold the same. How is it then, that we alone like cursed and damned creatures, should thus practise to abandon the common law of men, (and as it were) renounce all human society. Be it, that Philip (when time was) did somewhat, and gave us just cause, armed as he was and ever warting upon us, to pass this decree and edict against him: what hath Perseus deserved? Perseus (I say) the new king, a harmless prince that never did us injury; nay, who is willing and seeketh by courtesies and good turns to cancel and raze out all former quarrels and enmities of his father:? why are we the only enemies that he hath in the world? And yet, I might full well and truly say, that from the former kings of Macedon we have received so great favours and benefits, that in regard thereof, we should put up and forget the wrongs of Philip alone (if haply he have done us any) at leastwise now after he is dead and his head laid. Indeed, at what time as the Roman fleet rid in the harbour of Cenchreae, and the Consul lay encamped with his army before Elatia, we sat in counsel three days together, debating & divising, Whether we should band with the Romans or side to Philip? And albeit the present fear of the Romans before our eyes, might have made us in our opinions to incline somewhat and lean toward them: yet there was something in it doubt less, that it was so long ere we could resolve: and to say a truth, it was the ancient acquaintance and amity that we had with the Macedonians, and the great benefits which in old time we had received from their kings. Why then, me thinks, those self same regards should be of some force and efficacy, to move us, if not to be their special & best friends, yet at least wise not to be their principal and greatest enemies. Let us not, Callicrates, make semblance and show of that, which we are not in hand withal, and is no point of this present question. There is no motive made of a new society; there is no person about to draw any capitulations of a new alliance, wherein we should rashly enwrap and entangle ourselves, and betied to any inconvenience. Only, let there be a mutual commerce between us, and an alternative intercourse of yielding and demanding right to and fro, as appertaineth; let us not by interdicting and forbidding them to enter and traffic within our country, debar ourselves likewise from all negotiation and dealing with them in their kingdom; that by this means our slaves may have no place of retreat and refuge to fly unto. And what prejudice is this to the Roman confederacy? Wherefore make we thus of a final thing & evident, so great a matter and suspicious? Wherefore raise we such troubles of nothing? Wherefore seek we to draw others into jealousy & hatred with the Romans, and all this, to find means of courting and flattering them? If there will be war, Perseus (ye may be sure) maketh no doubt, but that we altogether will follow the Romans: yet so long as the peace holdeth, surcease & suspend we in some sort our malice and hatred for the while; it ended for ever it may not be. When the same men who had consented to the king's letters before gave their accord now also to this propose, the chief and principal persons among them took great indignation and disdain, that Perseus should seem to demand and obtain that by a few lines in writing, which he deemed was not worth the sending an embassage. Whereupon the time was deserved and no decree passed at this Session. Afterwards were ambassadors addressed unto them from the king, at what time as a Diet was holden in Megalopolis: but the side which was for the Romans, and feared to give them occasion of displeasure and offence, did what they could to debar them of access and entrance into the Counsel. And much about this time, by reason of these jars, the Aetolians grew enraged among themselves, and by discharging their mutual fury in killing one another, had like to have brought the state to a final ruin and desolation. But being weary thereof, they in the end as well of the one side as the other, sent their Ambassadors to Rome, and also laboured at home to have the quarrel taken up, and to be made friends and reconciled together. Howbeit this was crossed by a new mischief that came between, which also rubbed the former gauls and fretted the old sores. For whereas certain Hypateans, exiled persons, & being of the faction of Proxenus, were promised liberty to return home again into their country, with safe conduct also granted by Eupolemus one of the chief & principal men of the city: so it was, that fourscore of them, men of mark and quality (whom to meet upon the way as they returned, Eupolemus himself went out with the multitude) after they had been friendly received with courteous greetings, salutations, and shaking of hands, had no sooner entered within the gate of the city but they were massacred, notwithstanding they pleaded the faithful promise of protection, and called the gods to witness, but all in vain. By this occasion the civil war between them waxed much hotter than before, and turned in the end to a light fire. Now there arrived C. Valerius Laevinus, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, C. Memmius, M. Popilius, and L. Canuteius, as sent from the Senate of Rome. Before these commissioners, the ambassadors from both factions appeared at Delphi, and debated the matter with great earnestness and vehamiencie, where Proxenus seemed to have the better hand as well in right of the cause, as through his eloquent tongue: Proxenus (I say) who within few days after, drank a cup of poison of his wives tempering, where of he died: and she condemned therefore, departed into exile. The like madness haunted the Candiots also and distracted them with intestine dissension. But upon the coming of Q. Mutius the lieutenant general, who was sent accompanied with a fleet of ten sail, to appease their debates, they sell to some terms of peace and atonement. There had been a truce also before of six months, but afterwards the war flamed out much more terrible. The Lycians likewise at the same time, were infested and plagued with war by the Rhodians. But my meaning is not, neither is it any part of my purpose, to describe the wars of sorreine nations, nor to discourse of the circumstances how they proceeded: for enough I have to do, and more than I can well discharge, to write the acts only of the people of Rome.  
The Celtiberians in Spain, who being subdued and tamed by force of arms, had submitted to Tib. Gracchus, remained quiet all the time that M. Titmius the praetor continued there in government. But immediately upon the arrival of Appius Claudius they revolted: and began to show themselves in open action of rebellion, by giving a sudden assault upon the Roman camp. It was about the break of day, when the sentinels upon the rampiat and Corpse de guard about the gates, might discover enemies coming a far off, and so they gave the alarm. Appius Claudius having put out the signal of battle; and in few words exhorted his soldiers to fight and play the men, led them forth at three gates at once. The Celtiberians made head and opposed their forces as they issued forth. At the first the skirmish was equal on both parts: for that by reason of the straits of the passage, all the Romans could not fight: but after that one had put forward another, and followed still apace, they were all at length gotten without the trench, so as they were able now to display their battaillons, & to confront their enemies from one point of their battle to the other, where with before they were environned: and then they made so forcible a sally upon them, that the Celtiberians were not able to endure their violence. For before the second hour of the day, they were discomfited and put back: and fifteen thousand of them either died in the place, or yielded their body's prisoners: two and thirty military ensigns they lost, and were turned out of the camp the same day: and here an end of that war. For as many as escaped the medley got them home to their own towns, and quietly afterwards bare the yoke of subjection.  
That year were created Censors, Q. Fulvius Flaccus & A. Posthumius Albinus: who made a revieu of Senators and chose new. For precedent of the Senate they elected M. Aemylius Lepidus the Archbishop. Nine they put out of the Senate-house. The principal persons noted and disgraced, were these, M. Cornelius Maluginensis, who two years before had been Praetor in Spain; L. Cornelius Scipio, Praetor for the time being, and L. chief justice of the common pleas, as well among citizens as aliens; and L. Fulvius, who was whole brother to the Censor himself, and as Valerius Antias reporteth, equal in degree of calling, and his fellow every way. The Consuls also after they had made their vows within the Capitol, went forth to their provinces. The one of them, (to wit, M. Aemylius) had in charge given him by the Senate, to appease the sedition of the Padoans in Venice, who as their ambassadors made report, by factious siding and partaking, were all on a fire with civil war.  
The ambassadors who were gone into Aetolia for to pacify the like troubles, brought word back, That it was not possible to bridle and refrain the furious rage of that nation. But the coming of the Consul made all whole among the Padoans and cured the malady: who having nothing else to do in the province, returned to Rome.  
These Censors were the first that caused the streets of Rome to be paved with hard flint and pebble stone within the city; and the high ways and causeys without to be raised with gravel, and the sides thereof to be well banked and kept in reparations: also bridges to be made in divers places: a scaffold besides for the Aediles and Praetors to behold the games & plays. Moreover, the barriers in the race, from whence the horses begin to run, & the [Ovales] to mark and score up the number of courses *** Over and besides the goles, beyond *** the iron grates and cages *** and at the feasts in the mount Alban for the Consuls. They took order besides all this, for the paving with flint of the cliff or descent from the Capitol, and from the gallery or porch before the temple of Saturn looking toward the Capitol, unto the place called Senaculum, and the court Hostilia above it. Also the merchant's hall or burse without the gate Tergemina they paved with stone, and fenced it about with strong stakes and posts of wood. The gallery also Aemylia they caused to be repaired; and made an ascent by stairs from the Tiber to the burse or merchant's hall aforesaid. Without the same gate also, they paved with pebble stone the gallery or walking place into the Aventine *** from the temple of Venus. The same Censors bargained for the making of walls about Calatia and Oxymum: and having made sale of some public edifices there, they employed the money raised thereof, in making of shops and stalls round about both the market places. The one of them, that is to say, M. Fulvius, (for Posthumius said plainly, that unless it were by virtue either of an act of the Senate, or grant of the people of Rome, he would put forth no works to be made with dispense of their money) agreed upon a price for the building of a temple to jupiter at Pisaurum and at Fundi: also to make a conduit, for water to be conveyed to Pollentia; and at Pisaur 'em for a way to be paved, and Sinuessa *** In these colonies, he caused also a sink or vault to be made about them, to carry away all filthiness into the river: also the market place to be enclosed with porches, galleries, and shops; and three stately halls called jani, with quarrefours or four thoroughfares, and as many fronts. For these works, one of the Consuls disbursed the money, and bargained with the Publicans and undertakers. In which regard, the inhabitants of those colonies abovenamed, gave his great thanks. These Censors were likewise severe and precise in exercising their office, for the redressing and reformation of men's manners: for many gentlemen had their horses of service taken from them, which were allowed them by the city.  
A little before the years end, there was a solemn procession holden one whole day for the happy achievement of the affairs in Spain, under the conduct and good fortune of Appius Claudius the Proconsul; and twenty head of great beasts were killed in sacrifice. And the morrow after they went in another procession with supplications, at the temples of Ceres, Liber, and Libera: for that there was reported from the Sabines country, a mighty earthquake, which overturned many houses.  
After that Appius Caludius was returned out of Spain to Rome, the Senate ordiened, that he should enter the city with the pomp of an Ovation. And now approached the time for the election of new Consuls. Much a do there was and hard hold at this assembly, by reason of the multitude of competitors: but in the end, L. Posibumius Albinus and M. Popilius Laenas, were elected Consuls: which done, the Pretours also were created, to wit, Cn. Fabius Buteo, M. Matienus, C. Cicercius, M. Furius Crasipes, A. Attilius Serranus, and C. Cluvius Saxula, these three last rehearsed, the second time.  
This business and solemnity finished, Ap. Claudius Cento entering with Ovant pomp into the city for his victory of the Celtiberians, brought into the common treasury 10000 pound weight of silver, and five thousand of gold. Cn. Cornelius was consecrated the Flamine of jupiter.  
The same year there was set up a painted table in the temple of the goddess Matuta with this inscription, UNDER THE CONDUCT AND HAPPY GOVERNMENT OF TIE. SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS, CONSUL, THE LEGION AND ARMY OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME, SUBDUED SARDINIA. IN WHICH PROVINCE, THERE WERE SLAIN AND TAKEN PRISONERS EIGHTY THOUSAND ENEMIES. WHICH GRACCHUS (AFTER HE HAD MANAGED THE AFFAIRS OF STATE MOST FORTUNATELY, DELIVERED MANY CAPTIVES OUT OF BONDAGE, AND RECOVERED THE TRIBUTES AND CUSTOMS TO THE COMMONWEAL) BROUGHT HOME WITH HIM. HIS ARMY SAFE AND SOUND, CHARGED WITH AN EXCEEDING RICH ECOTIE, AND REENTERED THE CITY OF ROME, IN A SECOND TRIUMPH. IN MEMORIAL OF WHICH EXPLOIT, HE CAUSED THIS TABLE TO BE SET UP AS A PRESENT IN THE HONOUR OF JUPITER.  
Now this table contained the portraiture of the Island Sardinia, and the picture also and resemblance of sundry battles. Moreover, in this year were represented to the people certain pastimes and shows of sword-players, whereof some were small and of no account: but one above the rest, exhibited by T. Flaminius, surpassed. And this he did in honour of his father deceased; with a dole of flesh among the people, a great public feast besides, and stage-plays for four days together. But the principal matter in this festival solemnity, was this, That in three days space there fought at utterance with unrebated swords, threescore and fourteen champions.   

THE XLII. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the two and fortieth Book.  
FYlvius Flaccus the Censor uncovered the roof of the church of juno Lacinia, which was selated with marble, and all to cover a temple which he had dedicated. But by an act of the Senate he was forced to bestow the sclates there again. Eumenes the king of Asia complained in the Senate, of Perseus' king of Macedon. His inimies done to the people of Rome are here reported: for the which, defiance was sent, and war proclaimed against him. P. Licinius Crassus the Consul, unto whom the province of Macedon was assigned, passed over thither, and in certain light expeditions, fought sundry battles with Perseus in Thessaly, all by horse-service, but with bad success. The Senate appointed a day of bearing between Masanissa and the Carthaginians, touching the territory in question. Ambassadors were sent in the associate cities and States, and to the confederate kings, to request them to continue loyal and fast in friendship, by reason that the Rhodians stood in doubtful terms. The censors took a review and numbered the citizens of Rome, wherein were enroled in the subsidy books 257231. Moreover, this book containeth the fortunate exploits against the Islanders of Corsica and the Ligurians.  
AFter that L. Posthumius Albinus and M. Popilius Laenas the Consuls, had before all other things proposed unto the Senate as touching the government of the provinces and conduct of the armies, ordained it was, that Liguria should be the charge as well of the one of them as the other. Also that both of them should levy new legions, (and two apiece they were allowed to have) therewith to defend the said province & keep it in obedience, besides ten thousand footmen and six hundred horse of Latin allies. Moreover, to enroll three thousand foot, and two hundred horsemen of Romans for a supply in Spain. Last of all, commanded they were to priest fifteen hundred footmen and a hundred horse of Roman citizens: with which strength, that praetor unto whom Sardinia fell, should pass over into Corsica, there to war, and M. Attilius the old praetor, in mean time to see unto the government of Sardinia. This done, the Pretours went to cast lots for their provinces. A. Attilius Serranus had the place of lord chief justice within the city, and C. Cluvius Saxul the jurisdiction between citizens and foreigners. Unto Cn. Faebius Buteo fell the higher Spain, to M. Matienus the lower. M. Furius Crassipes was to govern Sicily, and C. Ciciretus Sardinia.  
Before that these magistrates took their journey, the Senate was of advice, that L. Posthumius the Consul should go into Campaine, for to limit out the citie-lands apart from the grounds of private persons: for that it was seen and known, that particular men setting out their bounds & encroaching by little & little upon the Commons, inprocesse of time held a great part of it in their own possession. This Cos. was angry & offended with the Praenestines, for that upon a time when he went thither amongst them (in quality then of a private person) to offer sacrifice in the temple of Fortune, they did him no honour neither in public nor private. Whereupon, before he departed now from Rome, he addressed his letters before him to Praeneste, that the chief magistrate should come and meet him upon the way, provide him a lodging at their cities charges, and at his departure from thence, to see that there were sumpter horses and beasts of carriage ready for him. Now before this man's Consulship, the magistrates of Rome had never been chargeable to their allies not put them to cost for any thing whatsoever: and therefore allowed they were from the city their mules, set out they were with tents and pavilions, and all other furniture and provision for the wars, to the end that they should not lay upon the allies any such burden. Private lodging they had in friends houses, which they entertained courteously and liberally with reciprocal hospitality. For at Rome likewise their houses were open to receive those hosts of theirs, with whom they were wont before to have kind usage, and who had bidden them welcome. In like manner, ambassadors (if they were sent by chance to any place of a sudden) imposed upon the towns and cities through which they were to pass, one sumpter horse only; to farther expense were no allies put for any Roman magistrates. This revenge of the Consul for a discourtesy offered, (due and just though it were, yet not to have been exercised during his magistracy) and the silence of the Prenestines (proceeding either of too much modesty or overgreat fear) gave occasion to the magistrates ever since to take it for a privilege and custom to do the semblable, yea and to charge their allies with more grievous impositions every day than other in the same kind, as if the precedent example had been approved.  
In the beginning of this year, the ambassadors who had been sent into Aetolia and Macedon, made report, That they might not come to the speech of K. Perseus, for that some said he was absent; others, that he was sick; and the one as false, as the other was untrue: howbeit, they might evidently perceive and see, that preparation was made for war, and that he would delay no longer, but enter into arms. In like sort they related, that in Aetolia the civil dissension and sedition grew daily more and more, neither could the chieftains of these factions discords be repressed and held in awe by their countenance and authority.  
As the city of Rome was amused upon the continual expectancy of the Macedonian war, before any enterprise thereof begun, thought good it was and requisite, that order first should be taken for the expiation of prodigies, and the pacification of the gods, by way of humble prayers, such as were represented and delivered unto them out of the fatal books of Sibylla. For at Lanuvium were seen, as the common voice went, certain shows and resemblances of a mighty great navy. Item, At Privernum there grew black wool out of the earth. Also in the Veientian territory, near a town called Remens', it reigned stones. Moreover, all the country Pomptinum was overcast (as it were) with clouds of Locusts, and within the land of Gallia, there were seen certain fishes to leap from under the clots of earth, that were turned with the plough as it took stitch and made furrow. For these strange and fearful sights, the foresaid books were looked into and perused, and out of them the Decemvirs declared & pronounced, both unto what gods sacrifice should be offered, and what beast were to be slain therefore: moreover, that the one supplication should be holden, as propitiatory for those prodigious tokens, as also the other, which the year before had been vowed for the health of the people, should now be performed, and holidays kept therefore. So the sacrifices were accomplished according to the order and form set down in writing by the Decemvirs.  
The very same year was the church of juno Lacinia uncovered, upon this occasion: Q. Fulvius Flaccus the Censor was building of a temple to Fortuna equestris, which he had vowed during the war against the Celtiberians, when he was lord praetor in Spain. His desire and earnest endeavour was to strain himself, that there might not be in Rome a temple of more state and magnificence than this. And supposing that it would be a great beauty and ornament unto it, in case the roof were covered with tiles of marble, he went into the Brutians country, and there he was so bold with the church abovesaid of juno Licinia, as to until the one half thereof, making full account, that so much would served for to cover that temple which he was a building. Boats and barges he had ready for to receive and carry away the said tiles or sclates, without being impeached or controlled for this sacrilege by the allies, whom he held in awe and frighted by his Censorian authority. Now after the Censor was returned to Rome, those marble sclates were disbarked out of the foresaid vessels, and conveyed to the temple. And albeit no words were made from whence they came, yet concealed it could not be. And hereupon arose much muttering in the Senate, and from all parts thereof they called hard upon the Consuls, to have the matter put to question and debated of. The Censor was sent for, who was no sooner entered into the Senate, but both all in general, and also every one in particular had a fling at him, and much more sharply reproached him to his face in these terms, That he could not be content to abuse and violate the most holy and stately church in those parts, which neither Pyrrhus nor Hannibal ever offered violence unto, unless he uncovered it also in foul sort, and in manner laid it ruinate. The lantern thereof was taken away and gone, the rouse left bare and naked, exposed and open to rain and soul weather, and thereby subject to rot: that he being chosen Censor for to reform the manners of other; to whom it appertained by his office (after the ancient manner and custom) to see that the temples were close and covert; to call upon, that all public places be kept wind-tight and water-tight, and in sufficient repair: that he (I say) of all others should range over the cities of allies and confederate States, pulling down their temples as he goeth, and uncovering the roases of the sacred edifices, and in demolishing the churches of the immortal gods, commit that, which if he did but practise upon the private houses of allies, might seem an unworthy act and a great indignity: and finally, by rearing one temple with the ruin of another, oblige the people of Rome with the very guilt of his own crime: as if (iwis) the immortal gods were not the same in all places, but that we must honour and adorn some of them with the spoil of others. Now as it was apparent (before the matter was put to the censure of the Senate) which way the LL. inclined in opinion: so immediately upon the proposing thereof, they all opined and gave one sentence, That order should be taken with the publicans of the city works, for the carrying back again of the same sclates to the former temple, and that certain propitiatory sacrifices should be offered for the pacification of juno. As for all ceremonies requisite toward the divine service aforesaid, they were with all compliments performed accordingly: but the farmers who had undertaken at a price to recarie those tiles, brought word that they had landed them in the churchyard, and there left them, because they might not meet with any workman, who could devise with all the skill & cunning he had, how to bestow them as they were laid and couched before.  
Of those Pretours who were gone into their provinces, M. Fabius as he was in his journey toward high Spain, died at Massiles by the way: and therefore upon intelligence given thereof by the Massilian ambassadors, the Senate ordained that P. Furius and Cn. Servilius, whom to succeed others were to be sent, should cast lost between themselves, whether of them should continue still in government, and have the charge of high Spain. And the lot fell out very well and fit, that the said P. Furius who had ruled the said province before, should there remain.  
The same year, by occasion that a good part of the Ligutians and Gauls territory won by conquest, lay void and was not as yet in the tenor and occupation of any man, there passed an Act of the Senate, that it should be divided by the poll. So, A. Attilius the L. chief justice of the city of Rome, by virtue of a decree granted out of the Senate, created ten Decemvirs or commissioners for that purpose, to wit, M. Aemylius Lepidus, C. Cassius, T. Ebutius Parrus, C. Tremellius, P. Cornelius Cethegus, I and L. both named Apulius, M. Caecilius, C. Salonius, and C. Munatius. To every Roman citizen they set out ten acres apiece: and to the Latin allies three.  
About the same time that these affairs passed at Rome, there arrived thither ambassadors out of Aetolia, about their own civil discords and seditions. Likewise there came others from Thessaly, reporting what was a doing in Macedon. For Perseus (casting now in his mind how to compass that war, which during his father's life he devised and thought upon) endeavoured to draw and win unto him not only all the nations but the cities of Greece, by sending his embassages among them, and promising liberally more than he performed. Howbeit the hearts of the most part were inclined to him and favoured his designs, yea and much more affectionate than to king Eumenes: notwithstanding that all the States of Greece, and most of the principal personages were obliged unto Eumenes, & in fee as it were with him, in regard of many courtesies and gracious favours received at his hands: and that he carried himself so in his own realm, that the cities which were subject unto him, were not willing to change their condition with any of the free States whatsoever. Whereas chose, the bruit went, that Perseus after his father's decease, killed his wife with his own hands: and likewise secretly murdered Apelles, whose ministry and service in former time he had used in taking away the life of his brother Demetrius: for which cause he lived in exile, because Philip made search after him for to have him punished accordingly; him (I say) he murdered, after he had sent for him upon his father's death, and procured him to come unto him, with great promises to recompense him highly for the execution of the foresaid fact. Yet as infamous & spotted as he was with these domestical murders (besides many other massacres of strangers abroad) and for no good part and worthy desert otherwise commendable; he was commonly more esteemed & better regarded of the States of the country than king Enmenes, a prince so kind and good to his kinsfolk, so just and righteous to his subjects, so bounteous and respective to all men; whether it were that they, possessed aforehand with the same and majesty of the Macedonian kings, despised the rising of this new kingdom; or that they were desirous of novelties and alterations; or lastly, that they wished and had a desire that he should make head against the Rumanes.  
Now were not the Aetolians only together by the ears among themselves, by reason they were dived so deep in debt, but the Thessalians also: and this pestilent malady as it were by catching and infection, was spread as far as Perrhoebia. But after that the Senate was advertised that the Thessalians had taken arms, they sent App. Claudius as ambassador to see and appease those troubles: who having rebuked and chastifed the chieftains of both sides, eased and stricken off a great part of the debt, which grew burdensome and grievous by excess usury, and that with consent of the most of the creditors, who had thus overcharged their debtors, he parted the payment of the due debt and principal, by even portions for certain years. The troublesome state of Perrhoebia likewise was reduced into good terms of quietness, by the selfsame Appius, and after the same order. And at the very same instant Marcellus visited the Aetolians, and took knowledge at Delphi of their troubles and garboils which proceeded from very hostile hearts and minds, enemielike, and were pursued with civil war. And when he saw that they contended and strove a-vie to surpass one another in rash courses and audacious; he would by his decree neither charge nor discharge the one party more than the other: but he requested them indifferently on both sides, to abstain from war, to make an end of discord and dissension, and bury all that was passed in perpetual oblivion. Whereupon they were reconciled: & this their atonement was ratified with the assurance of pledges interchangeably given: and accorded it was, they should meet at Corinth, there to bestow their hostages. From Delphi and that general diet of Aetolia, Marcellus crossed the seas into Peloponnesus, where he had appointed and published a solemn assembly and counsel of the Achaens. Wherein he highly praised and commended the whole nation, for observing so steadfastly their old decree, whereby they debarred and excluded the Macedonian kings out of their confines, he declared evidently & presented to the view of all the world, what malice & hatred the Romans bore to Perseus. And that it might break out the sooner into open wars, king Eumenes came to Rome, and brought with him a note or abstract of all the preparations for the war, which with diligent search and inquire into particulars, he had gathered.  
Much about the same time, the five Ambassadors sent unto king Perseus for to see into the affairs of Macedon, were commanded to take a voyage as far as Alexandria, for to renew the old amity with king Ptolomaeus. The names of them were these, C. Valerius, Cn. Lutatius Cerco, I. Baebius Sulca, M. Cornelius Mammula, and M. Caecilius Denter. And even then or not much after, there came ambassadors from king Antiochus: and the chief & principal person among them, one Apolonius, was admitted to come into the Senate, where he excused the K. his master for many good & just reasons, in that he had not sent his tribute and made payment so soon as he ought by the day appointed: but now (he said) that he had brought it all, to the end that the king should be to them beholden for nothing but the respite of time only. And besides, that they were come with a present of certain plate of gold, weighing three hundred pound. That the king his petition was, That the society and friendship which had been contracted between his father and them, might be renewed also with him: promising, that if the people of Rome would impose anything upon him to be done, which were meet to be laid upon a good and faithful ally, he would not sail in his devoir to perform all offices whatsoever. For why, the Senate had so well deserved of him, at what time as he sojourned in Rome, and such courtesy he sound among the flower of the Roman young gentlemen, that of all degrees and sorts of men, he was reputed and used more like a king indeed, than an hostage for the time. These ambassadors received a gracious answer: and withal, A. Attilius the praetor of the city was enjoined to renew the league with Antiochus, which had been concluded with his father. As for the tribute, the treasurers of the city received it: and the Censors took all the golden vessels aforesaid, who had the charge to bestow the same in what temples they thought good. Unto the chief ambassador was sent a present in money, amounting to the sum of one hundred thousand Asses: who also was allowed an house to lodge in at his pleasure of freecost: and all his charges were defrayed by the city, during the time that he made abode in Italy. The ambassadors who had been in Syria, gave this report of him, That he was a man in great favour and highly honoured with the king: and besides, singularly well affected to the people of Rome. Now concerning the affairs of the provinces for that year, thus much as followeth.  
C. Cicercius the praetor fought in ranged battle with the enemies in Corsica, wherein seven thousand of the Islanders were slain: and 1700 and better taken prisoners. In that conflict the praetor had vowed to build the chapel of juno Moneta. After this, was peace granted to the Corsians at their own suit and seeking: but they were compelled to pay two hundred thousand pound weight of wax. Cicerius having thus subdued Corsica, passed from thence over into Sardinia. A field also was fought in Liguria, within the territory of the Statellates, near the town Caristus: for thither assembled a great army of the Ligurians. At first upon the arrival of M. Popilius the Consul, they kept close within the walls: but afterwards seeing the Romans at the point to give assault and to lay battery to the walls, they issued forth of the gates and embattled themselves. The Consul for his part for slowed not to come to handfight, the only thing he sought for in threatening to give assault. The medley continued above 3 hours, and the hope of victory hung in equal balance: which when the Cos. perceived, namely, how the Ligurian ensigns removed not and gave no ground; he commanded his cavalry to mount on horseback, and to charge with all their force and violence upon their enemies in three several places: many of these horsemen pierced quite through the midst of the battle, and passed so far, that they charged the enemies upon the back as they fought, Whereupon the Ligurians were much terrified, and began to fly from all parts: very few retired back into the city, by reason that the horsemen made head against them that way most: besides, many of the Ligurians were left dead in the place, such was their resolute persistence in fight: killed also they were every where as they fled. Ten thousand (by report) fell upon the edge of the sword, above seven hundred taken prisoners in one place or other, and 82 military ensigns were carried away. And yet was not this victory without effusion of Roman blood: for there died of them not so few as three thousand soldiers, by reason that the foremost of both sides fought so manfully in the forefront, and while they would not give ground one to the other, were stricken down and slain without mercy. After this battle, the Ligurians rallied themselves into one place, out of all parts where they were scattered in the rout; and seeing that more of their men were lost than left behind (for in all they were not above ten thousand) they yielded simply without any composition: howbeit in good hope they were, that the Consul would not deal worse by them nor in more rigorous manner than other Generals before him. But he disarmed them all, razed their town, sold their bodies and all that they had, and sent letters to the Senate of these exploits of his. Which when A. Attilius the praetor had read in the Senate, (for the other Consul Posthumius was absent, by occasion that he was employed in the survey and visiting of the lands in Campania) they thought it a very hard and cruel course, that the Statellates, who only of all the Ligurians had not borne arms against the Romans, who were then assailed first when as they began not of their own accord to make war, who also put themselves into the protection of the Romans, should be thus rigorously entreated, thus some, dismembered and consumed in most cruel manner: that so many thousand of frank condition, innocent persons, and imploring the mercy of the Romans, should be thus sold outright, (a most dangerous example, that never hereafter any one will venture to submit himself again:) and finally, that they should be distracted and carried away into all parts, to live in slavery under them, who having been sometimes processed enemies of the Romans, now enjoy peace and repose. In regard hereof, there passed and arrest or act of the Senate, that M. Popilius the Consul should pay back the price unto the buyers, and restore the Ligurians to their former liberty; to take order also that their goods (as much as possibly might be recovered) should be rendered unto them: also that armour should be made in that nation with all speed possible, and that the Consul so soon as he had re-established the Ligurians (upon their submission) in their former estate, should depart out of the province; for as much as the honour of victory consisted not in exercising cruelty upon the poor and afflicted, but in vanquishing the obstinate. But the Consul, as he bore himself proud and cruel against the Ligurians, so he showed as great frowardness and disobedience to the Senat. And having sent away the legions to winter in Pisae, he returned to Rome, carrying a sell and angry stomach against the LL. and as spiteful and malicious a mind to the praetor: where immediately he assembled the Senate in the temple of Bellona, and rattled up the praetor in broad and gross terms. For that he, whose part it had been to have moved the Senate for thanksgiving to the immortal gods, in regard of the happy achievement of the wars, instead there of passed and act of the Senate against him and in favour of the enemies, for to put him by his victory and to give it away from him to the Ligurians; and finally being no better than a praetor, would have had the Consul yielded in manner up into their hands. Whereupon he said that he would be so bold as set a fine on his head: and withal, he required the LL. of the Senate to command and ordain, That the arrest devised against him might be reversed; and to give order, that the processions which in his absence they ought to have decreed (upon his letters sent of his good success) might now be holden; in consideration first of the honour due to the immortal gods, and then respectively in some measure for his own desert. But after he was checked by some of the Senators to his face, and that in no milder terms than he had been rebuked in his absence, he went his ways into his province again, and obtained neither the one suit nor the other.  
The other Consul Posthumius having spent the whole summer in surveying the lands only, and never so much as seen his own province, returned to Rome against the general assembly for election, and created Consuls C. Popilius Laenas. Consequently were Praetors elected, to wit, C. Licinius Crassus, M. junius Paenus, Sp. Lucretius, Sp. Cluvius, Cn. Sicinius, and C. Memius, the second time. In that year was holden a review of the city and the number taken of citizens, (when as Q. Fulvius Flaccus and L. Posthumius Albinus were Censors:) wherein were found and enroled of Roman citizens 269015. The number was somewhat the less, by reason that L. Posthumius the Consul had proclaimed in a public audience, That no person of those Latin allies who were to return into their own cities (by virtue of an edict made when C. Claudius was Consul) should be enroled into the subsidy book at Rome, but every man in his several city. This Censorship was administered with concord and unity, yea and to the good and profit of the commonweal. What Senators soever they deposed from their place and dignity, and so many gentlemen of Rome as they took their horses from, they made them all no better than contributaries to pay all skot and lot, yea and displaced them out of their tribes. And look whomsoever the one of them noted with disgrace and ignominy, he was not relieved nor allowed again by the other. This Fulvius dedicated the temple of 
The fortune of 〈◊〉.  Fortuha equeslris, now six years after he had vowed the same in a battle which he fought with the Celtiberians, at what time as he was Proconsul in Spain: likewise the exhibited the stageplays for four days together, and one day in the cirque or shewplace. Corn. Lentulus (a Decemvir for the holy rites and sacrifices) that year died; in whose room was substituted A. Posthumius Albinus. There were such mighty drifts and clouds as it were of locusts, brought suddenly at once by a wind from the sea into Apulia, that with their swarms they overspread all the field far and near. For the riddance of which noisome vermin consuming the fruits of the earth, Cn. Sicinius, praetor elect, was sent with his full commission of command into Apulia, who assembled a mighty number of people for to gather them up, and employed a great time thereabout.  
In the beginning of the year ensuing, wherein C. Popilius and P. Aelius were Consuls, the remnant of the debates which arose the year before, was set on foot again. The LL. of the Senate would have had the matter proposed & debated again as touching the Ligurians, and the ordinance of the Senate in that behalf renewed. But, as Aelius the one Consul put up a bill thereof, so Popilius the other was an earnest suitor, and besought both his colleague and also the Senate in the behalf of his brother; nay he proceeded so far, that he gave the house to understand, in case they went about any such decree prejudicial unto him, he would cross & revoke the same: by which countenance of his he affrighted his colleague; but the LL. were offended so much the more and stormed against both the Consuls, yea and persisted still in their enterprise. And therefore when it was debated in counsel as concerning the provinces, albeit the Coss. made means to be sent into Macedon (because the war of Perseus was so near at hand) yet Liguria was assigned to both of them: for the LL. protested and said, That they would not pass a decree for the government of Macedon, unless the case of Popilius were propounded, and an act thereof entered. Afterwards, when they demanded a warrant to enrol new armies, or at leastwise to levy a supply for making up the old, both the one motion and the other was denied. The Praetors also, who required to have a supplement with them into Spain, had a nay: and namely, M. Tinius into the hither province, and P. Lucretius into the fatther. As for C. Licinius Crassus, to him there fell by lot the jurisdiction within the city over citizens, and to Cn. Sicinius that other over foreigners, C. Memmius was allotted to Sicily, and Sp. Cluvius to Sardinia. The Consuls for these causes being highly offended and angry with the Senate, caused the Latin feasts and holidays to be published against the very first day that possibly they might, with an intimation that they would go strait into their province, and not attend the managing of any affairs touching the State, but only that which directly pertained to their government.  
Valerius Antias writeth, that in these Consul's year, Attalus the brother of K. Eumenes came in embassage to Rome, to inform criminous matter against Perseus, and to give the particulars of the preparation that he made for war. But the Annals of many other writers (more worthy of credit than he) deliver unto us, that K. Eumenes presented himself in proper person: where he was received with such honour, as the people of Rome thought not only meet and agreeable for his deserts, but also fit and surable to their own favours and benefits, which they had in ample manner conferred and in great number heaped upon him. And then he had audience given him in the Senate, where he showed the cause of his coming to Rome what it was; namely, 
The oration of Eumenes.  (besides and servant desire that he had to see those gods and men, by whose grace and favour he enjoyed so good estate, as better he durst not wish:) because he gladly would advertise the Senate by word of mouth, to prevent and withstand the designs of Perseus. And beginning his speech with the platforms and enterprises of Philip, he recounted withal, how it cost his soon Demetrius his life, for that he stood against the war with the Romans: moreover, how he had caused the whole nation of the Bastarians to quit their own country where they were born and bred, to the end, that by their aid he might pass over into Italy: but whiles (quoth he) these matters he projected and cast in his head, his time was come, and arrested he was by death: but he left his kingdom to him, whom he knew to be the most despiteous enemy that the Romans had. And therefore Perseus having received this war (as a man would say) by way of inheritance left him by his father even together with the crown & sceptre, from the very first day of his reign, doth nought else but entertain, foster, and promote the same, by all the means and devises that possibly he can. Mighty and puissant he is besides in number of young, lusty, and able men for service, who during the time of long peace have sprung up and multiplied exceedingly. In wealth and riches a great potentate he is, and besides in his flourishing years and the best time of his age which as it is accompanied with the very strength and vigour of his body, so his spirit and mind is enured and hardened with skilful experience and long practise of martial seats. For from his very infancy nuzzled hath he been in the field and camp, conversing ordinarily within the royal tent and pavilion of his father, acquainted with the wars, not only waged against neighbour nations, but also against the Romans; and that which more is, employed by his father in many and sundry expeditions and executions of service. But since that himself entered upon the kingdom, and swayed the regal sceptre in his own hand, he hath exploited and accomplished many things with mervellous felicity and success, which his father Philip before him could never compass and effect, notwithstanding he tried and assayed all means, as well of open force as secret sraud. To augment this greatness of his, he hath purchased already that authority and reputation in the world, which others hardly in continuance of long time, and by many favours and ample benefits attain unto: and namely, throughout the States of Greece and Asia, all men reverence his majesty. For what good turns, for what pleasures done, for what bounty of his they should thus do and honour him so much, neither see I, neither can I say for certainty; whether it happen by a special gift and fortune that he hath of his own, or that (which I am myself afraid to speak) it be the deep malice and hatred which he hath conceived against the Romans, which is the cause that he is of that countenance and so gracious among them. Nay, with the very kings and princes of other nations he is highly esteemed & of passing authority. The daughter of Seleucus he hath taken to wife, without any suit of his own, but being earnestly wooed and requested thereunto. And to Prusias he hath given his own sister in marriage, after much seeking and instant entreaty. These two weddings were solemnised with the exceeding joy and innumerable presents of infinite embassages: and whould be present to celebrate the Auspexes and compliments, yea, and give those spouses in marriage, but the noblest and most renowned States that were? The Baeotian nation had been much solicited by Philip, yet could never be induced to draw or pen any covenants of accord and amity with him: but now there is to be seen a league engrossed, yea, and engraven in three several conspicuous places, the one in Thebes, a second at Sidenum, within a most holy, sacred and renowned temple, and the third at Delphi. What should I speak of the general counsel of the Achaeans? wherein, had not the design been dashed by some there in place, who intimated and alleged hard the signory and empire of the Romans, it would have gone very hard, but that he should have serfoot even within Achaea. But chose, I assure you, my due and deserved honours (unto whom it is hard to say, whether they be more bounden and obligued for private pleasures or public benefits) are either forlet through reckless difuse and negligence, or else annulled and abolished of wilful malice and hostile hatred. As for the Aetolians, who knoweth not, that in their civil broils and feditions, they sought to Perseus for relief and succour, and not to the Romans? Being thus upheld with societies and amities, he hath provided such furniture of his own, and made that preparation for war at home, as he needs none from abroad. Of himself he is thirty thousand strong in foot, and five thousand in horse. For ten years he is stored with corn aforehand, so as for that kind of purveiance he may spare his own territories, and also forbear his enemies. As for money in ready coin, he hath such abundance, that over and above the forces of natural Macedonians, he wageth ten thousand mercenary soldiers, and hath wherewith to make due pay for as many years, besides the yearly customs and profits that atise out of the king's mines. Now for armour, he hath gathered together into his arcenals and armouries, sufficient to furnish three such armies. What should I speak of the youth and serviceable men for war? Set the case that Macedon failed him and were not able to find enough; all Thrace is subject unto him, from whence he may serve his turn as out of an ever-running fountain and lively spring. The rest of his speech he knit up with an exhortation in this manner. I relate not these things (quoth he) my LL. of Rome, as blown abroad and vented by headless hearsay and doubtfuli rumours; neither have I been so ready to believe them, as a man desirous that such criminous imputations should be verified upon my enemy; but as undoubted and certain reports upon mine own knowledge, as if I had been sent by you of special purpose to be aspie: and declared that and no more, which I had seen with mine eyes and not otherwise. Neither would I have left mine own realm, wherein (by your means & goodness) in glorious and magnificent State I sit warm enough, for to sail over so large a sea as I have done, & to carry vain tales and untruths to you, thereby to crack my credit with you for ever hereafter. But I tell you, these eyes of mine have seen the most renowned and noblest cities of Asia and Greece, discovering more and more from day to day, what they intent and what their meaning is: who, if they be let alone and permitted to run on as they begin, would be engaged so far, as they might not possibly return again and save themselves by any repentance. Beheld I have Perseus (I say) how he containeth not within the realm of Macedon, but one while seizeth upon this by force of arms, anotherwhile gaineth and getteth that by favour and good will, which with violence he could never have conquered. I perceived and considered well how unequal the match and condition is, whiles he upon you prepareth war, and you again perform to him security of peace. Although in my conceit, and so far as I could see into it, he made no more any preparation thereof, but was already upon action and execution. For he chased Abrupolis, a confederate prince and friend of yours, forth of his kingdom. And Arietarus the Illyrian, another of your associates and allies, he killed outright, because he found that he had written some letters unto you. As for Eversa and Caellicrates, both Thebans, and two principal States of that city, for no other reason, but because in a parliament of the Baeotians, they had spoken their mind against him too frankly, and avowed that they would repeat unto you what things had passed, he caused to be made away and murdered. The Bizantines he succoured against the order taken in the accord: upon Dolopia he levied war: Thessaly and Doris both he invaded and overran with his army, to the end, that in some intestine and civil war, by the help of the worse part he might afflict and plague the better. He shuffled all together, and made a very confusion of the State in Thessaly and Perrhaebia, upon the hope of canceling all bonds and crossing out all debt books; that thus by a power and multitude of bankrupts, such as were over-deeply engaged, and whom he had obligued and bound to himself, he might depress and oppress the great men and principal personages. Having wrought these practice uncontrolled, whiles you sit still looking on and suffering all, he seeing you to let him do with Greece what he list, maketh full account, that no man will put on arms and make head against him, before he be passed over into Italy. How safe this may be for you, nay how this can stand with credit and honesty, see you to that and be advised. For myself, I assure you, I thought it a mere shame and very villainy, that Perseus your enemy should enter into Italy to make war upon you, before that I, your friend and ally, came to give you warning for to take heed and stand upon your guard. Now since I have in this manner performed my devoir, done that office which I was bound unto of necessity, and in some measure acquit myself and discharged my bounden duty and obligation of fidelity; what remaineth more behind for me to do, but to be your beadsman to all the gods and goddesses, to vouchsafe you that grace, that you may provide both for your own Commonweal; and also for us your friends and allies, who depend wholly and only upon you? In this last speech he came near unto the LL. of the Senate, and touched them to the quick. But for the present no man might know any thing, but only that the king had been in the Senate, so silent were they all, and kept the counselhouse close shut with secrecy. But after the war was brought to an end, than came abroad, both what the king spoke, and what answer was returned to him again.  
Some few days after, the Senate sat to give audience unto the ambassadors of king Perscus': but having their minds and ears both, possessed aforehand by king Eu●nenes, all the defence that the ambassadors made, and all the entreaty they used, was rejected. Besides, the stoutness used by Harpalus (the principal person of the embassy) moved their patience and exasperated their stomachs. For he said, that indeed the king's desire and endeavour, to be credited and believed in his Apology and defence, That he neither had said nor done any thing founding to hostility: mary, in case he perceived and saw, that they came upon him thus, and would needs pick quarrels and give occasions of war, he would stand upon his guard, and defend himself with a resolute and valiant courage. For the hazard of the field was common, and the issue of war uncertain. Now, all the cities of Greece and Asia both, would rather than their lives have known what the ambassadors of Perseus, and what Eumenes had done in the Senate: for in regard of his coming, most of the states (supposing verify that he would stir coals and make lome work) had sent their ambassadors to Rome, pretending colourably other matters in semblance but indeed to listen after news: and among the rest, was the embassage of the Rhodians, and the chief thereof was one satires, who made no question nor doubt, but that Eumenes had done their errand, and put their city and Perseus together in all the criminal matters laid to his charge. And therefore he made all the means that possibly he could by the meditation of patrons, friends, and acquaintance, to debate the matter with king Eumenes before the body of the Senate: which when he had obtained, his tongue walked at large, and overbold he was and too round with the king, in broad invectives and intempe rate terms: namely, that he had solicited and stirred up the nation of the Lycians against the Rhodians, & was an heavier friend unto Asia than Anttochus had been. Which speech of his as it was palusible enough & pleasing to the States of Asia (for they likewise by this time inclined to affect and favour Perseus) so it was unsaverie altogether and odious to the Senate, and nothing profitable to themselves and their city, But contratriwise, this banding and conspiracy against Eumenes, won him the more grace and favour among the Romans; so as they did him all the honour they could, gave him most rich and costly presents, and endowed him with a curule chair of estate, and a staff or sceptre, both of ivory.  
After these embassages had their dispatch and were dismissed, Harpalus returned into Macedon in all speed and hast possible, relating unto the king, how he had left the Romans not preparing as yet for war; but so far out with him & so highly offended, that it appeared evidently it would not belong are they began. And Perseus again for his part, besides that he looked for no other, was well enough pleased therewith, presuming upon the flower & strength of his forces. But above all other he maliced Eumenes most: with whose blood he laid the first foundation of the war: for the suborned one Evander a Candiot and captain under him of certain auxiliary soldiers, and three Macedonians besides (whose service and ministry he had used in the like feats) to murder the king. He gave them letters addressed to one Praxo an hostess of his, a jolly, dame in Delphi, and of greatest credit and wealth among them. For assured he was, that Eumenes minded to go up to Delphi, there to sacrifice unto Apollo. These traitors together with Evander set forward; & to execute this their designed enterprise, they looked all about and sought for nothing but the opportunity of some place or other. Now, as men ascend from Cirrha to the temple, before they come to any place much peopled and frequented with houses, there stood a mound or mud-wal on the left hand of the path or way, rising somewhat higher than the foundation and groundwork; along which wall there was passage for one by one & no more: for on the right hand the earth was broken down and fallen, and a breach made of some good depth. Behind that mound aforesaid, these traitors had hidden themselves, & raised some steps like stairs; to the end that from above, as from the top of a wall, they might discharge their shot upon king Eumenes as he passed by. Before him their marched from the sea, at the first a sort of his friends and followers, together with his guard intermingled one with another; but afterwards as the way grew more straight and narrow, the train waxed thinner. But when they were once come to the place where they could not go but by one at once, Pantaleon one of the States and princes of Aetolia, with whom the king had begun some communication, entered first into the narrow path aforesaid: with that, the knaves that lay in wait behind, rose up and rolled down two huge stones, whereof the one smote the king upon the head, the other aslonished his shoulder. And verily all the rest of his friends and followers, seeing him fall with the blow, fled some one way, some another: only Pantaleon stayed behind all, fearless, to protect and guard the king. The murderous villains might have fetched a short compass about the wall, and soon run to the king to make sure work and dispatch him quite: but they supposing they had done the deed already, fled to the fitch of the mount Pernaslus, and made such haste, that when one of their company hindered and stayed their running, because he dragged behind and could not keep pace and follow them hard at heels through those steep and blind ways, they made no more ado but killed him outright, for fear lest if the were taken, he should bewray and disclose the whole treason. The body of the king lay along on the ground: & first his friends came running about him, than his guard & household servants. When they reared him up, they found him astonished with the stroke and altogether senseless in a trance: howbeit by some heat remaining, and the beating of his heart, they perceived there was some life, but little or no hope they had that he could escape and live. Some there were of his guard and pensioners about him, that made pursuit after these murderers by their tracts: and when they had held on their chase as far as to the crest of Parnassus, wearying themselves to no purpose, they gave over and returned as wise as they went. The Macedonians as they had begun an audacious enterprise inconsiderately, so they left it undone as fearfully and without advise. Now by this time was the king come again to himself. And the morrow after, his friends conveyed him to his ship; from thence to Corinth; and from Corinth along the straits of Isthmus they brought their vessels, & crossed over to Aegina: where his cute was carried so close and secret, without admitting any person to come unto him, that the rumour ran into Asia how he was dead. And Attalus his brother (by your leave) gave good care thereto, & believed the news sooner than was beseeming brotherly love and unity. For he entered into such talk both with his brother's wife, and also with the captain of the castle, as if he had been the undoubted heir and assured inheritor of the crown. All this Eumenes knew full well afterwards: who albeit he purposed to dissimule the matter, and to put it up, at leastwise with silence; yet at their first encounter and meeting together, he could not hold, but reproved and reproached his brother, for being so forward and overhasty to court and woe his wife. The bruit also was blown to Rome, and a blunder there was of the death of king Eumenes.  
About the same time C. Valerius was returned out of Greece, who had been sent thither as ambassador to look into the state of the country; to mark also and observe the plots and proceedings of king Perseus. He reported all things suitable and agreeable to the intelligences given by king Eumenes, and withal, brought with him from Delphi dame Proxo, in whose house those villainous traitors were lodged and harboured: also one L. Ramnius a Brundusian, who informed moreover and gave evidence as followeth. This Ramnius was one of the principal citizens of Brundisium, & used to lodge and entertain in his house, not only all the Roman captains when they came to town, but also the ambassadors of foreign nations, such as were of greatest mark, & principally those that were sent from any kings. By this means, acquainted he grew with Perseus, albeit they never had seen one another's face. And being invited by the king his letters, wherein he was promised great hope of some near and inward friendship above others, and consequently of great preferments thereby, he made a journey unto him. Within a short time he was wound into very familiar acquaintance with the king, and drawn into private conference & discourse of secrets, farther iwis, than himself was willing or well liked of. For the king dealt with him, yea and importuned him with instant prayers and large behests of rich rewards, that for as much as all the Roman captains and ambassadors used to take his house for their Inn, he would cause as many of them as he writ for, to be poisoned, Now for that he knew it was a right difficult and dangerous matter to come by such a poison and compass this project, especially if many were party & privy to him: and besides, the event uncertain, either in the effect of the drug itself to be strong, quick, and forcible enough to do the feat: or in the secret working thereof, lest it should be found and spied; he would therefore put into his hands such a poison, as neithier in the giving, nor after it was given, might be known by any sign whatsoever. Ramnius fearing lest if he refused and denied, he should be the first man to take assay & make experiment of the poison, promised so to do, and then departed. But return to Brundisium he would not, before he had spoken with C. Valerius the Ambassador, who then sojorned (as he heard say) about Chalcis. First unto him he revealed this plot, & by his commandment came along with him to Rome: where being brought into the Senate, after audience given, he laid abroad in every point all that had passed. This new matter, over and besides those which Eumenes had reported, was the cause that Perseus was the sooner taken for an enemy, and so declared: the rather because they saw him not only about to make open war of a princely and royal mind, but also to practise and execute privily all kind of mischief, by way of covert brigandage, thievish stealth, and secret poison. The managing of this war was put off and referred to the new Consuls: howbeit for the present ordained it was, that Cn. Sicintus the praetor, who had the jurisdiction between citizens and staungers, should levy and enrol soldiers, who being conducted to Brundisium, should with all convenient speed commit to sea, and sail over to Apollonia in Epirus, for to seize upon the maritime cities: to the end that the Consul unto whom the province of Macedonia should be allotted, might arrive there with his vessels in safety, and set his forces on land with ease.  
Eumenes, after he had been kept a long while at Aegina, during the time of his hard and dangerous cure, so soon as ever he might go safely abroad, went to Pergamus; where, over and besides the old hatred settled in his breast, being pricked also with this fresh and bleeding villainy practised by Perseus, he prepared war with all his power to the utterance: and thither repaired unto him ambassadors from Rome, to testify their joy for his evasion and escape out of so near and great a danger.  
When the Macedonian war was delayed and put off for one year, and the rest of the Pretours gone already into their provinces, M. junius and Sp. Lucretius (unto whom befell the government of Spain) after that they had importuned and wearied the Senate, in suing so long for one thing, obtained at the length a commission for a supply of soldiers to make up the army; by virtue whereof they enroled 3000 foot, and 150 horse for the Roman legions; and levied five thousand foot and three hundred horse for the army of the allies. These forces were transported into Spain with the new Pretours.  
The same year, after that a great part of the Campaine territory, which private persons here and there held in occupation without regard of lawful title and tenur, was (upon diligent survey made by Posthumius the Consul) recovered again for the public use of the city of Rome; M. Lucretius a Tribune of the Commons preferred a law, That the Censors should let out to farm, the said Campaine lands to tenants for yearly rent. A thing that had not been done for many years after the winning of Capua, namely, that particular men should be so greedy as to encroach thus beyond their bounds upon the common waist.  
The Macedonian war being now concluded, but not as yet published and proclaimed, whiles the Senate was in doubtful expectation what kings would friend them, and who would side with Perseus; there came to Rome ambassadors from Ariarates, bringing with them the king's son, a very child. The speech they made was to this purpose, That the king their master had sent his son to Rome, there to have his education; to the end that being there brought up, he might from his first infancy be acquainted with their fashions, and converse with the people of Rome. His suit and request to them was, that they would vouchsafe unto him not only the ordinary entertainment and protection that private persons afford to their guests, but also to take the charge of public tuition, and as it were the guardianage of him. This embassage of the king was well taken of the Senate and pleased them highly. Whereupon they ordained, that Cn, Stnius the praetor, should let out a mansion house with all the furniture, wherein the young prince and his train might keep their resiance.  
The Thracian ambassadors likewise presented themselves before the Senate, to debate their own controvercies in their hearing, and withal desired their friendship and amity. They obtained their suit, and besides their was sent unto them by way of present, the sum of 2000 Asses apiece. Glad were the LL. of the Senate that these States were received into their society, by reason that Thracia lieth hard on the backside of Macedon: but to the end that they might have perfect intelligence and notice, how all things went in Asia and the islands, they sent thither T. Claudius Nero, and M. Decimius in embassage: whom they commanded also to visit Crete and Rhodes; and withal, both to renew the amity, and also to spy and observe, whether the hearts of those allies had been solicited and tempted by K. Perseus.  
As the city was thus in doubtful suspense and expectation of the event of this new war, behold, in a tempest that arose in the night, a certain column or pillar, garnished and set out with the beake-heads of war ships, (which had been erected in the Capitol during the first Punic war by M. Aemylius the Consul, who had for his companion in government Serg. Fulvius) was by a clap of thunder and lightning, rend and cloven from the very base to the chapter. This was taken for a prodigious token, and report thereof was made to the Senat. The LL. gave order, that the Aruspices should be conferred with about it, and their advice taken: likewise they commanded the Decemvirs to look into their books of Sibylla. The Decemvirs for their part pronounced and declared, that the city should be purged and hallowed, public supplications and prayers made unto the gods, and greater beasts killed for sacrifice, as well at Rome in the Capitol, as in Campaine near the promontory of Minerva. Also that with all convenient speed, there should be plays solemnly exhibited for ten days together, in the honour of most mighty and most gracious jupiter. All this was done with diligence accordingly: but the soothsayers and Aruspices aforesaid, made answer out of their learning, That this prodigy portended good, and signified the advancement and enlarging of their own territories: together with the ruin and destruction of their enemies; for that those beak-heads which the storm overthrew and cast down, had been the spoils of ships won from the enemies. There happened other occurrents besides to increase the scrupulous religion and devotion of men: for reported it was, how at Saturnia within the town it reigned blood three days together. Item, At Calatia an ass was sole with three feet; and a bull together with five kine were strucken stark dead with one thunderbolt and flash of lightning: last of all, at Oximum there was a shower of very earth and nothing else. In regard of these wonders also, sacrifices were celebrated, supplications made, and one day kept holiday and all shop-windows shut.  
Yet were not the Consuls departed into their provinces, because they neither would obey and condescend unto the Senate in proposing the matter as touching Popilius at the council table; and the LL. were as resolute for their parts to let no decree pass, before that were done. The spite and heartburning they bore against M. Popilius, grew the more by occasion of his own letters, wherein he wrote and gave them to understand, That being Proconsul, he had now a second time fought with the Statellates in Liguria, and put ten thousand of them to the sword: by reason of which hard courses and extremities of war, the other nations likewise of the Ligurians were entered into arms. At which news not only Popilius was blamed behind his back, for making war against all law and equity upon them that had yielded, and thereby provoking those who before were quiet, to go out and put themselves in action of rebellion; but the Consuls also were checked to their faces in the Senate, because they set not forward to their charge and government. M. Martius Sermo and Quintius Martius Scylla, two Tribunes of the Commons, seeing the LL. of the Senate thus drawing all in a line, took heart unto them, and both menaced the Consuls to fine them, unless they made more haste unto their province; and also recited in the Senate a law which they had drawn and framed, and were upon the point to promulge, as touching the foresaid Ligurians who had submitted. The tenure whereof ran in this form, THAT WHAT PERSON SOEVER OF STATELLAE HAD YIELDED HIMSELF, AND WAS NOT RESTORED TO LI●RRTIE AND FREEDOM BEFORE THE CALENDS OF 
* 1 of August.  SEXTILIS NEXT ENSUING, THE SENATE UPON THEIR OATH SHOULD ORDAIN ONE SPECIAL COMMISSIONER TO MAKE INQUISITIONEY WHOSE FRAUD, COVIN, AND NOTICE HE WAS IN VILLEINAGE, AND PUNISH THE PARTY ACCORDINGLY. Then by authority and approbation of the Senate, they published this for a law. Now before that the Consuls took their journey, the Senate assembled in the temple of Bellona in regard and favour of C. Cicereius the Praetor of the former year. Where audience was given him: and after he had declared what exploits he had performed in Corsica, there upon demanded triumph: which when he could not obtain, he made no more ado, but road triumphant in the Alban hill; for now it was taken up and grown for a custom so to do, and ask the authority and the State no leave.  
The foresaid law proposed by the Martij, the Commons, with a general consent by their voices granted and enacted. By virtue of which act of the Commons, C. Licinius the praetor put to question in the Senate, Whom they would have to sit upon the inquisition according to the form of the said law. And the LL. ordained himself to be the inquisitor. Then at length and not afore, the Consuls put themselves in their way toward their province, & received the charge of the army from M. Popilius. This Popilius durst not yet return to Rome, for fear he should be called in question and put to his answer before that praetor and supreme judge, who had required the advice of the Senate as touching that inquest framed and drawn of purpose against him: knowing full well (as he did) how the Senate was not well affected to him, and the people much more maliciously bend and set against him. But the Tribunes of the Commons thought they would prevent and meet with this flinching of his and absenting himself, by intimation of another act and law provided in that behalf, namely, That if he entered not into the city of Rome before the 
* 13 of Novem.  Ides of November immediately following, it should be lawful for C. Licinius to proceed in judgement, and give sentence against him in his absence. This cord towed and haled him to Rome with a witness: and when he was returned and entered into the Senate, they were upon his top, and gave him such a welcome thither, as testified their displeasure and hard conceit of him. After he had been well baited and shaken up among them, an act of Senate was entered in this wise, That so many of the Ligurians as had not been enemies, after the time that Q. Falvius and L. Manlius were Consuls, those the Pretours, C. Licinius and Cn. Sicinius, should restore and establish in their former state of freedom; and that the Consul C. Popilius should set them out lands to occupy and possess beyond the Po. By virtue of this arrest, many a thousand were set free and enfranchised, who being transported over the river Po, had land assigned unto them accordingly. Now M. Popilius upon the law Martia (promulged by the two Marij, Tribunes of the Commons) answered for himself judicially twice before C. Licinius. At the third time, the praetor, overcome with a respective grace and favour to the Consul absent, & the earnest prayers of the whole name & house of the Popilij, adjoiurned the defendant to make appearance in the court upon the 
* 15 of March.  Ides of March; on which day the new magisrates were to enter into their offices: and this he did, because himself by that time should be a private person again, and therefore not to sit upon the bench as judge to hear pleas and to determine. Thus the foresaid act as touching the Ligurians, finely shifted and cunningly avoided, came to just nothing.  
At that time the Carthaginian ambassadors were at Rome, with Gulussa the son of Masanissa; between whom hard hold and much debating there was in the Senate. The Carthaginians complained, that over and besides the lands (about which there had been sent commissioners from Rome beforetime, to view the place and to inquire into the cause). Masanissa within the last two years had by force and arms possessed himself of more than threescore and ten towns and castles within the Carthaginian domain and territory. And an easy matter was it for him to do, who made reckoning of nothing, nor had regard of any person; whereas the Carthaginians were so tied and obliged by their capitulations to the good-abearing, that they held their peace: for, inhibited they were to bear arms without their own country. And albeit they knew assuredly, that they should war within their own confines, if they desseized the Numidians of those pieces, yet feared they that one express article of the accord, wherein they were debarred in plain terms, to wage war against the associates of the people of Rome. Howbeit, the Carthaginians could no longer endure his pride, cruelty, and avarice. Sent therefore they were unto the Senate as humble orators, that to might please them to grant one of these three requests; to wit, That either they might debate with indifferent audience before them (being allies to both alike) as touching the right of the one & the other: or that they would permit the Carthaginians to defend themselves by just and lawful arms, against unjust and ungodly force: or else finally (if partial favour swayed more with them than the truth of the cause) to set down at once, what their pleasure was should be given away out of their own, to Masanissa. For they yet, would have some gage of their hand, and know what they gave; whereas he himself had no stay, nor would ever see to make an end; so unsatiable was his lust and appetite. But in case they might obtain none of these points, and that there could be found any fault or trespass of theirs, committed since the peace granted unto them by Scipio; then, that they rather than any other would chastise them. For leifer they had to live in servitude under the signory of Romans with safety, than enjoy such as liberty as should be exposed to the injuries of Massanissa. And better were it for them to perish and die once for all, than to live and languish under the yoke of a most cruel and bloody butcher. At which words the tears trickled down their cheeks, and down they fell at their feet. Lying thus prostrate upon the ground, as they moved pity and compassion to themselves, so they procured despite and malice against the king. Then thought good it was to demannd of Gulussa, what he had to answer as touching these matters? or else (if he had so rather himself) to declare before, for what cause & upon what occasion he was come to Rome. Gulussa made answer, That neither it was easy for him to deal in those points, whereof he had no commission from his father: nor for his father to give him any such charge, considering that the Carthaginians, showed not unto him of what business they would treat, ne yet made him so much as privy of their coming to Rome. This only was known, that there was a close counsel holden for certain nights, by the principal States of Carthage within the temple of Aesculapius, from whence ambassadors were dispatched to Rome with hidden and secret messages. And this was the cause that his father had sent him to Rome, to beseech the Senate not to give credit to the slanderous accusations that should be preferred against him by those that were common enemies as well to them as him; who hated him; for no other cause, but for that he had continued so constant in his sealtie & allegiance to the people of Rome. The Senate thus having heard what they could say of both sides, sat in counsel as touching the demands of the Carthaginians: and at length commanded this answer to be returned, How their advice and pleasure was, that Gulussa should presently depart and go into Numidia, and give his father to understand from them, that with all speed he send his ambassadors to the Senate, as concerning those complaints which the Carthaginians had made of him: also to give intimation and knowledge unto the Carthaginians, that they repair likewise thither to debate their contoverasies and differences between them. And if it lay in their power to effect aught for the honour of Masanissa, they would be as willing to do it hereafter, as they had been ready heretofore. Marry, to minister justice for savour and affection, that they would not do in any wife. Willing they were that every man should know and hold his own, and keep him within compass; neither minded they to set out new limits, but to observe the old bounds. Indeed they had granted to the Carthaginians, after they were conquered, both towns to inhabit, and territories to possess; not to this end, that in time of peace they should pluck that away by wrong and outrage, which during the wars they could not take from them by martial law and force of arms. Thus was the young prince together with the Carthaginians, dismissed. Presents were given both to the one and the other, according to the order, and other courtesies of hospitality were friendly observed.  
Much about the same time Cn. Servilius Caepio, App. Claudius Cento, and T. Annius Lucius, ambassadors sent into Macedon; for to demand amends and restitution, and withal to disclaim and renounce the king's amity, returned to Rome. Who having related in order what they had seen and heard, inflamed the Senate more againts Perseus, who were already of themselves enkindled enough. They made report, That through all the cities of Macedon they saw preparation for war in all sorcible manner; that when they came to the court, for many days they could find no means of access to the speech of the king; and in the end, after they were departed from thence homeward (as being past all hope of parley with him) then and not afore, they were called back again of their way, and so brought unto his presence: that the sum of their embassage and speech unto to him was this, namely, to put him in mind of the league first contracted with Philip, and afterwards renewed with himself since the death of his father; wherein by express words he was inhibited to bear arms without his own frontiers, and likewise debarred to levy war upon any confederate allies of the people of Rome: after this, that they had recounted and laid abroad from point to point those specialties, which they themselves had lately heard king Eumenes to declare and discourse, which were all apparent truths, upon his own assured knowledge. Moreover, that the king held a secret counsel for many days together, with the embassages of the cities & States of Asia: in reagard of which injuries, that the Senate thought in reason and equity that he should make satisfaction, yea, and restore back both to them and also to their associates, whatsoever he held contrary to right, contained in the accord. That the king hereupon at the first fell into a fit of choler and indignation, and gave them hard terms, reproaching at every other word the Romans for their covetousness and insolency. And as for their ambassadors that came unto him one after another, he said they were but, spies, to listen and see what he did or said; & no mervel, for they thought it meet that he should conform and frame himself in all his words and deeds, according to their beck and commandment. At the last, when he had in this wise discharged his choler with high words and broad speeches for a long time, that he commanded them to repair again unto him the next morrow, for that he would give them their answer in writing: and then he delivered unto them a script to this effect as followeth. First, as touching the accord & covenant concluded with my father, that is nothing to me at all: if I suffered it to be renewed, it was not for any liking or approbation thereof; but because I being new come to the crown, and lately possessed of the kingdom, I was to bear and endure all things whatsoever. But in case they will enter into a new league with me, requisite it is that a treaty and agreement pass first of the conditions. And if they could be content that a covenant were drawn with equal and indifferent capitulations, yet I will sleep upon it and be well advised what to do for the best, as I doubt not but they likewise will have a good regard to the profit of their Commonweal. And herewith, that he suddenly flung away from them, and we all began to void out of the palace. Whereupon we proceeded according to our commission on the abandon and disavow his amity and society. At which words of ours, he stayed in great wrath and fury, and with a loud and shrill voice, warned us upon our own peril and hazard, to be gone out of the marches of his realm within three days: finally, in this manner we departed and put ourselves in our journey, and found neither friendly welcome at our first coming, nor any courteous entertainment while we were there, not yet a kind farewell at our departure. When they had once done, the Thessalian and Aetolian ambassadors had audience.  
The Senate, to the end that they might know out of hand, what captains and commanders the commonweal was to employ, thought good to write unto the Co●● that the one-or other of them (who first might) should repair to Rome for the creation of new magistrates. And no great matter to speak of, as concerning the state, was that year done by the Consuls. But more expedient it was thought for the commonweal, to suppersse and appease the Ligurians, whose blood was up and chased against them, considering that the Macedonian war was in daily expectance.  
Moreover the ambassadors of Issa gave occasion, that Gentius also king of Illyricum was had in jealousy: who at one time both complained of him, that now twice he had given the waist to their country: and also made report, how the Macedonian and Illyrian kings were all one, & so great together, that with one consent & common counsel they prepared to war upon the Romans: finally, that the Illyrians were now at Rome, in show and semblance of embassage, but indeed and very truth, no better than spies, addressed of purpose by the motife and advise of Perseus, to hearken & learn whereabout they went at Rome. These Illyrians were sent for into the Senate-house, and when they had said, that they were employed in embassage from their king Gentius, to answer unto those accusations which it might be the Isseans framed against him: it was again demanded of them, How it happened that they went not directly nor showed themselves in such sort to the magistrate, that according to the manner & custom, they might have had their lodging provided and presents given them, with the ordinary allowance of the city, meet for them during their abode; that thereby knowledge might have been taken as well of their coming, as also of their business and errand? But being taken in atrip & found fumbling in their answer, they were commanded to void out of the Counsel-chamber. For thought it was not meet, to give them their dispatch as ambassadors, since they made no means to present themselves unto the Senate: but rather they were of advice, to dispatch ambassadors of their own to the king, to signify unto him, which of his associates had complained unto the Senate, how he had burnt their villages within their territory: yea, and to tell him of it plainly, that it was not well don● of him, that he could not forbear but do wrong to his own allies. In this embassy were sent, A. Terentius Varro, C. Pletorius, and C. Cicereius.  
Likewise those ambassadors, whose commission was to visit the associate kings, returned out of Asia, and reported, that in the said Asia they had communication with Eumenes; in Syria with Antiochus, and in Alexandria with Ptolomaeus: who all of them had been solicited by sundry embassies of Perseus, howbeit they persisted firm and fast in their processed sealtie, and promised to perform whatsoever the people of the Rome would command them. Also that they went to the confederated states, whom they found true and loyal enough, excepting the Rhodians only, whom they perceived to be floating and wavering, as altogether infected and poisoned with the counsel of Perseus.  
Now were the Rhodian ambassadors come to answer those things which they knew were commonly bruited abroad touching their city: howbeit the Senate was not of mind to give them audience, before the new Consuls entered into their office. But they were all of advice to delay no longer the preparation of war. C. Litinius the Praetor had in charge, out of the old Quinqueremes which were laid up in the dockes and harbours, to repair as many as might serve at sea; to rig also & prepare a fleet of 50 sail. But if he could not come to make up that full number, then to write unto his colleague C. Memmius in Sicily, for to repair, calke and trim those ships which were in Sicily, that with all speed possible they might be sent to Brundisium. The said praetor C. Licinius was commanded to enrol of Roman citizens (& those, Libertines, such as of bondmen borne had been enfranchised) for marinners and sailors, as many as might serve five and twenty ships: & Cn. Licinius had commission to levy as many of Latin allies for the like number of ships: also the same praetor was enjoined to charge the Latin allies with eight thousand foot, and four hundred horse. A. Atilius Serranus, who had been praetor the year before, was chosen to receive these forces at Brundisium, and to conduct them over into Macedon: and Cn. Sicinius the praetor was appointed to have the army in readiness for to be transported. As for C. Litinius the praetor, he by authority from the Senate, wrote to C. Popilius the Consul, that he should command the second legion, which had been longest employed in Liguria, and consulted of most experienced soldiers, together with four thousand footmen and two hundred horse of the Latin allies, to be ready at Brundisium upon the 
* 13 of February.  With this fleet of ships and forces of soldiers, Cn. Sicinius was commanded to keep Macedon, until one were appointed to succeed him; and for this purpose his charge of command was continued for a year longer. All these directions of the Senate were put in execution with great diligence and expedition. Eight and forty Quinqueremes were set afloat out of their docks: and L. Percius Licintus was ordained to conduct them to Brundisium: the other twelve were sent out of Sicily. Three ambassadors were dispatched into Apulia and Calabria, to wit, Sex Digitius, T. juventius, and M. Caecilius, for to buy corn to serve the fleet and the army. Now when all things were provided and in readiness, C. Sicinius the Praetor departed from the city in his warlike coat of arms, and arrived at Brundisium. About the end of the year C. Popilius the Consul returned to Rome, somewhat later than the Senate had ordained; who was commanded to take the first time, and with all speed to create new magistrates, considering that so great a war approached so near. And therefore when the Consul discoursed in the temple of Bellona, as touching his exploits in Liguria, the LL. of the Senate were nothing well pleased to hear him: but instead thereof, they muttered every where, and asked him eftsoons, Why he had not restored to liberty those Ligurians, who were oppressed through the wicked proceedings of his father? The election of the Consuls was holden upon the twelfth day before the Calends of March, according to the writs that went out: wherein were created Consuls, Pub. Licinius Gracchus and Caius Cassius Longinus. The morrow following, the Pretours were elected, to wit, Caius Sulpitius Galbs, L. Furtus Philus, L. Canilius Dives, C. Lucretius Gallus, C. Caninius Rebutius, and L. vilius Annalis. To these Pretours the provinces were assigned in this manner: That two of them should sit as LL. chief justices in Rome for civil jurisdiction: three other to have the government of Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia: so as the sixth only should remain not allotted to any place, for to be employed wheresover the Senate would think good and ordained. The Consuls elect were commanded by the Senate, upon the solemn day when they were to enter into their magistracy, after they had sacrificed greatest beasts, as it appertained, to pray in this form, That the gods would vouchsafe the war which the people of Rome intended now to enterprise, to speed well and come to happy issue. The same day the Senate decreed, that C. Popilius the Consul should set out plays for ten days together in the honour of jup. Oped Max & that offerings should be made at all the shrines and altars, if so be the commonweal for ten years, in the some good estate as now it stood. And as the Senate ordains, the Consul vowed in the capitol, that the said plays should be exhibited, and offerings presented of as great valours as it pleased them to set down. This vow was pronounced by the Consul in the presence of no fewer than 150 Senators, and according to that form of words which Lepidus the highpriest or sovereign bishop indicted. The year died certain Prelates of State, to wit, L. Aemylius Pappus one of the Decemvirs or superintendents over the holy rites, and Q. Falvius a bishop, who the year before had been Censor. This man had a soul end. It fortuned that news came unto him of his two sons, who then served in the wars of Illyricum, how the one was departed out of this life, and the other lay sick of a grievous and dangerous malady. The sorrow for the one, and the fear for the other, happening to just at one time, broke his heart and oppressed his spirits; insomuch as the next morning, when his servants entered betimes into his bedchamber, they found him hanged by a cord, strangled. It was thought abroad, that he had never been his own man, since he was Censor, and commonly it was spoken, That Inno Lacinia in wrathful displeasure against him for spoiling her temple, hereft him of his right wits. In the room of Aemylius, M. Valerius Messala was substituted Decemvir: and in steed of Fulvius, there was elected Archbishop, Cneus Domitius Aenobarbus, who to say a truth was very young to be made a priest.  
In that year wherein P. Licinius and C. Cassius were Consuls, not only the city of Rome, and the whole land of Italy, but all the princes and States of Europe and Asia, were amused respectively upon the war between the Macedonians and the Romans. Eumenes (〈◊〉 of Asia) not only carried an old cankered malice against Philip, but also was pricked forward with new despite and anger upon a fresh occasion, in that by the wicked practice of Perseus, he had like to have been sacrificed at Delphi. Prusias king of Bythinia, was resolved not to enter into arms, but to attend the issue of the war. For he thought it not reason and seemly for him to take arms in the defence of the Romans against his wife's brother; and this account he made, that is Perseus happened to have the better he might soon obtain pardon at his hands by the mediation of his sister. Ariarates king of the Cappadocians, over and besides that he had promised aid to the Romans in his own name, ever since that he was linked in affinity to Eumenes, drew the same way which he went, and joined with him in all his counsels both of war and peace. As for Antiochus [king of Syria] his teeth watered verily at the kingdom of Egypt, as he, who despised as well the childhood of the young king in his nonage, as the weakness and negligence of his guardians: and considering there was some controversy about the title of Coelesyria, he supposed that he should have good occasion to levy war, to manage also and exploit the same without impeachment, whiles the Romans were busied in the Macedonian war; howbeit as well by his own ambassadors sent unto the Senate, as also unto theirs addressed unto him, he promised stoutly to be for them. Prolomeus [the young king of Egypt] being yet underage, was at the dispositions of others: his tutors and protectors, as they prepared to wage war against Antiochus for the recovery of Coelesyria, so they promised the Romans withal to do their devoirin the Macedonian war. Masanissa [K. of the Numidians] was altogether for the Romans; he furnished them with coin, and intended to send his son Misagenes with aides both of men and elephants in that service. Howbeit he so disposed of his designs, as might serve his turn which way soever the world went: for if the victory fell to the Romans, he ordered that his affairs should remain still in the same state; and better he was not to look for, because the Romans would not suffer any violence to be offered unto the Carthaginians: but in case the Romans went down and had the overthrow, (who then protected the Carthaginians) then he made full reckoning of Asia to be his own. Gentius [king of Illyricum] had so demeaned himself, that he was suspected of the Romans; yet was he not fully resolved which side to take unto: and it seemed he would join to one or the orher, more upon a fit as it took him in the head, than with any discretion or advise. Cotys the Thracian, king of the Odrysians, took part evidently with the Macedonians. In these terms (I say) stood the KK. as touching this present war. As for the free cities and States besides, the common people every where (as always lightly it is seen) inclined to the worse part, and ran with the K. and the Macedonians: but the principal persons and men of quality, a man might perceive affected diversely. Some went with the Romans all upon the head, in so much as they greatly impaired their authority in excessive favour to them: few of them were induced by the just and upright government of the Romans, but the most part were carried away with this strong conceit, That the more they employed themselves for them, the greater men they should be at home in their own cities. Another fort there were of the king's flattering favourites, who being deeply drenched in debt, and in despair of bettering their fortune (if the present state held still) abandoned and gave themselves over to entertain all changes and innovations. And some there were besides, possessed with a vain humour of their own, because Perseus seemed to have more favour of the common people. At third fort there were (and those of the best and widest of all other) who is it had lain in their hands to determine whom they would have to be the greater lord, wished to have been under the Romans rather than the K. Marry if they might have had their liberty to be choosers simply of their fortune, by their good will they would not have had the one part advanced by the depression and subversion of the other: but that the forces and puissance of them both remaining entire and unfoiled, peace thereby might be entertained: and so between them both, the state of cities should continue in the best case, when as the one part might ever protect the weaker side from the injuries of the mightier. And those that stood affected thus, held them quiet and said not a word; but being safe themselves, beheld the behaviour and deportements of those that were the partakers and favourets of either side.  
The Consuls that day wherein they entered their government, when they sacrificed (according to the ordinance of the Senate) with greater beasts in all the temples and chapels, wherein (for most part of the year) the sacred beds and couches for the gods were prepared; and there by had presaged by good tokens, that their prayers were acceptable to the immortal gods, made report unto the Senate, That their sacrifices were as they ought to be, as also their prayers, which they conceived as touching the war. The Bowell-priers likewise by their learning declared, That if they went about any new enterprise, they should make speed; for why? all did prognosticate victory, triumph, and enlargement of their signory. Whereupon the LL. of the Senate commanded the Consuls to propose unto the people the first day of the general assembly of the Centuries in this manner: IN THE NAME OF GOD, AND TO THE WELFARE AND HAPPINESS OF THE COMMONWEALTH: WHEREAS PERSEUS THE SON OF PHILIP K. OF MACEDON, (AGAINST THE ACCORD AND COVENANT CONCLUDED WITH HIS FATHER FIRST, AND AFTER HIS DEATH RENEWED WITH HIM). HATH LEVIED WAR UPON THE ALLIES OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME, WASTED THEIR TERRITORIES, SEIZED THEIR CITIES, COMPLOTTED TO ENTER INTO ARMS AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF ROME, AND TO THAT END HATH PROVIDED ARMOUR, SOLDIERS, AND A FLEET: UNLESS HE MAKE SATISFACTION, PLEASETH IT YOU THAT WAR BE ENTERPRISED AND WAGED AGAINST HIM. This bill passed by all the suffrages of the people. Then was there an act of the Senate likewise entered, That the Consuls should either agree together, or else cast lots for the provinces of Italy and Macedon; and look whose lot sell to Macedon, he should persecute with fire and sword K. Perseus, and all that sect and bend which took his part, unless they made amends to the people of Rome. It was concluded also, that four legions should be newly enroled, for either Consul swain: with this pre-eminence & vantage to the province of Macedon, that whereas to the legions of the other Consul (according to the ancient custom) there went but five thousand foot and two hundred horse apiece, there should be enroled for Macedon six thousand foot and three hundred horse equally to a legion. Also for the one of the Consuls in the army of the allies, the number was augmented, so as besides those six hundred horsemen which Cn. Sictnius had conducted already, he should of those allies transport over into Macedon, sixteen thousand footmen and eight hundred horse. As for Italy, twelve thousand footmen of allies and six hundred horse were thought sufficient. Moreover, this prerogative had the province of Macedon, that for Centurions and soldiers the Consul might enrol of the elder sort whom he thought good, as many as were not above fifty years of age. In choosing of Tribunes military and colonels, the old manner was this year changed, in regard of the Macedonian war; to wit, that the Consuls (by advise and authorities of the Senate) should move unto the people, that the said Tribunes might not that year be elected by voices of the people, but that their elections should be referred to the judgement and discretion of the Consuls and Pretours. The charge command was thus divided among the Praetors as followeth. That praetor whose lot sell to go whither it pleased the Senate to send, was assigned to take his journey to the sleet at Brandusion, and there to survey and revise the sea-servitours, and look how many he thought not meet for service, them to discharge, and to make up the number with chosen Libertines; and in any wise to order it so, that two third parts consisted of Roman natural citizens, and the other third of allies. Item, That provision of victuals for the navy and the army, should be brought out of Sicily and Sardinia. And the Pretours of those two provinces had in charge to exact a double tenth of the Sicilians and Sardinians, and this grain to be conveyed into Macedon for the army. Now Sicily sell to C. Caninius Rebulus, Sardinia to L. Furius Philus, and Spain to L. Canaleius, C. Sulpitius Galba was L. chief justice for the citizens of Rome, and L. junius Annalis for the strangers: but C. Lucretius Gallus his lot was to go where the Senate would employ him. Between the two Consuls there was some jar and wrangling, rather than any great debate about there province. Cassius for his part said, That he was by right to war in Macedon without any casting of lots for the matter, for as much as his colleague might nor enter into lot with him, and save his oath. For he being praetor, had sworn solemnly in a frequent assembly of the people (because he would shift off and not go into his province) that he had occasion to celebrate sacrifices in a certain place and upon set days, which could not be performed (as they ought) if he were at sea. And the same (as I take it) cannot be well done during his absence now that he is Consul no more than whiles he was praetor. Howbeit, if the Senate be of opinion and judge, that more consideration is to be had satisfy Caius Licinius his will now in his Consulship, then regard of the oath he took before in his Praetorship, yet will I notwithstanding accommodate myself to the pleasure of the Senate. The LL. were consulted with hereabout, who judging that it were a proud part to deny him the government of a province, unto whom the people of Rome had granted the dignity of a Consulship, commanded the Consuls to cast lots. Thus Macedon sell to P. Licinius, and Italy to C. Cassius. Then they put to lottery also the conduct and employment of the legions: whereby the first and third were to be transported into Macedon, the second and fourth to remain in Italy. In the mustering and choice of soldiers, the Consuls went more nearly and straightly to work by far, than customably they used at other times. As for Licinius, he enroled the elder sort also, as well for soldiers as centurions; and many there were who voluntarily entered their names, because they saw how those thrived well and grew rich, who had served either in the former Macedonian war, or against Antiochus in Asia. Now when as the marshal-Colonels called forth the centurions by name one after another, and the principal first, there happened to be three and twenty centurions of them, who before time had 
* 〈…〉 Ovid 3 Fast.  in these verses. Ind pares centum denos iec, evit in orbs Romulus, Hastatos in●-tuitquedec●n● Et totidem Princ●ps, totidem Pilanus habebat Corpora, legitimo quisque merehat equo. And that is was the checsest place of 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 appeareth & Ligothinus in his O●ation s●icorring. Prinupilares, and led in the chiefest and best place, etc. when they were cited, they called unto the Trib. of the Com. for to be relieved by their lawful assistance. But two of that fellowship and society of Tribunes, namely, M. Fulvius Nobiltor, etc. M. Claudius Marcellus, referred them over to the Consuls, alleging, that by right, the knowledge of these matters pertained to those who had plenary commission to take musters, and to manage the war-affaires. But all the rest of the Tribunes avowed that they would assume it into their own hands, and determine of that for which they were called unto as competent judges; yea, and if injury were offered to their fellow-citizens, they would not fail but help and succour them. All this was debated in the Tribunes-court. Thither was M. Popilius, a Consular man, called to the hearing of this matter, and thither repaired the centurions and the Consul also. And when the Consul required that the cafe should be heard and decided in a general assembly, thereupon the people was summoned to meet in public together. In which solemn congregation M. Popilius, who had been Consul two yeeres-before, spoke in the behalf of the centurions to this effect. These martial men (quoth he) have accomplished their full time of service required by law; they carry about them bodies as well spent etc. crazy for age, as broken by continual travels: howbeit refuse they will nothing, but are ready to do their devoir unto the Commonweal. This only they humbly crave and request, that they may not be assigned to base places of command, than wherein they have been employed already when they bare arms. Then P. Licinius the Consul commanded the act of the Senate to be openly read: wherein it was ordained first, To levy war upon Perseus; then, to enrol as many as they could of the old experienced Centurions for that war; and last of all, to exempt none from soldiery, but such only as were above fifty years of age. After this he earnestly be sought them in this new war so near to Italy and against a prince so puissant, neither to hinder the Colonels in levying soldiers, nor forbid the Consul but that he might appoint to each man what place and degree was thought to stand most with the good of the Commonweal. And in case there arose any doubt and difficulty in this business, to submit the decision thereof to the Senat. After that the Consul had delivered his mind, Sp. Liguslinus one of them who had appealed to the Tribunes of the Commons, requested both the Consul and the Tribunes to give him leave for to speak a few words unto the people: who having liberty granted with all their good wills made a speech unto them in this wife. My masters, you Quirites, I Spurius Liguslinus of the tribe Croftumina, 
The Oration of Sp. Ligusinus  am descended from the Sabines. My father left me an acre of land, and a little cottage to it, wherein I was borne, bred, and brought up, and where upon at this day I dwell. So soon as I was come to man's estate, my father gave me to wife my cousin german, his niece by the brother, who brought nothing with her for marriage-good, but freedom of birth honesty of life, and therewith fruitfulness of wommbe, as much (I may say to you) as a rich man of some wealthy house may well maintain. Six sons God hath sent between us, and two daughters to them, both maiden's marriageable. Four of our sons are men grown, and have put on their man's rob; two are boys still in their pretexia, under seventeen years old. I may self was priest to the wars, the year when P. Sulpisius and C. Aurelius were Consuls. In that army which passed over sea into Macedon, I served in quality of a common soldier for the space of two years against king Philip. In the third year T. juintius Flaminius, in regard of my forwardness assigned me the tenth place of leading among the Hastati in the vaward. After that Philip and the Macedonians were vanquished, and were brought over again into Italy and discharged, I went immediately as a volunarie servitor into Spain with M. Porcius the Consul. And there is not a commander alive at this day, who saw farther into a soldier and could judge better of virtue and valour than he: as they all know full well, who by long warfare have had experience both of him and also of other leaders. He being my captain, reputed me worthy to have the first place and leading of the foremost century of the Hastati. A third time I became a voluntary again in the expedition against the AEtolians and king Antiochus; and M. Celius advanced me to the captainship of the Principes, in the very first place of the foremost century. When king Antiochus was chased, and the AEtolians subdued, we were brought back again into Italy, and two years together I was in pay with the legions that received yearly wages and allowance. Twice after this I bare arms and served in Spain, once under Q. Fulvius Flaccus, a second time under Tib. Sempronius Gracchus the Praetor. By Flaccus I was brought home among others, whom for their valiancy and prowess he thought good to have in train for the honour of this triumph: and at the request and entreaty of Tib. Gracchus I accompanied of him into his province. Where, within few years space I had the leading of the first company of the Pilani or Triatijin inthe rearward. Four and thirty times have I been rewarded with presents at my General's hands, in token of virtue and prowess. Six civicke coronets have I received: two and twenty years full have I followed the wars, and more than fifty years old I am. Now if neither I had served out all the years required by law, nor might plead exemption and immunity by mine age, yet seeing I am able to show sour soldiers for one, my sour sons [I say, for myself alone] me thinks it were reason, o P. Licinius, that I were now freed and discharged. And all this I pray you take, as spoken for the behoof of my cause. Now as touching my person thus much. So long as any man who hath authority to enrol soldiers, shall judge me sufficient and able to bear arms, I will not go about to make excused and shift it off. And look what place the Colonels and marshals that shall suppose me worthy of, it lieth in their good and pleasure to assign me unto it but to perform that no one person in the whole army surmount me in valour, that shall be my own endeavour; like as not only my captains, but those also who have served with me are able to testify, That I ever have so carried myself and performed as much. And you likewise my fellow soldiers, albeit you practice and keep in ure the privilege and benefit of appealing to the Tribunes, yet meet and reason it is, since in your youthful days ye never did aught in any place against the authority of the Senate and the Consuls, ye now also in your declining age be at the disposition of the Senate and the Consuls; yea, and to esteem all places worshipful, wherein you shall defend and maintain the Commonweal. When he had thus said, the Consul highly commended him, and from before the people brought him into the Senate. And there also by the advice and authority of that honourable house; thanked he was; and the marshal-Colonels, in regard of his virtue, appointed him to be the principal centurion of the Pilani in the first legion. So, the rest of the centurions renouncing their appeal to the Tribunes, yielded obedience in the master and levy abovesaid.  
To the end that the magistrates and great commanders might go more timely into their governments, the Latin feasts and holidays were published to be holden upon the 
* 1 day of june.  Calends of tune. Which solemnity being finished, C. Lucretius the praetor took his journey to Brondusium, having sent before all necessary furniture and provision for the fleet. Besides those armies which the Consuls levied, a commission was directed our to C. Sulpitisi Gala the praetor, to enrolisoure legions of Roman citizens with the ordinary full proportion of infantry and cavalry, and to choose out of the body of the Senate sour Colonels for to command them. Also to levy of Latin allies fifteen thousand footmen and twelve hundred horse, and to take order that this army should be ready to go whether soever the Senate thought good. P. Licinius the Consul at his own instant request (that over and above the armies of citizens and allies, he might have an addition of auxiliaries) obtained of Ligurians two thousand, of Candior archers an uncertain number, namely, as many as the Candiors upon request would send. Moreover, certain Numidian horsemen and elephants: for which purpose L. Posthumius, Albrinus, I. T crentius culeo and C. Aburius were sent in embassager to Masanissa and the Carthaginians. Semblably it was thought good to send three ambassadors into Crete, to wit, A. Posthumias' Albinus, C. Decimius, and A. Litinius Nerva.  
At the very same time there arrived ambassadors from king Perseus. But suffered they were not to enter into the city; considering that both the Senate had ordained, and the people assented already, to make war upon their king and the Macedonians. So, admitted they were into the temple of Bellona before the Senate, where they delivered their message in this manner: That king Perseus marveled why there were armies transported over in Macedon? And if the Senate might be entreated so much, as to recall them home, the king would make satisfaction for the wrongs done unto their allies, in such sort as the Senate in their discretion would appoint. Now there was in the Senate-house at that time Sp. Carvilius, sent back for that very purpose out of Greece from Cn. Sitinius. He made report and remonstrance, how Perrhoebia was forced by arms, and certain cities of Thessaly won; with other exploits that king Perseus had either performed, or else was in hand to enterprise. To which challenges the ambassadors were commanded to make answer. But after they were seen once to salter in their speech, saying, they had no further commission than that they had delivered already; they were willed to relate unto the king their master, That P. Licinius the Consul would shortly be in Macedon with an army, unto whom the king might address his ambassadors, if he minded to do as he said & to make amends. As for sending any more to Rome, there was no need nor cause, for as much as they would not suffer any of them to pass through Italy. When they were dismissed with his short dispatch, P. Litinius the Cosull had in charge, to command them to depart out of Italy within eleven days, and to send Spurius Carvilius for to guard them all the way to the seaside until they were shipped. These occurrents passed in Rome before the Consuls were gone into their provinces.  
Now by this time Cn. Sicinius (who ere that he left his magistracy, was sent before as far as to Brundisium to the fleet and the army) having put over into Epirus five thousand foot and three hundred horse, was encamped before. Nymphaeum in the territory of the Apolloniares. From thence he sent certain colonels with two thousand soldiers, to seize the sorts & castles of the Dassarerians and Illyrians, by occasion that they of their own accord made means and sent for garrisons, to the end they might be better guarded and secured from the violence and invasion of the Macedonians bordering upon their confines,  
Some few days after, Q. Martius, A. Aitilius, P. and Ser. both Cornely and Lentuli, together with L. Decimius, who all had been sent in embassy into Greece, brought with them to Corcira one thousand footmen; where they both parted between themselves their several quarters whither they would go, and also their soldiers. Decimius was sent to Gentius king of the Illyrians, with commandment, If he saw him any ways coming on and inclined to entertain amity with the Romans, to sound him and give the assay, yea and to draw him into the association of this war. The two Lentuli were sent into Cephalenia, from thence to traverse & cross over into Peloponnesus, and before winter to fetch about and compass the coast of the West-sea. Martius' and Attilius were assigned to visit Epirus, AErolia and Thessaly. From thence they were enjoined to have an eye into Boeotia and Eubaea, and so to sail over into Pelopnnesus, where they appointed to meet with the Lentuli. But before that they departed from Cotcyra, letters were brought from Perseus, wherein he demanded what reason the Romans had either to transport any forces into Greece, or to seize upon cities? Thought good it was to returned him no answer by writing, but only by word of mouth thus much to say unto the messenger that brought the letters, That the Romans did it for the defence and safeguard of the said towns. The Lentuli as they road their circuit visiting the cities and towns of Peloponnesus, exhorting the States and commonalties thereof indifferently one as well as another, To aid the Romans at this present against Perseus, with semblable courage and like fidelity as they had stood with them first in the war against Philip, and afterwards in that with Antiochus; might bear in their, public assemblies much muttering and grumbling threat. The Acheans (who from the very beginning of the Macedonian wars had been altogether for the Romans, & during the war against Philip, enemies to the Macedonians) took it in great disdain that they were reputed in the same range with the Messenians and Eleans, and no better than they who had borne arms against the people of Rome, for Antiochus their enemy; and who but the other day, being enroled into the commonalty and counsel of the Archaeans, complained that they were delivered unto the victorious Achaeans, as the recompense and guerdon of their conquest. Martius' and Artilius as they went up to Gitana a town of Epirus, ten miles from the sea, in a general counsel holden there of all the Epirotes, had audience with great contentment of them all. Four hundred of their young and able lusty men they sent into the Oristians country to lies in garrison for defence of those Macedonians who by them were set at liberty. From thence they held on their progress into AEtolia: & after they had sojourned there some few days (whiles a new Praetor was elected in the room of him that was deceased, and Lyciscius appointed the governor, a man known for certain to favour the Romans) they passed over into Thessaly. Thither repaired the ambassadors of the Acarnanians and the banished persons of Aetolia. The Acamanians were enjoined to utter and declare before them what they had committed & done against the people of Rome, being in veagled and deceived by the promises of the two kings Philip and Antiochius during the wars against the one and the other; since occasion was now presented u. to them, for to make amends and salve all that was amiss. For if upon their ill demerits toward the people of Rome, they had made trial and tasted of their clemency, they might now by good deserts prove their bounty another while. As for the Boeotians, they were reproved and upbraided for entering into association with Perseus: and when they seemed to lay the whole fault upon Ismenias a chieftain of one of the two factions, and certain cities and States which being of a different opinion, were drawn to the side; Side ye so? (quoth Martius again) and that shall soon appear, for we will permit every commonalty and city to answer apart and severally for themselves the best they can.  
Now was the Diet of the Thessalians holden at Larissa: where, as the Thessalians took good occasion & sound ample matter of thanksgiving to the Romans, for the liberty which by their goodness they had obtained: so the Roman legates had as copious an argument to render them thanks, for that first in the war with Philip, and afterwards of Antiochus, they had been so mightily aided by the Thessalian nation. Thus by this mutual rehearsal of pleasures and good turns given and taken, the hearts of the multitude were enkindled with a servant zeal to decree & ordain whatsoever it pleased the Romans to desire. After this counsel was dissolved, there came ambassadors from king Perseus into Martius, upon a special assiance of the private friendship and hospitality which had passed between his father king Philip, and the said Martius [& his father.] These ambassadors began their speech with a commemoration of the said familiar and inward acquaintance, requesting him to permit the K. for to have access unto him, & to commune together. Martius answered, that he also had heard his father speak of the limitie and mutual hospitality between him and king Philip: in regard and remembrance of which near bond of familiarie he was the more willing to take upon him the charge of that embassage and commission. As to the parley, he would not have differed it at all, if he might commodiously have wrought it: & now for this present the promised (so soon as he possibly could) to send his couriers before to advertise the king, that they might come to the river Peneus, whereas the passage lieth from Omolium over to Dium. And verily at that time, Perseus was retired from Dium into the inland quarters of his realm, and had gathered some pretty gale of hope, in that Martius had given out, how for love of him he had undertaken this embassy. After some few days they repaired to the place appointed. The king came accompanied with a great train as well of his friends, as his courtiers and pensioners which guarded his person. The legates likewise were attended upon with no less a troop, by reason as well of many that followed them from Latissa, as also of divers embassages from the States which assembled at Larissa, and were desirous to carry home with them certain news of the sequel, which they should hear with their own cares. Every man had an inward desire settled in his heart to see the manner of the meeting of this noble king, & these high commissioners from the sovereign state and mightiest theft people of the whole world. Being come to the interview one of another, they stood still on either-side of the river, which only parted them asunder. For a while there passed entercourslers between, whiles they made it strange on both parts, who should pass the river first for the Macedonians stood somewhat upon the royal majesty of a king; and the Romans were as respective to the reputation of the people of Rome, considering with all, that Perseus sought the means and made first motion for this parley. Whereupon, to end this controversy, Martius cast out a merry word, What needs all this (quoth he) let the younger come to the elder without more ado, & the son to the father: this he spoke for that himself also was surnamed Philip. The K. soon condescended thereunto. But than arose another doubt and difference, namely with what number he should pass over. The K. thought it meet & convenient to come with his whole train: but the legates would have had him either to bring over with him 3 persons & no more; or else if he were minded to pass with so great a company, to put in hostages for assurance, that during the time of the parley no outrage should be committed. So Perseus sent as pledges, Hippias & Pentachus, the principal & most especial friends that were about him, whom also he had employed in the embassage. Now were these hostages required, not so much for a gage and pawn of security, as that it might appear unto the allies there present, that the K. in meeting and communing with The Roman commissioners, should not keep state comparable with them, but abate somewhat of the port and majesty which they carried. Their mutual greeting and salutation was nothing strange, as between enemies; but kind and amiable, as among familiar friends. Which done, they sat them down upon their chairs set ready for them. After they had thus sitten a while in silence and said nothing, 
The oration of 〈…〉 to Ling T●S●●●.  Martius begun in this manner: You expect (I suppose quoth he) that were should answer to your letters which you sent to Corcyra, wherein you demand, Why we are come in embassy and commission after this manner with armed soldiers, and plant garrisons as we do in every city? To which question of yours not to answer at all, I fear me you would take it to be pride in me; and again to answer a truth, I doubt it will be too harsh and unpleasant to your cares. But seeing that he who breaketh a covenant must be chastised either by word or sword, (like as I had rather that any other but myself should have commission to make war upon you;) so I will be so bold (howsoever it fall out) to speak rough and tart unto you as to my friend: and herein will I follow the manner of Physicians, who for the health of their patients, otherwhiles minister bitter medicines and apply stinging corrosives. Since time that you first attained unto the crown, the Senate thinketh you have done but one only thing of all that you ought to have done, namely, that you sent your ambassadors to Rome for the renew the league; and yet they judge you had done better in not renewing it, than after it was renewed, to violate the same. Chased you have out of the realm 
* The K. of the Sapeans 〈…〉 Pausanians in Achaecis.  Abrupolis, a confederate and friend of the people of Rome. The murderers of Artetarus you have received and entertained, yea and given the world thereby to understand, that you were well pleased (to say no worse) with his death: and killed they have a prince most sast and faithful to the Romans, of all others in Illyricum. Through Thessaly and the territory of Malia, you have marched with an army against the tenor of the league, as far as to Delphi: and more than that, contrary unto the said accord, sent you have aid and succour to the Bizantines. With our allies the Baeotians, you have entered into a secret association, and bound the same with an oath, which by right you ought not to have done. Who it was the murdered the Theban ambassadors Eversa and Callicritus who came directly from us, I had leiser inquire than charge any man and declare. The civil wars in AEtolia, the massacres of their princes and States, unto whom may they be imuted in any likelihood, but to your people? As for the Dolopians, wasted they were by yourself in person and by no other. It grieveth me the goeth to my heart, to speak who it is that king Eumenes challengeth and burdeneth with this, That in his return from Rome into his own kingdom, he was like to have been killed as a beast for sacrifice, and that at Delphi, in a sacred and hallowed place, even before the altars. As for the secret practices which your host of Brundisium hath disclosed and set abroad, I know right well, that not only you have received letters thereof from Rome, but your own ambassadors also have told you all by word of mouth. You might have soon avoided all this, and heard nothing thereof from me, if you would have sorborne only to ask and demand, Wherefore out forces were transported over into Macedon, and why we sent garrisons into our confederate cities? But since you would needs put out such a question, more pride it had been in us to have held our peace, than to utter the plain truth as we have done. Verily for mine own part, in regard of the hospital and friendly courtesies that have passed between your father and us, I favour you and will gladly make the best of your cause: and would to God had some good occasion ministered from yourself, to solicit and further your suit before the Senate.  
To these challenges and imputations, 
The 〈◊〉 of king Perseus.  the king framed his answered in this wise: Content I am to plead my cause before you, the parties appellants and judges both, which would be found (I doubt not) good, if it were debated and handled in the presence of indifferent and equal arbitrators. And first, as touching those matters which are objected against me, they are such as in part, I wot not well, whether I may not glory in them, or at leastwise nor blush in the confessing and avowing thereof. As for the rest, as they are charged upon me in bare words, so plain words may serve flatly and simply to deny them. For say, that this day I were subject unto your laws and by them to have my trial, what can either that promoter of Brundisium, or king Eumenes inform against me, but it will appear, that they accuse me not so much with matter of truth, as exhibit only slanderous and reproachful terms? A like matter iwis it is, that neither Eumenes had any other enemy but me, (he I say, who hath done such wrong and injuries to so many, both in common and also in particular:) nor I could find a sitter person to serve my turn in the execution of my projects but this Rammius, a fellow that I never had seen before, nor was everlike to see again hereafter. I must (forsooth) give account and answer for the Thebans, who as it is well known, perished by shipwreck: as also for the murder of Archarus; and yet therein I am no deeper charged than thus, that the murderers of him lived in exile and were shadowed within my realm. Now surely, this hard conclusion and unreasonable condition I will not refuse to undergo, in cafe you also will be content to take upon you and avow all those crimes and facts, for which they stand condemned, who as banished persons have sled either to Rome or into Italy: but in case both you and all other nations will disavow and disclaim that, I also will be one among the rest. And in good faith, to speak uprightly, to what end should any man be banished from one country, if he may not find a place in another, and be permitted there to live in exile? And yet (so soon as ever I found by advertisement from you that they were within Macedon) I for my part, made diligent search until I had them, and then I commanded them to depart out of my kingdom, yea and expressly forbade them for ever setting foot again within my dominions. And thus much verily concerning the criminal matters objected unto me as a defendant pleading at the bar. Now let us argue and debate the rest, enforced and laid against me in quality of a king, namely, which concern and touch the accord contracted between me and you. For it the words run in this sort and are thus written in the foresaid covenants of accord, That I may not be suffered to defend myself and my realm, no not if any enemy of mine levy war against me; than I must confess indeed, that the league I have broken, in that I stood upon my guard and defence by force of arms against Abrupolis, an associate of the people of Rome. But is it were lawful for me so to do by warrant of the accord, and allowed also by the law of nations, by force to repel force; what should I less, nay what could I else have done I pray you? when Abrupolis had laid waste the frontiers of my kingdom even as far as to Amphipolis, led into captivity many persons freeborn, carried away a mighty number of slaves, and driven before him many thousand head of cattraile; should I have sitten still and suffered him until he had come armed to Pella, even unto my royal palace? But some man may haply say, You did well indeed and justly, in making, head and pursuing him by force of arms; mary, vanquished he should not have been, neither ought he to have suffered those calamities which follow men vanquished. Why? if I have endured the hazard and fortune thereof, provoked as I was to war, how can he justly complain of rasting the like, being himself the cause and first motive of all? I will not use the same manner of defence (o Romans) to this, that by force of arms I have bridled and repressed the Dolopians: for if I have not done by them according to their demerits, yet I am sure I have dealt by the virtue of the right I have over them, being as they are of mine own kingdom, under my obeisance, & made subjects to my father even by a decree of your own drawing. And yet, were I to render a reason of my proceedings against them, I say, not unto you nor unto my allies, but even to those who like not of any hard and cruel command so much as over bondslaves; can I be thought to have exercised more rigour against them, than equity and reason would bear? For, Euphranor, whom I deputed governor over them, they killed in such sort, that death is too good for them, and the least punishment of all others that they have deserved. And as I marched forward in my progress from thence to visit the cities of Larissa, Antron & Pylleon, I ascended up to Delphi, there for to sacrifice, to the end that I might discharge my conscience and pay those vows which I had of long time owed. Now, to aggravate matter in this also against me, it is said moreover, that I was there with my army, and intended (no doubt) for to seize cities into my hands, and put garrisons into fortresses; for which at this present I complain of you. Call the States and cities of Greece together to a general assembly, through which I passed. Let any one man come forth and make complaint of the least harm and wrong done by any of my soldiers; then will I not refuse to be reputed and censured for one who under presence and colour of divine sacrifice, went about another thing. We sent indeed garrisons to the AEtolians and Bizantines, yea, and with the Baeotians we contracted amity. But these things, in what sort and for what purpose they were done, my ambassadors have not only declared, but also excused oftentimes before your Senate: where I found some umpires to hear and decide my cause, although not so indifferent and favourable to me ward, as yourself are, o Martius, my father's old friend and familiar. For as yet Eumenes my accuser was not come to Rome, who by false furnises and suggestions, wresting at his pleasures every thing to the worst, to make all suspicious and odious unto you, went about to make you believe, that Greece could not possibly be restored to freedom, and enjoy the fruit of your gracious benesire, so long as the kingdom of Macedon stood entire and upright. Well, the world, you shall see, will ruin about; and anon one or other will be here, to make remonstrance and prove, That to no purpose Antiochus is removed and confined beyond the mountains of Taurus; that Eumenes is become much more grievous & unsupportable to all Asia than Antiochus ever was; and that your allies cannot be at rest nor live in quiet, so long as he keepeth his royal court in Pergamus, a citadel (as it were) overlooking and commanding all the neighbour cities bordering thereupon. Right well I know, o Q. Martius & your A. Attilius, that whatsoever either you have objected against me, or I answered for my defence & purgation, is such as the cares and affections are of the hearers; neither what I have done, nor what mind and intention I have carried in mine actions will be so much regarded, ashow you take every thing either done or intended. Mine own conscience beareth med witness, that witting and willing I have non; how, if for want to knowledge and for sight I have been overseen and done somewhat amiss, it may been corrected and amended by this present rebuke and chassiment. This I am sure, my trespass is not incurable; neither have I committed aught; that you should deem worth to be pursued by war and force of arms. And if ye do; then surely it is fore sought, that there goeth this name abroad throughout all nations of your elemencies and gravity both, if I say for so slight occasions which hardly are worth the complaint & the reasoning about, you be ready to enter into arms & levy war upon your confederate princes. Martius' for that time accorded to his speech, and moved him to address ambassadors to Rome, being of advice and opinion himself to the all means to the very last point, and to let slip nothing whereof some hope of good might arise. It remained only to be debated in counsel, how ambassadors might pass in safety. And to this purpose, when it was necessary for the K. to request a suitecase of arms, albert Martius himself was willing and desirous thereof (for that his drift was to nothing else by all this conference and parley) yet he seemed to make a hard matter and difficulty of it, and to do a special favour and pleasure unto Perseus in granting his petition. The truth was, the Romans yet were not ready, nor thoroughly appointed at this present for the war; they had neither army puissant enough, nor captains sufficient whereas Perseus (but that he was blinded in all his counsels with a vain hope of peace) had all things prepared and in readiness, and might then have begun to wage war, as in the best and most opportune season for himself, so the worst and unfittest of all other times for his enemies.  
After this parley and the abstinence of war assured faithfully on both parts, the Roman commissioners were appointed and resolved to go into Boeotia, where there was begun already some trouble and commotion, by reason that certain States of the Baeotians were departed from the society of the common Council, eversince it was reported back, how the Roman Legates made answer that it should appear and be seen, what cities they were indeed which took no pleasure to have any association with the king. And first, the ambassadors from Cheronea; afterwards, from Thebes encountered them upon the way, who assured them, that they were not present in that Diet and Counsel, where this association was concluded. To these embassages no answer for this time was made, but willed they were only to give their attendance and follow them to Chalcis.  
At These great variance there was, which arose by occasion of another strife and debate. In their solemn assembly for the election of the praetor of the Baeotians, that part which had the repulse, in revenge of that injury and disgrace, assembled the multitude and made a decree at Thebes, That the Baeotarches should not be received within their cities: in such sort, as like banished men they retired to Thespium; from whence (for received there they were incontinently without any stay) being called again to Thebes upon better advisement and change of mind, they made an ordinance; That is to the number of twelve private persons held any converticle or public meeting together, they should be condemned to exile. After this, Ismanias' the new praetor, a noble parsonage and of great puissance, by virtue of a decree adjudged them In their absence for to lose other lives. To Chalcis they were fled, and from thence to the Romans at Larissa they went: where they declared that Ismenias was the cause of their association with king Perseus. Upon that foresaid difference, they grew to hot contention, yet ambassadors from both parts came to the Romans, as well the banished persons and accuses of Ismenias, as also Ismenias himself. But so soon as the Roman Legates were come to Chalcies; the States and heads of other cities (who every one by a special decree of their own had renounced association with king Person) joined with the Romans; whereat they took exceeding great contentment and joy. 〈◊〉 thought it meet and reason that the Baeotian nation should be committed to the protection of the Romans. Whereupon arose a tomulations sray, and but that he fled into the Tribunal of the Legates to save himself, he had escaped narrowly from being killed by the said exiled persons, with the help of their supports and favourites.  
Also the very city of Thebes, which is the capital place of State within Boeotia, was in great trouble and uproar; whiles some drew to the king, others inclined to the Romans. Beside, there was a multitude of Coronaeans and Haliartians gathered together to maintain the ordinance and decree as touching the association with the king. But such was the resolute persistence of the principal and cheese men, who showed by the late calamities of Philip and Antiochus, how great the forces, and how happy the fortune was of the Roman empires, that the same multitude relented, & being overruled, passed a new decree, to reverse and cancile the former confederacy with the king; sent those that were the motifes and persuaders of contracting that amity to Chalcis for to satisfy & content the Roman. Legates; yea, & to conclude, were of advise to recommend the city to the faithful patronage of the said commissioners. Martius' and Attilus took great pleasure to heart the Thebans sing this note, they persuaded with them severally apart, and gave them counsel to sell ambassadors to Rome for the renewing of this amity: but before all things they took order for the restoring of the banished persons: as for the authors of the confederacy contracted with the king, they by their own decree condemned. Having thus by this means infringed and made frustrate the Diet of the Baeotians (the thing which above all they most desired) they took their journey to Peloponnesus, together with Ser. Cornelius, whom they had sent for to Chalcis. For their sakes a counsel was holden at Argos, where they demanded nothing else of the Achaean nation, but only to furnish them with a thousand soldiers. This garrison was sent to the defence of Chalcis, until the Roman army were transported into Greece. Martius' and Attilius having thus dispatched all the affairs that they had to do in Greece, in the beginning of winter returned to Rome.  
Then was there sent from thence about the same time an honourable embassy to the Isles in Asia. These ambassadors or Legates were three in number, to wit, T. Claudius; P. Posthumius, and M. junius. They in their circuit & visitation exhorted all their allies to take arms against Perseus, for the Romans. And the mightier & more wealthy any city was, the more earnestly travailed they there; because the inferior states were like to frame and sort themselves suitable to the example and authority of the greater and superior. Now of all others the Rhodians were reputed of most import and consequence every way, for that they were able not only to favour with their countenance, but also maintain and aid with their forces this war: and by the persuasion of Hergesilus they had gotten together a fleet of forty sail. The Hergesilus their sovereign magistrate (whom they call Pyrtanis) had by many reasons prevailed with the Rhodians, to abandon the hope they had by entertaining these KK. (which they had found by often experience how vain it was) and to hold themselves to the society and alliance of the Romans; the surest hold of all others at that time in the worlds, as well for strength of forces as trusty assurance and fidelity. There is intended war by them (qd. hd) against Perseus, and no doubt the Romans will require of us the same provision and furniture of ships and sea forces, which they have seen in their war lately against Antiochus, and before that, against king Philip: and then you will be to seek, and forced in great haste to provide a fleet, when in were more time it should be set out and sent forth, unless ye begin be times to repair and rig your ships, unless, I say, you set in hand to furnish the same with saults and mariners. And with so much more endeavour ought ye thus to do, that by your deed and effectual employment, you may refuse and disproove the false imputations where with Eumenes hath charged you. By these remonstrances induced they were, in so much as at the arrival of the Roman legates a foresaid, they were able to show unto them an armanda of 40 ships ready rigged and well appointed, that they might know & see, they looked not for to be exhorted thereunto. And this embassage was of great moment and importance also to gain the hearts of the States in Asia. Only Decimius returned to Rome without any effect of his errand and commission, nay he ran into an ill name and obloquy, upon suspicion that he had received certain bribes of the princes in Illyricum.  
Perseus upon the conference and communication had with the Romans, retired into Macedon and sent his ambassadors to Rome, to treat about the conditions of peace begun already with Martius: to other ambassadors also of his he gave his letters to carry to Byzantium and Rhodes: the tenor of which letters was one and the same directed to them all: namely, That he had communed with the Roman legates, but he had so placed and couched as well what he heard as what he spoke, that it might seem he gave not one foot unto them but gained the better hand in that dispute and debating with them. These ambassadors added moreover and said unto the Rhodians, that they hoped assuredly there would be a peace, for that they by the motion & advise of Martius & Attilius were addressed in embassy to Home. Now if the Romans, say they, against the covenants of accord proceeded to levy war, than the Rhodians were to endeavour with all the credit and power they have, to reunite the peace again; but if with all their prayer and entreaty they might not prevail, than they were to look about and labour this one point, That the might and puissance of the whole world were not devolved into the hands of that one people. And as this imported and concerned all the rest, so the Rhodians especially, who furmounted other States in dignity and wealth, both which should be obnoxious and enthralled, if there were regard and respect made of none but the Romans. The letters of the king and words of the ambassadors, were entertained with friendly, audience, other effect they took none to change their settled minds: for now the authority of the better part began also to carry the greater sway. But this answer was returned to them, & that by way of decree, That the Rhodians withed peace with all their hearts: but if it should come to war, their king and master was neither to expect nor yet to exact any thing at their hands, to disjoin the ancient amity which they held with the Romans, and which they had acquired by many and great deserts, as well in war as in peace. In their return from Rhodes, they went to the cities of Boeotia, and namely to Thebes, Coronea & Haliartus, from whom it seemed a thing extorted forcibly against their will, that they were disbanded from the king and clavae to the Romans. The Thebans stood firm & immooveable, although they were somewhat discontented with the Romans, both for condemning their chief and principal citizens, and also for restoring the banished persons. But the Coronean & Haliartians upon an inbred & settled favour by kind unto the kings, sent ambassadors into Macedonia, requesting a garrison for their defence against the excessive pride of the Thebans. To this embassage the king thus answered, That a garrison he might not sent, by reason of the truce made with the Romans: howbeit he advertised them to maintain and guard themselves against the injuries of the Thebans all that ever they could: but yet so, as they gave the Romans no 'cause to be their heavy friends, and so to proceed in rigour against them.  
Martius' and Attilius being come to Rome, made report of their embassy within the Capitol, in such manner, as in nothing they gloried more, than in deluding and deceiving the king, by means of a cessation from arms, and a pretended hope of peace. For so well appointed was he and furnished with all provision for war, and they chose so unprovided every way, that he mought easily have possesed himself of all places of opportunity and advantage, before that their army could pass over into Greece. But now having this respite & time of the truce, as the king would come nothing better provided, so the Romans might begin the war, more fully furnished with all things convenient. Moreover they related how they by their coming distracted & set a jar in the general counsel of the Baetians, so as by no means anymore hereafter they can be rejoined to the Macedonians by consent and accord. The greater part of the Senate approved this service of theirs as performed with singular discretion and dexterity: But the old Senators and those that held in remembrance the ancient manner and custom of the Romans, said plainly, That in all the course of that embassy, they could see no Roman practice and dealing at all. Our ancestors (say they) were wont to war not by wait-laying and secret ambushes, not by skirmishes in the night season, ne yet by false semblant of running away and sudden turning their face again at unawares upon their unprovided enemies; neither fought they to glorify themselves by subril flights more than by true virtue and valour: Their use and manner was, to intimate and publish was before they made any: yea and to denounce and proclaim the same; otherwhiles also to assign and appoint the very place where they went to strike a battle. According to this plain and faithful dealing, they detected and disclosed unto king Pyrrhus, the physician that would by poison have taken away his life: by the same they delivered bound unto the Faliscians' the villainous traitor that would have betrayed the children of their K. These are the Roman fashions (say they) not to use the cunning casts and sly shifts of the Carthaginians, nor the crasrie policies of Grecians, who ever reputed it more glorious and honourable by fraud to compass, than by force to surpass the enemy. Indeed otherwhiles for the present time, more good is done & greater matters are effected by guile & policy, than by valour and virtue: but to say a truth, the courage of that enemy is for ever conquered, who is forced to contesse that he was vanquished not by cunning, not by venture, but in just and lawful war by main strength and close fight at handy gripes. Thus spoke the ancients, who had no great liking to the newfound devises of these politicians. Howbeit that side of the Senate which made more reckoning of profit than of honesty, carried it away and imported so much, that not only the first embassy of Martius was approved, as well performed, but also himself was sent back again with certain Quinqueremes, with a mandate also & commission to deal in the rest according as he should think to stand with the good of the common weal. They dispatched likewise Aul. Attilus to seize Larissa in Thessaly; for fear lest if the term of truce were expired, Persius should send a garrison thither, and hold in his hand the capital city of Thessaly. The said Attilus had a warrant to receive two thousand footmen of Cn. Sicinius for to effectuate that enterprise. Also P. Lentulus lately returned out of Achaea was allowed the conduct of 300 soldiers of the Italian nation, to the end that at Thebes he should endeavour to bring all Boeotia under the obedience of the Romans. When all things were set in this forwardness, albeit they were at a point and fully resolved to make war, yet thought good it was to give audience unto the ambassadors of Perseus in the Senate; who rehearsed and related in manner the same reasons which were delivered by the king in the late conference and parley. Much ado they made and laboured hard, to acquit the king of the imputation laid to his charge, for seeking the death of Eumenes; but with final probability or none at all: for the thing was too apparent. In the end they fell to prayer and entreaty: howbeit no ear was given unto them, with any such mind and heart, as could be either instructed or inclined. In stead thereof, warned straightly they were to depart immediately forth of the liberties of Rome, and within thirty days out of Italy.  
After this, P. Licinius the Cos. who was charged with the province of Spain had commandment given him to assign unto the army the soon day that he could, for to meet in one certain place. C. Lucretius the praetor who had the conduct of the fleet, took his leave of the city with 40 Quinqueremes: for advised it was, that the rest of the ships which had been repaired, should be stayed at home for to be employed otherwise about the city. And the praetor sent his brother Lucretius, before with one Galeace or Quinquereme, and commission to receive of the allies that shipping which by covenant they were to find; and with them near the Island Cephalenia, to join with the rest of the armada: to wit, from the Rhegines one trireme galley, from the Locrians twain, from the Vrites four. With which he coasted along Italy, and having doubled the utmost point of Calabria within the 
* Adriati●●e.  Ionian sea, he arrived at Dyrrhachium. There he found ten galleons or barks of the Dyrrhachians, twelve of the Issaeans, and fifty four belonging to king Gentius, which he took all with him along, making semblance that he supposed they were provided of purpose for the service of the Romans: with this fleet by the third day he fell with the I'll Corphu: and so forward he made sail and arrived at Cephalenia. C. Lucretius the Praetor, having loosed to sea from Naples, crossed the strengths of Sicily, and on the fiftieth day cut over likewise to Cephalenia. Then the fleet struck anchor, expecting as well the arrival of the land forces, as also that the hulks and vessels of carriage which were scattered upon the seas from the rest of their company, might overtake them.  
It happened about this time, that Pub. Licinius the Consul having conceived and solemnly made his vows within the Capitol, departed in his coat of arms from the city. A solemnity at all times verily this is, done with much dignity and majesty: but especially with exceeding great pleasure and contentment of the beholders; when the Consul is accompanied with a stately train at his first setting forth, to encounter some great and famous enemy, renowned as well for virtue, as quality and fortune: for at such a time men assemble and gather together, not only in regard of duty to acquit themselves of their devoir, but also upon a desire they have of the very show and fight presented unto their eyes; namely, to see their captain to whose conduct and counsel they have committed the managing and defence of the commonweal. Moreover, they take occasion thereby to think of the hazard of war, how adventurous is the event and how doubtful the issue of battle in the field. They call to mind the alternative course of good fortune and bad; and namely, how by the blind ignorance or the unadvised rashness of leaders, many soils and overthrows have happened; and chose by politic wisdom and hardy courage, great matters have been effected and happy victories achieved. And what mortal man is he that knoweth, of what mind and carriage good or bad, how fortunate or unlucky the Consul is, whom they send forth to war: whether he be like soon to be seen again, in triumphant wise with his victorious army mounting up the Capitol unto those gods, of whom now he taketh his leave: or shall give occasion to the enemies in the same manner to rejoice? As for Perseus the king, (against whom this expedition and journey is taken) a prince he is highly renowned both by the Macedonian nation (so famous for fears of arms,) and also by his father Philip, who among other fortunate achievements of his, was ennobled by his war against the Romans. Moreover, the very name of Persius himself (since time that first the diadenie was set upon his head) was in every man's mouth, and no talk continually but of him and the expectation of this war. With these and such like cogitations (I say) a mighty number of men of all sorts and degrees attended and accompanied the Consul at his departure. With him were sent two Colonels or knight-marshals above the rest, who had been Consuls, namely, C. Claudius and Q. Mutius: also three brave and lusty young gallants, to wit, P. Lentulus and the two Manlij, both surnamed Acidini, the one son to 
* This M. Manlius seemeth to be, plebeian getis●●● that there 〈…〉 before, That no Manlius Patririus ●ig●● the rame ●. Mar●●●●s. 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 ●●e M●ul● 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 li●pi●.  M. Manlius and the other to L. Manlius. The Consul thus accompanied, first went to Brundisium to the army, and from thence passed the seas to Nymphaeum, and so encamped in the territory of Apollonia.  
Perseus' some few days before, upon the return of his ambassadors from Rome, who had clean put him out of all hope of peace, held a council; wherein for a good while the matter was debated with great variety of sundry opinions. Some were of mind, that in case the Romans enjoined them either to yield a tribute, or to forego some of their lands; yea if they imposed upon them some fine by way of amends and satisfaction: in brief, whatsoever else they set down and ordained, to do and suffer all for to redeem their peace, and not to refuse any condition were it never so hard, but to take heed and provide in any wise, that Perseus put not himself not the realm upon the dangerous hazard of so great a jeopardy. For if he held still the main point and continued in quiet possession of his kingdom, in time and space much good might happen; by means whereof he should be able not only to lick himself whole and recover his losses, but also become hereafter dread and terrible even unto those of whom now he standeth in fear. But the far greater part carried with them a more courageous spirit and gave advice accordingly. For they affirmed, That if Perseus parted with aught and yielded never so little, he must make account with all to quit the freehold of his whole kingdom soon after. For 'tis neither money not land (say they) that the Romans want; but this they wore full well, That as all things else in the world, so especially great monarchies and empires are subject to many accidents and casualties: right well they know also, how they have quelled and bruised the puissance of the Carthaginians, and for to yoke their necks and hold them down, have set up a mightieking to be their neighbour and to command them; yea and that Antiochus and all his race is removed and chased beyond the mountain Taurus. There remaineth only now the realm of Macedon, which is both seated in a near region, and also (if the fortune of the people of Rome should happen to sail) seemeth able to give heart and courage to her kings at this day, answerable to that of their noble progenitors in former times. And therefore whiles the state standeth entire and unfoiled, Perseus ought to resolve, whether he had leiser by foregoing one thing after another, strip himself in the end of all his goods and lands, and so turned clean out of his kingdom, be driven to request at the Romans hand either Samothracia or some other such petty Isle, where, in quality of a private person he may survive his royal estate and live to old age in base contempt and needy poverty: or else, to take arms in the defence and maintenance of his royal place and dignity, like a prince of valour and courage; and either abide all hazards whatsoever the fortune of the field shall plunge him into; or after victory achieved deliver the whole world from the dominion & imperious signory of the Romans. And no greater wonder and miracle is it to hunt the Romans out of Greece, than it was to chase Hannibal out of Italy: neither see we in good faith (say they) how by any reason it can well stand, that he who resisted with all his might and main his own brother, that would have made himself king against all right and law, should now to strangers and aliens render the possession thereof, which he came so well and truly by, and wherein he is so rightfully inversted? Finally, in war and peace howsoever, men make questions, disputing and arguing too and fro; yet this conclusion they all grant and agree upon, That as there is nothing more shameful and dishonest, than to abandon and lose a kingdom without battle, so there is nothing more glorious and honourable than for the maintenance of princely dignity and regal majesty, to hazard all fortune whatsoever. This counsel was holden at Pella, the ancient palace wherein the Macedonian KK. kept their royal court. Why then (quoth he) on God's name, since you are of that mind and resolution, let us take arms and to the field: whereupon he sent his letters into all parts to his gallants and captains, and assembled and drew all his forces to Citium a town of Macedon. Himself in person after he had performed a magnificent sacrifice (like a king) of an hundred head of beasts to the honour of Minerva, surnamed Alcida, he departed accompanied with a number of his courtiers, pensioners, and yeoman of the guard to Citium. To which place were gathered already all his forces, as well Macedonians as auxiliary strangers. He pitched his camp before the town, and embattled all his armed men in the plain. He was in all forty thousand strong; whereof one half well-near consisted of those whom they call Phalangiae, and those were commanded by one Hippias of Berrhaea. Besides, there were two choice companies (for the flower of age and strength of Body) selected out of the whole number of targuettiers, called Cetrati. This regiment, themselves called by the name of The legion; and the same was under the conduct of Leonatus and Thrasippus both 
* Or, Elymiotti, according to Torneb, in Adversariis.  Eulyestanes. The rest of the targuettiers to the number of three thousand or very near, were led by Antiphilus of Edessa. The Paeonians, those also of Pacoria and Pastrymonia (places subject unto the Thracian) and the Agrians, together with some inhabitants of Thracia intermingled among them, amounted also to the number of three thousand. Didas of Paeonia had levied and armed them, even the man that murdered young Demetrius. There were besides, two thousand Frenchmen in arms under the leading of captain Asclepiodorus. From Heraclea likewise out of the Sintians country, there were three thousand Thracians freemen borne, under a leader of their own. The like number well-near of Cretensians followed their commanders, Susus of Phalasarna, and Syllus of Gnosos: also Leonides the Lacedaemonian, had the charge of five hundred out of Greece, but a mixed company they were of divers nations. This Leonides was said to have been of the blood royal, a banished person, condemned in a frequent assembly and counsel of the Achaeans, for certain letters which he sent to Perseus, and were entercepted. The Aetolians and Boeotians who in all made not above five hundred, were conducted by Lyco an Achaean. These auxiliaries or aid-soldiours of so many states and nations mixed and blended together, grew fast upon the number of twelve thousand armed men. As for the cavalry, he had levied out of all Macedon three thousand horse or thereabout. Colys king of the Odrysians, the son of Scathes, was thither come with a thousand chosen men of arms, and almost as many footmen. In sum, the whole army arose to the number of 39000 foot and four thousand horsemen. And this was held for certain, that the like army was never raised by any king of Macedon, unless it were that again, with which Alexander the great passed over into Asia. Twenty years now and six werecome and gone, since time that peace was granted unto Philip at his own suit and request: during which space between, Macedon being in rest and quietness, had brought sooth a goodly fry of fresh youth: a great part where of was of sufficient age to bear arms; and by the continual skirmishes which they maintained with the Thracians their neighbours, were rather whetned than weakened, and more enured than wearied; and in one word lived ever in practice of martial fears: whereby it came to pass, that all things were priest and in readiness for the war, which Philip first, and Perseus afterwards projected to wage against the Romans.  
This army stirred and advanced a little, not in manner of a full march as to a present battle; but only for this, that they would not be seen to have stood still in their armies: and thus armed as the soldiers were, Perseus called them to an audience, intending to make an oration unto them. Being mounted up to his Tribunal, he stood there with his two sons about him, one of either hand, whereof the elder (named Philip) he adopted to be his child, whereas indeed by nature he was his brother; but the younger (whom they called Alexander) was his own natural son. Then and there he exhorted his soldiers to fight manfully, and laid before them what wrongs and injuries the people of Rome had done both to his father and also to himself. As for my father (quoth he) forced he was by all kind of indignities to enter into arms and begin war again; 
Perseus to his soldiers.  but in the very preparation thereof, he was suddenly surprised and strucken with death. To myself at one time were ambassadors from them sent to treat of peace, & armed soldiers also for to seize upon the cities of Greece. Afterwards, by a deceitful show of a parley, under colour of reconciliation and peace making, we were born in hand and drawn out a whole winter, to the end that they might gain time to prepare for war. And now is the Consul coming with two Roman legions having either of them some three hundred horse besides, and with a proportionable number (and that is the most) of allies, as well foot as horse. And say that the KK. both Eumenes and Masanissa join with their aidforces, yet can they not amount above the number of seven thousand. Now that ye have heard what the strength is of the enemies, regard and compare your own army, namely, how far both in number, as also in goodness and quality of soldiers, you surpass them; being yourselves from your childhood and infancy warriors trained in practice of arms & warfare, wrought, framed and hardened in so many battles: where as they be new & raw soldiers taken up in haste & enroled now the first time against this present service. As for the auxiliaries of the Romans, what are they but Lydians, Phrygians, and Numidians? but we to set against them, have to aid us Thracians and Gauls, the most courageous nations under heaven. For harnish and weapons, they have no other than such as every poor soldier is able to provide for himself: but the Macedonians are furnished out of the kings royal armory and arsenal with such armours of proof, as my father in many years caused to be made with great care, and to his no small expense. The Romans be far from their provisions, & the same exposed to all the casualties of the sea: but we, besides the revenues and issues out of the mines of metal, have laid by both coin and corn sufficient to serve for ten years. The Macedonians have store and soison in great abundance heapful of all things necessary, and be provided as well by the gracious favour of the gods, as the careful diligence of a king. It remaineth now that ye carry that mind and courage with you, which your noble progenitors bare before you, those I say, who after they had conquered and subdued all Europe, passed into Asia, and by force of arms made way and discovered that part of the world that was never heard of before, and gave not over to win ground still and make more conquests, until they were barred by the red sea, and could find no more land to conquer. But now believe me, fortune hath denouced a trial by war, not for the purchase of the utmost bounds and marches of India, but for our free hold and possession, for our inheritance even of Macedon. These Romans, when they warred against my father, pretended a goodly title, and made a glorious show to the world, as though they would deliver Greece, and establish it in freedom: but now in open and plain terms they shoot at Macedon, intending to bring it into servitude; to the end there might be no king near neighbour to the Roman signory, not any nation renowned for martial prowess, permitted to bear arms and have weapon in hand. For, these things and no less, forced shall ye be to part with, and deliver up unto these proud LL. together with king and kingdom, in case ye surcease war; and to do whatsoever they will command you. All the while that he delivered this speech, there might be heard secret succlamations oftentimes, sufficiently testifying the general assent of them all: but at these last words they lift up their voices and cried out aloud, part for anger and indignation menacing the enemy, part for courage and resolution exhorting the king to be of good cheer and take a good heart; in so much as he was constrained to give over, and make an end of his Oration: only he commanded them to be ready for the remove, and to put themselves in the journey against the enemy: for by this time advertised he was that the Romans were dislodged from Nymphaeum. After this assembly was dismissed, he gave audience to the embassages from the States of Macedon: for, come they were to make promise and offer both of money and grain to maintain this war, every one according to their ability. Thanked they were each one, and released of all that charge, with this answer, that the king's provision was sufficient. Only he commanded them to find wanes and carts for carriages of the pieces of ordinance, the engines of battery, the darts, quarrels, and other shot, whereof a mighty deal he had provided; and in sum, all the instruments and furniture of war. Then he set forward with his whole army marching toward Eordea, and near unto the lake which they call Begarites, he encamped. The next morrow he advanced to Elimea upon the river Haliacmon. After this having passed over the mountains named Cambunij through a straight and narrow passage, he descended to those that inhabit Azorus, Pythous and Doliche, which quarter is called Tripoli. These three towns stayed somewhile in suspense, by reason that they had given their hostages to the Larissaeans: but in the end, overcome with the fear presented before their eyes, were content to yield themselves into his hands. Perseus used gracious words to this people, making this account, that the Perrhaebians would do the like: and in very deed he entered upon the city (which surrendered at his first arrival) without any doubt or stay at all made by the inhabitants within. As for the town Cyretiae, he assayed to batter it, and the first day he was repulsed in a sharp skirmish at the very gates made by the townsmen that put on arms, drew to an head, and made resistance. But the morrow after when he had assailed the city with all his forces, they submitted all to his mercy before night. The inhabitants of the next town to it, Mylae, presuming upon their fortifications, and standing upon this, That their city was imprenable, were so proud and lusty, that they could not be contented to shut the gates only against the king, but most rudely and malapertly spared not to cast out reproachful taunts and gibing terms against his own person and the Macedonians. Which manner of dealing, as it envenomed the enemies and edged them the rather to enforce & follow the assault, so it kindled themselves the more (upon despair of all pardon and mercy) to maintain and make good their place, and stand more resolutely in their own defence. Whereupon for three days together the town was assailed by one part, and defended by the other with mighty courage right valiantly. The Macedonians were so many in number, that by turns they relieved the assault without any difficulty, and entered one in the place of another. But the townsmen who evermore day & night guarded the walls, without any change and new supply, were not only overcharged with many wounds, but also wearied and enfeebled with continual travel and want of sleep. The fourth day, when at one instant the scaling ladders were reared against the walls in every quarter, and the gate assailed with greater force and violence than before, the inhabitants being driven from the courtaine & battlements, ran all to ward the gate, and made a sudden fallie upon the enemies: which proceeding more upon inconsiderate and blind anger, than any true and assured confidence of their own strength, caused them (few in number and wearied) to be discomfited and put to flight by the enemies fresh and in heart, who entered pell mel with them into the said gate standing wide. open. Thus was this city taken and ransacked. The bodies also of the free borne persons, as many as remained after the bloody execution, were sold in market. Perseus after he had razed, ruined and burned a great part of the town, dislodged and departed from thence to Phalanna, and the next day following went onward, and marched to Gyrtone. But being advertised that T. Minutius Rufus and Hippias the praetor of Thessaly were entered thither with a garrison, he passed besides the town and never made offer of any assault. But he surprised Elatia and Gonnus, by reason that the townsmen were strucken with exceeding fear upon his sudden arrival. These two towns are situate upon the very straight which leadeth to Tempe, but Gonnus especially. And therefore he left it guarded with a strong garrison both of foot and horse, as also fortified with a triple trench and rampire. Himself in person went onward still to Sycurium, minding there to attend the coming of the enemy: and withal he commanded his army to forage and purvey come every way all over the territory of the enemies lying under him. For Cycurium is seated upon the hanging of an hill toward the very foot of the mountain Ossa, having upon the South side the plain champion of Thessaly under it, but behind on the back Macedon and Magnesia. Over and above these commodities, the place is very healthful and plenteous of all good things, watered also with many quick and run springs round about.  
The Roman Consul having his army on foot about that time marching toward Thessaly, at the first found good way and ready passage through Epirus: but afterwards when he was passed over once into Athamania, he met with a rough country and rugged soil, and in manner insuperable: so as with exceeding great difficulty and by short journeys he had much ado to reach unto Gomphi. And if at that time, whiles his men and horses were encombered and tainted, the king had made head in battle arraunged, taking the vantage of time and place against him, leading as he did an host composed but of rude and untrained novices, the Romans themselves cannot: deny, but it would have gone very hard with them, and a great overthrow they must needs have received in that conflict. But when they were come once to Gomphi without any skirmish, besides the joy which they conceived, for that they had escaped and overcome that dangerous passage, they began also to contemn their enemies, for that they knew not their own good, and were so ignorant of the opportunities which they had. The Consul after he had duly sacrificed (as it appertained) and distributed the allowance of corn among his soldiers, so journed there some few days for the rest and repose both of man and beastwhere, hearing that the Macedonians ranged and overran the country of Thessaly, wasting and spoiling the territory of the Roman allies, he led his soldiers now sufficiently refreshed unto Larissa. And having marched from thence within three miles of Tripoli (which they call Scea) he pitched his tents, and lodged upon the river Peneus.  
At the same time Eumenes arrived by sea at Chalcis, together with two of his brethren, Attaius and Athenas●s, leaving at Pergamus a third brother Phileterus, for the defence of his realm. From thence, accompanied with Attalus and a power of four thousand foot and a thousand horse, he came to the Consul, and left at Chalcis two thousand footmen, commanded by Atheneus. Thither also repaired other aids which came into the Romans from all the States of Greece, but most of the particulars were so small as now they are grown out of remembrance. The Appolloniates sent three hundred horsemen and a hundred footmen. From the Aetolians there came to the mountnance of one Cornet of horsemen, even the whole cavalry that the said nation could make. Likewise all the cavalry of the Thessalians which exceeded not the number of three hundred that served in the Roman camp, and quartered apart. The Achaeans sent one thousand men of their youth, armed for the most part after the Candiot manner. And much about this time C. Lucretius also the praetor, who had the conduct of the ships that anchored in the road of Cephalenia, after he had given charge to M. Lucretius his brother, to make sail with his fleet beyond the cape of Malea, and so to pass to Chalcis, himself went aboard unto a trireme galley, and sailed toward the gulf of Corinth, for to be seized first of the country of Boeotia, and to prevent all matters there. He made way but slowly, because of the infirmity and weakness of his body. M. Lucretius being arrived at Chalcis, and advertised that P. Lentulus lay against the city of Haliartus, sent a messenger, commanding him in the name of the Praetor to raise the siege and dislodge from thence. The lieutenant not withstanding he had set into that service with the help of the youth of that part of Boeotia which took part with the Romans, retired from before the walls. The levying of this siege gave occasion of a new enterprise: for incontinently M. Lucretius besieged and invested Haliartus with his own sea-forces to the number often thousand fight men, together with two thousand soldiers from king Eumenes, whereof Athen●eus had the charge: and as they were now upon the point to give an assault, the praetor came in unto them from Creusa. And very near to that time, there arrived also at Chalcis certain ships from the allies, namely two Quinquereme galeaces of Carthage, two trireme galleys from Heraclea in Pontus, four from Chalcedon, as many from Samos, and five quadrireme galleys of Rhodes. All these vessels the praetor sent back again to the allies, and cased them of that charge, because there was no sea-service to be performed in any place. Q. Martius also came by sea to Chalcis, after he had won Halops and assaulted Larissa called Cremaste.  
This was the state of Boeotia, when Perseus (as hath been said before) lay encamped at Sycurium: who after he had from every coast thereabout gotten together all the grain that he could come by, sent certain companies to give the waist unto the territory of the Phoceans, supposing the Romans might be surprised, when they should be drawn far from their own camp to the succouring of their distressed associates. But perceiving that they stirred never the more for all that tumult: he dealt among his soldiers all the prey, but only of men and women: now the booty stood most upon cat-tail, wherewith they made good cheer. After this, but near about one & the same time, the Consul & king Perseus both, debated in their counsel, how and where they should begin the war. The king had taken great heart and courage by occasion that the enemy suffered him to make such havoc and do his pleasure in the Pheraeans territory. And therefore his resolution was, to march directly against the Roman camp, without giving more time and making any farther delay. The Romans likewise for their parts were of opinion, that all forslacking now would greatly prejudice their reputation among the confederates, who took it exceedingly to the heart, that they had not succoured the Pheraeans. As they fate consulting what to do, (now Eumenes and Attilius both were present at this counsel) there came a messenger in post hast with news that the enemy approached near at hand with a mighty army. Whereupon the counsel break up, and presently the signal was given to arm. And advised it was in the mean while, that there should go forth a hundred horse, and as many darters and foot out of king Eumenes his companies.  
Perseus about the fourth hour of the day, being come within a mile and somewhat more of the Roman leaguer, commanded the ensigns of the footmen to stand. Himself in person with the men of arms and light armed soldiers advanced forward, and so together with king Cety and the captains of the other auxiliaries, they two marched before. Now when they were within half a mile from the camp, they might discover the horsemen of their enemies. Two corners they were, most part Gauls, under the conduct of Cassignatus; besides the loose and light armed forlorn hope, to the number well-near of a hundred and fifty, and those were partly Mysians and partly Cretensians. Here at the king made a stand, not knowing well the number of the enemies: and anon out of the regiment that he had with him he crew two wings of Thracian horse, & as many Macedonians; likewise two cohorts of Cretensian & as many Thracian footmen. Hereupon ensued a skirmish: but for as much as they were matched even in number, and no succour came in to rescue from the one part of the other, it ended likewise in doubtful balance of victory. Of Eumenes his part there died about thirty: in which number Cassignatus the commander of the Gauls was slain. So for that time Perseus retired his forces to Sycurium: but the next morrow the king marched with them again to the self same place, and much about the foresaid hour. Certain carts and wanes laden with water followed after: and by reason that for a dozen mile space, all the way was waterlesse and full of dust withal, hardly bestead (as it should seem) they had been for very drought and thirst, in case they had been charged & put to skirmish, at the time when they were first in fight. But considering that the Romans kept quiet, yea and had reduced their corpse de guard within their rampire, Perseus likewise retired with his forces into his camp. This did the enemies for certain days together, hoping ever that the Roman cavalry would charge upon the tail of the arriere guard in their retreat: & when by that occasion the skirmish was once begun, and that they had trained and drawn them far from their camp; then, they mought with ease wheresoever they were, turn upon them and make head, having the odds of them in horsemen and light armed soldiers. But the king seeing this would not speed, encamped nearer unto the Romans, and fortified the compass of half a mile. From whence betimes in the morning by the break of day, after he had embattled his infantry in the usual place, he led all his cavalry and light armed men toward the camp of his enemies. The Romans seeing a greater dust raised by more in number, and the same nearer than ordinary it had been, were mightily afraid within their camp. But at the first they would hardly believe the messenger that brought the news: for that continually all the former days the enemy used not to be seen until the fourth hour of the day, and now the sun was but newly risen. Howbeit afterwards (I say) when about the gates there were thicker alarms given, and more and more running from thence, and that now there was no doubt at all of the matter, there grew an exceeding trouble and hurly burly. The marshals, colonels, captains, and centurians, betook themselves into the quarter about the Pretours pavilion: and the soldiers ran every man to his own tent. Perseus had embattled his men less than half a mile from the rampire about a little hill which they call Calicinus. King Cotys had the charge of the left wing, with all those of his own nation. The ranks of the cavalry stood marshaled alunder one from the other, by reason that the light armed soldiers were bestowed between. In the right wing were placed the Macedonian horsemen, and the Cretensians likewise intermingled among them. Milon of Berrhaea led these light armed soldiers: but Meno of Antigonia commanded the horsemen, and the whole regiment of that part. Next to those wings the cavalry of king Perseus was arraunged together with the selected aid-souldiours of many and sundry nations: and the same were conducted by Patrocles of Antigonia, and Didas the governor of Paeonia. In the midst of all was the king himself: having about him band called Agema, and certain cornets of horsemen named [the sacred wings.] Before him he planted the slingers & darters, who both together amounted to the number of 400: and over them he appointed for to be their leader one jon of Thessalonica, & Timanor the Dolopian. In this manner as is before said, stood the king's forces embattled. The Cos. having put his infantry in order of battle, sent out his cavalry likewise with the light armed companies, who were set in array before the camp. C. Licinius Crassius the Consul's brother had the leading of the right point, with all the Italian horsemen and the footmen lightly appointed intermingled among them, M. Valerius Lavinus in the left, commanded the horsemen of the Greek associates, together with the light armed soldiers of the same nation. Q. Matius conducted the battailon in the mids with certain extraordinary chosen men of arms. Before their guidons, 200 horsemen of the Gauls stood in ordinance: & of the auxiliaries of king Eumenes, three hundred Cyrtians, & four hundred Thessalian horse. Not far from thence were ranged, somewhat above the left point king Eumenes himself and his brother Attalus, with all their power were planted behind, even between the rearward and the trench. Thus stood both battles much after this manner arraunged, and having of either side a like strength in manner of horsemen and light-armour, they encountered and charged one another; and then the conflict was begun by the forlom hope of loose shot, to wit, the flingers and darters that went before. And first of all others the Thracians, faring like wild and savage beasts who had been long penned up within some grates and cages, with a mighty cry advanced forth and ran upon the Italian horsemen in the right wing, to the end that they might trouble and amaze them; being otherwise a nation fearless, as well by nature as for long experience and practice of war *** The footmen with their swords assayed to cut off the heads of their pikes; and one whiles they bought their horses, and another whiles they ran them into their flanks. Perseus' road into the mids of the battle, and at the first shock forced the greeks to turn aside and give way: and when the enemy pressed moreover hard upon them behind, behold, the Thessalian horsemen who were placed in the rereguard for succour, and stood somewhat apart and severed from the left wing, who at first were beholders only of the fight (as keeping without the danger of the charge) afterwards stood them in very good stead, even as they were the point to go down and have the worse. For as they retired leisurely without breaking their ranks, after that they once joined with the aids of Eumenes, they both yielded the opportunity to their allies who were disbanded in the rout, to retire in safety within their ranks: and also espying their own vantage, when the enemies pursued not so thick in troops, they adventured to put themselves forward beyond, and so stated many of those their allies whom they encountered and received in their flight. Neither durst the king's men, being now also disarraied and dispersed here and there in following the chase, come to handfight and join battle with those, continuing so well in order as they did, and marching firm and strong together; whereas the matter had been dispatched and the war brought to a final end, in case the king who want the better in horse-fight, had never so little come in with help and succour. For as heo encouraged his soldiers to fight, there came in place very sidy and in passing good time, the 
* A strong battailion of footmen.  Phalanx, which Hippias and Leonaius (because they would not be behindhand in this hardy enterprise) brought of their own accord in great haste so soon as ever they heard of the winning-hand of the cavalry. And whiles the king wavered in doubtful suspense, between hope and fear of this so great an adventure, Evander the Cretensian, whose service Perseus had used in the await laid for king Eumenes at Delphi, seeing, that main barrel marching heavily armed under their ensigns, ran unto the king and earnestly advertised him to take he, lest that presuming too much and bearing himself over confident of this good speed of his, he brought not unadvisedly the main chance of all his estate, into a needless and unnecessary hazard. For if (quoth he) you can be content with the happy fortune of this fair day and so rest, either you shall have the means to make and honourable peace, or else (if you had leiser prosecute the war) to win exceeding many allies to bear arms with you in the field; who no doubt will follow the train of your good fortune. To this way stood the king's mind ever, and thither he soon inclined. Therefore having commanded Evander for his good advice, he commanded the ensigns to retire, and the footmen to return into the camp: likewise to sound the retreat unto the guidons of the men of arms. In this battle 200 Roman horsemen that day lost their lives, and no sewer than two thousand footmen, and fast upon two hundred of the cavalry were taken prisoners. Of the king's side, there died not passed 200 horsemen and forty of the other.  
After that the victorious enemies were upon their return into the camp, all were journd and glad in general, but above the rest the Thracians showed themselves in joy for this their victory, over insolent: for they returned singing full merrily, and carried the heads of their enemies fixed upon their spear points. But the Romans were not only sad and heavy for this unfortunate but fearful also lest the enemy should forthwith assail their camp. Enmenes gave counsel to dislodge and remove to the other side of the river Pencus, that it might serve them in stead of a defence and bulwark, until such time as the amated soldiers had recovered their spirits and taken heart again. The Consul was ashamed and abashed to bewray his fear; howbeit, overruled with reason, he set his army over the river in the dead time of the night, and encamped on the farther bank. King Perseus the morrow after advanced forward to bid the enemy's battle, but perceiving they were lodged beyond the river, he confessed that he had saulted indeed, for that he had not followed his victory the day before but more overseen a good deal he was in lying still and taking repose that night; for without troubling any else of his own men, he might have sent out the light armed soldiers only to set upon the enemies as they passed over the river in haste and fright, and so defeated a great part of their forces. Now, the Romans shook off their fear for the present, considering they were encamped in a sure place: but among other damages, the blot especially of their honour and name grieved and troubled them. And as they sat in council before the Consul, every man for his part laid all the blame upon the AEtolians, who first began to be afraid and run away; and whose example of fear the other allies of the cities of Greece followed: for it was said, that five principal men of mark among the AEtolians, were seen and noted firstof all other to have turned their backs. But the Thessalians were praised in a full assembly of the whole army; and their captains for their venue and valorous service were honoured with presents. The spoils of the enemies were brought before king Perseus; out of which he bestowed freely upon some, brave and gorgeous armours; upon others, goodly great horses; and finally, certain were rewarded with the prize of good prisoners. Targuets there were above a thousand and five hundred, cuirasses and corslets not so few as a thousand; besides, a far greater proportion of murrions, swords, and shot of all sorts. Great matters these were, considered in themselves; but much more amplified and set out by the king himself with a speech that he made in a frequent audience of his annie assembled together, after this or the like manner. You see already by this (quoth he) what you may judge beforehand of the final issue of this war: discomfited ye have the better part of your enemies, to wit the Roman cavalry, wherein they took themselves to be invincible. For their horsemen are the very gallants and bravest of their youth; their gentlemen of arms (I say) are the seminary and nource-garden of their Senate. From them they choose their nobles and peers to make consuls of, yea, and Generals of the field another day. And the spoils of these we have erewhiles divided among us. Neitheris the victory less which ye have gained of the Insanterie and legions, who although by night they made an escape from you, yet in hasting to pass over the river, they resembled a fort that had suffered shipwreck at sea, and in fearful haste for their lives have swum and overspread the river every where with their bodies. Sooner shall we and with greater case, I trow, get over Peneus, to chase them thus already overcome, than they did, making such haste for fear: and being once set on the other side, we shall out of hand assail their camp, which we mought have forced and won this day, but that they took them to their heels and fled. But if they will come to a field and try the quarrel by the swords points look ye for no other issue of the conflict with footmen, than was before of the other with horsemen. These words, both the horsemen (who bore upon their own shoulders the spoils of their enemies lying slain before their eyes in open view) heard with great pleasure and contentment, as measuring the hope of the future speed by the fortune passed; and also the footmen inflamed now with the glory of others (and namely those that were of the Macedonian Phalanx) wished with all their hearts to have the like occasion offered unto them, wherein they might not only show their valiant service before the king, but also win semblable glory of their enemies. Thus the assembly was dissolved, and the morrow after the king marched forward and encamped upon Mopselus, which is an hill situate in the mid way between Tempe and Larissa. The Romans removed their camp into a place of more securities, howbeit not far from the bank of Penens. Thither repaired Misagenes the Numidian, with a thousand horse, and as many foot, besides two and twenty elephants. Now as king Perseus during these days, sat in counsel what course to take as touching the main conduct of his affairs, when his courage was now well abated and not so lusty for his late victory, some of his friends were so hardy as to advise him to use this good fortune of his for the obtaining and compassing of some honourable peace, rather than upon a vain hope to carry his head a lost, and engaged himself and his whole state into some hazard and jeopardy, out of which he should not be able to recover and retire into safety. For to keep a mean and moderation in prosperity, and not overconfidently to trust upon the present flattering fortune, is the part (say they) of a wise man indeed and truly happy. And therefore the best course is, to send certain men of purpose unto the Consul, for to renew the league upon the same conditions, with which your father Philip had accepted peace here to sore of T. Quintius the conqueror. For neither (say they) can the water be taken up with greater honour and reputation, than after so memorable a battle; nor ever will there be presented more firm and assured hope of a peace to continue for ever, than upon this occasion, which will work and mollify the Romans as a man would have them, to come on and assient to any accord, considering they are well tamed with the infortunity of this battle. But in case the Romans upon an inbred peevishness and engrassed pertinacity of theirs, should not hear reason, but refuse an indifferent end, than both God & man shall be witness, as well of the moderation of Perseus, as of their pride and insolent frowardness. The K. was willing enough to give ear to this, & indeed never misliked such discourses; & therefore the advice was approved by the assent of the most part: whereupon ambassadors were sent to the Cos. and in a frequent council assembled, had audience given them. Peace they demanded, and promised that Perseus should pay unto the Romans as great a tribute as Philip had covenanted for; and likewise quit-the same cities, pieces, and territories, which Philip had given up and surrendered. To this effect spoke the ambassadors; who being retired aside, the Romans debated in council, and in the end, Roman constancy imported and had the upper hand: for in those days the manner and use was, in time of adversity to bear all out and set a good countenance, but in prosperity to hold an even hand and to use governance. So agreed it was to return this answer, That peace might be granted with this condition, That K. Perseus should permit full and free power to the Senate of Rome, for to dispose both of his person and the kingdom of Macedon at their good pleasure. When the ambassadors had made relation hereof, this constant resolution and invincible persistence of the Romans made them to wonder again, as being not acquainted with their manners and fashions: and most of them for bad to make mention anymore of peace, saying, That the Romans would be glad shortly to seek for that of their own accord, which now at this present they loathed and rejected when it was offered. But Perseus mightily feared, that this arrogant spirit of theirs, proceeded from the confidence they had in their own forces; in so much as he gave not over so, but assayed to tempt the Consul, if haply by augmenting the sum of money, he might buy peace at any price and reckoning whatsoever. But seeing him nothing to come down, not to alter one jote from the first answer; in despair now of all peace, he returned to Sycurium from whence he came, purposing once again to try the hazard of the field. Now the same of this late sight of cavalterie was flown over all Greece, and discovered the minds and affections of men: for not only they that took part with the Macedonians rejoiced to hear this news, but also very many of them who were obliged & beholden unto the Romans for benefits and favours received at their hands, and some likewise who had tasted of their violence & proud government. And this they did for no other reason at all, but only upon a foolish & perverse affection, like to that where with the common people ordinarily is carried away in the beholding of disports and trial of masteries, even to favour evermore the weaker and him that taketh the foil.  
At the same time Lucretius the praetor had with most forcible means assaulted the city of Haliartus in Boeotia: and albeit the besieged defendants within were relieved by no foreign aid, but only the youth of the Coronaeans (who at the beginning of the siege entered the city) nor hoped for any to come; yet they stood out and made resistance with courage of heart more than with strength of hand: for they issued forth many times, and sallied upon the fabrics & engines of the enemy, yea, and when the ram approached hard to the wall, they let fall thereupon a mighty weight and counterpoise of lead, and so depressed and drove it down to the ground. And if haply the enemies who ran with the ram against the wall, avoided that devise of theirs, laid battery, and shook it in some other place; the townsmen within, raised presently with great speed another mure, piling up hastily the stones one upon another, which they found lying among the very ruins of the breaches. The Consul seeing this manner of service by way of ordinance and battery, to become slow and tedious, commanded to divide ladders amongst every company, and purposed to invest the city round about with the Escalado; supposing that the number which he had would be sufficient to exploit this enterprise, because on that side whereas the town is enclosed with a marish, it was bootless (or rather impossible) to assault it. Himself in person presented two thousand elect soldiers before that part, whereas two turrets, and all the wall between was beaten down and overthrown; to the end, that in the very instant, whiles he assayed to enter at the breaches, the townsmen should run all thither to repulse him, and in the mean while the walls void of defendants might in some part or other he scaled and won. But they within bestirred themselves lustily to give him the repulse. For having piled in the very open breaches a mighty number of faggots made of dry vine cuttings and such small brush, they stood ready with flaming firebrands and burning links, threatening ever and anon to kindle the same and set all on fire, to the end, that being defended from the enemy by the means of fire between, they might have time to oppose an inner countermure against them. But by mischance this devise and enterprise of theirs was impeached. For there poured down on a sudden such a mighty shower of rain, that the fuel would not easily take fire, and look what was set a burning, it soon was quenched again. By which means not only the passage was made open between the smoking faggots drawn apart one from another here and there, but whiles they all intended wholly the defence of that one place, the walls were taken at one instant by ladders reared up against many and sundry parts thereof. In the first heat upon the winning of the city, old and young, such as channced to come in their way, without any respect at all of age were put to the sword. The armed soldiers fled into the castle, and the next day being past hope to make good the place, they yielded and were all sold under the girl and in port-sale, to them that would bid most, to the number of two thousand and five hundred men or very near. The ornaments and beauties of the city, as statues, images, painted tables and pictures, and whatsoever was found in the pillage to bear a better price, was carried to shipbord, and the town itself razed from the very foundations, and laid even with the ground. From thence the army was conducted to Thebes: which being won without any resistance he put into the hands of the banished persons, and those that took part and sided with the Romans; but those of the contrary faction, such as favoured the king and the Macedonians, he sold by whole families in ouvert market to the best chapmen. Having performed these exploits in Boeotia, he retired himself to the sea side to his ships.  
Whiles these affairs passed thus in Boeotia, Perseus lodged for certain days in camp at Sycutium. Where being advertised, that the Romans made great haste to inn the corn newly reaped down, and to carry it from all parts of the fields unto the leaguer, and that every soldier before his tent cut & shred off the ears as they lay bound in sheaves, to the end they might thrash & drive out the cleaner corn, by which occasion they had made great heaps of straw throughout all parts of the camp, he supposed it was an easy matter to set all their tents and pavilions asire. Whereupon he commanded to provide torches, links & balls made of tow besmeared with pitch and tar: thus provided & furnished, he set out at midnight, that by the dawning of the day, he might put this devise in execution without being descried before. But all came to nothing; for the foremost corpse de guard although they were surprised with this sudden coming, by their trouble and affright awakened & raised all the rest, & immediately the alarm was given; so as at one instant the soldiers were ready and well appointed at the gates, and upon the rampire bend and priest for to defend the camp. Perseus likewise incontinently turned about with his ensigns, putting his fardage and carriage before, and then commanded the infantry to march after: himself with the cavalry and light-armours stayed behind to fortify and guard the rearward, supposing (as it fell out indeed) that the enemies would make after to charge upon the tail of the march. His light armed soldiers had some short skirmishing especially with the forlorn hope & lose avant couriers, but the horse & footmen both, retired without any impeachment into the camp. Thus when all the corn was cut down about those quarters, the Romans dislodged & removed into the territory of Crannon, which as yet was not endamaged. Whiles they lay encamped in security and mistrusting nothing (because the enemies were so far off, and by reason that the way between Sycurium and Crannon was so difficult for want of water;) behold all on a sudden early in the morning by day light, the king's cavalry and light armed soldiers showed themselves upon the hills that overlooked them from above, and put them into great trouble. Departed they were from Sycurium at noon the day before, and had left the infantry behind, about the break of day upon the plain next thereto. For a while he stood upon those said hills, hoping that the Romans might be trained forth to an horse-fight. But perceiving them not to stir at all, he sent one on horseback to command the footmen to retire again to Sycurium, and himself in person followed straight after. The Roman horsemen made after a pretty distance off, if haply they could spy any vantage in one place or other to charge upon them, disbanded and straggling a sunder. But when they saw that in their dismarch they kept close together, following their guidons and keeping their ranks, they also returned into the camp. After this, the king weary of making so long journeys, dislodged and removed to Mopsium. The Romans for their part likewise having mowed down all the corn of Crannon, passed into the territory of Phalanneum. The king having intelligence by a rennegate revolt, that the Romans were scattered all over the fields, and reaping the standing corn without any guard of armed men, made a road with one thousand horse, and two thousand Candiots and Thracians: who marching with as great hast as possibly they could, set upon the Romans at unawares all unprovided; where he took a thousand carts or there abouts, together with their teems, most of them laden, and upon 600 men besides. The guard and convoy of this booty into the camp he committed to the charge of three hundred Cretensians. Himself having rallied his cavalry dispersed here and there busy in execution, and reunited with all the rest of the footmen, led them to the next corpse de guard or garrison of the enemies, supposing that with little a do they might be surprised and vanquished. L. Pompeius a Colonel had the command of them, who seeing his soldiers affrighted with this sudden coming of the enemies, retired with them to an hill near at hand, for to defend himself by the vantage and strength of the place, considering that otherwise in number and forces he was too weak. Where after he had cast his men into a ring, for to ward against the shot of arrows and darts by a roof and fence of targuets couched close together over their heads: Perseus having environned the hill round about with armed men, commanded some to mount up and assay to win the place on all parts; if possibly they could, and then to fight close hand: to hand: others he charged to lance their darts and shoot their shafts thick at them a far off. The Romans were be set with a double fear; for neither could they maintain skirmish and fight close together, because of those who laboured to climb the hill: and say they had broke any ranks with excursions and outrodes upon them, yet were they exposed and lay open to the shot of arrows and darts. Most hurt they had by certain weapons called Cestrosphendonae [sling-darts.] A new kind of dart this was and lately devised in the time of this very war. It had a sharp head of iron the length of two hands breadth, & the same set fast in a steel which was half a cubit long, and about the thickness of a man's finger: for to fly direct and straight, three feathers it had about it in manner of a shaft: the sling from the middle part had two cords of an unequal size: now when as the slinger swung it about, as it lay even poised in the greater capacity of the leather thong, our flew the dart and was driven with violence like a bullet. Many of the soldiers being very sore wounded as well with this weapon as all other sorts of shot, so as now for weariness they were scarce able to bear their own armour: the king was earnestly in hand with them to yield and submit, assuring them upon his faithful word their lives, yea and otherwhiles promised them rewards and recompenses. But there was not a man whose heart inclined once thereto. Now as they stood thus stiff and resolute to die, there shone upon them a little comfort & some hope of evasion beyond all their expectation. For certain of the forages and corn purveiors, who happened to fly for resuge unto the camp, brought word unto the Consul, that the corpse de guard aforesaid was besieged round: whereupon being moved with the jeopardy wherein so many citizens stood (for about nine hundred they were, and all citizens of Rome) he went forth of the camp with the cavalry and light armed soldiers, and unto them joined certain new succours of the Numidians as well horse as foot, together with the elephants: and gave commandment to the martial colonels, that the ensigns of the legions should follow after. Himself in person marched before toward the hill aforesaid, taking with him a certain number of skirmishers, for to strengthen the light armed auxiliaries. Eumenes, Attalus, & Misagenes also the king of the Numidians, flanked the Cos. on either side. When as the besieged Romans had a sight once of the foremost ensigns of their friends and fellows, they took comfort and courage again upon their former extreme despair. Perseus, who had purposed in the first place, not to spend any long time in laying siege to this corpse de guard, but to content himself with the fortunate success which at a venture happened, in that he had taken and slain some of the sorragers: secondly (when he was in some sort entered into that action) to depart (whiles he had means thereof) without any damage received, as knowing that he had no strength, to speak of, about him: yet puffed up & carried as it were above the ground with the conceit of his late good hand, both stayed in person to attend the enemies coming, & also sent out in all haste, for the [Macedonian] Phalanx. Which coming later than the present necessity required (albeit in great hast they hurried) it fell out so, that they were to encounter (troubled & disordered as they were in running) their enemies that were well appointed and provided aforehand. And the Cos. who had prevented them, presently welcomed them with battle. At the first, the Macedonians made resistance; but afterwards being in no respect equal unto the enemies, after they had lost three hundred footmen, with four and twenty of the most forward and bravest horsemen out of that cornet which they call Sacra (amongst whom Antimachus also their leader died) they endeavoured to retire & be gone. But the way by which they were to pass, was more troublesome to speak of, than the skirmish and battle itself. The Phalanx being sent unto by a messenger in haste, and conducted as hastily, encountered affront in a certain straight a troop of prisoners, and likewise the wagons charged with come. Who being laid at to give way, thereupon arosea great trouble as well of the one part as the other; whiles no man took heed how to match in ordinance: but the armed soldiers cast down and overthrew the heaps of sardage and baggage, for otherwise there could no way be made: and the draught-beasts being pricked and provoked forward, raged & made soul work in the press & throng. Hardly and with much ado were they dispestered and rid of this confused & disordered company of captives, when they met with the king his company and the horsemen discomfited. In which place, the noise which they made crying unto the Phalanx, Back again, Back again, made a fright among them, as if there had been something ready to fall upon their heads: in such sort as if their enemies durst have entered into the straight and pursued farther after them, no doubt they had received a great overthrow. But the Consul contenting himself with a mean good hand, in that he had rescued and recovered his corpse de guard from off the hill, retired with his forces into the camp. Some write that there was a great battle sought that day, and how eight thousand enemies were slain, and among them Sopater and Antipater two of the king's captains. Also that there were taken prisoners about two thousand four hundred: and military ensigns seven and twenty carried away. Neither was the victory easily gotten but cost blood, for not so few as four thousand and three hundred were slain of the Consul his army, and five guidons of the left wing lost. This journey recomforted the Romans, but daunted and quailed Perseus in such sort, as after he had stayed a few days at Mopselum, especially about enterring the bodies of his dead soldiers, and left a sufficient garrison at Gonnos, he retired his army into Macedon, leaving also at Phila one of his own captains named Timotheus, with some small forces, whom he commanded to assay the Magnesians and the borderers adjoining. When he was come to Pella, he dismissed his army out of the field, and sent them to their wintering harbours, but himself together with king Cotys went to Thessalonica.  
Thither news came, that Atlesbius a petty king of the Thracians, and Corragus a captain under king Eumenes, had invaded the marches of Cotys, and were masters of the country which they call Marene. And therefore supposing that he must needs discharge Cotys to look to the defence of his own realm, he bestowed rich presents upon him at his departure: and gave him 200 talents for six months' wages of his cavalry, whereas at the beginning he purposed to be at the charge of a whole years pay.  
The Consul after he heard that Perseus was gone, approached with his army near to Gonnos, and there lodged; if haply he might force and gain that also Situate it was over against Tempe, at the very mouth and gullet of the straits, and is the very frontier town, yielding both a most assured defence and strength to all Macedon, and also a commodious passage for the Macedonians to enter into Thessaly. And being a place imprenable, as well for the natural site thereof, as the strong garrison therein planted, he gave over the enterprise. So turning and bending his way into Perrhaebia, after he had forced Mallaea at the first assault and put it to the ransack; and received Tripoli with the rest of Perrhaebia, yielded by composition; he returned to Larissa. And then having sent Eumenes and Attalus home into their own country, & bestowed Misagenes and the Numidians in diver cities of Thessaly near at hand; to remain there for the winter time, and distributed part of his forces throughout all Thessaly, in such sort, that not only they had all commodious wintering, but also served in stead of garrisons to the cities. Q. Mutius his lieutenant he sent with a regiment of two thousand men to guard. Ambracia and keep it in obedience. All the confederates of the Greek cities, save only the Achaeans he licenced to depart. With one part of his army he went into Thessaly in Phthia, where he razed down to the ground Preleum, abandoned of the inhabitants. But Antrona he won with the good will of the townsmen. Then afterward he approached before Larissa-with his forces. The city was lest desolate, for all the people were retired into the fortress, the which he began to assault: and first the king's garrison of Macedonians quit the place: of whom the townsmen being forsaken and left to themselves, submitted incontinently. Then he stood in doubt whether he should assail Demetrias first, or have an eye and look into the troubles and state of Boeotia. For the men of Thebes being grievously molested and annoyed by those of Coronaea, had sent for him into Boeotia: at whose prayers, thither he conducted his army; and besides, Boeotia was a country more commodious to winter in than Magnesia.   

THE XLIII. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the three and fortieth Book.  
DIvers Pretours were judicially condemned, for demeaning themselves with cruelty and 〈◊〉 in the administration of their provinces. P. Licinius Crassus the Proconsul, won by force many cities in Greece, and cruelly rifled them. For which rigour of his, the captives whom be had sold under the guirland in ouvert market, were by an order directed out of the Senate, restored afterwards to their former estate. The Admirals of the Roman fleets committed many outrages and enormities against their allies. Besides, there are comprised in this book, the prosperous affairs of king Perseus in Thrace, after be had vanquished the Dardanians and subdued Illyrician, whereof Gentius was king. The troubles which began in Spain by means of Olonicus, were appeased by his death. M. Aemylius Lepidus, was by the Censors created precedent of the Senat.  
THe same summer, wherein the Romans won the victory with horse-fight in Thessaly, the lieutenant being sent into Illyricum from the Consul, compelled by force and arms two rich towns to yield; unto which nevertheless he gave all their goods again, to the end that by an opinion of this clemency, he might win the hearts of the inhabirants of Camus, that strong city. But when he saw that he could not constrain them to render, no more than force them by siege; because his soldiers should not seem to have been wearied for nought in the besieging of two towns, he sell to rifle and ransack that, which before he left untouched. The other Consul C. Cassius neither performed any memorable exploit in Gaul, which was his province by lot; and having endeavoured to conduct his legions through Illyricum into Macedon, all his desigument came to no effect at all. That the Consul was entered upon this journey, the Senate was certified by the ambassadors of the Aquileians: who complained that their colony newly erected was seeble, and not as yet well secured among those fierce nations of the Istrians and Illyrians: and with all they made suit, that the Senate would provide and take order, that the said colony might be fortified: and when the question was put unto them, Whether they would be content that commission should be directed unto C. Cassius in that behalf? they answered, That the said Cassius, having assembled his army at the Rendez vous in Aquileia, was departed through Sclavonia into Macedonia. This at first was thought incredible, and every man supposed verily, that he had been gone to levy war, upon the Carnians haply or the Istrians. The Aquileians were able to reply no farther, nor affirm more upon their knowledge than this, That allowance of corn was made for the soldiers to serve thirty days, and that guides were sought and brought out, who knew the ways out of Italy into Macedon. Here at the Senate (ye may be sure) took great snuff and was highly displeased, that the Consul should be so hardy as presume to leave his own province for to pass into that which belonged to another, and to lead his army an unknowen and new way, and the same dangerous, through strange and foreign countries, thereby to open passage as it were, for so many nations to come into Italy. Whereupon in a frequent assembly of the Senators, there passed a decree, That C. Sulpitius the praetor should nominate three ambassadors out of the body of the Senate, for to depart out of the city that present day, to make all the hast they possibly could to overtake the Consul wheresoever he was, and to give him warning to levy no war against any nation without direct warrant from the Senate. And these Ambassadors went, namely, M. Cornelius Cethegus, M. Fulvius, and P. Martius Rex. The present fear as touching the Consul and the army, was the occasion that the care of forrifying Aquileia was deferred for that time.  
After this, were the ambassadors of certain States in both provinces of Spain admitted to come into the Senate: who complained of the covetousness and pride of the Roman officers and governors among them; humbly beseeching the Senate upon their knees, Not to suffet them (being allies and confederates) to be more shamefully peeled and spoiled than the very enemies. Among other indignities for which they showed themselves aggrieved, notorious it was, that the said magistrates had taken bribes, yea and used extortion in wring money from them. Whereupon a commission was granted to L. Canuleius the praetor (unto whom Spain by lot was fallen) to ordain five judges or commissioners (and those out of the range and degree of Senators) for every person of whom the Spaniards claimed to recover such moneys; and likewise to permit the plaintiffs to take unto them what advocates and counsel they would. Then, after those ambassadors were called again into the Senate, this decree and act of the Senate was read unto them, and willed they were to nominate their advocates; who named four, to wit, M. Porcius Cato, P. Cornelius Scipio the son of Cneus, L. Aemylius Poulus the son of Marcus, and C. Sulpitius Gallus. And first they took commissioners to proceed against M. Titinius, who had been praetor in the hither province of Spain, when Au. Manlius and M. junius were Consuls. Twice was the cause of the accused party adjourned to a farther time, but at the third session he was quit and found unguilty. Then arose some variance and dissension between the ambassadors of those two provinces. The States of this higher Spain, took for their patrons and advocates, M. Cato and Scipio; they of the farther and lower Spain, made choice of L. Paulus and Gallus Sulpitius. They of high Spain convented before the delegate judges, P. Farius Philus; the other of base Spain, M. Matienus. Philus had been L. deputy there three years past, when Sp. Posthumius and Q. Mutius were Consuls; but this Matienus two years before, during the Consulship of L. Posthumius and M. Popilius. Charged they were both of them with right grievous matters and imputations, and a farther day granted of a final judgement: but when they were to answer judicially again, they made default, and for excuse it was alleged, that they were both out of the country; and so they departed into voluntary exile, Furtus to Praeneste, and Matienus to Tibur. The voice went, that the patrons of the plaintiffs would not suffer them to follow process still against such noble and great personages: and the suspicion hereof was more pregnant, by reason that Canuleius the praetor let this matter fall, and began to take musters and levy soldiers for the war; and so forthwith directly went into the province, to the end that no more men should be brought into question and troubled by these Spaniards. By this means, all former matters past were buried in silence and no more speech made of them; but for future time, the Senate took order and provided for the Spaniards so well, that they obtained an immunity, That no Roman magistrate should have power and authority to set the price upon any grain, nor force the Spaniards to sell the Vicesimes at what rate he pleased to set down: also that there should be no commissioners appointed within their towns for the gathering and receiving of the revenues and money issuing from thence. Besides, there came another embassy of a sort of people out of Spain, after a new and strange manner: for there were above four hundred persons, avouching themselves the children of Roman soldiers and Spanish women not joined in wedlock: who appeared before the Senate and be sought them, for to allow them a city to inhabit. Whereupon ordained it was, That they should enter their names and be matriculated before their praetor L. Canuleius: and look whomsoever of them he affranchised and made free, those they thought meet to be sent to Carteia near the sea side, and there planted: also that those Carterians, who were willing still to keep home and remain there, should be privileged as Coloners & so enroled, and to enjoy besides a portion of lands assigned unto them. This was a Latin colony, and was called the colony of the Libertines.  
At the same time there came as Ambassador out of Africa, Gulussa the son of Masanissa, and likewise the Carthaginian embassage. Gulussa first was brought into the Senate; who declared what his father had sent unto them against the Macedonian war: promising with all, that if it pleased them to impose more upon him, he would be ready to perform the same in remembrance of the benefits received from the people of Rome: finally, he gave the LL. of the Senate a cave at by the way, to take heed that the Carthaginians deceived them not in the end: for that resolved they were, and went in hand to prepare a great navy, under pretence of sending it to the Romans against the Macedonians; which if it were once ready tigged and furnished, it was in their choice then, to make whom they would either friends or foes.  
Being entered the camp and showing the heads aloft, they stuck such a fear, that if immediately the army had come forward and advanced against them, the camp might have been won: and yet even then as it was, they fled amain: and some there were who gave their opinion, to send ambassadors to treat and with prayers to entreat for peace. Upon the news reported hereof, many cities submitted and were surrendered. Such as made excuse, and laid the fault upon the folly of two persons only, who had of their own accord offered themselves to be punished, obtained pardon of the praetor. And then forthwith he went in expedition against other cities; but finding them all ready to do whatsoever they were commanded, he passed quietly with his army through that country in peace, which but a while before was all up in arms and on a light fire. This lenity of the praetor, which he used in taming and subduing this most sierce and proud nation without effusion of blood, was by so much more acceptable to the LL. of the Senate and the whole body of the people, as the Consul Licinius and the other praetor Lucretius had warred in Greece with greater cruelty and avarice. As for Lucretius, the Tribunes of the Commons accused him daily in their ordinary orations before the people for his absence: Notwithstanding his excuse was alleged, that absent he was, and employed about the affairs of the State. But in those days, so unknown were things done hard by, that even at that present he was at his farm within the territory of Antium, and busy in conveying a conduct of water out of the river Loracina to Antium: the charges whereof he defrayed with the money raised out of the sale of prizes taken from the enemies. Some say that he bargained to have that piece of work effected, for the sum of a hundred & thirty thousand Asses. Moreover he embellished and adorned the temple of Aesculaptus, with the painted tables found in the pillage. The envy and ill will, the obloquy also and dishonour like to grow to Lucretius, turned upon his successor Hortensius, by occasion of the ambassadors of Abdera, who in piteous wife complained with tears before the Senate, that their town was by Hortensius forced and ransacked: How the cause of this ruin and destruction of their city was no more but this, that being enjoined by him to make payment of a hundred thousand Denarij, and allowance of fifty thousand Modij of wheat, they requested some respite of time, wherein they might address their ambassadors, as well to Hostilius the Consul as unto Rome, concerning this imposition. For searcely were they come unto the said Consul, but they heard how their city was forced, the principal citizens thereof beheaded, and all the rest sold in portsale under the guirland. These were grievous indignities in the sight of the Senate, whereupon they passed the same ordinance in the behalf of the Abderites, rites, that the year before had been directed in the like case as touching the Coronaeans; and commanded the praetor Q. Maenius to publish the said decree before the public assembly of the people. In like manner two Commissioners were sent, namely, C. Sempronius Blasus, and S. julius Caesar for to re-establish the Abderits in their freedom: who also had in charge to signify from them, both to the Consul Hostilius, and also to the praetor Hortensius, That the Senate judged the hostility offered unto the Abderites injurious, and the war unlawful, and therefore that all such as were brought into servitude, should be sought out and restored again to liberty.  
At the same time presentation was made unto the Senate of certain complaints against C. Cassius who had been Consul the year before, and at that time was employed in quality of a Colonel-marshall together with A. Hostilius in Macedon. Likewise there arrived the ambassadors, of Cintibilus a petty king of the Gauls. A brother of his having gaudience granted in the Senate made a speech, wherein he complained, that C. Cassius had given the waist to the lands and territories of the people inhabiting the Alpes, who were their allies and confederates, and from thence had led away into capritive many thousand persons. And much at one instant there came the ambassadors of the Carnians, Istrians & japides with complaints against Cassius, That first he had enjoined them to furnish him with guides for to show and direct him the best way to march with his army into Macedon, and so departed in peace from them, as if he had meant to war elsewhere: but afterwards out of the midway of his journey, he returned upon them, and in hostile manner over ran their frontiers, robbing, spoiling and burning wheresoever he went; and to this day they cannot devise and know the reason, wherefore the Consul should hold them for enemies and deal so cruelly by them. As well the prince of the Gauls aforesaid being absent, as these ambassadors in place received this answer, That as touching the outrages for which they showed themselves grieved, the Senate neither knew thereof beforehand, that ever they were intended, ne yet approved of the same, since they were committed. But against all right & equity it were to condemn unheard in his own defence, & absent, such a parsonage as he is, namely a man who had been Consul; considering also that his employment about the C.W. is the occasion of his absence. When C. Cassius is once returned out of Macedon, then if they would show themselves and accuse him face to face, the Senate would hear the cause and take knowledge accordingly, yea, and endeavour that they should be satisfied and contented. Moreover, thought good it was, that these nations should not be dispatched only with this bare answer, but that ambassadors also should be sent: two unto the foresaid king beyond the Alpes; and other three to the people above named, for to acquaint them with the resolution of the lords of the Senate. And they gave order besides to send presents to each of the ambassadors to the valour of two thousand asses over and above, to the two princes that were brethren, these gifts following, to wit, two chains of gold weighing after they were wrought five pound of gold: also five pieces of plate in silver, amounting to the weight of twenty pound: two bard horses with their henxmen and lackeys: likewise horsemen's armours and their castockes: and liveries likewise for all those of their train, as well bond as free. These were the things sent unto them. But at their own request granted it was besides, that they might for their money buy each of them ten horses, & be allowed to transport them out of Italy. The ambassadors sent with the Gauls beyond the mountains, were C. Laelius and M. Aemylius Lepidus: to the other nations, C. Secmius, P. Cornelius Blasio, and T. Memmius.  
Moreover, there met together in Rome at once, the ambassadors of many States both of Greece and Asia. And first the Athenians were brought into the Senate, who related, That they had sent unto the Consul P. Licinius and the praetor C. Lucretius, what shipping they had, and all the fight men they were able to make: but seeing they had no use of them, they had raised a levy of a hundred thousand Modji of corn. Which, albeit their land was but barren for tillage, and the very husband men themselves lived of foreign corn brought in unto them, yet they had made means to do accordingly, because they would not seem to be wanting in any dutiful service: and willing they were yet, and priest to perform whatsoever they would require. The Milesians for their part said, That hitherto they had done nothing, marry they offered themselves to be ready to accomplish all that the Senate should command them toward this war. The Alabandians showed, That they had built a 
* Rome a goddess  temple to the city of Rome, and ordained besides, that in the honour of that goddess there should be a solemnity of games and plays exhibited every year. Also, that they had brought with them for a present, a crown of gold weighing fifty pound, to set it up in the Capitol as a gift and offering to jup. Opt. Max. and withal, three hundred horsemen's shields, which they were minded to bestow upon those, unto whom it pleased them to appoint and command. Their petition was, that they might be permitted to offer their present in the Capitol, and there to sacrifice. The men of Lampsacus came with a golden crown weighing sourescore pound, protesting, That they had quit and abandoned Perseus, so seone as ever the Roman army was arrived in Macedon, notwithstanding they owed allegiance unto Perseus, and were homagers to his father Philip before him. In which consideration, as also for that they had performed their devoir to their full power to the Roman Generals, they requested no other favour to be gratified withal, but to be received into the amity of the people of Rome: and in case there should be peace concluded with Perseus, that they might be excepted and exempted in the accord, for being reduce under his obedience. The rest of the ambassadors had a gracious answer returned unto them. As for the Lampsacenes, order was given to Q. Maenius the praetor, to enter and enrol them in the number of allies. Every one of these ambassadors were rewarded with a present worth two thousand Asses. The Alabandians were appointed to carry back with them into Macedon their shields aforesaid, and to deliver them unto A. Hostilius the Consul. Over and besides, the Carthaginian ambassadors out of Astick, made relation that they had brought from thence ten hundred thousand Modij of wheat, and five hundred thousand of barley, which they had a shipbord at the seaside, ready to carry the same wheresoever the Senate would appoint. This benevolence of theirs they accompanied with good words, saying, they knew well that this gift & recognoisance of their duty, was inferior either to their own good will, or the demerits of the people of Rome. Howbeit many times heretofore they had showed themselves to do the part of thankful, faithful, and trusty allies, in all things tending to the profit and good of both states. In like sort the ambassadors of Mosavissa promised the same proportion of corn, with 1200 horse, and twelve elephants, assuring them in his name, to do whatsoever the Senate would impose and should be thought needful; and that with as free an heart as the benevolence offered of his own accord. Thanks being given both to the Carthaginians and also to the king, requested they were to transport over into Macedon to the Consul A. Hostilius, those things which they had promised. To the ambassadors were sent by way of presents, two thousand Asses a piece. The Cretensian ambassadors, related how they had sent into Macedon such a number of Archers, as the Consul P. Licinius had imposed upon them: and when they denied not upon the question asked, that there served more archers of their under Perseus than with the Romans, this answer was made unto them, That if the Cretensians would well and truly and in good earnest prefer the friendship of the people of Rome before that of king Perseus, the Senate of Rome likewise would give them answer as certain & assured allies: in the mean while, they should let their countrie-mento understand, that it was the will and pleasure of the Senate, that the Cretensians should with all speed possible call home all those soldiers whom they had in any garrison of king Perseus. The Candiots being dismissed with this dispatch, than the Chalcidians were called in: and at the very first sight of them it soon appeared upon what terms of necessity they were driven to send an embassage: when Atiction the chief man among them, by occasion that he was lame with the gout in his feet, was brought into the Senate in a litter. In which extremity diseased as he was, there was no pleding of any excuse by his infirmity, nor craving pardon, since he was to go without, when he had all done. He began by way of preface and preamble, saying, he had nothing left alive but his tongue, for to deplore & bewail the calamities of his country: then he went forward, & first showed what courtesies & good turns the State wherein he lived had performed to the captains general and armies of the Romans, both of old, and also of late in the war against Perseus. After this, he declared what parts of pride, covetousness, and cruelty, first, C. Lucretius a Roman praetor had exercised upon his countrymen, & afterwards what L. Hortensius practised, at that time above all others: also how the Chalcidians were resolved to endure all calamities, were they more grievous than those which they presently suffered, rather than they would yield to Perseus. And as for Lucretius and Hortensius, they knew full well, that it had been better & more for their safety to have shut their gates against them, than to receive them into their city. For such as had excluded them forth, as namely they of Emathia, Amphipolis, Maronea, & Aenus, remain still entire & in good estate; but with us (say they) the temples have been robbed of all their beautiful ornaments, and utterly spoiled by these sacriledgers. C. Lucretius hath carried all away, by water over to Antium, and hath led away into bondage and captivity the persons free borne. So as the goods and fortunes of the allies of the people of Rome, both have been and daily are peeled and rifled. For according to the use & fashion brought up by C. Lucretius, Hortensius likewise houseth his mariners as well in summer as winter, and our houses are full of a rabble of these sailors and seamen, in such sort as our wives and children be forced to converse among such grooms as make no account at all what either they say or do. Hereupon thought good it was, to send for Lucretius into the Senate, that he might see his accuser, answer face to face, & purge himself of these challenges. But when he was come in place, be heard much more in presence, than had been spoken against him in his absence. Over and besides, there showed themselves and joined together against him, two other more stout adversaries and bitter accusers, to wit, M. juventius T alva and Cn. Ausidius. And these two not only coursed him before the Senate, but also having drawn him perforce into the general assembly of the people, and charged him before them with many reproaches, took out process also and arrested him to make his appearance and answer judicially at a day before the people. Then Q. Maenius the praetor, by order from the Senate, answered the Chalcidians in this manner: Whereas ye allege and say, That ye have well deserved of the people of Rome both heretofore and also in this present war now in hand, the Senate knoweth all that to be true, & accepteth the same thankfully in the best part, as of right they ought. As touching your grievaunces and complaints for the levied parts which C. Lucretius hath played, and which L. Hortensius still practiseth (both Pretours of Rome) the same neither have been nor are committed & done by the will and allowance of the people of Rome. For who would not judge so of it, that knoweth how they levied war upon king Perseus and his father Philip before him, for to enfranchise Greece and set it at liberty, and not that their allies and friends should thus hardly be entreated by their magistrates and governors scent from hence? Write therefore they would unto L. Hortensius the praetor, to let him understand that the Senate is not well pleased with these pranks of his which the Chalcidians complain of. Also if any freeborn persons were become thrall and bound, that withal convenient speed he should take order to seek the map and restore them again to their former freedom. Last of all, that they deemed it meet & reason, that no sailor or martiner, but only the masters of ships should be lodged and entertained in your houses. And these were the contents of the letters written unto Hortensius, by commandment from the Senate. Unto the ambassadors were gifts sent, to every one as much as came to two thousand Asses. As for Miction; he was allowed his carriage in chariots at the charges of the city, and order given that he should with all ease ride in them to Brundisium. As for C. Lucretius, when the day of appearance was come, the Tribunes commensed an action against him before the people, to be fined at a million of Asses. And in a general assembly and Sesston holden for this purpose, cast he was and condemned by the suffrages of all the tribes, even thirty five and no sewer.  
In Liguria no memorable exploit was that year performed: for neither the enemies entered into arms, nor the Consul led his legions into their country; and when he was assured of peace for that year, he discharged the soldiers of two Roman legions, within 60 days after his first coming into the province. As for the army of the Latin allies, he brought it early into the cities of Luna and Pisa there to winter: and then himself with the cavalry visited most of the cities in the province of Gaul.  
In no place was there any war but in Macedon: how beit they had in suspicion Gentius and the king of the Illyrians. Therefore the Senate ordained to send from Brundisium eight ships ready rigged and fully furnished, unto the lieutenant C. Furius at 
* Lissa.  Issa, who was governor of the Island with the guard and strength of two Issean vessels; in which were put aboard and shipped two thousand soldiers, which Q. Menius the praetor by a warrant directed out of the Senate, enroled in that quarter of Italy which lieth opposite to Illyricum. In like manner the Consul Hostilius sent Appius Claudius into Illyricum with four thousand footmen, for to defend the people in those parts: who not content with those forces of his own which he had brought with him thither, demanded here and there aids and succours of the allies, until he had put in arms eight thousand men of divers and sundry nations. And after he had made his progress through all that region, he set him down and rested at Lichnidum a city of the Dassaretians. Not far from thence there stood a frontier town called Vseana, and for the most part ranged under the obedience of Perseus. There were within it one thousand citizens, and a small garrison of Cretensians for their better safeguard and defence. From thence there came to Claudius' secret couriers, advertising him, that if he would approach nearer with his army, there would be some ready at hand to betray the town into his hands: and worth the adventure it was (say they) and would quit for all the pains: for able it was with pillage to enrich not himself and his friends only, but also all his soldiers. The hope of this cheat, fitting so well his covetous humour, so blinded his spirit and understanding, that he had not the sense to keep with him any one of those couriers that came unto him, nor the wisdom to demand hostages for assurance of this enterprise which was to be exploited by stealth & fraud, ne yet the forecast to send our escouts & espies, or so much reason & mother-wit as to require their oath & bond of faithful promise. Only at the day appointed he departed from Lychnidum, and within twelve miles of that city toward which he went, he encamped. Then by night at the relief of the fourth watch, he removed and set forward, leaving behind him a regiment of some thousand, for the guard of the camp. At length, to the city they come, disordered in a long train, marching nothing close, but far asunder loosely one from another and scattered, by reason that in the night season they went many of them out of the way. This negligence of theirs was the more, when they saw no man appearing upon the walls: but so soon as they were approached within ● dor●s cast, the inhabitants issued forth at once out of ● ga●es, and together with the 〈◊〉 of them that ●●llied for●●, a mighty noise and outcry besides arose from the walls, of women howling, yelling, and ringing brazen basons and bells on every hand; besides, the confused multitude of the base people and bondslaves together, set up most hideous and dissonant cries. These manifold 〈◊〉 presented from all parts, were the cause that the Romans could not abide and stand out H● first ●●●pest and violent storm, as it were, of their fallie and charge. down they went therefore, and were slain more in flight than fight; and scarce two thousand men●●● the lieud●●●●● himself; escaped and recovered the camp: for the longer way they had 〈◊〉, the more means and opportunity had the enemies to chase and overtake ● great number of the●, wearied upon the way. Appi●s stayed not so long in the camp, until He had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that were dispersed in the rou●, (which had been the only way to have saved 〈◊〉 were s●aggled in the fields) but immediately retired with the broken relics of his army 〈◊〉 ●his overthrow, to Lyclinidum. This infelicity and such other like misfortunes Happening in M●●edonie, were made known at Rome, by occasion of Sex Digitius a colonel, who was 〈◊〉 home for to celebrate a solemn sacrifice. In regard whereof, the LL. of the Senate ●●●ring to receive some greater ignominy and dishonour, addressed Ambassador into Macedon, M. F●lvi●s Flaccus and M. Caninius Rebulus, to make a true report upon their knowledge how the world went there. Also that A. Hostilius the Consul should publish the assembly general for the election of Consuls, so as it might be holden in the month of januaries and then repair himself with all convenient speed to the city. In the mean time, M. Retius the praetor had in charge, by virtue of an edict, to call home into the city all Senators from ev●rie quarter of Italy, unless such as were absent about the affairs of the state: also to give straight warning to them who now were at Rome, not to absent themselves farther than a mile from the city. These things were done according to the advice of the Senate. So the grand assembly for the election of the Consuls, 
* ad. quintum cilendas Sep 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idauls, that 〈◊〉 [Septembris] it should be [Februarij:] and then it is the 28 of ●ann●r●●: which ●●sidering the precedent mesiage and the subsequent cir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sui●●●● better to the story.  was holden the 28 day of August, wherein were created Consuls, Q. Marti●s Philippus the second time, and Q. Servilius Caepio. Three days after, the Pretours also were chosen, namely, Caius D●ci●●us, M. Cla●dius Marcellus, M. S●l●itiu● Gall●s, C. M●rtius Figulus, Ser. Corneli●s Lentulus, and ●. Fonteius Capito. Unto these Pretours elect, besides the two charges within the city of civil jurisdiction, these four provinces and governments were assigned, to wit, Spain, Sardinia, Sicily, and the admiralty of the navy.  
At the very end of February, the ambassadors aforesaid returned out of Macedon; who recounted the acts archieved fortunately by Perseus the summer past, and in how great flare the allies of the people of Rome stood, after so many cities reduced under the obcisance of the king. Moreover, that the Consul his army was disfurnished of men, by reason that so many of them made friends to be discharged, and so for favour had their passport and were dismissed: the fault herein, the Consul laid upon the military Tribunes or Colonels, and they again upon him. The LL. of the Senate perceived well, that they made but light of the shameful soil received by the inconsiderate rashness of Claudius, in saying, That there were but very few soldiers lost of the Italian nation; and those for the most part taken up in haste and enroled on a sudden. The Consuls elect so son as they entered into their magistracy, were commanded to propound unto the Senate concerning the province of Macedon, and to them were assigned the governments of Italy and Macedon. This year was leap year, and the third day after the feast Terminalia, 
* To the god of Rined, T●rminus. Solemnised 〈◊〉 toward the end of Febru●rie the last month of the year, 〈◊〉 ●●p●arech b● Ovid. Fast. 2. Qui sequitur ●anum vet●ris ●uit ultimus ann● Tu quoque saerotum, Termine, finis eras  was the day inserted between, which happened upon the calends [of March.] Within the compass of that year certain priests, to wit, L. Flaminius, and two Pontifies or bishops, L. Furius Philus, and C. Livius Salinator, departed this life. The college of these Pontifies, elected T. Manlius Torqustius in stead of Furius, and Marcus Servilius in the room of Livius.  
In the beginning of the year next following, after that the new Coss. Q. Martius and Q. Servilius, had moved in the Sena●as touching their provinces, advised it was, That with all speed possible they should either agree between themselves, or else cast lots for the governments in Italy and in Macedon. And before that the lots determined this matter so doubtful and uncertain, to the end that nothing afterwards should be done for favour partially, thought good it was, to ordain beforehand a competent and sufficient number of soldiers for the supplement of the armies in both provinces, namely, for Macedon 6000 footmen of Romans, and as many of Latin allies; 250 horsemen Romans, and 300 allies: also to casse the old soldiers, so as in every Roman legion there should not be above 6000 foot and 300 horse. As for the other Consul, he was not gauged with any certain stim of Roman citizens, to be levied for the full accomplishment of his legions. Only this was determinately set down, That he should enrol two legions, and either of them to contain 5200 foot and two hundred horse: but for footmen of Latins, he had a greater number allowed thanhiss colleague, namely, ten thousand foot and six hundred horse. Moreover, commandment was given to enrol four legions more; to be led forth into the field, upon what need and occasion soever should fall out. The marshall-colon●ls of the army the Consuls might not be permitted to elect, but created they were by the people. The allies of the Latin nation were enjoined to set out sixteen thousand foot and a thousand horse. And this power was only to be in a readiness at an hours warning, for to be led forth as occasion should be offered. Their principal care was about Macedon. Ordained also it was, That for the service at sea, there should be enroled to serve the navy, of Roman citizens (such as were libertines and newly enfranchised) out of all parts of Italy one thousand, and as many out of Sicily. And unto whether of the Consuls the province of Macedon fell, he should give order for their transportage thither, to the armada wheresoever it was. For Spain there were three thousand Roman footmen and three hundred horsemen appointed to make up the decayed bands. There also, a certain number was set down for every legion, to wit, five thousand foot and three hundred and thirty horse. Moreover, that Consul whose lot was to govern in Spain, had commission to l●vie of the allies four thousand footmen, and three hundred horse.  
I am not ignorant, that from the same profane negligence & irreligion, whereby commonly men now a days are of belief, that the gods portend and forésignifie nothing to come by signs and tokens; it proceedth also, That no prodigies which happen, should any more, either be published and reported abroad, or recorded in the annals and chronicles. Howbeit, for mine own part, in writing of these acts and monuments of ancient times, I know not how, but me thinks I carry a mind, that is become (as it were) antic also; yea, and some scrupulous devotion ariseth in my spirit, which moveth me to account the things not unworthy to have place in my histories, which those sage fathers and most prudent personages in old time thought meet to be considered off by the State, yea, and to require public explation. Well, to proceed, from Anagnia were two fearful sights reported that year, namely, That a burning and blazing flame was seen in the sky; and a cowknowne to speak, kept and nourished at the public charges. at Minturnae also much about those days, the welkin seemed to be on light fire. At Rear there fella shower that reigned stones. In the fortress at Comes the image of Apollo wept three days and three nights continually. In the city of Rome, two sextains or keepers of the temples made report, the one, That in the church of Fortune there was a serpent seen by many men, crested with a mane: the other, That about the chapel of Fortuna Primigenia, 
* Cum primogenitis ●averet: when she was good to the full borne. Ba●t. Marlianus.  which standeth upon the Capitol hill, there happened two divers and different prodigious signs, namely, That in the chapel yard there sprung up a palm tree; and all one day it reigned blood. Two other strange things there were, whereof there was no regard nor account made; the first, because it chanced in a private place; for T. Martius Figulus reported, That there grew up a palm or date tree in his court-yard: the second, because it happened in a foreign place: for spoken it was, That at Fregellae in the house of M. Atreus, a lance or spear which he had bought for his son a soldier, burned in the day time for two hours space and more, yet so, as the fire consumed nothing thereof. In regard of those public prodigies, the Decemvits had recourse to the books of Sibylla: who out of them declared, That the Consuls should sacrifice forty head of greater beasts, & they showed also to what gods. They added moreover and gave advise to hold a public procession, and that all the magistrates at every shrine and upon every altar of the gods should sacrifice greater beasts, and the people wear guirlands and chaplets of flowers. All things were executed accordingly, as the Decemvirs suggested and directed.  
After this the assembly was published for the choosing of censors. In election there were for this dignity of Censureship, the very principal persons and of best note in all the city, C. Valerius L●vinus, L. Posthumius Albinus, P. Mutius Sc●vola, C. junius Brutus, C. Claudius Pulcher, and Tib. Sempronius Gr●cchus. These two last rehearsed the people of Rome chose for Censors. When as by occasion of the Macedonian war, a greater care was had about the taking of musters, than at other times before, the Consuls found much fault with the common people, and complained unto the Senate, that the young and able men for service being called, would not answer to their names. But C. Sulpitius and M. Claudius' two Tribunes of the Commons, maintained the cause against them in the behalf of the Commons, saying, That it was no hard & difficult matter for Consuls to levy soldiers: marry, for corrupt, affectionate and popular Consuls, it was not so easy a thing, and namely, such as would be sure to enrol no soldiers against their wills. And to the end that the LL. of the Senate might know this to be a truth, they should see the Pretours (if the Senate were so content, and thought well thereof) whose power of command, and authority of government was 
* The civil Pretours within the city were allowed but are Lictors, & the provinciail abroad in foreign parts not above six ●peece, whereupon Polybius calleth a praetor 〈◊〉, where us each Consul had every where twelve.  less than the Consuls, to go through with the musters without impeachment. So that charge was committed to the Pretours with the great assent of the Senators, but not without some backbiting and detraction of the Consuls. And the censors for to assist and set forward that affair, made it known, and protested in the full assembly of the people, that they would publish an act, as touching the review and estimate of every man's havoir an ability, that besides the ordinary oath of all citizens, they should swear to these points in this form following: Art thou under six and forty years of age? then by virtue of the edict made by the censors C. Claudius and Tib. Sempronius, comeforth and show thyself at the musters so often as there shall be any levy taken: and what censors soever shall happen to be in place, thou shalt appear and be enroled, in case thou wert not a priest soldier before. Moreover, because the voice went, that many soldiers of the Macedonian legions were absent from the army, & had obtained large passports without limitation of return, & that through the corruption and favour of the Generals, they published an edict as touching the soldiers enroled for Macedon, when P. Aelius and C. Popilius were Consuls, or anytime after, That as many of them as remained within Italy, after they were enroled and registered first under their hands, should within thirty days repair again to their colours into the province: and whosoever of them were at the disposition of father or grandsire, their names should be presented and declared before them. Semblably, they would take knowledge of their causes who were clean dismissed and cassed: and look whomsoever they judged to have obtained their discharge by any special grace and favour, before they had served out their full time by law required, they would command them to be enroled soldiers again. By virtue of this edict of the Censors, as also by their letters sent out and divulged abroad in all incorporate towns and places of resort for market and merchandise, there assembled together and came to Rome such a multitude of lusty, young, and able men, that their unusual and extraordinary number was chargeable and cumbrous to the city. Thus besides the former levy taken of those that were to be sent and employed in supply of the old armies, four legions more were enroled by C. Sulpitius the praetor, and within eleven days the musters were accomplished and ended.  
Then the Consuls cast lots for their provinces. For the Pretours had their governments allotted unto them before, and the sooner, by reason of the civil causes which required their jurisdictions. The one over the citizens was fallen to C. Sulpitius, the other over foreigners to C. Decimius, M. Claudius Marcellus obtained the regiment of Spain, Serg. Cornelius Lentulus of Sicily, P. Fenteius Capito ruled Sardinia, C. Martius Figulus had the conduct of the navy. And then, I say, to Q Servilius one of the Consuls fell the government of Italy, and to Q. Martius the other of Macedon. This Martius so soon as the Latin feasts were solemnised, departed toward his province immediately. After this, upon the motion of Capio to the Senate to know their pleasure, which two legions of the new he should conduct into Gaul? the LL. ordained, That the Pretours C. Sulpitius and M. Claudius should give unto the Consul, which it pleased them of those legions that they had enroled. This he took to the heart, that he a Consul was thus subjected to the will of the Pretours; yet after the Senate was risen, he stood waiting at the Tribunal of the Pretours, and required them according to the order set down by the Senate, to assign him his two legions. But the Praetors submitted the choice thereof to the Cos. himself. This done, the Censors took a review of the Senate, and chose new Senators: and M. Aemylius Lepidus was elected precedent of the Senate; and these were the third Senators that made choice of him consequently one after another. Seven were displaced and deposed from their Senator's dignity. Now in taking the number of the people, and in assessing them, they compelled to return into Macedon those who were departed from the army there: and by means of this assessment, they soon knew who were absent from their companies: they examined them for what causes they were discharged from soldiery; and whose licence they judged not to be grounded of good and sufficient reason, those they forced to take the military oath again in this manner and form: According to the edict of C. Claudius and Tib. Sempronius the Censors, thou shalt well and truly swear, to return willingly and with all thine heart, into the province of Macedon; and this shalt thou do to thy power without fraud or covin. In making the review of them that served on horseback, their censure was executed with great rigour and extremity. They took from many their horses of service: upon which occasion having given offence to the whole estate of knights and gentlemen of Rome, they blew the coals and kindled the fire of ill-will and heartburning against themselves: by a certain edict of theirs besides, whereby they intimated, That none of them who in the time that Q. Fulvius and Au. Posthumius the Censors had taken to farm the revenues, fruits and profits of the city, or undertaken at a price the public works and provisions, should be so hardy as to present themselves to their spear set up, either to be farmers or undertakers, no not to be partners, or have anything to do with those that were in such negotiation, commerce and bargain. The old Publicans and farmers had oftentimes complained hereof to the Senate: but when they could obtain no comfort from them; to moderate and abridge this infinite power of the Censors, at length they met with a Tribune of the Commons, one Rutilius, to stand with them and defend their cause; a man who upon a particular and private quarrel of his own was offended and bare a grudge against the Censors. And this was the occasion: They had commanded one of his late vassals and enfranchised retainers, to pull down a wall standing in the street Sacra overagainst a public edifice; pretending that the said wall was built upon the city ground. The man a private person, called unto the Tribunes for their lawful help and favour: but when as none of them all but only this Rutisius would meddle in the matter and interpose their helping hand, the censors sent to strain and take gauges for to bind him to answer the cause, and before the body of the people intended an action against him, and set a grievous fine upon the head of that party aforesaid. By means I say of this debate begun upon such an occasion, when as the old publicans betook themselves for succour to this Tribune, presently there was a bill preferred and subscribed with the name of the said Tribune alone, in this form, That what public revenues and profits of the State, C. Claudius and Tib. Sempronius had to farm let for a rent, or what public works and provisions they had put out to be made and purveied at a price, the same leaves and bargains should not stand for good but be canceled, and new demises drawn and made. Also that it might be lawful for all men indifferently either to be farmers or undertakers of the premises. And the said Tribune assigned a day for a general assembly and session, to have this bill to be cast by the voices of the people. When the day was come, the censors advanced and put themselves forward to dissuade and plead against the bill. So long as Gracchus spoke, he was heard with patience and silence. But at Claudius when he opened his mouth, they hissed and kept a muttering, so as he was forced by an oiez made by the crier to procure audience: which being made, the Tribune found himself grieved and complained, that the people there assembled were withdrawn and called away from him, to the prejudice of his authority and honour, and with that flung out of the Capitol where this assembly was holden. The next day he kept a great coil and made a foul stir: first he interdicted the goods of Tib. Gracchus as condemned and accursed, for that in setting a fine, and straining gauges of him, who had appealed to a Tribune, and in not obeying and condescending to his opposition, he seemed to set light by his Tribunes authority, & prejudice his reputation. As for C. Claudius, he arrested him to answer at a day, for that he had withdrawn the assembly from him: nay, he professed that he would indite both the Censors of treason or felony in the highest degree, and required of Sulpitius praetor for the citizens, a day of assizes for their judicial trial. The Censors refused not to have this matter put to an issue with all speed, and to be tried by the doom of the people. So the time for the hearing and determining of this heinous crime of majestic or treason aforesaid, was assigned the 
* in ante 8 & 7 Calendas Octobris. that is, the 23 and 24 of September.  days immediately before the eight and seventh calends of October. Upon this, the censors incontinently ascended up into the Porch of Liberty: where after they had made sure and sealed the public registers and records, shut up and locked all the offices of the Chancery, and discharged for the time the public clerks and protonotaries attending upon that court, they protested that they would not go in hand with any public affairs of state, beforce the sentence and judgement of the people were passed upon them. The day came, and Claudius; first pleaded his own cause and spoke for himself: and when of twelve Centuries that were of gentlemen, eight had found the Censor guilty and cast him, yea and many other centuries of the first Classis. Then presently, the principal persons of the city in the very sight of the people, changed their weed, laid away their rings, and went about from one to another in humble manner, to crave the commons to be good unto the Censors. But that which most of at either stayed or reversed the definitive doom against him, was (by report) Tib. Gracchus himself the other Censor: for that when the commons cried from all parts, that there was no danger growing toward Gracchus, he swore by express words, That if this colleague were condemned, he would (without attending the judgement of the people as touching himself) accompany him into banishment. Howbeit the defendant and accused person, was driven to this near point and hard exigent of extremity, that he came within eight centuries of being cast and condemned. Thus when Claudius was acquit, the Tribune said he would not trouble and molest Gracchus.  
This year at the earnest suit of the Aquileian ambassadors unto the Senate, for to have the number of their colonies increased; a thousand & five hundred families (by virtue of a decree granted out of the Senate) were enroled: and for the conducting of them to Aquileia, were sent as Triumvirs or commissioners these three, to wit, T. Annius Luscus, P. Decius Subulo, and M. Cornelius Cethegus. The same year C. Popilius and Cn. Octavius ambassadors, who had been sent into Greece, having first red and published at Thebes the arrest and ordinance of the Senate, carried it afterwards throughout all the cities of Peloponnesus, to this effect, That no person should contribute toward the wars, and put into the hands of the Roman magistrates, more than that which the Senate had set down. This put them in good hope and assurance for the future time, that they should be eased of those charges and expenses, by which they were impoverished and wasted, whiles every one imposed upon them some taxation or other, and never gave them repose. In the Achaean general counsel holden at Argos, they had audience given them and were heard in gracious sort: from whence leaving this most loyal and faithful nation in singular good hope of happy estate for the time to come, they passed into AEtolia. There was as yet no sedition broken out there; but all were in jealousy and suspicion one of another, and full of natural accusations: in regard of which jars and troubles, the ambassadors only demanded hostages, and without any other end made, went directly into Acamania. The Acarnanians granted unto these ambassadors a Diet to be holden at Tyrrheum: where some debate was between the partakers of divers factions. Some principal men of the States, required that there should be garrisons received into their cities, to bridle the wilful folly of those that inclined to the Macedonian nation: others gainsaied this course, and be sought the contrary, for fear lest that peaceable and confederate cities should be put to receive that disgrace and dishonour, which usually falleth upon known enemies and those that are conquered by foce of arms. And this request was reputed just. Then the ambassadors returned to Larissa unto Hostilius the Proconsull, for from him they were employed in embassage. Octavius he retained still with him: but Popilius together with a thousand soldiers or very near, he sent to Ambracia, there to lodge for the winter time.  
Perseus in the beginning of winter durst not go forth of the frontiers of Macedon, for fear lest the Romans would invade with violence his realm in some place or other, if they found it void and disfurnished. But toward the midst of December about midwinter, when by reason of the deep snow the mountains are unpassable and unsuperable from out of Thessaly, thinking he had then a fit season & opportunities to cut off the hopes and break the hearts of the neighbour-borderers, that when he should be averted another way and busied in the Roman war, he might be secured of danger from them: considering that from the parts of Thracia he had peace with Corys; and likewise from Epirus side (by the means of Shafalus, who suddenly of late was revolted from the Romans:) moreover having newly vanquished the Dardanians in wars and seeing only that quarter to infest and annoy Macedon, which regardeth and asfronteth Illyricum; and that those Illyrians also were not quiet & at peace, but ready to give entrance unto the Romans; but if he had subdued & tamed those Illyrians which were next unto him, than king Gentius also, who a long time hung between in doubtful terms, might be induced and drawn wholly into society with him: he revolved at length, and with ten thousand footmen heavily armed, whereof part were Phalangitae, and other two thousand lightly appointed; and five hundred horse, he made a road and presented his forces before Stubera: from whence after he had provided himself of come to serve for many days, & given order that the ordinance and engines of battery should follow after; at the third days end he lodged near Vscana, the head city of all that land Penestia. But before that he offered any assault, he sent certain of purpose to sound & solicit the affections, one while of the captains of the garrison, and another while of the townsmen. Now there lay within the city, together with the manhood and youth of the Illyrians, a garrison also of the Romans. And when he saw that they brought no news of any peaceable dealing from thence, he began to bend his forces against them, and assayed to invest them round about, and so to force the city. And albeit both night and day without any rest and intermission, they pressed upon the inhabitants, and evermore one succeeded another; whiles some reared ladders against the walls, others threw balls of fire against the gates, yet the defendants of the city held out and endured that furious and violent tempest: because they hoped that neither the Macedonians lying abroad were able any long time to endure the rigour of the cold winter; nor the king on the other side could have so much release and relaxation from the Roman war, as to stay there and make his abode. But after they perceived once the mantilets' approach, and the frames of turrets and fabrics erected, their persistence was overmatched and they began to relent. For besides that in plain force they were the weaker and notable to resist, distressed also they were for want of corn, neither had they store of any other provision, as being taken on a sudden, and looking for nothing less than siege at such a time of the year. Therefore when they were past all hope to be able any longer to resist, C. Carvilius Spoletinus and C. Asra●ius were sent from the Roman garrison, to crave of Perseus, first that he would permit them to depart in their arms, and to carry with them their bag and baggage: secondly, if they might not obtain so much, that he would but give them assurance of life and liberty. The king was more free and liberal to promise, than fast and faithful to perform. For after he had commanded them to go forth, and carry with them all that was their own: the fust thing that he did was to disarm them and take away their weapons. ****** They were not so soon departed out of the town, but both the company of the Illyrians, to the number of five hundred men, & also the inhabitants of Vscana rendered themselves & their city. Perseus when he had put a garrison in Vscana, led away the whole multitude of the yielded townsmen (& those were wel-nere as many in number as his own army) & transported them to Stulera: where, after he had sent the Romans (all besides their chieftains) who were 4000 fight men, into sundry cities to be kept in wards, & sold the Vscanians & Illyrians; he led his army back into Penestia, intending to be master of Oeneum, a town seated otherwise commodiously, & withal it is the very key and highway that openeth passage into the country of the Labeates, within the realm of king Gentius, and where he kept his royal state. As he passed by a strong boroughtown well inhabited, named Draudacum, one about him that was well acquainted with the coasts of that country, put into his head, that bootless it was & to no purpose to win Oeneum, unless he had Draudac also in his hands, as being a town situate more commodiously in all respects. Whereupon he advanced forward, and so soon as ever he presented his army before it, incontinently all the inhabitants submitted and yeeldeed. Being much animated and encouraged with this surrender of theirs, which they made far sooner than he hoped or loosed 〈◊〉; after that he perceived how terrible this redoubled army of his was, all the way as he marched he brought under his subjection eleven other castles and strong holds, upon the like fear that they were put into. Violence he used against very few of them; the rest yielded willingly: wherein were taken fifteen hundred Roman soldiers, placed there in several garrisons. In great stead and to very good use served Carvilius Spoletinus in all their parleys; whoevermore gave it out, that there had been no cruelty nor rigour exercised upon him and his fellows. At length the king came before Oeneum, which could not possibly be won without a set and full siege. For the town had far more youth and able men within it than the rest, was fortified with a stron● wall about it and defended of the one side with the river called Artatus, and of the other with an exceeding High hill, and the same of hard and difficult access. All these things considered, the townsmen were in good hope to be able for to make resistance. Perseus, having entrenched the town and cast a rampire round about it, began likewise to raise a terrace and mount from the upper part thereof, to that height as might surmount and overtop the walls. But during the time that this piece of work was in hand and brought to perfection, a great number of the inhabitants within were consumed by divers and sundry adventures, whiles they skirmished oft and sallied forth, endeavouring both to defend their own walls, and also to impeach the fabrics and devises of their enemies. And those that remained alive, what with toilsome labour night and day, and what with many a wound, were past all service and good for nothing. So soon as the terrace and mount aforesaid was raised close unto the wall, both the king's cohort (whom they call Nicatores) mounted up into it, and also with ladders the assault was given unto the city in many places at once. All that were above fourteen years old he put to the sword: their wives and small children he cast into prison. The rest of the boorie and pillage fell to the soldiers share. As he returned from thence with victory to Stubera, he sent as ambassadors unto Gentius, Pleuratus the Illyrian (a banished person who sojourned with him) and Apateus a Macedonian of Berrhaea. Them he gave in charge to declare unto Gentius, what he had archieved against the Romans and Dardanians the summer past, together with the late exploits performed in that winter expedition; and withal to persuade the king, for to be knit in amity with him and the Macedonians. These ambassadors having transmounted the top of the hill Scordus, and traversed the wild's and wolds of Illyricum, (which the Macedonians of purpose had laid waist and desert, to the end, that the Dardanians might have no easy passage either into Illyricum or Macedon) after much pain and travail they arrived in the end at Scodra. Now was king Gentius at Lissus, and thither were these ambassadors sent for, where they delivered their message with gracious audience: but they went away with an answer to no effect; namely, That he wanted no will, and his heart was good enough to war upon the Romans; but his coffers were empty, and he lacked money especially, to go in hand and enterprise that which he desired. This answer they related unto king Perseus at Stubera, at what time as he was most busy in selling of his captives taken in Illyricum. Then forthwith were the same ambassadors addressed again unto him, accompanied with Glaucias one of the king's guard and squires of his body, without any mention made of money, and that was the only means to induce the bare and needy barbarous prince to levy war. After this, Perseus ransacked the city Ancyra, and once again reduced his army into the Penestines country, and having strengthened the garrisons in Vscana, and in all the forts and pieces about it, he returned into Macedon.  
L. Calius a Roman lieutenant, lay in guard for the defence and rule of Illyricum, who ●urst not stir so long as king Perseus was in those quarters; but in the end after his departure, he endeavoured to recover Vscana in the Penestines country, but was repulsed from thence by the garrison of the Macedonians there, and carried away nothing but many a dry knock and bloody wound, and so retired with his forces to Lychnidum: from whence, some few days after, he sent M. Trebellius Fregellanus into the Penestines country, with a strong and sufficient power, for to receive hostages of those cities who faithfully had persisted in amity and friendship. He commanded him also to go forward to the Partines (lor they likewise had covenanted to put in pledges) for that of both these nations, the said hostages might be exacted and gotten without any stir and trouble. The hostages of the Penestines were sent to Apollonia, but those of the Partines to Dyrrhachium, which in those days was more usually called by the Greeks, Epidamnus.  
App. Claudius, desirous to raze out the blemish and make amends for the dishonour received in Illyricum, set in hand to assault Phanotesa fort of Epirus, having brought thither with him the Athamattes and Thesprotians (over and above the Roman army) to the number of 6000 men; but he got nothing there but travail for his pains, by reason that the place was valiantly defended by Gl●vas, left there with a strong garrison by K. Perseus. Perseus likewise made an expedition to Elimea; and after he had taken a solemn survey of his army about it, he conducted his power to Stratus at the request of the Epitores. This Stratus then, was the strongest city of all AEtolia. Situate it is upon the gulf of Ambracia, near the river Achelous. He advanced thither with ten thousand foot and not above 300 horse: of them he took the fewer with him in number, by reason of the straight passages and rugged ways. Being come at the third days end so far as to the mount Citius, after he had with much difficulty passed over it, the snow lay so deep, that hardly and with much ado could he find a convenient place to encamp in. From thence he removed, more for that he could not there abide and remain, than for any intolerable way and weather he met with all in his dismarch and journey forward: so with passing great travail and trouble, of his beasts especially, the second day he arrived at the temple of jupiter called Niceus, and there lodged. Then, after he had taken an exceeding long journey, he abode at the river Arachthus, being stayed there by reason of the deep water during which time, he made a bridge over and transported his forces; and when he was gone a days journey onward, he encountered on the way Archidamus a principal person of the AEtolians, by whose means the city of Stratus was to be delivered up unto him. And that day he lodged upon the frontiers of AEtolia: from whence the next morrow he journeyed as far as to Stratus; where, having encamped near the river Achelous, he looked that the Aetolians would run out unto him by heaps at all their gates, to yield themselves unto his protection: but in stead thereof he found their gates shut, and a garrison of Romans received into the city that very night when he came, together with the lieutenant C. Popilius. For the chief of the city (who induced and enforced by the authority of Archidamus whiles he was present in place, had sent for the K.) became more slack and negligent, by occasion that Archidamus was gone forth to meet with him, and thereby gave advantage and opportunity to the adverse faction, to send for Popilius with a thousand footmen from Ambracia. In very fit time and to right good purpose came Dinarchus also a captain of the AEtolian cavalry, accompanied with six hundred foot and a hundred horse. Known it was for certain, that he marched toward Stratus, as intending to band and take part with Perseus; but changing his mind together with the turning of fortune, he joined with the Romans, & banded against him for whom he set out at the first. Neither was Popilius, among these wavering and inconstant spirits, more secured than he should be: and therefore incontinently got the keys of the gates into his hands, and possessed himself of the guard of the walls. As for Dinarchus and the AEtolians, together with the youth and able men of Stratus, he bestowed them all in the fortress, under a colour of guarding the same. Perseus, having assayed to parley with them from the hills which commanded the higher part of the city, finding them perverse and obstinate, and seeing them ready to set him farther off with shot of their darts, encamped five miles off from the city, beyond the river Petitarus. There, he called a council; in which, Archidamus together with the revolts and renegates of the Epirotes, exhorted him there to sojourn and continue: but the chiefrains of the Macedonians chose were of advice, that there was no striving with that troublesome and dangerous season of the year, considering their provisions were not ready; and the assailants were like sooner to feel the scarcity and want thereof, than the defendants: in regard whereof, and especially for that the enemies wintered not far from thence, he dislodged and removed to Aperantia. The Aperantians by reason of the great credit and reputation of Archidamus among them; received him with a general consent. And the same Archidamus was made captain there over a garrison of eight hundred soldiers. And so the king returned into Macedon, with less trouble both of his men and beasts, than he came thither. Howbeit the bruit blown abroad, that Perseus led his forces against Stratus, caused Appius to levy his siege from before Phanotes. And Clevas with a brave regiment of lusty men well appointed, followed hard after him, and at the foot of the hiles which were almost unpassable, he slew well-near a thousand of them as they marched heavily armed and encumbered, and took prisoners about two hundred. But after that Appius was passed those straits and come into the plain called Eleon, he lay encamped there some few days: mean whiles Clevas, accompanied with Philostratus the chief commander of the Epirotes, passed over into the territory of Antigonea. The Macedonians went about to rob and spoil: but Philostratus with his cohort sat him down in await, under a cover and hidden place for the purpose. And when as those of Antigonea issued forth in arms, and charged upon the forraiers as they ranged over the fields, and dispersed in straggling-wise; pursuing them too eagerly in their flight, they chanced to engage themselves over far within the valley where the enemies lay in ambush: and there, to the number of a thousand of them lost their lives, and almost an hundred were taken prisoners. And so the enemies having sped well in all their enterprises, removed their camp close to that of Appius, to the end that the Roman army might do no violence and outrage upon their friends and allies. Thus Appius spending the time in these parts to no purpose, and doing no good, after he had discharged the companies of the Chaonians, and as many of the Epirotes as were with him, returned into Illyricum with his Italian soldiers: and when he had distributed them among the confederate cities of the Partynians, there to winter, returned himself to Rome by occasion of a certain solemn sacrifice. Perseus' sent to Cassandrea for to lie in garrison there, a thousand foot and two hundred horse, whom he had caused to come again out of the country of the Penestines. And they that returned from Gentius related still the same song from him, yet never rested he nor gave over to rempt and importune him, sending ambassadors after ambassadors unto him, knowing right well, that in him rested great importance: yet could not he by any means possible bring the man to expend aught and to be at any charge, in a matter every way of greatest consequence.   

THE XLIIII. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the four and fortieth Book.  
QVintus Martius Philippus passing through wild's and woods, entered into Macedon and surprised many cities. The Rhodians sent ambassadors to Rome, threatening to aid Perseus, unless the people of Rome would conclude peace and contract amity with him: whereas was taken great scorn and disdain. Now when the charge of this wave was committed to L. Aonylius Paulus the Consul now the second time for the year following, Paulus before the public assembly of the people prayed unto the gods, that all inselicitie and cursed fortune coming toward the people of Rome, might be averted from thence, and light upon his own house. And so having taken a voyage into Macedon, vanquished Perseus and subdued all Macedon. A little before he should strike a battle, C. Sulpitius Gallus a martial Colonel, forewarned the army that they should not wonder and be troubled in mind at the eclipse of the mome which was to happen the next night following. In like sort Gentius the king of the Illyrians having entered again into arms, was overcome in field by Anicius the praetor: and having submissed himself unto him, was with his wife, children, and kindred, sent to Rome. From Alexandria there arrived the ambassadors of Cleopatra and Prolomeus king and queen of Egypt, complaining of Antiochus king of Syria, for that he warred upon them. Perseus' having solicited Eumenes king of Pergamus, and Gentius king of the Illyrians to aid him, was by them abandoned, for that he made not true pairment of money according to his promise.  
IN the beginning of that spring which immediately followed the winter wherein these occurrents happened, Q. Martius Philippus the Consul came to Brundisium with five thousand men, whom he intended to transport over the seas for the supply of his legions. And M. Popilius (one who had been Consul) and other brave gallants of noble parentage as well as himself, followed after the Consul to be martiall-Tribunes in the Macedonian legions. Also about the same time C. Martius Figulus the Praetor, & admiral of the navy, repaired to Brundisium. Who weighing anchor, loosed to sea from Italy together, and arrived the next day at Corphu; but the morrow after that, they put within Actium, an haven of Acarnania. From thence the Consul set sail for Ambracia, where he disbarked and traveled by land to Thessaly. But the Praetor having doubled the point of Leucas, entered the gulf of Corinth; and leaving his vessels at Creusa, journeied likewise by land to Chalcis unto the naval forces, making such expedition that he crossed through the midst of Baeoria in one day. At the same time A. Hostilius lay encamped in Thessaly, near to Palaepharsalus. Who albeit he had performed no memorable exploit of warlike feats, yet he had reclaimed his soldiers from all licentious looseness where with they were corrupted, and ranged them within good order of military discipline. Also by his faithful carriage in government, he had entertained and kept the love of the allies still, yea, and protected them from all manner of wrong and injury. Now when he was advertised of the arrival of his successor, he assembled with all diligence his forces both men and horse, and gathered together all armour, as well offensive as defensive: and so with a brave army right well appointed, he went forth to meet the Consul upon the way. As their first encounter and meeting was honourable, and befiting as well their own reputation as the great estate of the Roman name, so for the managing of the affairs afterward 
* The place is here defective, but may be supplied, as Sigonius thinketh, in this manner as you see, between these marks []  [it was very expedient to the Consul Philip: For the proconsul turning to his own army, exhorted the soldiers to perform valiant service; and so when he had delivered it to the Consul, returned to Rome.] Some few days after the Consul, made an Oration in a solemn audience of all his soldiers: Wherein first he began with the particide of Perseus, committed upon the person of his own brother, but projected against his very father. Then he proceeded forward and declared the wicked and devilish means whereby he attained to the crown, also his practices of poisoning, his bloody murders, how he laid await for king Eumenes his life by way of detestable brigandage & robbery: moreover, the injuries offered to the people of Rome, and the sacking of associate cities against the covenants of accord. All which dealings of his he should find one day (quoth he) by the issue of his affairs, how odious and cursed they are in the sight also of the immortal gods. For the gods are evermore favourable and gracious to piety and fidelity, the only means whereby the people of Rome is mounted to that pitch and height of felicity. Then he compared the forces of that State which already compassed the round world, with the strength of Macedon; he set armies to armies, making remonstrance how far greater was the puissance of Philip and Antiochus before, & yet was it defeated utterly by no greater power than the Romans now were able to show. Having thus enkindled & inflamed the courages of his soldiers by this manner of exhortation, he began to debate in counsel as touching the principal & main point of the whole war. And thither repaired unto him from Chalcis, the Praetor C. Martius, after he had taken the charge of the armada & sea-forces. Resolved it was and concluded to make no longer abode in Thessaly, & there to lose time, but presently to dislodge & remove directly into Macedon: that the praetor also should endeavour and cast, how at one and the selfsame time he might infest and annoy the sea costs of the enemies. Now after that the Praetor was dismissed & sent away, the Consul commanded his soldiers to bring every man with him provision for a month: and so the tenth day after he had received the conduct of the army, he removed the camp and set forward. When he had gone a days journey, he called together the guides, and after he had commanded them everyone to declare before the counsel there assembled, which way each one of them intended to direct the army, he caused them to void and go aside: and then debated it was in counsel, which course to take above all others. Some were of opinion to lead by the way of Pythoum; others advised to pass over the Cambunian mountains, like as the year before Hoslilius the Consul conducted his army; and there were who gave advise to go near to the moor and marish of Ascuris. Now there remained yet some part behind of the way, which lay in different still and common to all these places; and therefore their consultation of this point was put over unto the time when they should encamp near to the parting and division of the said ways. So from thence he led the army to Perrhaebia, and sat him down between Azorus and Doliche, for to consult once again for all, which way to take.  
The same time Perseus knowing that the enemy approached, but yet ignorant which way he meant to come, determined to beset all the passages with strong guards. Whereupon he sent ten thousand young & lusty men lightly armed, to the very pitch of the Cambunian hills (which the inhabitants themselves call Volustana) under the conduct of captain Asclepiodotus. But he commanded Hipptas with a power of twelve thousand Macedonians to seize the straits of a certain sort situate upon the marsh Ascuris, & is called Lapathus. Himself in person accompanied with the rest of the forces, lodged first near to Dium: but afterwards seeming as if he were unprovided of counsel and void of sense and understanding, he with his light horsemen made roads and courses along the strand, one while toward Heraclea, and otherwhiles to Phila; and so backward again the same way to Dium. In this mean time the Consul resolved fully to lead his army by that pass, where we said before that the army of king Philip encamped sometimes, near a place called Octolophus. Howbeit he thought good to send out before four thousand armed men, for to prevent the enemies and be possessed first of the most commodious places of advantage: this regiment was commanded by M. Claudius and Q. Martius, the Consul's son; and incontinently all the forces in general followed after. But the way was so sleep and difficult, so rough, uneven and rugged, that in two days space, they which were sent before, albeit they were not charged with the carriage of anything, had much a do to march fifteen miles: where they lodged, and the place which they made choice of was called the Tower Eudieru. From whence the morrow after they journeyed seven miles forward, and seized a hill not far from the enemy's camp: where they dispatched a courier back to the Consul, to give intelligence, that they were come near to the enemy, and settled in a place of safety, commodious also for all purposes; and with all to advise him for to make all possible speed after, for to overtake them and join together. This messenger encountered the Consul at the Mere Ascurus, when he was greatly perplexed as well for the difficulty of the way which he was to enter himself, as also in regard of the danger of them whom in so few number he had sent before, even through the mids of the enemy's corpse de guards. Where upon he took a better heart to himself; etc. having united all his forces, encamped upon the foresaid hill which his men already held, on that side which (considering the nature of the ground) was most commodious. And there they might discover within the view of eye, not only the enemy's camp distant from thence little above a mile, but also the whole country as far as to Dium and Phila, yea and all the sea-coast, by reason that the high pitch and top of the mountain yielded a prospect far and near round about. And this was it that set on fire the souldious hearts, when they beheld the whole weight of the war, the king's forces altogether, etc. the enemy's country so near unto them. In which spirit of cheerfulness when they were earnest with the Consul, and exhorted him to advance directly against the enemy's camp, they had but one day granted them to rest after their weari some journey. So upon the third day the Consul leaving part of his forces to guard the camp, led the rest against the enemy. Now had Hippias been lately sent from the king to keep and guard the passage, who since the time that first he espied the Roman camp upon the hill, had prepared the minds of his men to a battle, and so encountered the army of the Consul and metit half way. The Romans advanced forth to fight, nimbly appointed; and the enemies likewise were lightly armed, and by reason thereof most fit and provided for to give the charge and begin skirmish. So soon as they astronted and encountered one another, presently they fell to launching of their darts on both sides. Many a wound was given and received of the one part as well as the other by their rash charging at random, and few of both sides were shine. Thus were their stomachs whetned etc. edged against the morrow; and then had they skirmished and maintained fight with greater forces and more deadly fewed, if the ground would have served them to have displayed their battaillons at large: but the top of the mountain was straight, and arose to a sharp crest in form of a coin or wedge; and hardly assourded room enough for three ranks of armed men affront; and therefore when some few were in fight, all the rest, and specially they that were heavily armed, stood as lookers on. As for the light armour of the one part, they would run forth at the broken crags of the hill, and ever from the sides join battle with the like of the other part; yea and find means to charge their enemy, were the 〈◊〉 or uneven, it skilled not whether. But after that, more that day also were wounded 〈◊〉, the night at length parted the fray. The third day, the Roman General was to seeked 〈◊〉 not what to do; for neither could he stay any longer upon that hill, for want of all the 〈◊〉 back from thence it was not possible, without dishonour etc. danger both. Moreover 〈◊〉 red, the enemy might press upon him from the upper ground with advantage. The 〈…〉 therefore no other means but to amend that which was audaciously enterprised, 〈…〉 and hardy persistence in execution; a thing that other whiles proveth well in the end, 〈…〉 ceeded from wise and deliberate counsel. And verily to this hard pass and difficult tearm● 〈◊〉 were come, that if the Consul had been to deal with an enemy like to any of the Macedonian kings in old time, he might soon have received a great foil and overthrow. But king Perseus as he coasted & ranged with his cavalry upon the strand near Dium (albeit for the space of twelve miles wel-nere, he heard the cries and shouts of them that were in fight;) neither reenforced the companies by sending fresh soldiers in place of the wearied, nor showed himself in person at the battle: (which had been a thing, I assure you, of most importance) whereas the Roman General being above three score years of age, corpulent besides and unwieldy, performed himself right lustily all military services of a valiant warrior; persisting in that to the very end most bravely, which he had begun and enterprised so boldly; and having lest Popilius for to guard the hill top, passed over places that had no tracts at all to direct them, by sending out before, certain men of purpose to scour and prepare to make passage. As for Attalus and Misagenes, he commanded them both, with the auxiliary soldiers of their own nation to guard them that opened the way before. Then he putting before him in the march the horsemen with the baggage, came behind with the legionary footmen in the rereguard. No tongue is able to express what a toil and painful labour they found in going down the hill, the sumpter horses with their packs and carriages tumbled so down one with another: in so much as when they had scarcely gone four miles forward, they wished in their hearts nothing more, than to return the way they came, if it had been possible. The elephants troubled the march as much in manner as the enemies could: for when they were come to a place where they could see no way, down they cast their riders and governors, laying them along on the earth, and with the horrible braying that they made, affrighted their horses especially, until such time as a devise was found for their passage. They began first to make the head or entrance of a bridge at the very brow and edge of a steep downfall: this done, in the lower ground beneath, they set fast in the earth good strong and long posts of wood, two by two distant one from the other traverse-wise little more than the largeness of one of those beasts. Upon which rested fast joined [with tennon & morteise] certain rafters like wal-plats 30 foot in length, and those being couched with planks cross over in forine of a bridge, had earth and mould cast thereupon. A little way off beneath it, such another bridge was made; and so a third likewise, and many more consequently according as the craggy ground was broken and uneven. Now the Elephant from the firm ground entered upon the first bridge aforesaid; but before he was gone as far as to the foot and end thereof, the posts above named were cut a two underneath; to the end that the bridge might fall, and in the easy reeling thereof the beast also gently slide; as it were, and be carried therewith as far as the head of a second bridge. Thus some of them glid and kept themselves standing upright on their feet, others rested upon their buttocks. Again, when they were come to the plain and level flower of another such like bridge, by the fall of it in manner aforesaid they were driven unto a third bridge beneath it, until such time as they were come to a more plain and even valley. In this order the Romans could rid little more than seven miles that day. And the least part thereof went they upright on their feet, but were feign most-what to tumble and roll over and over with their armour and fardels about them: and thus they got forward in all kind of pain and trouble; in such sort, that he who induced them to this journey and conducted them therein, could not deny but the whole army (with a small power coming against them) might utterly have been defaited. By night they arrived at a pretty plain; but the place being so enclosed on all sides, they had no space and room to view round about, whether it were dangerous or no. At length after much ado and beyond their expectation, they met with a firm piece of ground, whereas as they might take sure footing; and there they were forced the morrow following to attend in the hollow valley the coming of Popilius and the companies left with him; who also were exceedingly sore vexed and plagued with the roughness of the way, albeit the enemies troubled and affrighted them no whit at all. The third day, after they had joined their forces together, they took their way through a pass, which the inhabitants call Callipeuce. The fourth day they passed over a place that had no more means to direct them, than the other before; but by use and experience they were grown more skilful: and better hope they had, for that the enemy in no place appeared, but approached near to the sea. When they were come once down into the plains between Haracetus and Lebethrus, the footmen (whereof the greater part kept the hills) pitched their tents and took up the valley, and a good part of the plain wherein the horsemen should quarter. As the king was bathing himself, it is said that word came, How the enemies were near at hand: at which news he was so scared, that he leapt from out of his bathing vessel, and in haste got him out of the bame, crying aloud, That he was vanquished without drawing sword and stroke given: neither wist he for fear which way to turn him, taking sundry counsels one in the neck of another, and commanding he knew not what, sometime this and sometime that. In this perplexity he sent for Asclepiodorus (one of his two especial friends) out of the place where he lay in garrison, to go to Pella where all his money and treasure lay; and by this means opened all the avenues for the Romans to make war. Himself, after he had in great haste bestowed and piled up in his ships, all the gilded images at Dium, to the end that the enemy should make no prize of them, caused with all speed possible to truss up and to remove to Pydna; and hereby gave occasion, that the enterprise of the Consul which might have seemed rashness (in that he had engaged himself so far, that he could not possibly retire again without leave of the enemy) proved in the end no inconsiderate and unadvised designment. For now the Romans had the choice of two passages through which they might escape away; the one, by Tempe into Thessaly; the other into Macedon, by the way near Dium: both which before were held by the king's guards. So as if a resolute and fearless captain could have held out and endured but one ten days the first appearance and show of terror that approached, the Romans could neither have returned into Thessaly by Tempe, nor found way for conveyance of provision and victuals to the place they were. For Tempe is of itself a difficult passage, even without any force of arms to make it dangerous. And why? besides the strait gullet five miles in length, yielding a very narrow way for one beast to go charged with burden; the rocks of either hand are so steep and upright, that hardly a man is able to look down from them, but his eyes will dazzle, his brains turn, and his head be giddy withal. Moreover, the sound and noise, yea and the depth of the river Peneus running directly through the mids of the valley, increaseth the fear so much the more. This place, so petillous of it own nature, had been holden and guarded with the king's garrisons in four several and distant places. The one kept at the very first entrance, near to Connus; the second at Condylos, a fort imprenable; the third about Lapathus, which also they call Charax; and the fourth was placed even upon the very avenue itself, about the mids of the valley, where it is at the straightest, and which may be easily defended with ten men, if there were no more. In this manner (I say) the passage being stopped up by Tempe, as well for portage of provisions thither as for return from thence, the Romans must perforce have retired again up to the same mountains from whence they were descended. But as they came down & were not discovered, so being 〈◊〉 they could not possibly have gained them again in open view, considering that the enemies had possessed the tops of the mountains; and no doubt, the difficulty thereof besides, which they had tried already, would have cut off all hope of that adventure: so as, being waded thus far into this rash enterprise, there remained no means else for them, but to have passed through the mids of the enemies at Dium, for to escape and pierce into Macedon: an adventure no doubt, (if the gods had not bearest the king of his right wits) most difficult and dangerous unto them. For it being so, that from the foot of the mountain Olympus unto the sea, there is little above a mile space between: the one half whereof, is taken up with the mouth of the river Bophyins; which in this place spreadeth very broad and large; and another part of the plain; either the temple of jupiter or the town itself occupieth: the rest besides, being but a very small place, might have been enclosed and made fast against them with a little trench and rampier● besides, such store there was of stone ready at hand, and of timber out of the forest, that they might either have raised a mure, or framed turrets and such like fabrics in their way. But the king (whose spirit & understanding was blinded with sudden fear) foreseeing none of all these things; but diffurnishing every fort of their garrisons, made open passage for the current of war, & fled himself to Pydna. The Consul perceiving that he had gotten great advantage and many hopes by the folly and negligence of his enemy, dispatched a currier back toward Larissa unto Sp. Lucretius, willing him to seize those forts into his hands about Tempe, which were abandoned by the enemy: and after he had sent Popilius before in espial to discover all the passages about Dium, and perceived that the avenues were open in all parts, he marched forwards himself, and by the second gift came to Dium; where he commanded to encamp under the very temple, to the end, that no violent outrage should be committed in that holy place. Himself in proper person entered into the city, which as it was not great, so it was garnished with fair public buildings, beautified with a number of goodly images, and passing well fortified besides: in so much as he could not well believe, that things of such importance were abandoned for nothing, but that there was some secret deceit and treachery lurking underneath. After he had stayed there one full day, to espy and see that all coasts were clear the dislodged and marched on: and supposing verily that he should be provided of sufficient store of grain, he advanced forward that very day to the river named Mytis. The morrow after, he took possession of the city Agassa, which the inhabitants willingly rendered unto him. And to win the hearts of all other Macedonians, (contenting himself only with hostages) he promised to leave them their city clear without a garrison; and to permit them to live under their own laws, without payment of any tribute. Being marched onward one days journey from thence, he pitched down his tents fast upon the river Ascordus: but feeling and finding still (the farther he went from Thessaly) more and more want of all things, he recited back to Dium; and then all men saw plainly and made no doubt, to what straits he should have been driven, in case he had been clean shut out from Thessaly, considering that it was not safe for him to remove far from thence where he was.  
Perseus' having rallied all his forces, and assembled his captains into one place, checked and rattled up the captains of the garrisons and guards aforesaid over the passages: but above all he rebuked Aschepiodosus and Hippius most, saying, that those two had betrayed unto the Romans the port gates into Macedon: whereas indeed no man was more justly to be blamed for that, than his own self.  
The Consul after he had discovered a far off from sea a fleet of Roman ships, conceived good hope that vessels were coming charged with provision of victuals (for now in his camp. the dearth was great, and brought they were already to extreme want and fearsitie.) But he was advertised by them who were entered within the harbour, that the hulks and ships of burden were left behind at Magnesia. Whereupon, being in great doubt what to do (so hard went all things with him for the present, that he had work enough to wrestle with that only difficulty, without being farther encumbered with any impeachment from the enemy) be holdin happy time, 〈◊〉 were brought unto him from Sp. Lucretius, importing thus much; That he was master of all the forts and holds planted upon. Tempe and round about Phila, where he had found great plenty of corn and other necessaries. The Consul right joious for these good tidings, set his 〈◊〉 on foot from Dium to Phila, as well to strengthen the garrison there, as also to deal corn among his soldiers; which would have required a long time ere it could have been brought over to them at Dium.  
That departure and journey of his was nothing well spoken off for some gave out, that the General recoiled from the enemy for very fear; because that if he had stayed there still, he should have been forced to a battle: others said, that he had no skill in war, neither in those occurrents, which fortunes wheel turning about altereth every day, offering one new thing or other; who when occasions and opportunities were presented unto him, let the same slip out of his bands, which soon after might not possibly he recovered again. And verily, he had not so soon 〈◊〉 the possession of Dium, but he 〈◊〉 and wakened the enemy, and put in his head now at length to regain those matters, which had been lost before through his own default. For hearing than the Consul was departed, he returned immediately to Dium; where he repaired whatsoever had been demolished and ruinated by the Romans: the battlements of the walls which were cast down he set up again in the right place; and in all parts fortified the mure and bulwarks of the city. Which done, he encamped five miles off on this side Enipeus, intending that the river itself (which is very hard to be passed over) should serve him in stead of a rampire and trench of defence. This river runneth out of the vale from under the mountain Olympus, and in summer season is small and shallow, but in winter it riseth high and spreadeth broad by reason of rain: running also with a forcible current and stream, it surmounteth great rocks, and among those stony crags and shelves maketh many whirlpits: by occasion likewise, that from thence it carrioth away with it into the sea, store of earth, there are many gulfs of exceeding depth: and by reason that it hath eaten a hollow channel in the mids, the banks of each side are very high and steep upright. Perseus, supposing that by the means of this river, the enemies were debarred from all passage, purposed in his mind to hold off, and drive out the rest of the summer in that fort.  
But the Consul in the mean while sent Popilius from Phila into Heraclea with two thousand armed fight men. This Heraclea standeth about five miles from Phila, situate in the midway between Dium and Tempe, upon a rock that commandeth this river. Popilius, before that he caused his men to approach the walls, sent certain persons of purpose to persuade the magistrates and cheese of the city, to make proof of the faithful protection and clemency of the people of Rome, rather than to try their rigour and violence. But this motive and advice availed not, because they might discern the fires from out of the king's camp near to Enipeus: whereupon, both from the land and seaside (for the fleet also being thither arrived ankered near the shore) as well by force of arms as by fabrics and engines of battery, they began to assail the town. Moreover, certain young and lusty Roman soldiers (making use now in war of the exercise which they had practised in the games Circenses) got over the wall where it was lowest. The manner was in those days (before this wasteful prodigality came up of filling the whole cirque or shewplace with beasts set out of all countries) to devise & seek sundry forts of public sights & spectacles to behold; and not in running one course with the chariot, & another on horseback, and so an end, to employ in both races hardly the space of one full hour. Among other seats of activity exhibited, the masters and wardens of those exercises and games, brought into the race commonly 60 (and otherwhiles more) lusty young men in arms well appointed. Their training in part represented a show and appearance of two armies encountering and charging one another, in part also the use and practise of a more gentle and elegant exercise than military procession, and coming nearer to the handling and managing of weapons after the order of sword-sencers. These young gallants, after they had performed other ordinary run and courses, put themselves in a foursquare squadron, with their bucklers or targuets close couched and joined together over their heads, in this manner: They that were foremost in the front stood bolt uptight; the second rank stooped somewhat lower under the other; the third course more than they, and so the fourth, until the hindmost kneeled on their knees: and by this means they resembled a pavoisade rising up higher and higher, like the penthouse or rouse of aedifices. This done, two men well armed, fetching their run filthy foot or there about backward from thence, and seeming to defy and challenge one another, mounted the foresaid pavoisade, and ran from the nether end up to the top upon those targuets so jointly united & set close and thick together and one while they set their countenance as though they would defend the sides and edges thereof, other while in the mids they seemed to perform their devoir and maintain combat one with another, as upon firm and steady ground. Like for all the world to this, was there a pavoisade framed and brought close to one part of the wall: and when armed men were mounted upon it, they that stood upon the very ridge thereof, were as high full as the defendants which kept the wall: who being once beaten back and turned down, two ensigns of soldiers got over into the city. The only difference between this pavoisade and the other above described was this, that they only who stood in the front before and in the flanks, bore not their targuets aloft above their own heads, because their sides and bodies should not be naked and exposed to hurt, but carried them before, after the usual manner of fight men in a battle. By which means, neither the arrows and darts discharged from the wall hurt them affront, nor the shot that light upon their targuet-fence took any hold, but glanced and glid downward from the top without doing any harm, like to rain water that shooteth from the ridge of an house, and runneth down the caves. The Consul likewise, now that Heraclea was won, advanced forward with his army thither, pretending as though he marched toward Dium, and as if after he had chased and driven the king from thence, he minded to pass forward also into Pieria But preparing now against winter, he commanded to make the ways fit and handsome, for the carriage of provision out of Thessaly, and to choose out commodious places for garners: also to build certain houses, wherein they that brought the provision, might lie in couvert and lodge commodiously. Perseus in the end having taken heart again and gathered his wits together, upon that late fright which had amazed his spirits, wished then with all his heart, that his commandments had not been obeyed, at what time as in a fearful fit he gave express charge to cast the treasure into the sea at Pella, and to set on fire the arsenal at Thessalonica. Andromicus being sent for the same purpose to Thessalonica made no haste to execute his will, but trifled out the time for the nonce, leaving the king some respite to repent, as it fell out indeed. Nicias was not so provident and well advised at Pella, in throwing away some part of the money which he there found: howbeit he thought his fault such, as might in some sort be remedied and amended, for that, all the said treasure in manner was recovered by the means of certain dyvers that fished for it under water, and fetched it up from the bottom of the sea. But the king himself was so ashamed of this foolish fear, that in a melancholy he commanded those poor dyvers to be secretly murdered, yea, and afterwards Andronicus and Nicias also; to the end, that no person should remain alive that was privy to that sottish commandment of his.  
Amids these affairs, C. Martius having loosed to sea from Heraclea, and with his fleet sailed to Thessalonica, landed his armed soldiers in divers places of the shore, and made waste in the territory all about: and when they made sallies out of the city & charged upon him, after some fortunate skirmishes he chased them back and beat them within the walls. So as at length he terrified the town itself: but not only they, who ranging up and down here and there, unadvisedly approached the walls, were wounded with shot discharged out of instruments of all sorts, planted upon the walls; but those also who were in the ships, were hurt with stones, weighed and leveled from engines a far off. Upon which occasion he commanded his soldiers to retire a shipbourd, and leaving the siege of Thessalonica, they passed from thence to Aenia, a city fifteen miles off, situate in a fertile soil just over against Pydna. When they had spoiled the territory lying to that city, they coasted along the shore, and arrived at Antigonia. Where, being set a land, first they spoilt the country in every quarter, and brought good store of prizes to their ships: but afterwards, as they straggled out of order and disbanded, the Macedonians, as well footmen as horse, ran upon them, and chased them as they fled apace to the seaside; in which rout they slew upon a five hundred, and took as many prisoners. And nothing else provoked the courages of the Romans (in regard as well of utter despair otherwise to save themselves, as of the indignity itself, so to hazard their honour) but only the extreme necessity wherein they stood, having no means to recover their ships in safety. Whereupon they turned head, and renewed the fight upon the very sea strand. They also who were a shipbourd, succoured and helped them. In which conflict, two hundred Macedonians lost their lives, and as many were taken prisoners. From Antigonea the fleet weighed anchor, and made head toward the territory of Pallene, where the soldiers were set on shore to spoil the country. This territory appertained to the confines of the Cassandreans, the most fruitful tract of all those parts which they had coasted and sailed by. There, king Eumenes being departed from Elea with twenty war ships met with them, and likewise five other couvert ships were sent from king Prusias. The praetor seeing this good increase and addition of his forces, took a better heart unto him, even to besiege 
* Cassiandrea●  Cassandrea. This city was built by king Cassander, in the very straight and gullet which joineth the territory of Pallene with the rest of the Macedonian country, enclosed of the one side with the Toronian sea, and on the other with the Macedonian. For there lieth out a bank or shelf like a tongue into the sea, upon which the city standeth, and beareth into the deep, no less in compass and quantity than is the mountain Atho. It butteth full against Magnesia, with two promontories of unequal bigness; of which the greater is called Posideum; the less Canastrium. This town they began to assail in two divers parts. The Roman (Praetor) drew his fortification to a place called Clitae, opposing certain strong forked stakes for to debar and shut up the way from the Macedonian sea to the Toronian. On the other side there is an Euripe or arm of the sea, from which quarter Eumenes gave the assault. The most trouble & toil that the Romans found, was in damning & filling up the trench, which Perseus had cast against them a little before. And as the Praetor inquired where the earth was bestowed which was thrown out of the trench aforesaid, because he could see no heaps thereof any where, there were showed unto him certain vaults and arches within, which bewrayed a new wall, not built to the thickness of the old, but with perpend work, laid with one course of brick and no more. Whereupon he resolved to pierce through the said wall, and so to make way into the city. The which he thought to execute and perform without being discovered, in case he scaled the wall in another quarter, and by making a shout and alarm there, withdrew all the defendants of the city to the guard of that one place. There lay in garrison at Cassandrea (besides a sufficient number of serviceable young men of the city) eight hundred Agrianes, and two thousand Penestians of Sclavonie, sent from thence by Pleuratus: and both these nations are hardy warriors. Whiles these defended the walls manfully, & the Romans endeavoured with all their might to mount over, the thin walls of the vaults and arches aforesaid were wrought and digged through in the turning of an hand, and gave entrance into the city. Now if they who broke in, had been armed (as they were but pioneers) the town had been taken at that instant. But when as the soldiers heard news, that the said work was finished, they suddenly set up a cheerful shout for joy, being ready, some in one place and some in another to rush into the city. The enemies at the first wondered what the meaning should be of that soddain cry: but the captains of the garrison, Pytho & Philippus Proco, being once advertised that the town lay open, supposing that herein consisted the vantage, who could first prevent the other and give the charge, sallied forth with a strong band of Agrians and Illyrians: and whiles the Romans rallied themselves some from this place, & others from that, and were called together for to enter the city with banner displayed, they set upon them unready as they were and not ranged in any good order, put them to flight and chased them as far as to the trench, where they overthrew them, and laid them one upon another by heaps. Six hundred or very near were there killed: and all in manner whom they could reach between the wall and the trench were sore hurt. The praetor thus overtaken in his own enterprise, was not so hasty as to project any new designs; neither sped Eumenes any better, albeit at one time he assaulted the city both by land and sea. Whereupon they accorded both, to set good strong guards, for to impeach the passage of all garrisons out of Macedon thither; and (since apert force took no better effect) to assail the walls with fabrics and engines. As they were busy in preparation thereof, there arrived ten frigates of the kings, sent from Macedon with certain select auxiliary Gauls. These when they perceived their enemy's ships riding at anchor, sailed in single range one after another, as close as possible they could to the shore in the dark night, and so entered the city. The bruit that went of this new succour and garrison, forced as well the Romans as the king to give over the siege; so fetching a compass about the promontory, they arrived before Torone. And when they began to lie against it, after they perceived once that there was a valiant company there to defend it, they abandoned their enterprise without effect, and sailed to Demetrias. Being approached thither, and seeing the walls full of armed men, they passed by and anchored at joscos': intending after they had spoiled the territory, to set upon Demetrias. Meanwhile, the Consul also because he would not sit still doing nothing in the enemy's country, sent M. Popilius with five thousand soldiers to give the assault to the city Melebaea. Seated it is at the foot of the mountain Ossa, on that side which looketh to Thessaly, and very fitly for the purpose commandeth Demetrias. The first arrival of the enemies put the inhabitants of the place in great affright; but after they had recovered their spirits daunted with so unexpected fear, they ran in arms to the gates, & up to the walls, where they doubted and suspected any place like to give entrance; & incontinently cut off all hope from the enemies, that it could possibly be forced at the first assault. Whereupon they prepared to lay siege unto it, and began to make fabrics and engines to batter the walls. Perseus' having intelligence, that in one instant both Melibaea was beleaguered by the Consul, and also that the fleet anchored before jolcos', to the intent that from thence he might go in hand to assail Demetrias: sent Euphranor one of his captains, with a chosen regiment of two thousand soldiers to Melibaea; with this charge and direction, That if he could raise the siege from Melibaea and force the Romans to depart, he should march secretly to Demetrias, and put himself within the town, before the Romans could remove from jolcos' and advance before the city. The assailants of Melibaea discovering him with his forces all at once upon the higher places, quit their fabrics and engines in fearful haste, and set them all on fire; and thus they departed from before Melibaea. Euphranor having levied the siege from this one city, forthwith led his army to Demetrias. And then the citizens assured themselves, that they should be able not only to defend the city against the siege, but also to save their territory from waist and spoil: and so they made sallies upon the foragers dispersed loosely here and there, not without drawing blood of their enemies. Howbeit the praetor and the king road about the walls, and viewed the situation of the town, if peradventure they could espy any one place which they were like to force, either with battery of engines or force of arms. The voice went, that by the means of Cydas the Cretensian, and Antiochus governor of Demetrias, there was a treaty of peace and amity between Philip and Eumenes. But howsoever it was, this is certain, both Eumenes and the praetor departed from Demetrias. As for Eumenes, he sailed to the Consul, and testified unto him the joy that he conceived for his safe and prosperous entrance into Macedon; and from thence returned to Pergamus into his own realm. But Martius Figulus the praetor, when he had sent part of his fleet into the harbour of Sciathus there to winter, with the rest of his ships went to Oreum in Boeotia: supposing it a most commodious city, from whence victuals and all provisions might be sent to the armies that abode either in Macedon or Thessaly. As touching Eumenes, sundry authors have written diversely. If a man should go by Valerius Antias and believe him, he reporteth, that neither the praetor had any help from him by his navy, notwithstanding that oftentimes he had sent for him by his letters; nor took his leave of the Consul in good terms with favour, at what time as he was to depart into Asia, as being highly displeased, that he was not permitted to quarter with him in one and the same camp; in so much as he could not possibly be entreated by him, to leave behind that cavalry of Gauls which he had brought thither with him. As for Attalus his brother, he remained still with the Consul (as Valerius saith) and continued sincere, fast, and faithful unto him without any change and alteration; yea and performed right good service in all that war.  
During these wars in Macedon, there came ambassadors from beyond the Alpes to Rome, sent from a petty king of the Gauls (Balanos he had to name, but of what lineage he was descended it is not recorded) promising aid to the Macedonian war. Thanked they were from the Senate, & presents were sent unto them: to wit, a chain of gold weighing two pound; certain golden cups of four pound weight, a brave courser barbd and trapped, and an horseman's armour. After these Gauls were gone out of place, the ambassadors of Panphylia brought with them into the Senate a golden crown, valued at 20000 Philip-peeces of gold: their request was, that they might be permitted to set up the said present and oblation in the chapel of jup. Opt. Max. and likewise to sacrifice within the Capitol. Their petition was granted: & when these ambassadors were desirous to renew the amity between them and the Romans, they received a gracious answer, & had of them a reward sent of two thousand Asses. Then the ambassadors of king Prusias, and anon after, others from the Rhodians had audience; who of one and the same argument discoursed diversely; for both tended to one thing, namely a treaty for reconcilement of peace between the Romans and king Perseus. Prusias seemed to entreat rather than to demand: protesting that he had ever to that day stood with the Romans in that war; & willingly would friend them still to the very end thereof: but since that, there came ambassadors unto him from Perseus, and dealt with him to make an end of the war between him and the Romans; and for that he promised them to be a mediator and intercessor for him to the Romans; therefore his request was unto them (if they could so find in their hearts) to stint their anger, and so they should use him in any service, as one that would acknowledge himself beholden unto them for a favour; in effecting this atonement & reconciliation. In this manner (I say) spoke the king his ambassadors. But the Rhodians chose, in a proud humour of theirs, reckoned up a beadroll of their demerits toward the people of Rome, attributing the greater part (believe me) of the victory of king Antiochus to themselves: moreover they added and said, that when the Macedonians and Romans were at peace, they began to enter into league and amity with king Perseus: which they had interrupted and discontinued against their will; not upon any desert or occasion given of his part, but only because it pleased the Romans to draw them into the association of the war. Three years now already (say they) have we felt the smart of this war & lived by the loss; by reason that the seas are shut up from us, and our Island is decayed and distressed for need and want, having lost our tollage & customs yssuing from the seas: which we not able to endure any longer, have addressed other ambassadors to Perseus into Macedon to intimate unto him, that the Rhodians will and pleasure was, that he should grow to a composition and be at peace with the Romans. Ourselves also are sent to Rome to declare the same: and likewise to denounce, That whosoever shall impeach and hinder this course tending to pacification, the Rhodians will consider of them accordingly, and bethink how they are to proceed against them. I am verily persuaded, that there is no man at this day, who can hear or read this, but his stomach will rise thereat with indignation; guess then thereby how the LL. of the Senate of Rome were affected and touched as then, at the hearing thereof. Claudius' mine author saith, That there was no answer at all given unto them. Only an arrest or decree of the Senate was read before them, importing thus much, That by order from the people of Rome, the Carians and Lycians were made free: and presently were letters dispatched to both nations to signify so much unto them. Which when the principal person of the embassage once heard, even he, whose big and brave words a little before, the whole Senate-house was hardly able to contain, fell down flat before them in a swoon and ecstasy. Other Historians write, that this answer was returned, That the people of Rome at the very beginning of this war, knew assuredly (by intelligence given from persons of right good credit) how the Rhodians had secretly complotted with Perseus against the state of Rome: and if there had been some doubt thereof before, yet the words of the ambassadors erewhile delivered, made all clear & put it passed peradventure: and no marvel, since that for the most part it falleth out, that such cautelous practices howsoever at the first they are covertly and cleanly carried, yet one time or other are be wraied and discovered. Let the Rhodians send their messengers over the world and spare not; let them make themselves judges to determine of war & peace at their pleasure: as for the Romans, they will take arms in hand, and lay them down again at the will and appointment of the gods in heaven. We are well holpen up now in deed, if we must have the gods no more to be witnesses of our accords, but the Rhodians forsooth. And must the Romans (I would not else) be ruled by them, and withdraw their forces out of Macedon? They, will consider and advise themselves how to proceed against us! How shall we do then? What the Rhodians will see to, well may they perhaps themselves know: but the people of Rome (that is certain) will consider indeed and resolve, after that Perseus is vanquished (which they hope will not be long first) to recompense and require every city and state according as they have deserved in the service of this war. As sharp as this answer was, yet they sent a reward to these ambassadors, to every one of them 2000 asses; but none would they receive.  
After this, were the letters read of Q. Martius the Consul, containing thus much, namely, How he had passed over the straits of the forest, and was come into Macedon; where he had provision of victuals which the praetor had given order for out of other places to serve for winter: and besides, had taken up of the Epirotes twenty thousand Modij of wheat and ten thousand of barley, for which corn they should make money ready at Rome to centent their ambassadors. Also that they must send from Rome soldiers liveries and other apparel: and need he had besides of two hundred horse or thereabout, especially of Numidia; for that in those parts he had no plenty of any thing. Hereupon an act was granted out of the Senate, That all these things should be done according to the tenor of the Consul his letters. So C. Sulpitius the Praetor bargained for the transporting over into Macedon of six hundred side cassocks and thirty thousand short coats or jackets, together with horses; for to be disposed and distributed at the discretion of the Consul: and besides paid the ambassadors of the Epirotes good money for their grain. He brought also into the Senate, Onesimus the son of Pytho a noble parsonage of Macedon. This man was evermore of counsel with the K. persuading him to peace; and admonished him, that like as his father Philip before him, observed an order even to the time of death to read over twice a day from point to point the instrument of the accord and covenants between him and the Romans; so he also would take up that good custom & practise the same, if not so continually, yet at leastwise many a time and often. But when he could by no means scare him nor avert his mind from war, he began at first to withdraw and absent himself, alleging for his excuse one while this occasion and otherwhiles that, because he would not be present at the debating of those matters which he approved not: & in the end perceiving that he was had in some jealousy, and otherwhiles charged to be a traitor, he changed his allegiance, revolted to the Romans, and served the Consul in right good stead. This Onesimus being (as is before said) brought into the Senate-house, related all these premisses-whereupon the Senate ordained, That he should be enroled formally in the number of allies: also, that he should be provided of a lodging, and his ordinary expenses for the time allowed at the cities charge. Moreover, that two hundred acres of land in the territory of Tarentum, which was confiscate unto the people of Rome, should be set out for him; and a messsage in Tarentum bought for his habitation. To see all this performed, C. Decimius the Praetor had in charge.  
The Censors upon the 
* Idibus Decembras.  thirteenth of December, took a survey of the number of citizens and an estimate of their goods, more straightly than aforetime. Many were unknighted and had their horses taken from them; and P. Rutilius among the rest, who when he was Tribune of the commons, had been their accuser and called them so violently to reckoning: degraded he was besides and displaced out of his own tribe, and made no better than a very labourer in the cities works. Whereas the one moiety of the cities revenues and profits for that year, was set by and allowed unto them by the treasurers (according to an ordinance of the Senate) Tib. Sempronius out of the money assigned unto him, purchased the house of P. Asricanus, on the 
* pane Veteres.  back side of the old Curiae near the image of Fortunus: the shops also wherein they sold wool and the other adjoining thereto, all to the use of the city. He caused likewise the stately palace or hall to be built, which afterwards was called Sempronia Basilica.  
Now was the year come about and well-near at an end, when by reason of the great care principally about the Macedonian war, men began to talk, whom they were to create for Consuls against the next year, to achieve and end the said war? Whereupon there passed a decree of the Senate, That Cn. Servilius with all speed possible, should make haste to Rome for to hold the general assembly of election. This decree Sulpitius the Praetor within few days after read to the Consul, to the end that he should repair home into the city before the day prefixed. Whereupon both the Consul hastened; and the said election also was finished by the day appointed. Consuls these were created, L. Aemylius Paulus the second time (even fourteen years after his former Consulship) with C. Licinius Crassus. The day following were the Pretours also chosen, to wit, Cn. Boebius Tamphilus, L. Anicius Gallus, Cn. Octavius, P. Fonteius Balbus, Mar. Ebutius Helva, and C. Papyrius Carbo. The careful regard of the Macedonian war caused every thing to be done with greater expedition. And therefore it was thought meet, that these new elect magistrates should cast lots out of hand for their provinces, that it might be known to whether Consul Macedon, and to which praetor the conduct of the navy should fall; that thereupon they might presently consider and provide for all things requisite to the war, and require the advice of the Senate as need required. Ordained it was, when the Consuls were entered into their office, to solemnise the Latin festival holidays as soon as they might conveniently, without offence of the gods and breach of any religious order: that the Consul whose lot fell to go into Macedon, were not detained behind upon any occasion. After these ordinances, Italy and Macedon were nominated for the provinces of the two Consuls; and for the Praetors, the two civil jurisdictions within the city of Rome, the navy, Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia. In fine, Macedon fell to Aemylius the Gonsull, and Italy to Licinius. Of Praetors, Cn. Boebius was lord chief justice of the pleas of citizens, and L. Anicius of aliens. And if the Senate thought good to send the navy any whither, Cn. Octavius had the charge thereof as L. admiral. P. Fonteius was appointed by lot L. deputy of Spain, M. Ebutius of Sicily, and C. Papyrius of Sardinia.  
All men soon saw, that L. Aemylius intended not to go coldly about the managing of that war; both for that he was not an ordinary man, but singular above all other, and also because that night and day he mused and studied upon nothing else, but that which was requisite and pertinent thereunto. The first thing of all wherewith he went in hand was this; a request to the Senate for to dispatch certain delegat commissioners into Macedon, to visit the armies there and the armada; to make true report upon their certain knowledge, what was needful to be done for the supply of the forces as well by land as sea; also to lie in espial and estimate as much as possibly they could, the king's power; moreover, what quarter of the province was taken up by our men, and which the enemies kept; whether the Romans lay encamped still within the forests and pases, or if they were passed beyond the straits and come into the plain and even ground; who continued trusty allies, who were suspected, who hung in doubtful terms, (as whose faith depended upon fortune;) who seemed to be undoubted and professed enemies; how great the provisions were of victuals; from whence they were conveyed by land; from what places transported by water; and lastly, what exploits had been performed the summer past both by land and sea: supposing, that by a light given and certain intelligence delivered of these things, he might be surely directed in the casting and laying of future plots and designments. So the Senate granted out a commission to Cn. Servilius the Cos. for to send as delegates into Macedon; such as L. Aemylius thought good of. Whereupon within two days after, Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus and A. Licinius Nerva, took their journey as legates and commissioners. News came in the latter end of this year, that it reigned stones twice, namely, in the territory of Rome, and likewise about Veij: and therefore a novendiall sacrifice was celebrated. This year there died certain priests, namely, Pub. Quintilius Varus, a flamine of Mars, and M. Claudius Marcellus a Decemvir: in whose room was substituted Cneus Octavius. And now noted it was, that the magnificence and port of the people of Rome increased, for that in the plays and games called Circenses exhibited by Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica and Publius Lentulus, Aediles Curule, threescore and three wild beasts out of Africa, with forty bears, and certain elephants, were baired to make sport unto the people.  
When L. Aemylius Paulus and P. Licinius entered their Consulship upon the * fifteenth of March, which was the beginning of the year following, the LL. of the Senate were in great expectancy, and especially what the Consul would propose unto them as touching the Macedonian war, which was his proper province. But Paulus said that he had nothing to propound and put to counsel, seeing that the Delegates aforesaid were not yet returned. And at Brundisium (quoth he) they now are, having twice in their voyage upon the sea been driven back by tempest and cast upon Dyrrhachium. But so soon as I am once advertised and have perfect knowledge of those things that first are to be known, I will then consult; and that will be within very few days. Now to the end that nothing might stay & hinder his journey, he told them, that the even before the Ides of April, was appointed for the solemnity of the Latin feastival holidays. And after sacrifice duly performed [upon the Alban hill] the Senate should no sooner ordain, but he and Cn. Octavius would set forth and putthemselves on their way. As for C. Licinius his Colleague, his charge should be in his absence to provide and send all things requisite and needful for this war. Mean while (quoth he) the embassies of foreign nations may have audience given. So when he had sacrificed as the manner was, before they took in hand the great affairs of State, the ambassadors of Alexandria, from king Ptolomeus and queen Claeopatra, were called in. Clad they were in poor array, the hair of their head long, their beards side and overgrown: and carrying in their hands branches of the Olive tree, they entered into the Senate, and fell groveling and prostrate upon the floor. Their habit and apparel was not so simple and mournful, their look and countenance not so heavy and sorrowful, but their speech was more piteous & lamentable. Antiochus now king of Syria, & who had sometime been hostage at Rome under a colourable pretence of honesty and equity to restore Ptolomaeus the elder to his kingdom, made hot war upon his younger brother, who then held Alexandria: and after a victory obtained in sea-fight near Pelusium, he made a bridge of hasty work upon the river Nilus, over which he transported his army, & now laid siege to Alexandria: so as by all likelihood he would shortly by way of conquest be lord of a most rich and wealthy kingdom. In which regard, these ambassadors made pitiful moan and grievous complaint, beseeching withal the Senate, of their aid and succour to that realm and those kings, who were such friends to their signory and dominion. For Persuaded they were that the people of Rome had done so much for Antiochus in particular, and were of that account and authority with all other kings and nations, that if they would but send their ambassadors to intimate thus much, That the Senate was not well pleased with waging war upon confederate kings, he would presently raise his siege, depart from before the walls of Alexandria, and withdraw his army clean away into Syria. But if they protracted the time long and delayed thus to do, than should Ptolomaeus and Cleopatra within a while be driven out of their realm, and forced to come to Rome with some shameful spot of dishonour to the people of Rome, in that they had not set to their helping hand in that extreme danger of all their fortunes. The LL. of the Senate moved with compassion at the prayers of these Alexandrines, sent incontinently C. Popilius Lenas', C. Decimius, and A. Hostilius as ambassadors to determine and make an end of the war between those two princes. in commission they had first to go unto king Ptolomaeus, and then to Antiochus, and to let them both understand, that unless they surceased and gave over arms, they would take him neither for friend nor fear, whom it was long of that the war was not given over. So these three together with the Alexandrine ambassadors, took their leave within three days and departed. Then the foresaid Delegates returned from out of Macedon, the last day of the festival games to Minerva called Quinquatrus, and not before they were welcome; for so long looked for they were, that had it not been eventide when they came, the Consuls would immediately have called the Senate together. But the morrow after, the Senate sat, and those commissioners had audience given. Report they made first, That with more danger than profit ensuing, the army entered into Macedon over those pases and straits, where was no way and passage at all. Item, That the king kept the country of Pieria, into which the Roman army was now advanced, and were so near encamped one to the other, that nothing but the river Enipeus between kept them asunder; that neither the king made offer of battle, nor the Romans were of sufficient strength to challenge and force him to fight: moreover, that the winter had overtaken them (a time unseasonable for warlike exploits) that the soldiers were nuzzelled and nourished in idleness, notwithstanding they had victuals to serve no longer than six days; also, that by report the Macedonians were thirty thousand strong. Were it so that Ap. Claudius had a good and sufficient power about Lychnidum, he might be able to trouble the king, and put him to his trumps in a battle; but now both Appius and the garrison with him, are themselves in extreme jeopardy, unless with speed either a complete army be sent thither, or else they drawn from thence where they are, into Macedon. Over and besides they related, how from the camp they went toward the fleet, where they heard say, that some of the seafaring men and mariners were dead of sickness, others, & namely those of Sicily above the rest, were gone home again to their own houses, insomuch as there were not men enough to serve the ships; and those that remained, had neither their wages paid and money to put in their purse, nor liveries and apparel to hang on their backs. As for Eumenes and his fleet, they (like ships driven to a coast by force of wind and weather, without any other e●●and or cause else) were come and gone again: and it seemed that the mind of that king was not well settled and resolved. But as they reported all of Eumenes suspiciously and in doubtful terms, so they assured them of the singular fidelity and constancy of Attalus his brother. When these Legates had spoke, then said L. Aemylius, Let us debate now in counsel what is to be done as concerning the said war. So the Senate ordained, that for eight legions, the Consuls and the people should elect an equal number of martial Tribunes or Colonels, the one as many as other; & that honourable dignity: then, out of all those Tribunes thus elected, that L. Aemylius should make choice for those two legions which were to go into Macedon, of whom he would himself: also, that after the solemnity of the Latin feasts performed, L. Aemylius the Consul, and C. Octavius the praetor and admiral of the fleet, should depart into their province. A third was joined in commission with them, to wit, L. Anicius the Praetor and lord chief justice for strangers. And ordained it was, that he should pass into Illyricum about Lichnidum, for to succeed Ap. Claudius. The charge of taking musters was put upon C. Licinius the Consul. He had commandment to enrol seven thousand [foot] citizens of Rome, and two hundred horsemen, and to charge the Latin allies with a levy of seven thousand footmen and four hundred horse. Also to send letters unto Cn. Servilius, who governed the province of Gaul, to enrol six hundred men of arms. This army he had commandment to send with all convenient speed to his colleague into Macedon, so as in that province there should not be above two legions, and the sameful and complete, containing six thousand foot& three hundred horse a piece. As for the surcease, as well of the cavalry as Infantry, they should be disposed and bestowed in sundry garrisons. And all such as were unmeet for service, were to be cassed and sent away. Moreover, the allies were put to set out and find ten thousand foot and eight hundred horse. And those were to serve in garrison under Anicius, over and above the two legions (which he was commanded to lead into Macedon) consisting of five thousand and two hundred foot, and three hundred horsemen either of them. Also for the navy were enroled five thousand mariners and rowers. Licinius the Consul was appointed to defend and keep in obedience his province with two legions, and to take besides of allies ten thousand foot and six hundred horse. After these ordinances of the Senate were accomplished, 
The Ovation of L. A●mylius to the people of Rome.  L. A●mylius the Consul went forth of the Senate house into the common place before the assembly of the people where he made a speech unto them in this wise following: Me thinks I perceive and see, my good friends and citizens of Rome, that ye have showed more apparent tokens of joy and gratulation in my behalf, for that the province of Macedon is fallen to my lot; than either at the time that I was declared and saluted Consul, or that day whereupon I first entered into government: and for no other reason in the world, but upon the opinion which you have conceived, that the Macedonian war, which hath so long continued, may be brought by my means to such an end as beseemeth the greatness and majesty of the people of Rome. And for mine own self I have good hope, that as the gods in favour have directed this sortilege, so they will be present and propitious unto me in performing the service. In these matters, I say, I am but carried partly with conceit and partly with hope. But this one thing I am assured of; yea and I dare affirm and promise on my own head, that I will endeavour myself and employ all that is in me, that this your good opinion of me may not be in vain conceived. As for all things necessary and requisite to this war, both the Senate hath ordained; and also, for that they have thought good I should depart immediately (for which myself am well pleased and contented, neither in me there shall be any delay) my colleague C. Licinius, a singular man and of great valour, will provide with as great care and diligence, as if himself had the full conduct of this war. For the effecting whereof see, that whatsoever I shall write either to the Senate or to you, ye believe for true: as for running rumours which have no certain author, give no ear and belief thereto; neither feed them with your foolish credulity. For now adays verily, (a thing that I have observed to fall out ordinarily in this war) there is no man setteth so little by the common bruits that are blazed abroad, but his spirit and courage may be thereby quailed and daunted. In all meetings now, yea and at every board (I would not else) ye shall have them, that in their table talk will lead your armies into Macedon: that know where they are to lodge and encamp; what commodious placer are to be seized and kept with garrisons, at what time and through which pass the entry must be made into Macedon; where the gamers and storehouses forcorne should be built and set; which way by land and sea both, the provisions of victuals ought to be brought; when the time serveth to encounter and fight with the enemy, and when to sit still and rest. Neither are they content to set down and pronounce, what is to be done for the better: but if ought happen to be managed otherwise than they have thought and judged expedient, they are so bold as to control the Consul; yea and ready to commense process against him judicially. These are shroud hindrances, I may tell you, to warriors and men of action. For all men have not the gift of resolution and constancy to neglect the speech and talk of men, as sometimes Fabius had, who chose rather to have his authority and command diminished and impaired by the folly and vanity of lewd people, than with their favourable applause and good opinion to manage his affairs but untowardly. Yet take me not so, as if I were a man that would have no captains to be admonished and advised by others; nay chose, of this judgement I am, That he who worketh all by his selfe-wit and followeth only his own head, is self-willed and proud, and nothing sage and wise. What is then to be done? First in mine opinion, Generals and commanders of armies, are to be instructed by discreet and prudent men; by such as are skilful by profession in feats of arms and military science; by those also that by long practice are thoroughly experienced: nay more than that, they are to be taught and counseled by them, that are usually present and conversant in the execution of affairs, who daily see the vantage of places, mark the proceeding of the enemies, and observe the opportunities of times: those (I say) who as passengers in one ship, are partakers of the same danger. If therebe any man therefore, who is verily persuaded of himself, that he is able to direct me and give me any counsel (in the conduct of this war which I have in charge) for the good of the common weal, let him come forth, and not deny his helping hand to the weal public, and go along with me into Macedon. Furnish him I shall, with ship, with horse, with tent-roume, with conduct money, and all things necessary for his voyage. If any be loath so to do, & had rather sit warm at home, preferring the ease and repose of the city before the travail and pain of warfare, let him not here on the land take upon him to play the pilot and steersman at sea. Matter he shall find enough within the city to talk of, & seek no father; let him hold him there and keep his babble & prattle to himself: know he (whosoever he is) that we will content ourselves with our own counsel about us in the camp. After this oration ended, & the Latin festivals solemnised the day before the calends of March, 
* The last of February.  together with the sacrifice duly celebrated upon the Alban mount; the Consul and the praetor Cn. Octavius departed incontinently into Macedon. It is recorded in the Chronicles, that the Consul was honoured with a greater frequency that accompaied him, than usually had been known: and that men presaged in manner assuredly, the end of the Macedonian war: how the Consul should have a speediereturne, and obtain a brave and glorious triumph.  
During these occurrents in Italy, Perseus who (because he was to be at the charges of disbursing money) never thought of it, to go through with that which before he had begun, namely to adjoin unto him Gentius king of the Illyrians: so soon as he perceived that the Romans were entered the straits, and the war come now to this extremity of hazard; thought good now to make that sure and put it off no longer. Whereas therefore he had covenanted and promised by his ambassador Hippias three hundred talents of silver, with condition also, that for security hostages should be put in of both parties interchangeably; he sent Pantaucus one of his most trusty friends, to dispatch and make an end of this affair. This Pantaucus met the Illyrian king at Medeon in the country of Labeatis: where he both took an oath of the king, and also received his hostages. Gentius likewise sent his ambassador named Olympio, to demand the semblable oath of Perseus, & require hostages accordingly: with him were certain persons sent of purpose to receive the money, who also by the advice of the said Pantaucus were to go in embassy with the Macedonians to Rhodes: and the men hereto appointed were Parmenio & Morcus. But they had in charge and commission, after the oath taken, after hostages& money received, to go to Rhodes, and not before. Good hope they conceived that the Rhodians might be solicited and induced to take arms against the Romans, by using the name of these two kings at once: and this account they made, that if this state which carried the renown and honour above all others for sea-service, would once combine and band with them, they should leave the Romans no hope at all, either on land or sea. When these Illyrians arrived, Perseus departed with all his cavalry from before the river Enipeus where he was encamped, and encountered them near Dium. There, were all the accomplements performed according to the covenants, in the sight and mids of the cavalry, whom the king of purpose would needs have to be present at this accord of association made between him and king Gentius, supposing that it would comfort and encourage them the more. So the hostages were given and taken in the presence of them all. They also who were to receive the money were sent to Pella where the king his treasure lay: and those that should go to Rhodes with the illyrian ambassadors had commandment to embark at Thessalonica. Now was Metrodorus there, lately come from Rhodes: who assured them by the means of Dion and Polyaratus, two principal personages of that city, that the Rhodians were priest and ready to war. Whereupon the said (Metrodorus was appointed the chief in this embassage of Macedonians and Illyrians together. At the same time likewise was addressed and imparted both unto Eumenes and also unto Antiochus, such advice and counsel in common, as the present condition wherein their affairs stood, might minister& afford argument. Namely, that a free city and a king were two; by nature, enemies that possibly could not sort together: That the people of Rome went in hand with them severally one after another: & (that which was a greater indignitie& unsupportable) used the force of kings to overthrow the state of kings. For so, by the aid of Attalus they had brought his father Philip to ruin: by the help likewise of Eumenes, and partly also of his father Philip, Antiochus was defaited; and even now against himself both Eumenes and Prusias were put in arms. if the kingdom of Macedon were once subverted, have at Asia next; which the Romans have in some part seized already for their own, under a colour of enfranching cities and setting them free: and then they will not leave until they have Syria too. For now is Prusias preferred in honour before Eumenes: and Antiochus for all his conquest is chased and debarred out of Egypt, which ought to have been the recompense for the war by him enterprised & achieved. In these regards Perseus advertised each of them to consider and provide therefore either to force the Romans to make peace with him, or else to hold them for the common enemies of all kings, in case they persisted still in so unjust a war. The commission that the ambassadors had to Antiochus was apert& open: but unto Eumenes and ambassador was sent under a pretence of ransoming certain captives: but practised there were under hand more secret complots; which caused Eumenes even then to be suspected & odious unto the Romans, yea, & charged afterward with more grievous matters, althoughuntruly. For he was reputed little better than a traitor and a professed enemy to their state, whereas indeed both he & Perseus strove who could compass, surprise, and overtake one another better in fraud and avarice. Now there was one Cydas a Cretensian, an inward and most secret friend to Eumenes: this man had communed first at Amphipols' with one Chimarus a countryman of his, who served under Perseus in the wars; and afterwards at Demetrias conferred with another named Menecrates; also with a certain third person called Antiochus, all captains to king Perseus, even under the very walls of the foresaid city. Over and besides, Eropon who at this time was sent, had beforetime been employed in two several embassies to the same Eumenes. These secret communications and embassages were badly spoken of; but no man knew what was concluded between the two kings. Howbeit thus the case stood; Eumenes as he had no mind nor intention to war upon Perseus, so he was not desirous in his hart that he should have the victory of the Romans; not so much for the old enmity which had been between both their fathers, as for the hateful quarrels kindled among themselves. For this concurrence and emulation there was between these two princes, that Eumenes could never abide to see Perseus for to purchase so great wealth, & so much honour, as he must needs acquire by the conquest of the Romans: he saw moreover, that Perseus from the first beginning of this war, sought by all means possible for peace, & the nearer he was to danger & damage, aimed thereat every day more than other; employing his whole study and care about nothing else.  
He perceived also that among the Romans, because the war grew to be longer than they hoped and looked for, as well their captains as the Senate were well enough content and very desirous to see an end once of so troublesome, hurtful, and difficult a war. Knowing thus as he did, the mind and will of both parties, he inclined and framed to that which of itself as he thought might fall out, where the stronger was weary and the weaker in fear: and therein desired he to Thew his double diligence, thereby to win a think and purchased favour of both parts. For he entered into bargain with Perseus for a sum of money, one while not to aid the Romans either by land or sea: another while to be a means for peace and to treat with the Romans thereabout, and not to intermeddle at all in the war, but to sit still: he capitulated (I say) for a thousand and five hundred talents; making semblance and show, that for the assurance both of the one and the other, ready he was not only to swear, but also to put in good and sufficient hostages. Perseus was the willingest man in the world to set in hand with this, as being driven thereto by the exigent of fear: and presently without delay dealt with him as touching the hostages which were to be received: and in fine concluded it was, that they should upon their delivery and receipt be sent into Crete. But when they came once to talk of the money aforesaid, he hafred and stuck at that; and to say a truth, either of these two sums (between princes of so great name and honour) was but a base and dishonest consideration; a thing much unfitting (iwis) the giver, and more the receiver. Perseus verily for his part, in hope to purchase peace with the Romans, was willing enough to be at the expense of so much money: mary, he said that he would make payment thereof when the thing was done and accomplished: and in the mean time lay it up safe for that purpose within the temple of Samothracia. Eumenes again, considering that the said Island was an appertenance to the dominion of Perseus, could not see but it was all one for it to lie there and in Pella: and therefore was earnest to have part thereof in hand. Thus between them there was nothing but lying in the wind for the vantage, who could overreach the other: and what was gained in the end but infamy and discredit? As for Perseus, he not only let fall this design and lost his opportunity, (and that by his nigardise only) when by the means of Eumenes he might have had either his money sure enough, or peace for it, (which indeed he should have bought, if it had cost him the one half of his kingdom,) and being once received into grace and favour [of the people of Rome] he might have defamed and brought into obloquy and danger his concurrent, by charging him to have received a piece of money for a bribe, and so justly have set the Romans upon his top: but also the association with king Gentius which now was at the point of a contract, was neglected; yea and a mighty army of Gauls spread at that time all over Illyricum and presented unto him, was even then refused and discharged by this pinching and saving of his money. For there came and offered their service ten thousand horsemen and as many foot, and those so well practised and so good of footmanship, that they were able to hold out and keep pace with horses, yea and run by their sides: such (I say) as when the riders were unhorsed and fallen, could vault and mount on the empty horse backs ready to fight in their turns. These had bargained to have for pay every horseman ten 
* Philippeus numus, was somewhat less than our sovereign of 20 sh. or 3 ducats.  Philip pieces [of gold] paid down aforehand, and a footman five, and their captain a thousand. Perseus' departed from his leaguer lying near the river Enipeus, and with the one half of his own forces met these coming upon the way, and caused proclamation to be made in all towns and villages near the high ways, To make ready and bring abroad their provision of victuals, and see that there were plenty of corn, of wine, and cat-tail. Himself brought with him horses and trappings, and fine soldiers cassocks, to bestow as presents upon the chief of them, with some little sprinkling of gold to deal among a few of them; supposing that all the besides of common soldiers, might be drawn on and retained with bare hope. Thus he came to the city of Alamana, and encamped upon the bank of the river Axius. But the army of these Galatians were lodged about Desudaba in the country of Maedica, and rested there expecting the payment of the money aforesaid, according to covenant. But Perseus sent unto them Antigonus one of his gallants and countries, to will and command the multitude of the army to dislodge and remove to Bylazora, a place so called in Paronia, and a good sort of their chief to repair unto him. Now were they threescore and fifteen miles from the river Axius and the king's camp. And when Antigonus had delivered unto them this mandate as he had in charge, and added besides, with what care and diligence the king had laid his provisions by the way of all things in great plenty for the army, and with what guilts of apparel, silver, and horses, he purposed to receive and entertain their captains at their first coming unto him: As for that (say they) we shall take knowledge thereof when we are in presence personally: but now for this time, we demand, Whether ye have brought with you in ready coin according to bargain, that gold which is to be paid to the soldiers, as well horse as foot? And when he could make no answer thereto, but was sent nonplus; then said Clondicus their prince, Go your ways then (quoth he) and tell your king and master, that the Gauls unlesses they may receive the gold, and hostages besides for their security, will not stir one foot forward. Relation being made hereof unto the king, he clled his counsel: and when it was soon seen what they all would advise him to do; himself, who could skill better to keep his money together, than hold the royal estate of his kingdom, began to enter into a discourse of the disloyalty and savage nature of these Gauls; making remonstrance, how he had experience by the calamities and losses of many before him, that dangerous it was to receive so great a multitude of them within Macedon, for fear the Gauls would be found worse neighbours, than the Romans were enemies. Five thousand horsemen are sufficient (qd. he) and so many well we may have good use of in wars, and need not be afraid of them for their number. But every man saw well enough, that it was the waging of such a number that he feared, and nothing else: but when no man durst give him counsel, albeit he seemed to ask their advice, Antigonus was sent again with a message unto the Gauls, That the king stood in need of five thousand horsemen and no more, as for all the rest, he weighed them not. When these Barbarians heard that, all the rest began to mutter and grumble, yea, and to take great scorn and indignation, that they were levied and departed out of their native country for nothing: but Clondicus redemanded, Whether he would make present pay to those five thousand, according to covenant, yea or nay? but seeing that he was to seek, and made shifts to avoid a direct answer, he let this deceitful messenger go his ways, and did no harm unto his person (a thing that Antigonus himself would scarcely have thought could possibly have been:) And so after they had given the waist unto those parts of Thracia which lay near to their way, they returned back again to the river Ister. Which power of men, if it had passed the straits of Perrhaebia into Thessaly against the Romans (although Perseus had not stirred at all, but sitten still at Enipeus) might not only have spoiled and laid bare the territory all about, & impeached the Romans for expecting any victuals there, but also destroyed the towns utterly, whiles Perseus held the Romans play at Enipeus that they could not relieve and succour the cities of their allies and confederates. Nay the very Romans should have had enough to do to look unto themselves, considering that there was no tarrying for them, after that Thessaly was lost, which nourished and maintained their army: and pass forward they could not possibly, having the Macedonian camp to affront them. But Perseus by that deed, as he confirmed the hearts of the Romans, so he quailed not a little the courages of the Macedonians, who depended upon the hope and expectancy of their aid. By the same miserfable pinching of his, he estranged also the heart of king Gentius from him. For when as at Pella he had paid three hundred talents unto those that were sent of purpose from Gentius to receive the same, well content he was that they should seal up that money, Afterwards he sent unto Pantaucus ten talents, and commanded him to deliver the same to the king in person: as for the rest signed up with the seal of the Illyrians, he commanded his own men who had the convoy thereof, in going with it to take small journeys, and when they were come to the utmost frontiers of Macedon, there to rest and attend the messengers from him. Gentius, after he had received as earnest that small portion of the wholsum aforesaid, being called upon continually by Pantaucus and set on to provoke the Romans by some hostility or other, made no more ado, but committed to prison M. Perpenna and L. Petilius, who chanced at that time to come unto him in embassage. Which when Perseus once heard, he had enough and thought verily that Gentius had done that, whereby of necessity he must be forced to wage war with the Romans: and thereupon sent out presently to call those back who had the carriage of the foresaid talents; as if he had studied and sought for nothing more, than to reserve as great as great a booty as possibly he could, for the Romans to enjoy, after that they had vanquished and subdued him. Eropon returned likewise from Eumenes, and wist not what had been contrived secretly between them. That their treaty was about certain captives, they themselves had given forth abroad, and likewise Eumenes advertised the Consul so much, for avoiding of all suspicion.  
Perseus after the return of Eropon from Eumenes, was much dismayed and cast down. Whereupon, he sent Antenor and calippus (admiral's of his navy) to Tenedos, with forty pinnaces, unto which number five Galleons were adjoined; who from that coast dispersing themselves all about the islands Cyclades, might waft and guard the lighters and hoys charged with corn, as they sailed to Macedon. These ships were put to sea at Cassandrea, and first they fell with the havens that lie under the foot of the mountain Athos, and from thence passed to Tenedos with pleasure in calm sea: where finding certain Rhodian open ships riding in the harbour, they spoke courteously to Eudamus their admiral, & let them alone without any hurt at all done unto them. But afterwards upon knowledge, that fifty hulks of theirs on another side were shut up & penned in by the warre-ships of king Eumenes (which rid in the mouth of the haven and were commanded by Damius) he turned about in all haste, and dispersed the enemy's ships with a sudden terror that he put them in, and sent the said hulks and vessels of burden into Macedon, with a convoy of ten brigantines to waste them over, with this charge, That after they had conducted them past all danger into place of safety, they should return again to Tenedos. After nine days they retired toward the fleet ankering then in the road of Sigaeum. From thence they crossed over to Subota, an Island lying between Elea and Athos. It fortuned, that the morrow after the fleet was arrived at Subota, five and thirty ships which they call Hippagogae [serving for the transporting of horses] which came from Elea, having aboard certain horsemen of Gaul and their horses, made head toward Phanae, a cape or promontory of the Chians, from whence they might cut over into Macedon. And these were sent from Eumenes to Attalus. Antenor being advertised by a signal given him from a watchtower, that those ships were discovered under sail in the open sea, loosed from Subota; and between the cape of Erythraea and Chios, where the sea is most narrow, he encountered them. The admiral's of king Eumenes thought nothing less, than that any fleet of Macedonians were abroad in those seas; but imagined one while they were Romans, otherwhiles, that it was Attalus or some sent back from Attalus, who from out of the Roman camp were sailing toward Pergamus. But as they approached nearer, they took knowledge by the form and fashion of their pinnaces who they were, by their hasty rowing also and making head full against them, they were out of all doubt that their enemies were at hand. Then were they mightily afraid, as having no hope to resist and withstand them, considering the ships were unwieldy and unhandsome, and the Gauls besides could hardly brook the very sea without any other trouble. Some of them therefore, who were nearer to the firm land, saved themselves by swimming to Erythraea; others set up their sails, and being cast upon the Island Chios, forsook their horses, and ran as fast as they could for refuge to the city. But the barks discharged their armed soldiers nearer to the city in a more commodious place for landing, Where the Macedonians overtook the Gauls and slew them; some in the way as they fled, others before the very gate of the city, being kept out and excluded from thence: for the Chians not knowing either who fled or who pursued, had shut their gates upon them. Nine hundred 
* Note that Gauls, Galatians, and Gallogreekes be all one, in this book; although Livy term them only, Gallos'.  Gallogreekes or very near lost their lives and were hewn in pieces, and two hundred taken alive. As for the horses, part perished in the sea after the ships were split and broken, and the Macedonians hought and cut the strings of their gambrels of as many of them as they found upon the shore. Twenty of the best& fairest horses together with the prisoners, Antenor commanded that those ten barks which he had sent before, should transport to Thessalonica, and return again with all speed to the fleet, for that he would expect their coming at Phanae. The fleet stayed about three days under the city side, but afterwards went forward to Phanae; and when the ten pinnaces aforesaid were returned sooner than they looked for, they set up sail in the Aegean sea for Delos.  
In this while the Roman ambassadors, C. Popilius, C. Decimius, and C. Hostilius, departed from Chalcis, and arrived with three Quinquereme galeaces at Delos, where they found forty Macedonian pinnaces, and five royal Quinquereme galeaces of king Eumenes. The holiness of the temple and island wherein it stood afforded security to them all, so as there was no hurt done nor violence offered from one to another. And therefore, as well Romans as Macedonians, and besides, the sailors and mariners of king Eumenes conversed together, intermingled one with another in the temple, and the religious devotion of the place yielded them truce and surcease of hostility.  
Antenor the admiral of king Perseus, when he was advertised from the watch and sentinel, that certain ships of burden were seen a far off in the sea, set sail and made after them himself with part of his pinnaces, and part of them he bestowed in await among the Cycladeses, and saving those that directed their course toward Macedon, he either drowned or spoiled them all. Popiltus did the best he could, and Eumenes with his ships likewise, to save some; but the Macedonians, who sailed by night with two or three pinnaces at the most, deceived them, and were not discovered.  
Much about this time Macedonian and Illyrian ambassadors came together to Rhodes, who carried the greater authoritie& credit with the Rhodians, by reason not only of the coming of their brigantines, which sailed to and fro ranging over the Aegean sea, and among the Cycladeses, but also by the conjunction and association of the two kings, Perseus and Gentius, together with a rumour that ran of the Gauls, who were coming with a great number, as well of horse as foot. And not both Dion and Polyaratus, who took part with Perseus, took more courage and heart unto them: by whose means there was not only a gracious answer returned to the kings, but also pronounced openly it was, that by their authority they would make an end of the war: in regard whereof, the kings also for their parts were to be disposed and well willing to accept of peace.  
Now was it the prime of the spring, when as the new generals were arrived into their provinces: Aemylius the Consul into Macedon; Octavius to the navy at Oreum; and Anicius into Illyricum, whose commission was to levy war against Gentius was the son of Pleuratus king of the Illyrians, and Eurydica was his mother: two brethren he had, to wit, Plator of the whole blood by father and mother both, and Caravantius only by the mother's side. This half brother he less suspected, by reason of his base parentage from the father; but as for Plator he murdered, together with two especial friends of his Ettritus and Epicadus (brave men of action) to the end that he might reign in more safety and security. The voice goeth, that he carried an envious eye to that brother of his, for that he had espoused Etuta the daughter of Honunus the prince of the Dardanians: as if by this marriage he meant to make himself strong and combine with the Dardanian nation: and the more likelihood this carried with it after he married the damosel indeed. When he had made away Plator, and rid himself of the fear that he might have of his brother, he began to molest and oppress his own natural subjects: and as he was by nature given to violence, so that indisposition of his he set on fire with untemperate drinking of wine. But as we said before, being moved and incited to war against the Romans, he assembled all his forces together unto Lissus, to the number of fifteen thousand armed men, and sent his brother from thence with a thousand foot and 50 horse against the Cavians, for to subdue that nation either by force or fear, whiles himself led his army five miles against the city Bassania from Lissus. Now were the Bassanians confederate allies of the Romans: and therefore when they were first solicited by messengers to yield, they resolved rather to endure a siege than do so. As for Caravantius he was peaceably and friendly received at his first coming into Durium, a town of the Cavians: but Caravantis another city, made the gates fast against him: and as he gave the waist to the territory about it, certain of his soldiers straggling here and there, were by the peasants and villagers killed, who came forth and made head against them.  
And now by this time Appius Claudius having taken with him, over and above his own army, the auxiliaries of the Bullians, Appolloniates, and Dyrrhachians, dislodged out of the place where he had wintered, & encamped near the river Genusous. For hearing of the alliance made between Perseus and Gentius, and incensed besides with the outrage committed upon the Roman ambassadors, whom Gentius put in prison, he resolved certainly to war upon him. Anicius the praetor being at that time at Apollonia, and advertised in what terms the affairs stood in Illyricum, dispatched letters before hand to Appius, willing him to attend at Genusuus for his coming: and so within three days after came himself to the camp there; and to those aids which he had of his own, he took with him two thousand foor& two hundred horse, drawn out of the youth and flower of the Partiners. Of the Infantry Epi●ados had the conduct, and Agathus commanded the cavalry. With this power he prepared to go into Illyricum, principally for to levy the siege before Bassania: but this design projected by him, was impeached by a bruit that was blown of certain pinnaces which wasted and spoiled the seacoasts. A fleet they were together of eighty sail, sent from Gentius by the instigation of Pantaucus, to forray the territories of Apollonia and Dyrrhachium. Then the fleet ***** Which being surrendered, they submitted also and yielded themselves. And so consequently, other cities of that country one after another did the semblable: and the inclination and disposition of men's minds that way, was much set forward by the clemency and justice of the Roman praetor which he used toward all. Then they marched to Scodra, the capital place and seat-towne of the war: not only for that Gentius had seized upon it for his own self, as the chief strength and fortress of all his realm, but also because it was the strongest piece of all the Labeates nation, and very difficult for access. Enclosed it is with two rivers: to wit, Clausala which runneth along the East side of the city, & Barbana on the West, arising out of the marish Labeatis. These two rivers join in one, and are discharged together into the great river Oriundes: which springing from the mountain Scodrus, and increased still with the confluence of many other waters and riverets, falleth at length into the adriatic sea. This Scodius is the highest hill by odds of all other in those quarters on the East it hath Dardania under it, on the South Macedon, and Illyricum on the West. Albeit this town was strongly situate, by the natural site of the place, and defended by the whole nation of the Illyrians and the king himself in person: yet the Roman praetor (encouraged with the good success he had at the first, & supposing the fortune of the total war would be answerable to so happy beginnings, and that a sudden terror also would serve him in much stead and prevail) approached the walls of the town with his army ready embattled, and displayed his banners against it. Now if they had shut their gates, and defended their walls and turrets over the gates, with armed guards bestowed accordingly, surely they had repulsed the Romans from the walls, and defeated them of their enterprise clean: but they issued forth of the gate, and in the plain and even ground gave battle with more animosity and courage, than they maintained it with persistence. For being discomfited and driven back, and in the chase huddled by heaps together as they fled, after 200 and above were slain in the very straight entrance of the gate, they put the rest within in such a fright, that Gentius incontinently sent unto the Pretours as orators, Teuticus & belus the principal persons of that nation, to treat and entreat for a surcease of arms, that in the mean while he might debate in counsel and be advised as touching the main estate of his affaites. And when for this purpose he had obtained a grant for three days, and the Romans lay encamped from the city half a mile; Gentius took a barge, and sailing along the river Bartana, passed into the lake or mere of the Labeates, as if he had sought some secret by-place to consult in. But as it appeared afterwards, he was moved upon a certain vain hope of his brother Caravantius his coming, who was said to be near at hand accompanied with many thousands of fight men, whom he had levied and brought out of that quarter into which he was sent. But when this rumour was overblowen and vanished to nothing, down the river he went again with the stream the third day after in the same vessel to Scodra, & sent couriers before him to the Praetor, requiring leave to parley and commune with him; which being granted, he entered into the camp. First he began his speech with accusing and condemning his own folly: in the end his last refuge was to pour out prayers and shed tears: and so humbling himself at the praetor his feet, he submitted to his devotion. The praetor at the first bade him take a good heart unto him and be of good cheer, and invited him to supper: and so he returned to his own people into the city, where he was honourably feasted that day by the praetor. But afterwards he was delivered to the guard and keeping of C. Cassius a martial colonel: and thus received he of K. Perseus' only ten talents (a mean reward & hardly sufficient to content a simple sword-plaier) to engage himself into a world of danger; and being a king as he was, to fall into this extreme calamity and misery. Anicius having entered upon Scodra, first before all other things, took order that the two ambassadors aforesaid, Petilius and Perpenna should be sought out and brought unto him: whom after he had restored to their pristine estate and reputation, he sent Perpenna presently to apprehend the friends and kinsfolk of the king: who took his way directly to Medeo a city of the Labeates; and brought with him into the camp at Scodra Elleva the king's wife, with her two sons Scerdiletus and Pleuratus, together with Carasvantius the king his brother. Thus Anicius having ended the Illyrian war within the compass of thirty days, sent Perpenus to Rome with tidings of this victory; and within few days Gentius himself after him, together with his mother, his wife and children, his brother, and other LL. of the Illyrians. This was the only war achieved and brought to an end before they heard at Rome that it was begun.  
During the management of these affairs, Perseus also was in great fear and affright, by reason of the coming of L. Aemylius a new Consul (who as the voice went, marched against him with great menaces) together with Octavius the praetor. Neither was he less terrified with the Roman navy and the danger of the sea coasts. Eumenes and Athenagoras had the keeping and command of Thessalonica with a small garrison of two thousand targatiers. Thither he sent captain Androcles also, with commandment to encamp close to the very harbour where the ships lay in road. Unto Aenia he sent one thousand horsemen under the leading of Antigonus, to guard the sea-coast, to the end that in what part soever they heard the enemy's ships were arrived, they might incontinently advance to the succour of the paisants and country people. Five thousand Macedonians were likewise sent to lie in garrison at Pythoum and Petra, under the conduct of Histiaius, Theagenes and Midon. After these were departed, he went in hand to fortify the bank of the river Enipeus: because it was passable over the very channel on dry foot. And to the end that all the multitude should be employed hereabout, the very women were compelled out of the towns adjoining, to bring victuals into the camp. The soldiers were commanded from out of the woods near by●●● Finally the water-bearers in leather bits or bottles, were commanded to follow him to the sea, which was a quarter of a mile off: and thereupon they stood to dig pits, some in one place, and some in another, a pretty distance asunder. The exceeding high hills all about put 
* He speaketh of L. Pau. Armylius.  him in good hope (and the rather because they sent out from them no rivers to be seen in open view) that they contained within them some hidden springs, the veins whereof draining into the sea, were intermingled with the sea water. They had scarcely sunk through the uppermost course of sand above, when they mighe small sources to boil up, at the first troubled, but afterward they began to yield shear and clear water in great abundance; by a special gift (as it were) of the gods above. And even this occurrent also increased the name and reputation of the captain with his soldiers. Then after he had commanded his men to make ready their armour, himself with the martial Tribunes and the principal foremost ranks, marched to recognise and view the passages; and to see where the armed men might descend with ease, and where they might with least trouble mount up the bank on the fartherside. When he had taken a sufficient survey hereof, he forecast and gave direction aforehand, for all things to be done in the army in good order without trouble & tumultuous noise, even at the very beck and commandment of their leaders. For when a thing to be effected is pronounced to all at once, it falleth out that every man is not within the hearing; and so receiving an uncertain signal and commandment, some put more of their own head to that which was commanded, and others do less again for it: and so there arise from all parts dissonant cries, and by this means the enemies know sooner whereabout they go, than many of themselves. Therefore to avoid this contusision, he ordained that every martial Colonel should give a secret watchword to the principal Centurion of the legion, and round him in his ear what he would have done: then he and so forth every one should deliver unto each centurion as he is next in range & place, what was to be executed; whither it were that the commandment was to be carried from the front of the army to the tail, or from the rereguard behind to the vaward before. He brought up a new order & custom, forbidding the watchmen to carry with them any targuets to their sentinels: for that the watchman went not out to fight, whereby he needed any armour, but to keep watch; that when lie desetied the enemies coming, lie might retire himself, & raise others to take arms. Item, he ordained that the helmettiers or morioners should stand upon their feet, having their shields upright before them: & when they were weary, to lean & bear upon their javelins, & resting their head upon the edge of their shields, so to take a nap & sleep; to the end that their glittering armour, might be disbovered afar off by the enemy, whereas himself could not see far before him. The manner also of warding in the day time and of the corpse de guard he altered clean. For whereas they were wont to stand all the day long armed, and the horsemen holding their horses bridled; in fell out so, that in summer days when ordinarily the sun is extreme and scorching hot, both horse and man became weary and languished again with abiding so many hours in the heat, and oftentimes the enemies being fresh, although they were but few in number, set upon them and put them to trouble and hazard enough. Hereupon he commanded that the morning guard should break up at noon, and others succeed in their places for toward in the afternoon. By this means the enemy fresh and in heart could never take them weatie and so charge upon them. When he had pronounced in a public assembly gathered together, that his will was, that these orders should be observed accordingly, he delivered unto them a speech, much resembling the former Oration which he used before to the people within the city of Rome. Namely, that the General of an army ought only to foresee and provide for all that is meet to be done, sometime by himself, otherwhiles with those whom he hath joined assistants unto him: as for such as are not called to be of his counsel, they ought neither in public nor in private to shoot their bolts and give their advice. Three things in deed the soldior was to care & provide for: namely, to have a body most strong and nimble withal; his armour & weapons decent and fit; and thirdly, a spirit prompt & ready at all assays to execute any commandment on a sudden. For all things else he ought to know, that the gods immortal and his General will take care: for as much as, in that army wherein the soldiers, the Consul, and chief commander, suffer themselves to be carried away with rumours & brutes of the common sort, it is not possible for any thing to go well forward and come to good effect. For his own part (according to the duty and devoir of a captain General) he would endeavour & provide to give them the occasion and opportunity of brave exploits: as for them, they were not to inquire after any future thing; but so soon as the signal is given, than every man to perform the service of a doughty soldior and valiant warrior. After these good precepts and instructions, he dismissed the assembly: and the old soldiers themselves confessed commonly in plain terms, that they had taken forth a lesson that day as young and raw novices, yea and learned in military profession that, which they never knew before: neither showed they only by these and such like words, with what consent and general liking they heard the Consul his speech, but also testified the same by present deed and visible effect. For immediately, you should not have seen over all the camp, one man idle and doing nothing: some fell to whet and sharpen their swords; others surbushed their headpieces, busses, and beavers: some skoured their shields and bucklers; others their cuirasses and corslets; some fitted and buckled their harness to their bodies, and tried how they could bestine their limbs and rule their joints under it: some shook their pikes and couched their javelins; others brandished their swords and looked that they were sharp at point: So as a man might easily perceive by them, that upon the first occasion presented of encounter with the enemy, they would enter into conflict, either to achieve a brave victory, or to die an honourable death.  
Perseus also on the other side, perceiving that upon the arrival of the Consul and the beginning of the spring together, the Roman camp refounded and rung again with their stirring and rustling of armour, as if there had been some new war toward: that they were dislodged from Phylla and encamped upon the bank just over against him: and that now their leader and commander road up and down to view and behold his fortifications and works, to spy (no doubt) some way or other for passage ********* This 
* Namely, the news that king Gentius was vanquished, and that he and his kingdom was at the devotion of the Romans.  encouraged the Romans hearts, and daunted not a little the Macedonians and their king. At the first, Perseus endeavoured to suppress secretly and stop the bruit and same thereof, by sending out certain of purpose to Pantaucus (as he came from thence) to forbid him in anywise to approach the camp. But by this time were certain children seen brought by their own parents among the Illyrian hostages: and look how much more careful order was taken to conceal all, so much the sooner was every thing set abroad and blurted out by the prattle and babble of the king's servitors attending about his person.  
About the same time the Rhodian ambassadors came into the Roman camp, with the very same charge and commission as touching peace, which at Rome had set the LL. of the Senate in exceeding heat and choler; but far worse audience had they in the council of the camp, and with greater discontentment. And therefore when some advised, that they should be thrust out by head and shoulders without any answer at all; the Consul pronounced, That he would shape them an answer after fifteen days, and not before. Mean while (that it might appear what a goodly reckoning was made of these Rhodian peace makers who came about a pacification) he began in steed thereof to debate in council as concerning the means and manner of making war. Some were of opinion (and principally the elders and ancients) to give the assault, and force the munitions and defences planted upon the bank of the river Enipeus; for that the Macedonians were never able to resist, if they came upon them lustily and charged them by thick troops: for why? no longer ago (say they) than the year before, dizseized they had been of so many holds both higher and better fortified, and the same holden with strong garrisons. Others were of mind, that Octavius the admiral should with the fleet sail to Thessalonica, and by laying waist the maritime coasts, to cut off and weaken the king's forces; to the end, that upon another war showed from behind at their backs, the K. might be withdrawn and trained about to defend the heart of his realm, and thereby forced in some sort to open and lay naked the passage over the river Enipeus. And Octavius, himself was of this judgement, that the bank as well by the natural site thereof, as for the sconces made upon it by man's hand, was unsuperable and not to be gained: and besides the engines planted every where thereupon, he heard say, that the enemies had the slight and skill to discharge all kind of shot far better and shoot more dead sure: but the intention of the General Aemylius was wholly bend another way and after he had dissolved the assembly of his council, he called unto him two merchants of the Perrhaebians, namely, Schanus and Menophilus (men of approved fidelity and wisdom) and of them in great secret inquired, What kind of passages there wereover into Perrhaebia? when they answered, That the ways were nothing difficult and dangerous, but ' only that they were kept and beset by the king's guards; he conceived some hope, that if he assailed them by night with a valiant company, and took them suddenly at unawares before they looked for him, he might chase those garrisons from their holds: for darts, arrows, and all other shot, served to little or no purpose in the dark, when a man cannot see his mark a far off before him; but close swordfight, hand to hand pell mel, was it that must do the deed: wherein the Roman soldier had no fellow. Minding therefore to use those two as guides, he sent for Octavius the praetor: and when he had declared unto him the effect of his designment, he commanded him to sail with his fleet to Heraclea, and to have with him victuals baked and dressed to serve a thousand soldiers ten days. Himself sent out P. Scipio Nasica and Q. Fabius Maximus his own son, with five thousand select soldiers to Heraclea (as if they were to be embarked) for to waste the maritime coast of Macedon, lying far within the country, according as it had been before debated in council; and secretly underhand they were given to wit, that there were viands and victuals in the fleet prepared for them, to the end that nothing should stay their expedition. Then the guides who were to conduct them in their way had commandment, so to cast their gifts and journeys, that by three of the clock in the morning the third day, they might assail Pythoum. Himself in his own person the next morrow, with intent to amuse the king and keep him from all regard of other enterprises, early by the break of day began to skirmish with the enemy's guards in the very mids of the channel and place of the current. The light armour and forlorn hopes as well of the one side as the other, maintained the fight: for it was not possible for soldiers heavily armed at all pieces, to skirmish in the channel, so uneven as it was. The descent from the banks on either hand to the foresaid channel, contained somewhat less than three hundred paces, or little better than a quarter of a mile: the middle space of the stream between (hollowed and eaten with the current, in some place more, in others less) took up little above a mile. In this middle plot was the medley maintained within the view and eye of the king of one side, who looked upon them from the rampire of the campi; and of the Consul of the other, who beheld them standing with his legions. The king's auxiliaries lightly armed, sought better a far off by the means of their darts and other shot. The Romans were more firm and steady, yea and better descended with their round bucklers or Ligurian shields. About noontide the Consul commanded to sound the retreat unto his men; and so for that day the fray was parted, not without much bloodshed on both sides. The next morrow by sunrising they tell to it again, and fought more eagerly by reason that their blood was up and their stomachs sharpened the day before: but the Romans received hurt not only by them with whom they entered into fight, but much more also from a number of those who stood in turrets and petty sconfes erected here and there; who discharged at them all kind of darts and shot, but hurled stones especially. And when they approached ones near to the bank where the enemies were, their bullets leveled out of engines, commanded and reached even them that were utmost and farthest off. The Consul having lost that day more men by many than before, caused them to retire somewhat later than the former day. The third day he forbore to fight, but turned aside toward the nether quarter of the camp, as if he minded to assay passage by an arm of the river that bended to the sea. Perseus' having before his eyes ****** Now was it the season of the year past 
* Solstitium. Howsoever Astronomers observe two Solstitia. (i. Sun. St●aci●) in the year, the one in summer, and the other in 〈◊〉; Grammarian (after the best and most approved writers) 〈◊〉 Solstitium for the hottest season of the summer only. Thus Plantus in Pseudolo useth Solititialis herba, for an one 〈◊〉 withering away with heat of the sun: and in Trinummo, Solstitialis morbus, for Sitiasis, i. cum carbunculatur arbores nimiis ardoribus folis lub Sirio, as Pliny saith, i. the fault of blasting with heat in the dogdays. Livy also in the speech of Quintius to the Ambassador of K. Antiochus, by Solstitialis dies, meaneth the hottest time of summer, as by Brumalis dies elsewhere, the midwinter. Finally, Plutarch expresseth this place thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  fun-stead in summer, and near unto the hour of noonstead in the day, so as they journeyed in a way full of dust, when the sun was exceeding hot; and even now they began to feel thirst and weariness already: but it seemed evidently, that when high noon was come indeed, they would be more troubled with the one and the other. Whereupon Aemylius resolved, not to present his men thus tormented and afflicted, unto the enemies all fresh and in heart: howbeit so sharp set they were on both sides, and so eager upon fight, that the Consul had as much need by some cunning cast or other to deceive and beguile his own men, as to delude his enemies. Before they were all embattled and set in array, he was earnest with the martial Tribunes, and called upon them to make haste and put them in ordinance: himself road about from rank to rank, and by his comfortable words encouraged and incensed the hearts of his soldiers to fight. At the first they were all very lusty and called for the signal of battle; but afterwards, as the heat of the weather increased, so their visages seemed less vigorous, and their voices more heavy and dull; nay some of them stood leaning on their targuets, and rested themselves bearing upon their javelins. Then he made open show of his meaning, and in plain terms commanded the foremost companies in the vaward, to measure out the forefront of a camp, and to lay down their baggage: which when the soldiers perceived, some of them there were who rejoiced openly, for that he had not forced them to fight, so weary as they were with travailing, and during that most scorching and burning heat. About the General stood his lieutenants with the captains of strangers, and Attalus himself among the rest. All of them allowed and thought well of the matter, all the while they thought no other but that the Consul would verily fight: for he had not so much as made them acquainted with this delay and linger of his. But then seeing the case altered and the purpose changed, all the rest held their peace: only Nasioa of them all was so hardy and bold as to tell the Consul his mind and admonish him to take heed, that he suffered not the enemy by avoiding fight, to slip and escape out of their hands, like as he had mocked and beguiled other Generals before him: for he feared much, lest he would dislodge and depart in the night, and so they should be driven to pursue him with exceeding great travail and danger into the inland middle parts of Macedon: so as the army should be put to wander up and down all about through the blind lanes and over the narrow straits of the Macedonian mountains, like as it happened to other captains before him. And therefore he counseled him in good sadness, while he had the enemy within the open plain field, to charge upon him and not to lose the opportunity of a goodly victory now presented. The Consul, nothing at all offended with this frank advertisement of so noble a young gentleman, said no more but thus unto him: The day hath been (Nasica) when I carried that spirit with me which you do at this present: and the time will come when you will be of that mind, of which I am now. Taught I am by experience of many adventures and casualties in war, to know, when it is good time to fight, and when it is better to forbear and sit still. For this present needless it is and bootless (standing as we do now arraunged in order of battle) to tell you what motives they be, that induce me to think it better to be quiet and not to stir this day: another time demand the reasons thereof; and rest contented I advise you, with the authority and credit of an old warrior and experienced captain. The young man was blank and said not a word: persuaded he was doubtless, that the Consul saw some impediments to stay the battle, which to himself appeared not. Paulus, when he perceived that the camp was set and quartered out, and the carriages bestowed accordingly, drew first out of the rearguard the Triarij; then afterwards the Principes, whiles the Hastati or pikes kept their standing still in the vaward (if haply the enemies should offer battle;) at the last he withdrew them also, beginning first at the right point, taking by little and little the soldiers from every ensign one after another. By this means were the footmen had away without any trouble and tumult, and the horsemen together with the light armour opposed against the enemy in the front and head of the main battle before the enemies: neither was the cavalry called back from these stations wherein they were placed, until the forefront of the rampire & trench was fully finished. The king likewise, who without any refusal of battle had stood ready that day to fight, contenting himself with this, that he knew the stay thereof was occasioned by the enemy, led his companies back into his camp. After the Romans were encamped and well fortified, C. Sulpitius Gallus, a martial Colonel of the second legion, who had been praetor the year before, by permission of the Consul called the soldiers to a general audience, and before them all declared and pronounced, that the next night following there would be seen an eclipse of the moon, from the second hour of the night until the fourth: and this he did because no man should wonder thereat, as if it were a prodigious token. Also he made demonstration unto them, that it might be well foreknown and foretold, because it is a thing coming at certain times by the ordinary course of nature. For like as they nothing marveled at the rising and going down both of sun and moon at set hours, nor to see the moon sometime shine bright out at the full, otherwhiles in the wain, giving light only with the small tips of her horns: even so they ought not to make a wonder & miraculous matter of it, that she should be dark, when as her body is hidden by the shadow of the earth. Thus the moon was eclipsed at the hour before prognosticated, overnight before the 
* 4 Septemb.  even of the Nones of September: by occasion whereof, the Roman soldiers held Gallus for a deeply learned Sage, & a divine Philosopher: but chose the Macedonians were troubled with the fight thereof, as an heavy prodigy, portending and presaging the ruin of that realm and the utter destruction of the whole nation. And surely the howling and yelling which they made in their camp all the while, until the moon recovered her full light again, was a very prognostication and prediction of no less. The morrow after both the armies were so hot set and greedy of fight, that both king and Consul were blamed by some of their own soldiers, for that they went out of the field the day before, and struck not a battle. As for the king, he had his excuse and defence ready, not only because the enemy refused the fight first, in open view of all men, and so retired his forces into his camp, but also in that he had pight and ranged his ensigns in such a place, unto which the Macedonian battle called Phalanx could not advance, considering that with the smallest disad untage of the ground, there is no use at all thereof. The Consul for his part, as the day before he seemed to have pretermitted & lost the opportunity of a combat, yea, and to have given the enemy advantage to departin the night season (if he had so list) so now also he trifled out the time, making semblance of sacrifice, whereas the signal of battle at the point of day was put forth for the soldiers to enter into the field. Well, at the last when the sacrifice was duly performed, about the third hour of the day, he assembled his counsel about him; where, some there were that thought he prolonged the time for the nonce, with his discourses and unseasonable consultations, and spent that opportunity so, which should be employed better in fight and execution of some worthy exploit. Howbeit, after some speeches passed, the Consul made an Oration unto his soldiers in this wise. 
The Oration of L. Aemylius unto his army.  Pub. Nasica (quoth he) a right valiant young gentleman, of all those that advised to give battle yesterday, was the only man that uttered his mind, and acquainted me with his counsel; yet afterwards, even he held his peace and kept silence, in such sort, as he seemed to change his opinion, and to be of my mind in the end. Some others there be that have taken a several course by themselves, and thought it better to carp at their General behind his back, than to admonish him to his face. As for me, I will not think much nor make it dainty, to render a reason both to you, o P. Nasica, and to them also who have thought the same that you did (although they carried it more secretly) why I made such stay and deferred battle. For, so far off am I of repenting for our yesterdays repose, that I am of this belief rather, how by that means and policy alone I saved the whole army. And because none of you may think that I have taken such a pitch, and hold that opinion of mine without just cause, let him consider and discourse together with me (if he think so good) what advauntages the enemies had, and how many things made against us. First and foremost, how far they surpass us in number, assured I am that none of you either was ignorant before, or could choose but observe and mark yesterday, seeing their army how it was thrust and thronged together. And of that small number which we are, the fourth part of our fight men was left behind to guard the carriage; and well ye wot, that we set not the most cowards to the keeping of our baggage. But suppose we had been all there together. How then? think we, I pray you, that we have not enough of it, even out of this very camp wherein we have rested one whole night, to go either this day or to morrow at the furthest, with the leave and power of the gods into the field, if you shall so think good? Skilleth it not indeed, and is it all one, to bid a soldier take arms, whom neither the travel of this days journey, nor toil of laborious work, hath tainted and wearied, but is at ease and quiet, yea, and fresh within his tent, and so to bring him forth into the field for a battle lusty and strong, full of bodily vigour and courage of heart? or to offer and expose unto the enemy who is hearty and fresh, who hath taken his rest and ease, and hath brought with him to a fight his strength entire and whole, not foiled or spent upon any occasion; to present, I say, unto such an enemy, a soldier tired out with long journey upon the way, wearied with carrying his load and burden, all molten to sweat and dropping therewith, his throat burnt and scorched for drought & thirst, his face and eyes full of dust, and all his body roasted against the noon-sun? Now tell me, by the faith ye owe to the gods, what is he that being in this so good a plight, (were he the veriest beast and coward otherwise in a country) could not foil and beat out of the field the hardiest and most valiant man that is? Moreover, what should I say how material and important this also was, that our enemies had marshaled their battalions with great leisure after long time of rest; that they had repaired & refreshed their own strength, and stood ranged every man orderly in his own tank; whereas we were at one instant both hastily to embattle and set our men in array, yea and also to fall to a medley pell mel without all order? But, may some man say, True it is, our battle in deed we should have had much out of square and shuffled in great confusion: yet our camp was well fortified; we had forecast and provided for good watering, the passage thereto was good and safe by reason of strong guards placed every way; and all coasts were cleared about us by our espials. Nay iwis: but chose, nothing (to lay truly) was ours, but the bare and naked plain field where we were to fight. Your ancestors in times past, esteemed a camp fortified with rampiars and trenches, as good as a port and harbour of sure refuge, for an army against all chances and misfortunes whatsoever: from thence to issue forth, and thither to retire for safety, after they had been tossed and beaten with the tempest of a battle. And therefore when it was impaled round about with good defences, they had a care also to reinforce and strengthen it with strong guards; for as much as he that hath lost his camp and is turned out of it, is ever holden for vanquished, notwithstanding he won the day and had the better in the field. The hold of a camp serveth for a place of retreat to the conqueror; and of refuge to the conquered. How many armies could I reckon, which having sped but badly in the battle, were driven to take their leaguer; yet afterwards seeing their time and spying their vantage, otherwhiles sallied forth, and in the turning of an hand repulsed and discomfited the enemy, for all his former victory? This seat and retreat of soldiers in time of war, resembleth as a man would say, another native country of theirs; the rampire serveth in fleed of walls, the tent and pavilion is to every soldier his house & home. And should we have fought in deed like vagabonds without any place of mansion whereunto we might betake ourselves after victory? But against these difficulties and empeachments of giving battle, this one thing is objected: How and if the enemy (say some) had gone his ways last night between; what a soul deal of trouble and sorrow should we have endured again in pursuing him as far as to the heart, nay to the very farthest frontiers of Macedon? But I for my part verily, hold this for certain, that if he had ever meant and resolved to have started from hence, he would never have stayed thus here as he hath done, nor brought his forces out into the field. For how much more easy was it for him to depart and be gone when we were farther off, than now when we are ready to tread upon his heels, and go over his back? Surely he could not possibly have given us the slip, but we should have been ware of his dislodging, either by day or night But, say he had gone his ways; what could we have wished more at the gods hands, than to set upon the tail & back part of the enemies in the open plain ground, departing in disarray disbanded one from another, as they abandoning their fort & strong hold, & whose camp situate most sure upon an exceeding high and steep bank of a river, fortified also with a rampire, & many a sconce and turret beside, we gave the venture to assault? Lo, what the causes were, why the battle was put off from yesterday to this present. For I must tell you, I am as willing myself to try the fortune of a field as any other: and to that end (because the advenues to the enemy over the river Enipeus were stopped up against us) I have found a new way through another pace & straight, by disseazing the guards of the enemies there left; and never will I give over until I have defaited him quit and brought this war to an end. After this oration all kept silence, parley for that many of them were won to his opinion; and partly because they feared to find fault to no purpose & so to give offence, when a thing howsoever once past and forslipt, cannot be recalled and amended. But that day neither, was there battle sought, for any great desire that the Cos. or king had thereto. The king wished it not; because he was now to charge his enemies, not weary of their way as the day before, nor troubled about their embattailing in such sort, & hardly at the last brought into ordinance: The Consul again had no great stomach thereto, for that his camp newly pitched, was provided neither of fuel nor forage brought in and laid up already: and for the purveiance thereof, out of the villages and fields near at hand, many of the soldiers were gone abroad forth of the camp. And thus when neither of the Generals were willing thereto, mere chance and fortune (which is more powerful than all the counsel and policy of man) made means and gave occasion of a battle. There was a river not very great, near to the enemy's camp, whereat both Romans and Macedonians watered: and on either bank side certain guards kept their stations, for the safety and security as well of the one part as the other. Two cohorts there were for the Romans of Marrucines and Pelignians, footmen; two troops or cornets besides of Samnite horsemen; all commanded by M. Sergius Sylus a lieutenant. Over and besides, another standing corpse de guard quartered before the camp, containing three cohorts, namely of Firmian, Vestine, and Cremonian footmen, together with two troops of Placentine and Essernian horsemen, all conducted by lieutenant Cluvius. Now whenall was well and quiet about the river, and no side provoked or challenged other; it fortuned that a sumpter horse [of the Romans] about the fourth hour of the day broke from the hands of those that had the tending and keeping of such, took the river & made toward the bank of the farther side: and when three soldiers followed after cross the water almost knee-deep to catch him, the Thracians began to train the jade from the mids of the river to their bank side: but after one of them was slain, the Romans recovered the beast again and retired to their own guard. Now there was a strong corpse de guard of eight hundred Thracians upon the bank which the enemies kept, from whencesome few at first, taking it to the heart that a countryman of theirs should thus be killed before their face, traversed over the river in pursuit of those that had slain him; afterwards more and more, and in the end all followed after, and together with that guard ****** leadeth to the battle. Men were moved with a reverence of the majesty of his place, as he was L. General; also with respect of the honour & glory of the man otherwise; & above all, with the regard of his age: for that being about threescore years old he did undergo the offices and parts of young men in the adventures of greatest travel and danger. That void space which was between the light targuetiers called Cetrati and the thick battalions named Phalanges, the legion took up clean, and broke within the battle of the enemies. Behind the Cetrati was this legion, and had affront them the Pavoisers called Aglaspides, with rosplendent or shining shields. L. Attilius who had been Consul before time was commanded to lead against the battailon of other Pavoisers called Leucaspides with white shields. And that was the main battle of the enemies. Against the right flank, from which quarter the skirmish first began about the river, the Elephants were conducted together with a wing of confederate horsemen, and from thence began the Macedonians to fly. For like as many new devises & inventions of men, carry some show in appearance of words when they are first spoken of; but come to practise & try them once, and not to argue and dispute how they should be put in execution, they vanish away without effect and prove just nothing: even so at that time, the Elephants bore a name only in the battle, without any use and service at all. That violence of the Elephants (such as it was) the Latin allies seconded immediately, and forced the left flank to recoil. Then the second legion was put forth, and in the mids entered upon the Phalanx and put it to flight; neither was there any cause of victory more evident than this, namely, that many skirmishes there were in divers places, which at the first troubled the Phalanx, and afterwards discomfired it. True it is, that to abide the force thereof it is impossible, so long as it keepeth close united together, and putteth forth their sharp pointed pikes bend thick couched together breast-high: but if a man by charging the same here and there, force them once to turn about those pikes, which for their length and heavy weight are unwieldy & hard to guide, they soon are entangled & catch one within another untowardly: but in case it fall out so, that there be any tumult made either aflanke or behind, then there ensueth a general trouble and confusion of all, as if they all at once came tumbling down: like as it happened then, when as against the Romans, who assailed them by troops in sundry parts, they were driven to break their battaillon into many pieces as it were, & so to make head & affront the enemy. But the Romans espied where there was a breach made & lane left between, and there they would insinuate and wind in with their ranks and files: who, if they had run upon the front of the Phalanx close ranged altogether with their whole battaillon, they had enwrapped and entangled themselves within their pikes: (which in the beginning of the conflict happened to the Peligni as they unadvisedly dealt with the targuetriers called Cetrati) and had never been able to sustain that battaillon united thick and couched together. But as there was a cruel carnage committed upon the companies of the infantry in every place, save only those that flung away their weapons and fled; so the soldiers of the cavalry departed in manner safe and found out of the medley. The K. himself was the first man that fled: and now by this time was escaped beyond Pydna, and with his corners of horsemen which they call, Sacred, made haste to Pella. Anon after followed Costacus and the cavalry of the Odrysians: consequently, other troops and companies of Macedonian horsemen departed and kept their arrays unbroken: for that the Phalanx or battaillon of the footmen between, which kept the conquerors occupied in execution, put them quite out of remembrance to pursue the men of arms. A long time continued the massacre of this Phalanx affront, aflanke, and behind. In the end, they who escaped the hands of the enemies, & fled without weapons to the sea; some took the water, & stretching forth their hands to them that were aboard in the ships, most humbly besought them for to save their lives: and when they saw the small pinnaces and cockbotes making apace on all hands toward them from the ships, they imagining that their coming was to catch them for their prisoners rather than to kill them outright, waded farther into the water, yea and some swimmed forward: but when they saw they were by them of the botes slain in all hostile manner like enemies, as many as could, swum back again to land: where they met with a fouler mischief, and were worse plagued than before: for the elephants (driven by their governors to the shore) trod them under foot and crushed their guts out. All men generally agreed in this point, That never at any one field, were so many Macedonians defeated and killed by the Romans: for twenty thousand men were there slain, and to the number of six thousand (who fled to Pydna out of the battle) came alive into the enemy's hands: five thousand besides were taken prisoners, as they fled scattering and disbanded here and there. Of the victors, there died not above an hundred, and the more part by far of Pelignians; but a greater number somewhat, were hurt and wounded. And if the battle had begun sooner, that the winners might have had day enough to follow the chase upon their enemies, all their forces had been utterly defeated and devoured by the sword: but now the night coming upon them, as it covered and shadowed the enemies that fled, so it caused the Romans not to be so hasty and forward in pursuit; considering they were not acquainted with the coasts of the country. Perseus' fled to the forest Pieria by the port road way, with a great number of horsemen and his royal train about him. So soon as he was entered the forest where the way divided into sundry and divers parts, seeing that the night approached, he turned out of the high beaten way with very few of his most loyal and faithful friends. The horsemen being thus abandoned and left destitute of their leader, slipped some one way and some another home into their own cities: certain of them (but very few) recovered Pella before Perseus himself, because they road a direct and ready way. The K. was much troubled and vexed until midnight almost, what with fear and what with difficulty to find out the way. When he was come to Pella, Eactus the governor thereof, and the king's pages, were ready attendant at the court to wait upon him and do him service: but chose, of all those friends who escaped safe out of the battle and chanced by variable adventures to come into Pella, there would not one come at him, notwithstanding they were oftentimes sent for. Three only bore him company in that flight of his, to wit, Evander of Crete, Neon a Boeotian, and Archidamus the Aetolian. Fearing therefore lest they who refused to come unto him, would soon after enterprise some greater matter against him; with those three he fled still forward, about the fourth watch of the night. After him there followed upon five hundred Cretensians. Toward Amphipolis he went; but he departed in the night from Pella, making all the hast he could to pass over the river Axius before daylight, supposing that the Romans would give over the chase there, by reason of the difficult and dangerous fourd.  
The Consul being returned into the camp with victory, (because he should not have the fruition of sincere and perfect joy) was greatly disquieted and troubled about his younger son, and that was P. Scipio, surnamed also afterwards Africanus, because he razed the city of Carthage: the natural son he was of the Consul Paulos, and the adopted nephew or grandchild of Africanus: he was at that time seventeen years of age, and (which augmented the sorrow of the father) whiles he followed in chase the enemies upon the spur, was carried by the press a contrary way, in such fort, as it was late ere he returned: and then the Consul having recovered him again safe and found, felt the joy of so great a victory, and not before.  
When the bruit and news of this battle was arrived at Amphipolis, and that the dames and wives of the city ran flocking into the temple of Diana, whom they call Tauropolos, to beseech and call for her aid, Diodorus the chief governor of the city, fearing the Thracians (who were two thousand in garrison) lest in that tumult and garboil they would spoil and rifle the city; craftily suborned a fellow for the nonce in guise and show of a letter-carrier, and received from him letters in the mids of the market place: wherein it was written, That the Roman fleet was arrived in Emathia, and that the territories all about were pitifully wasted by them; and therefore the rulers and captains of Emathia requested him to send a garrison to succour them against these soraiers. When he had read these counterfeit letters, he exhorted the Thracians to undertake this expedition and to go into Emathia for to guard the coasts thereof: giving them to understand, that considering the Romans were loosely straggling & scattered about the fields and villages, they might make a foul havoc and carnage of them, and besides raise and bring away with them a great booty: withal, he forgot not to elevate as much as he could, the same of the foresaid unhappy field fought, saying, That if all had been true, there would have been messengers coming thick one after another upon their flight, to bring fresh tidings still thereof. Under this pretence he sent away the Thracians; and so soon as he saw they were passed over the river Strymon, incontinently he shut the gates. The third day after the battle fought, came Perseus to Amphipolis, and from thence he sent Orators to Paulus with an herald of peace. Mean while Hippias, Midon, and Pantaucus, the kings principal friends, went themselves to the Consul, and surrendered unto the Romans Berrhaea, whither they had retired and fled immediately out of the field. Other cities also strucken with fear one after another, prepared to do the like.  
The Consul, after he had sent to Rome with tidings and letters of this victory, Q. Fabius his own son, together with L. Lentulus and Q. Metellus, gave the spoil of the enemy's army thus lying defeated, unto his footmen: but the horsemen he allowed the booty of all the territory round about, with condition, that they should not be absent from the camp more than two nights. Then, he removed nearer unto the sea, & lodged about Pydna. First Berrhaea (as is beforesaid) yielded, than Thessalonica and Pella; and consequently, all Macedon well-near within two days was surrendered. But the Pydneans who were next unto him, as yet were behind with sending their ambassadors: the reason was, for that the confused confluence thither of many nations, and the disordered multitude of those that fled out of the field, and were all met there together, hindered the counsel and consent of the whole city: so as the gates were not only shut, but also mured up. Now were Midon and Pantaucus sent to parley under the walls with Solon, who lay there with a garrison: by whose means the whole troop and multitude of armed men was sent away, the city rendered up, and the pillage given to the soldiers.  
Perseus, whose only hope was in the aid of the Bisaltes whom he had assayed and solicited, and for which purpose he had sent his ambassadors (although in vain) held a public assembly, and bringing his son Philip with him came forth before the people; to the end that he might by some exhortation confirm and strengthen the hearts, as well of the Amphipolitanes as the companies of foot and horse, who either at all times continually had followed him, or were retired thither by flight for refuge. But ever as he was about to make a speech unto the audience (which he oft began to do) he could not proceed for tears. Now for that himself was not able to speak, he came down from the pulpit, and imparted unto Evander the Cretensian those points, which his will was to be delivered and proposed unto the congregation there assembled. The multitude, as they lamented and wept again to see the king so piteously shed tears; so they regarded not the speech of Evander: nay some of them were so bold as to cry out aloud from the midst of the assembly, Away, away, and get ye gone from hence, that the small remnant of us here, perish not for your sakes. The stout resolution of these men stopped Evander his mouth, that he could not say a word and reply again. The king by this time was gotten to his lodging, and having conveyed into certain bottoms upon the river Strymon all his money, gold, and silver, went also in person down to the water side. The Thracians durst not go aboard and commit to sea, but slunk every man away to his own home; and so did all the sort of soldiers besides. The Cretensians only (for greedy hope of gain) accompanied the king, who because in sharing and dealing money among them, he should incur more offence than win thanks, laid out fifty talents among them upon the river side to skamble for. When they had made quick riddance and a clean hand with it, they went aboard in a great hurry so as one barge overcharged with a multitude of passengers was cast away and sunk in the mouth of the river. That very day they arrived at Galipsus, and the morrow after at Samothrace, the very place that they intended; and thither (by report) were conveyed two thousand talents. Paulus after he had sent precedents to govern every city surrendered, to the end that no injury should be offered in this new peace to the conquered, and detaining with him still the king's heralds and Orators, not knowing any thing of the king's flight and departure, sent P. Nasica to Amphipolis with a mean regiment of foot and horse, to ruinate and destroy at once Sintica, and also to impeach all the dessignements and enterprises of the Romans.  
In this time Melibaea was forced and ransacked by Cn. Octavius: but at Aeginium (to the siege whereof Cn. Anicius the Lieutenant was sent) two hundred men were lost by a sally made out of the town, for that the Aeginians heard not the news of the late defeature.  
The Consul departed from Pydna with his whole army, and the morrow after came before Pella. Where having encamped within a mile of the city, he made abode there for certain days, to view on all sides the situation of the city, which he perceived and marked full well, to have been chosen not without good cause, for the imperial seat of the Macedonian kings. Situate it is upon an hill that lieth to the South-west, enclosed round with meres, so deep as they cannot possibly be waded and passed through: and these marshes are bred and fed both winter and summer by waters overflowing out of certain lakes. Within the very marish next unto the city side, there standeth a strong tower by itself, bearing up above the rest, as it were an Island railed upon a terrace, made with exceeding labour of man's hand, which terrace both sustaineth a wall, and is not hurt with the moisture of the marish round about it; and a far off seemeth close joined to the city wall. Howbeit, divided it is by a river between it and the wall, and yet united to the city by a bridge over it: so as, whosoever assaileth the same without, can have no access any way to it, neither, if the king be disposed to shut and enclose any man within, can he possibly make an escape and get forth but over the said bridge; which a few men may keep & guard with ease. In this place the king's treasure used to lie, but at that time there was no more found but the 300 talents which were sent to king Gentius first, and afterwards stayed and detained. During the time that the Consul remained about Pella in his standing camp, many embassages had audience given them, who repaired thither out of Thessaly, especially to congratulate with him, testifying their own joy and wishing his. But the Consul after that he had intelligence that Perseus had crossed over to Samothraca, departed from Pella, and at the fourth gift and journey that he made, came to Amphipolis. The whole multitude went forth of the city in great numbers to meet him, which gave testimony to every man, that neither a good nor just king *****   

THE XLV. BOOK OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIUS of Padua, from the foundation of the City of Rome.  
The breviary of L. Florus upon the five and fortieth Book.  
Perseus' was taken prisoner by Aemylius Paulus in Samothracia. When Antiochus king of Syria besieged Ptolomaeus and Cleopatra, king and queen of Egypt, ambassadors were sent from the Senate of Rome, willing Antiochus to give over, and besiege no more an associate king unto them: but when he made answer to this their message delivered, that he would consider better what he had to do, Popilius one of the said ambassadors, with his rod that he had in his hand drew a circle about the king, and charged him to give him another answer before he went out of that circle: by which rude, rough, and blunt behaviour, be forced Antiochus to lay away arms and surcease war. Divers embassies of States and kings came with congratulation, and were admitted into the Senat. As for that of the Rhodians, because in the late war they stood out and took part against the Romans, it was excluded. The morrow after, when it was debated in counsel, about making war upon the Rhodians, the ambassadors pleaded thecause of their country in the Senate: So, they neither had a friendly dispatch and farewell, as allied associates, ne yet were sent away as professed enemies. Macedon was now reduced into the form of a province. Aemylius Paulus triumphed, notwithstanding the contradiction of his own soldiers, discontented for that they were pinched and cut short in the pillage, and although Servius Sulpitius Galba interposed himself and gain said it. He led before his chariot Perseus with his three sons. And that the joy of this triumph of his should not be entire and accomplished, blemished soulely it was with the death of his two sons: the one died before, the other after the triumph of the father. The Censors took a review of the city, in which were assessed and enroled in their subsidy books 312805 citizens. Prusias king of Bythinia repaired to Rome, to rejoice with the Senate in their behalf for the victory and conquest of Macedon, where he recommended unto the Senate his son Nicomedes. This base minded king, made all of flattery, named himself the enfranchised vassal of the people of Rome.  
QVintus Fabius, L. Lentulus, and Q. Metellus, the messengers of the late victory, albeit they made all the haste that possibly they could, & came speedily to Rome, yet found the joy thereof ●o have prevented them: for the fourth day after the battle fought with the king, even as the plays and games were exhibited in the shewplace, there was heard suddenly at first, a confused humming noise, which spread over all the companies of the spectators, That a field was fought in Macedon and Perseus vanquished: afterwards arose a more clear and evident voice, which grew at length to an open shout and clapping of hands, as if certain news had been brought of the said victory. The magistrates wondered hereat, and made search after the author of this so sudden gladness, but none would be found: and then verily it passed away as the momentany joy of some vain and uncertein occurrence: howbeit a joyful presage of some good luck settled in men's hearts and remained behind. But after that this was confirmed by the true report and relation of Fabius, Lentulus, and Metellus, which they made at their coming, all men rejoiced as well at the fore-giving of their minds, as for the victory itself. This joyous conceit of this assembly in the shewplace, is reported otherwise, and carrieth with it no less probability and likelihood of truth, in this manner: Upon the 
* ad dicimum Calendas Obtavius.  two and twentieth of September (which was the second day of the solemnity of Roman games) as the Consul was going up to the lists for to set out the running of the chariots, a post, by report, (who said he was come out of Macedon) presented letters unto him decked with laurel. The Consul then, so soon as he had set on foot the race, presently mounted up into his own chariot: and as he road through the shewplace toward the common scaffolds, he showed unto the people the said laureate letters: which being once seen, the people presently (forgetting all their sports & fights) ran out into the mids of the cirque, and thithier the Cos. assembled the Senate; unto whom when he had read the letters, by the advice and allowance of the LL. even before the public stages and skaffolds, he published the contents thereof to all the people in this manner, That L. Aemylius his colleague had fought a set field with king Perseus, That the army of the Macedonians was discomfited and put to flight, That the king himself was fled with some few of his train, and that all the cities of Macedon were subdued and brought under the subjection of the people of Rome. These tidings were no sooner heard, but there arose ashout with exceeding great applatise, in so much as many men there, left the sight of these disports, and carried these joyful news home to their wives and children. This was the thirteenth day after the battle given in Macedon. The morrow after the Senate assembled in Curia (Hostilia) and ordained it was, that public processions should be solemnised; an Act also passed, that the Consul Aemylius should dismiss all those that had taken the military oath, excepting only the sea-souldiours and mariners; and as for the discharging of those soldiers, agreed it was, that it should be moved in the Counsel-chamber, when the lieutenants were arrived and come from L. Aemylius the Consul, for they had dispatched a courier with letters before them. Now these messengers aforesaid entered the city the 
* ad. 〈…〉.  five and twentieth of September about the second home of the day, and drew after them a mighty train of those who encountering them upon the way wheresoever ever they went, accompanied them to Rome, and so directly went to the marketplace and tribunal seat. It fortuned that the Senators sat then in the ordinary Curia or Counsel-house, and thither the Consul brought the ambassadors. Where they were retained and held so long only as they might declare these points, How great the king's forces were, as well in foot as horse; how many thousand were slain, how many taken prisoners; what small loss of Roman soldiers that great diffeature of enemy's cost; how few they were in number that the king fled with; that it was supposed he would pass into Samothracia; that the fleet was in readiness to make way after them in chase; and that it was not possible for him to escape either by land or sea. And then anon they were brought forth before the general assembly of the people, where they made relation of the same. And then the joy was renewed upon proclamation made by the Consul, That all the sacred temples and churches should be set open: & that every man should depart out of the assembly to render thanks unto the gods; in such sort, that all the temples of the gods throughout the whole city were replenished with mighty multitudes and congregations not of men only, but also of women. Then the Senate met again in the ordinary Curia: and ordained that public processions and thanks should be made for five days together in all churches and chapels and at every altar, for the happy and fortunate success of L. Aemylius, and that greater head of beasts should be killed for sacrifice. Also that the ships which rid ready rigged and well appointed in the river Tyberies' for to be sent into Macedon, (in case it had so fallen out, that the king had been able to have resisted) should be retired and drawn to land, and so laid up due in their dockes and arsenals: also that the mariners should be cassed, after the receipt of a whole years pay, and together with all those who had sworn to serve the Consul, should have their congee and passport to be gone. Item, that all the soldiers in Corcyra, Brundisium, about the adriatic sea, or in the territory of the Larinates (for in all these there was an army set in readiness, wherewith C. Licinius if need required should have succoured his colleague) should have their discharge. Also processions were published in the full assembly of the people, to begin 
* ex a.d. quint. I●●● Octab.  from the tenth day of October, and so to hold on five days after.  
Out of Illyrium also two lieutenants or messengers, to wit, L. Licinius Nerva and P. Dicius, brought word that the army of the Illyrians was defaited; that king Gentius was taken prisoner, and that all Illyricum was reduced under the obeisance of the people of Rome. For which exploits achieved by the leading and conduct of L. Anicius the praetor, the Senate decreed a solemn procession to be holden for three days, like as also the Latin feast and holidays were proclaimed by the Consul, for to be holden the 
* in a. qus●t. t●●●. & pride. Idus Novembr.  ninth, tenth, and eleventh days of November. Some have recorded that the Rhodian ambassadors had not yet their dispatch nor were sent away, but after the news of this victory, were called into the Senate in mockery and scorn of that sottish insolence and pride of their own. And then Agepolis the principal person of them spoke in this manner, That the Rhodians had sent them in deed as ambassadors to treat about an accord and to make peace between the Romans and king Perseus, for that this war as it was grievous and prejudicial to all Greece, so it could not choose but be chargeable and hurtful to the Romans themselves. But fallen out it is passing well through the goodness of fortune, that the war is ended otherwise: and hath given them so good an occasion and opportunity, to rejoice and testify their joy in the behalf of the Romans, for the atchievance of so brave and notable a victory. Thus much spoke the Rhodian. And then the Senate made answer again, That the Rhodians had sent that embassy not regarding the good and profit of Greece, ne yet for any care they had of the expenses defrayed by the Romans, but only in love and favour of king Perseus. For if they had been respective unto them (as they would make semblance & have the world to think) they should have addressed their ambassadors when as Perseus invaded Thessaly with an army, and for two years space persecuted & plagued the cities of Greece, besieging some, and frighting others with menaces of war: yet all that while, not a word with the Rhodians as touching peace. But after that they heard once that the Romans were mounted over the straits and passed through into Macedon; that king Perseus was shut up and enclosed sure enough for starting any way, then and not before, they could send an embassage, for no other reason in the world, but to rid and deliver Perseus out of that imminent danger which threatened him so near hand. With which answer the ambassadors were sent away.  
About the very same time M. Marcellus being departed out of his government in the province of Spain, after he had forced and won Marcolica a renowned and famous city in those parts, brought home with him and bestowed in the public treasury ten pound weight of gold, and 
* Ad summons sestersium decies.  about a million of Sesterces in silver coin.  
Paulus Aemylius the Consul lying encamped (as is aforesaid) near Syrae in the Odomantidian territory, when he saw the letters from king Perseus brought unto him by three ambassadors of base condition, wept (by report) himself, to consider the frailty of this world, and the fickle state of man's life; to see (I say) that he who erewhile could not rest content with the royalty of Macedon, but would needs war upon the Dardanians and Illyrians, and levy the aid of the Bastarnians, was now after the loss of his army, as one exiled out of his own kingdom, driven into a small Island, where, like a poor suppliant he remained in surety, not by means of his own forces, but through the religious protection of a sanctuary and privileged place. But when he read the superscription of the letter with this stile. KING PERSEUS TO THE CONSUL PAULUS, GREETING, he could no more pity him, for thinking of his blockish folly, in that he had no sense and feeling of the calamity and misery wherein he stood. And therefore albeit the contents of the letter otherwise were prayers so demisse and object, as little savoured of a princely mind, yet was that embassage dismissed without answer and without letters. Perseus soon perceived what title it was that he must lay down and forget now that he was vanquished: whereupon he addressed other letters in quality of a private person without any other addition at all: and by those as he craved so obtained he likewise, that certain agents should be sent unto him, with whom he might parley and commune as touching the state and condition of his present fortune. So three delegat ambassadors were sent unto him, namely P. Lentulus, A. Posthumius Albinus and A. Antonius. But nothing was effected in this agency or embassage; whiles Perseus stuck hard and laboured all he could to hold still and keep the royal name of king, and Paulus endeavoured chose, that he should submit himself and all that he had to the protection & clemency of the people of Rome. During these debates and affairs between them, the fleet of Cn. Octavius was arrived at Samothrace, who also presenting before their eyes fearful objects of terror, went about to force him as well by threats and menaces, as to win him by hope of fair entreaty & good usage to yield & submit; and herein he found some help by means of an occurrent, either happening by chance & mere adventure, or contrived by man's devise of set purpose. L. Attilius a noble young gentleman, perceiving that the people of the Samothracians were met in a general assembly, requested of the magistrates that he might be permitted to make a short speech unto the people. Good leave he had, and then he began in this wife; My masters and friends of Samothracia, I would gladly know, whether it be a false fable or a true tale which we have heard, That this is a sacred Island, and the soil thereof holy and altogether inviolable? When they all accorded in one consent, that the Island was as holy and sacred as it was reported: How is it then (quoth he) that a murderer hath violated and polluted it with the blood of king Eumenes? And considering that in all preambles and prefaces of sacred and divine service premised, they are commanded precisely to avaunt from the ministery thereof, who have not pure and innocent hands; will you suffer in deed your most secret sanctuaries and devout tabernacles to be stained with the bloody body of a thief and felon? Now was it a rise report & common bruit in every city of Greece, That K. Eumenes had like to have been murdered at Delphos by Evander. The Samothracians, besides that they saw their whole Island & the said temple to be in the power and puissance of the Romans, took these reproofs and reproaches to touch them near, and not without just cause: whereupon they sent Theondas, the sovereign magistrate (whom they call their K.) unto king Perseus, giving him to understand, That Evander the Cretensian was charged with murder: also that by custom and tradition from their ancestors, they had full power & authority to proceed by order of law, against all those that were presented and indited for entering within the liberties and sacred precincts of the temple, with unclean and unpure hands. Now if Evander stand upon his innocency, and knoweth himself clear and unguilty of the capital crime laid to his charge, let him come to his answer and plead his cause for his own defence, and he shall be heard: but if he dare not hazard the judicial trial of the issue, retire he and depart, that he pollute not the temple; let him shift for himself and escape away. Perseus' called forth Evander unto him, willing him in no case to try the process of justice; for neither would his cause justify him, nor any favour bear him out. He much seated withal, least being cast and condemned, he would bewray Perseus himself and appreach him for the setter and author of that so horrible a fact: and no way then but one, even with patience and resolution to take his death. Evander gainsaied nought in outward appearance, but pretending in words, that he had rather die by a cup of poison than upon the sword's point, sought secret means to fly and be gone. The king upon advertisement hereof, fearing lest the Samothracians would discharge their anger upon him, as if he had wrought his evasion to avoid due punishment, commanded Evander to be made away and killed. After which murder committed thus rashly without all advisement, he be thought himself and considered, that he should be touched deeply with the same spot of guilt that Evander was noted with: namely, that as Eumenes was by Evander wounded at Delphos, so Evander by him was murdered in Samothracia; and so the two most holy and religious temples in the world were stained and polluted with man's blood; and who but he the cause and contriver thereof? But the blame of this soul fact of his, was by the corruption of Theondas quite averted another way; and he for a sum of money bore the people in hand, that Evander was his own hangman. But Perseus by this lewd and detestable act, committed upon the person of the only friend whom he had alive, (so well approved and tried by him in so many adventures, and now betrayed for his labour by him, unto whom he refused to be a traitor) estranged clean the hearts and affections of all men from him: so as now every man ranged with the Romans. Thus abandoned as he was and left to himself, they forced him to cast about and devise how to escape and be gone. Whereupon he called unto him Oroandes the Cretensian, a man that knew well the coasts of Thrace, (because he had negotiated and traded in those parts;) and with him he dealt to embark him in some small foist, and so to conduct him unto Cotys. Now there was a certain bay under a promontory of Thrace, wherein a pinnace stood in readiness: thither, after sunset were all things brought for necessary use; and money withal, as much as closely could be conveyed. The king himself at midnight accompanied with three persons (for no more were privy to this his flight) went out at a postern or back door of the house, into a garden near his bedchamber, and so with much a do having clambered over a mud wall, passed to the water side. Now was Oroandes already loosed from the foresaid creak; for so soon as the money was once brought thither into the vessel, he launched into the deep and set his course for Candie. Perseus, after that the bark was not to be found in the bay, walked and wandered a good while along the strand: and fearing at last the daylight approaching (yet not so hardy as to adventure back again to his lodging) lurked behind in one side of the temple close unto a blind corner & coign thereof. Among the Macedonians, they called those the kings pages who were the princes and noble means sons, chosen to serve and wait upon the person of the king. That company yet followed after the K. in his flight, and as hard as the world went, departed not from him until such time as by the commandment of Cn. Octavius, the public crier pronounced with a loud voice, That the king's pages and all other Macedonians besides in Samothracia, if they would turn to the Romans, should enjoy with safety of life their estate entire, their liberty free, and all that ever they either had about them, or was left in Macedon. At which proclamation once published, they all immediately revolted to the Romans, and entered their names with C. Posthumius, a martial colonel. Likewise jon of Thessalonica, delivered into the hands of Octavius the young infants of the king, and not one of them all was left with Perseus, but Philip his eldest son: and then he yielded both himself and that son into the hands of Octavius, crying out upon fortune, and blaming the gods in whose temple they were, for that he received no aid and succour from them, notwithstanding he humbly craved and besought the same. Then commandment was given, that he should be embarked in the admiral's ship: & thither also was brought aboard all the money that remained, and then forthwith the fleet retired to Amphipolis: from whence Octavius sent the king to the camp unto the Consul, but first he had dispatched his letters to give him knowledge, that he was sure enough under his hand, and that he was at the point to be brought unto him. Paulus, reputing this for a second victory, (as it was no less indeed to be esteemed) presently upon the receipt of the message, killed beast for sacrifice: and when he had called his counsel about him, & read the letters of the Praetor before them, he sent Q. Aelius Tubero to meet the K. upon the way, and commanded the rest in good frequency to remain in his capital pavilion, and give attendance upon him. Never was there seen before, so great a multitude to run out for to see any solemn sight or pageant. In their father's days king Syphax was taken prisoner and brought into the Roman camp; who besides that there was no comparison between him and Perseus, either in regard of his own name or the renown of his nation, was then also but an accessary as it were to the Punic war, like as Gentius now to the Macedonian. Perseus was the very head of this war, neither was it the same of his father and grandsire only (whom he nearly touched in birth and blood) that made him renowned, but the resplendent glory of Philip and Alexander the Great, who brought the sovereign empire and monarchy of the whole world to the Macedonian nation. Well, Perseus entered the camp arrayed in a black cloak, without any one of his own train to accompany him, who partaking his misery, might cause more compassion to be had of him. The afluence of the people was so great who went out to see him, that for the very press he could not march forward, until such time as the Consul sent his sergeants and ushers to void the thronging of the multitude and make way for him to go to the Consul his pavilion. The Consul arose, and (giving commandment to the rest for to sit still) advanced forward a little, and reached out his hand to the king as he entered into the pavilion; and when he bowed and debased himself to his very feet, he took him up again and would not suffer him ones to touch his knees, but led him into the tent and caused him to sit down right over-against those whom he called thither to council. The first question that he demanded of him was this; What wrong he had sustained at the hands of the people of Rome, that he should be constrained to enterprise and begin the war against them with so malicious a mind as he did, and so to hazard himself, his whole state and kingdom, in such extremity of danger? And when every man attended what answer he would make, he stayed a good while without utterance of one word, casting his eyes wistly upon the ground, and shedding tears withal. Then spoke the Consul again: If you had been but young (quoth he) when you came to the crown, I would verily for my part marvel the less, that you should be so ignorant as not to know how important it was, to have the people of Rome either for a friend or an enemy: but now, since you both had your hand in that war which your father waged against us, and also could not choose but remember the peace afterwards made with him, and which we observed most faithful, What policy was it for you to entertain war rather than peace, with them, whose force you had tried in war and whose fidelity you had found in peace? When as he would yet make no answer at all either to question or accusation, the Consul went on and said: Well, howsoever these things are thus fallen out and come to pass, be it through the error and frailty of man by adventure of fortune and hard hap, or fatal necessity of the destinies, be of good cheer yet, and take a man's heart unto you: the gracious clemency and mercy of the people of Rome, well known and proved in the misfortunes of many princes and States, afford unto you not only hope, but certain assurance of safety. Thus much spoke he to Perseus in the Greek tongue: then, turning to his own assistance and company about him, he directed his speech to them in Latin as followeth. A notable example and rare mirror you see (quoth he) of the changeable variety of this world: to you I speak especially, my masters here that are fresh and youthful gallants in the heat of your young blood. And therefore let no man in time of his prosperity, carry himself proud and violent against another, nor yet confidently to trust upon the present state wherein he is, for who knoweth what may happen once yet before midnight? But him alone will I hold for a man of valour indeed, whose heart neither the gentle gale of this fawning and flattering world is able to list aloft, ne yet the blustering blasts of frowning fortune cast down or dash upon the rocks. After the Consul was risen and departed, he committed the charge and custody of keeping the king to Quintus Atlius. But for that day Perseus was not only invited courteously to sup with the Consul, but respected also in all kind of honour, as possibly might be done unto him in that state and condition of his.  
After this the army was divided here and there in garrisons for the winter time. The greatest part thereof was received into Amphipolis, and the other cities near adjoining entertained the rest. This was the end of the war between Perseus and the Romans, which had endured four years one after another continually: and here an end with all of the most flowering kingdom of the greatest part of Europe and of all Asia. Perseus was counted the twentieth king after Caranus, who was the first that reigned there. This Perseus began his reign that year wherein Q. Fulvius and L. Manlius were Consuls. In the time of M. jumius and A. Manlius' Consuls of Rome, the Senate entitled and honoured him with the name of king, and eleven years his reign continued. The name of these Macedonians was very obscure and base, until the days of Philip the son of Amynias. From that time and by his means it began to grow and wax great: howbeit, contained it was within the compass and precinct of Europe, comprehending all Greece, and part of Thrace and Illyricum. Afterwards it spread into Asia, and in thirteen years space, during the reign of Alexander, it subdued and brought under subjection, first all those parts whereunto the empire of the Persians extended, which was an infinite dominion in circuit: afterwards it reached to Arabia & India, even to the end of the earth, bounding & confining all about upon the red sea. At that time was the monarchy & name of the Macedonians the greatest in the whole world, but upon the death of Alexander, distracted it was and divided into many and sundry kingdoms. And whiles each one endeavoured and stove by force to draw unto him more and more puissance, they dismembered and rend the whole: and so from the highest tip and pitch of prosperity, brought it down to a most base and low condition, after it had continued in good estate a hundred and fifty years.  
When the bruit of the Romans victory was blazed and blown as far as to Asia, Antenor who with a fleet of barks and pinnaces rid in the harbour of Phanae, sailed from thence to Cassandrea. C. Popilius, who was in Delos to guard and waste those ships which were bound for Macedon, after he heard say that the war in Macedon was brought to an end, and the enemy's vessels removed out of their road, dismissed also for his part the Athenian ships, intending to go forward in his voyage for Egypt, to accomplish that embassage which he had taken in hand; to the end that he might encounter Antiochus, before he approached the walls of Alexandria. As these ambassadors coasted along the river of Asia, and were arrived at Loryma (a port somewhat more than twenty miles distant from Rhodes, and situate just over against the city) the principal States of Rhodes, met him in the way (for now by this time was the fame of this victory flown so same & reputation, yea, & was expedient for their good and safety, that they should be made acquainted with all that either had been done or was now in hand at Rhodes, & so to make report thereof at Rome upon their own knowledge, and not as things were voiced by the common bruit. They refused along time, but in the end they were so importuned, that content they were to sail a little farther, and spend some small time for to gratify and benefit a city associate unto them When they were come to Rhodes, the same principal citizens aforesaid urged them instantly with much prayer and entreaty to come into their general assembly of the people. The arrival of these ambassadors rather augmented than impaired the fear of the city. For Popilius made rehearsal there in open audience, of all which had been done or spoken (sounding any way to hostility) either in particular or in general by them, during the late war. And being as he was, a grim sir, rough and fierce by nature, he aggravated all that he spoke, with his sour visage and sharp language, like an accuser at the bar: insomuch as they might well conjecture & guess, how the whole body of the Senate stood affected unto them, by the bitterness of one only Senator, who otherwise for himself had no occasion of particular ill will and malice against the city. But the speech of Decimius was more temperate, who said, that the blame of those imputations for the most part which were objected by Popilius, was not to be laid upon the people, but upon a few persons, who had solicited and stirred the multitude: for those having their tongue at hire, and using to speak for gain, had made decrees full of flattery to please the king, and sent such embassages, as the Rhodians at all times were no less ashamed than repent of: All which practices of theirs no doubt would fall upon their heads who were faulty, in case the people had the government and rule in their own hands. Audience he had with great assent and applause; not more for elevating the fault and trespass of the common people, than for laying the weight upon those that were the authors culpable. And therefore when the chief men among them made answer to the Romans, their words, who went about to excuse and salve in some sort as well as they could the articles objected by Popilius, were not so well taken, as their speech who accorded to Decimius, in delivering the guilty persons and offenders to be punished according to their demerits. Whereupon there passed presently a decree, That all those who might be convicted of any deed done or word spoken in favour of Perseus against the Romans, should be condemned and have sentence to lose their heads. Some of these persons were departed out of the city upon the coming of the Romans, other laid violent hands upon themselves. These ambassadors or delegates having so journeyed no longer than five days at Rhodes, departed and made sail for Alexandria. And notwithstanding their absence, the execution of judicial proceeding was no less hotly followed at Rhodes, according to the decree made in their presence. For the moderation and gentle carriage of Decimius was the very cause that they persisted resolute, and gave not over until they had gone through with it, and dispatched all.  
Whiles these affairs were thus managed, Antiochus after he had assayed in vain to force the walls of Alexandria, was departed from before the city, and having possessed himself of all Egypt besides, & left the elder Ptolomeus at Memphis, (for whose behoof he pretended by his own forces to reconquer the kingdom, to the end that soon after the conquest obtained, he might set upon him likewise) withdrew his army away into Syria. Ptolomaeus for his part was nothing ignorant of his dessignment and intention, making full account, that whiles he kept his younger brother affrighted with the fear of siege, by the help of his sister he might be received into Alexandria: considering withal, that his brother's friends were not opposed against him, first he sent unto his sister, afterwards to his brother and his friends, and never gave over to write and send, before he had concluded and established a peace with them. The thing that made him to suspect Antiochus was this, for that when he had made over all the rest of 
* For Pelusium is called Clavis Aegypti as Ortelius notetho●i● of Suidas.  Egypt unto him, he left yet a strong garrison behind at Pelusium: and well he knew, that he held still the frontier towns as the very keys of Egypt, to the end that he might with an army enter & invade again, whensoever he would. And thus he conceived of it, that this would be the issue of the civil and domestical war between brethrens, That the victor wearied with war, should not be able to make head against Antiochus. These things wisely forecast and seen by the elder brother, were received with assent of the younger and those that were assistant about him: and the sister between stood in very good stead, not by her good advice and counsel only, but also by her effectual prayers. And therefore by a general accord of all, a peace was concluded, and the elder Ptolomaus received into Alexandria, without any gain saying or resistance at all so much as of the very multitude; notwithstanding that during the war they were much decayed and weakened (not only by the siege, but also after it was raised & the army gone from Alexandria) for want of all things, by reason that no provisions were brought thither from out of Egypt. Now, where as Antiochus should have taken great contentment & rejoiced much for this, in case he had brought his forces into Egypt for to restore Ptolomeus into his own estate (which was the goodly pretence and colourable show that he made to all the States of Asia and Greece, when he received their embassages, or sent forth his letters into all parts) so it fell out, that he was so highly offended and displeased here at, that he went in hand and prepared to make war now against them both much more eagerly and with greater malice than before against one alone. Presently he rigged & sent out his navy at sea to Cyprus; himself in person at the beginning of the spring minding to invade Egypt, marched forward with his army as far as into Coele-Syria. The ambassadors of Ptolomeus encountered him in his journey about 
* 〈◊〉  Rhinocolora, and gave him thanks in behalf of their K. and master, for that by his means he had recovered the inheritance of his father's kingdom: requesting with all to maintain that benefit & good deed of his, to declare rather by word of mouth what he would have done, than deal by sword in hand and force of arms, and not of a friend and ally to become a mortal enemy. His answer was, that he would neither call back his fleet nor withdraw his army upon any condition, unless he quit unto his use as well the whole Isle of Cyprus, as the city 
* Belbais.  Pelusium, together with the territory about the mouth of Nilus, called 
* Carabes.  Pelusiacuni Ostium. And therewith he set him down a day, before which he expected to receive his answer as touching the accomplishment of the said conditions. After the day prefixed for the truce was past, as they sailed in the mouth of Nilus near Pelusium, the states along the deserts of Arabia yielded. Then, being received of them that inhabit about Memphis, & the rest of the Egyptians, partly with favour & good will, & partly for fear & constraint; by small journeys he descended toward Alexandria. When he was passed over the river at Leusine (a place about 4 miles distant from Alexandria) the Roman ambassadors met him upon the way. After greetings and salutations at their first coming, he put forth his right hand to Popilius; but he delivered unto him a scroll written, and willed him before he did any thing else to read that script. After he had red the writing through, he answered that he would devise with his friends & consider what was best to be done. But Popilius according to his ordinary blunt manner of speech which he had by nature, made a circle about the king with the rod that he had in his hand, and withal, Make me an answer (quoth he) I advise you, such as I may report to the Senate, before you pass the compass of this circle. The king astonished at this so rude & violent a commande-iment, after he had stayed & paused a while: I will be content (qd. he) to do whatsoever the Sena shall ordain. Then and not before, Popilius gave the king his hand as to a friend and ally. Afterwards when Antiochus was departed out of Egypt by the day prefixed, the said Ambassadors or delegates having by their authority established concord also between the two brethrens (who as yet were not thoroughly agreed) some of them sailed to Cyprus, and from thence they sent away the fleet of Antiochus, which already had given an overthrow in battle to the Egyptian ships. This was a noble embassage and much renowned among those nations, for that thereby Egypt was undoubtedly taken from Antiochus, who was as good as possessed thereof already, and the inheritance of the kingdom restored again to the race of Ptolomeus.  
Of the two Consuls that year, like as the one was famous in his place by this notable victory, so the other was little or nothing spoken of, by reason he had not matter of any great exploit to be employed in. And first of all when he was assigned a certain day for the legions to meet, he entered into the temple without the lucky approbation of the auspexes. And when the Augurs were moved & their advice required therein, they declared, that there was an error committed in the appointment of the said day. In his voyage for France he kept his standing leaguer for the summer time about the mountains Sicimina and Papinus near the plains called 
* Valle di Mentirone.  Macri. And afterwards he wintered about the same places with the allies of the Latin nation. For, the Roman legions because the day was not rightly appointed for the assembly of the forces at the Rendezvous, remained behind at Rome. Also the Praetors, save only C. Papyr. Carbo, unto whose lot Sardinia was fallen, went forth into their provinces: & him the LL. of the Senate had ordained to attend upon his civil jurisdiction at Rome between citizens & foreigners (for by lot that charge also he had.) Popilius likewise, & that embassage which was sent to Antiochus returned to Rome: where he made relation that the controversies between the two kings were decided, & the army of Antiochus retired out of Egypt into Syria. After this came the ambassadors also of the kings themselves. Those of Antiochus made report that the king their master esteemed more of the peace approved by the Senate, than of any victory whatsoever; and obeyed the orders set down by the Roman ambassadors, no less than the very messengers coming with commandments directly from the gods: and finally they testified their own contentment, and wished them great joy of their victory obtained, saying that the king himself would have been with all his power at the achieving thereof, in case he had been enjoined to perform any service. The ambassadors of Ptolomeus in the name jointly of their king & of Cleopatra, rendered thanks unto them, acknowledging themselves more bounden and beholden to the Senate and people of Rome, than to their own parents, yea and more than to the immortal gods; for by their good means they were first delivered from the most lamentable miseries of a siege, and had recovered their father's kingdom, which they were at the point to have lost forever. The Senate returned this answer again, That whereas Antiochus had been ruled and ordered by the ambassadors, therein he did well and as it beseemed him, and in so doing he highly contended and pleased the Senate and people of Rome. Again, if Ptolomeus and Cleopatra the king and queen of Egypt, had found any goodness and commodity by them, the Senate was very glad therefore and rejoiced thereat, and would endeavour and work it so, that they mought be persuaded that the greatest assurance and safeguard of their realm rested at all times most in the faithful protection of the people of Rome. This said, the praetor C. Papyrius had in charge to see that presents and gifts were sent to these ambassadors according to the ancient custom. Then were letters brought out of Macedon to redouble the joy of the victory, importing that Perseus was sure enough in the hands of the Consul.  
When those ambassadors were dismissed and gone, much debate and argument there was between the Ambassadors of the Pisanes and Lunenses. They of Pisae complained that they were dizseized and driven out of their territory by the Roman coloners: chose those of Luna plainly avetred, that the land in controversy had been set out & assigned for them by the Triumvirs. The Senate hereupon sent five men as commissioners to make inquisition into the limits of the said territory and to determine accordingly, and those were Q. Fabius Baleo, P. Cornelius Blasio, T. Sempronius Musea, L. Naevius Balbus, & C. Apultius Saturninus. There came likewise a solemn embassage sent in common from Eumenes, Alsalus, and Athenaesus, all three brethren, to notify the joy and contentment which they took for the Romans victory. Moreover L. Menlius the treasure was ready at Puteoli to receive and welcome Masgaba the son of king Masanissa, as he should disbarke and set a land: for sent he was of purpose with money to meet him upon the way, to conduct him also and bring him to Rome at the cities charges. He was no sooner come, but immediately audience was given him in the Senate. This young prince spoke in such sort, as the things which of themselves were acceptable enough indeed, he graced & made more worthy of acceptance by his good words. He rehearsed what forces of foot & horse both, how many elephants, what quantity of come for that four years space (during the war) his father had sent over into Macedon. But two things there were for which he was dismayed and could not choose but blush: the one, that the Senate by their ambassadors had made request unto him, & not commanded rather to furnish them with necessaries for the war: the other, that they had sent them money to pay for their corn. For Masanissa was not forgetful, but bore well in mind, that he held his kingdom as first conquered for him, afterwards augmented and amplified many ways unto him by the people of Rome: and for his own part, he could content himself with the use and occupation thereof, as a tenant in fee-serme; acknowledging the propriety and possession thereof to be in them who as lords of the see feossed him therein. Good reason therefore and meet it was that they also should be bold with their own, to take and not to ask, to have and not to crave, much less than to buy the commodities and fruits yssuing out of the lands by them demised given and granted. As for Masanissa, sufficed he was, and evermore would rest contented with that overplus which the people of Rome might leave & spare for him. Thus much (quoth he) I had in charge and commission from my fathers own mouth, when I departed and took my leave of him: but afterwards certain horsemen riding post overtook me, to let me understand that Macedon was subdued; and to charge me, that after I had signified our joy in your behalf, I should show unto the Senate, that my father took such contentment therein, that he would gladly come to Rome, to offer sacrifice and render thanks to jup. oped. Max. in the capitol: which to do he requested leave of the Senate, so it might stand with their good liking, and be no trouble unto them. The prince received this answer from the Senate, That his father Masanissa did as beseemed a good man and thankful person so to do, in giving such a grace & honour over & above, to benefit of duty required. Moreover, that the people of Rome acknowledged how they had received great help at his hands in the Punic war by his valiant and loyal service, as well as he obtained his kingdom through the favour of the people of Rome, yea and afterwards according to equity and justice, had borne himself right worthily in all sort of devoirs and duties during the wars of three kings one after another. Neither was it any marvel at all, that he rejoiced at the victory of the people of Rome, being a king who had engaged, hazarded, and entangled all his own fortunes and the whole estate of his kingdom with the Roman affairs. As for rendering thanks to the gods for the victory of the people of Rome, let him do that himself in his own house at home; for it should sulfice, that his son for him performed that duty at Rome. That he and his father both had sufficiently for their parts testified their joy. As for Masanissa, in proper person to leave his realine and depart out of Africa, over and besides that it was in no wise profitable to himself, the Senate deemed it not expedient for the weale-publicke of the people of Rome. Masgaba furthermore requested, that Hanno the son of Amilcar should be sent hostage in place of another Carthaginian (whose name is not known;) but the Senate answered, That they thought it not meet to demand hostages at the pleasure of Masanissa. The treasurer was commanded by order from the Senate, to buy certain presents for to bestow upon this young prince, namely, as much place as might arise out of an hundred pound weight of silver: also to accompany him as far as Puteoli; to defry all his charges during his abode within Italy; and to hire two ships for to transport and conduct him and his princely train into afric. To all his retinue as well bondas free, there was allowance made of apparel.  
Not long after, were letters brought as concerning Misagenes the second son of Masanissa; who after that Paulu had vanquished Perseus, was sent home by the said Paulus into afric with his cavalry: but as he sailed, was driven (sick as he was) upon Brundisium with three ships only, for that the rest of the fleet was dispersed in the adriatic sea. Stertinius the treasurer was sent to him at Brundisium, with the like guilts as were bestowed upon his brother at Rome, and a charge to see to his lodging. *********  
By virtue of an act granted out of the Senate, the Libertines [t. the sons of freed men] were enroled into the four tribes of the city, all save those who had a son above five years old; with express commandment, That when they were to be enroled at the review next ensuing, their goods also should be valued, and they accordingly entered into the subsidy books; namely, That as many of them as possessed any manor or manors in the country, esteemed better worth than thirty thousand Sesterces, should be enroled and assessed. This ordinance being thus observed, Claudius denied flatly, that the Censor had authority to 
* 〈…〉.  to take from any particular person, and much less from a whole state and degree of men, the right and liberty of suffrages, without the warrant and ordinance of the people: for say, that he have power to casse a man out of his tribe, (which is nothing else but to command him to change his tribe) it followeth not then, that he may dispossess and displace him out of all the five and thirty tribes, which is as much as to strike him out of the number of citizens, and deprive him quite of his freedom and bargeoisie: and is not (I say) to limit and set down in what range he shall be enroled, but to exclude him full and wholly out of all enrolment. This dispute and debate passed between them; until at last they grew to this point, that of the four city tribes, they should cast lots openly in the hall of cloister of Libertas for one tribe, in which all they should be registered and comprised, who had been villains sometimes and were enfranchised. Now this lot fell to the tribe Exquilunea. Then Tib. Gracchus pronounced, That ordained it was to enrol in it all the libertines. Great honour and reputation with the Senate gained the Censors by this act: Sen. pronius likewise won much thanks therefore, because he had persisted constantly in that good enterprise so well commenced: and Claudius went not without his due thank, for that he was no hindrance to this proceeding. In this review and survey taken by the Censors, more Senators were removed and put out of the council, yea and more gentlemen commanded to sell their horses of service, than by other Censors in former time. And all those by both of them jointly were not only displaced out of their tribes, & made no better than Aerarij (i. to lose their voice) but also to pay all taxes whatsoever to the utmost. And look who was noted and disgraced by the one, had no relief nor hope to recover his credit and place by the other, Now when these Censors demanded, That according toa custom and order, they might be allowed a years space and two months, to look into the repartions of the public edifices, that they were maintained wind-right and water-tight; as also to see whether they who had undertaken to finish certain works at a price, had performed their bargain accordingly: Cn. Tremelius a Tribune interposed himself and denied this demand, for anger that he was not chosen and taken into the Senat. The same year C. Cicertius dedicated a chapel in the Alban mount, which he had vowed five years before. Also that year was L. Posthumius Albinus installed a Flamine of Mars. The Consuls Q. Aetus and M. junius propounded in the Senate, as touching the government of their provinces: and the LL. ordained, That Spain should be divided again into two provinces, which had been united in one during the Macedonian war: also that the same L. Paulus and L. Anictus should defend and keep in obedience as before, Macedon and Illyricum, until such time as they by the advice of certain deputed commissioners, had both composed all matters and affairs disordered and troubled by the wars; and also reform the estate of that realm, by inducing it into a new form. The provinces assigned unto the Consuls were Pisae and Gaul, and they had the command of two legions of footmen, and four hundred horsemen apiece. The Pretours had their lots for government as followeth: The civil jurisdiction over citizens fell to Q. Casius, and over strangers to M. Invencius Talva: Tib. Claudius Nero was L. deputy of Sicily, Cn. Fulvius of the hither Spain, and C. Licinius Nerva of the father: last of all, A. Manlius Torquatus was appointed to the government of Sardinia; but into his province he could not go, by occasion that he was detained at home by virtue of an act of the Senate, to make inquisition into certain felonious and capital crimes. After this, consultation there was in the Senate as touching the prodigies which were reported. The chapel of the Penates (protectors of the city) in Velia was smitten with thunder and lightning. Also in the town Minervium, two gates and a good part of the wall felt the like harm. At Anagnia it had reigned earth, and in Lanuvium there appeared in the sky a burning flame. Moreover, M. Valerius a citizen of Rome gave knowledge, that in Calatia within the public territory of that city, for the space of three days and two nights together, blood gushed out in his chimney hearth where he kept fire: and for this strange sight above all the rest, the Decemvirs were commanded to have recourse unto the books of Sibylla: who proclaimed a public supplication of the people for one day, and sacrificed fifty goats in the common market place of the city. Also in regard of the other prodigies, a supplication was holden another day, and men did their devotions at every altar of the gods; greater beasts were killed for sacrifices, and the city was solemnly cleansed and purged. This done, as touching the honour of the immortal gods, the Senate ordained, that for as much as the two kings Perseus and Gentius their enemies were overcome, & now at the devotion of the people of Rome, together with Macedon and Illyricum, Q. Cassius and M. Inventius the Pretours should give order for as great oblations to be offered unto the gods at every shrine and altar, as had been heretofore (when App. Claudius and M. Sempronius were Consuls) for the defeature of king Antiochus. Then they ordained certain delegates, by whose advice L. Paulus and L. Anticius the two Generals, might set all affairs in order, namely, ten into Macedon, and five into Illyricum. For Macedon were nominated A. Posthumius Luseus and C. Claudius, (who both had been censors) C. Licenius Crasius, late companion to Paulus in the Consulship, and who at that present had the government of Gaul continued unto him. To these delegates abovenamed, men of Consular dignity all by their calling, were adjoined in commission Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, Ser. Cornelius Sylla, L. lunius, C. Antislius Labeo, T. Numisius Tarquiniensis, and Aulus Terentius Varro. For Illyricum were these named, P. Aelius Ligus, one that had been Consul, C. Cicereius and Cn. Baebius Tamphilus (this Baebius had been praetor but the former year, and Cicereius many years past) P. Terentius Tuscivicanus, and P. Manilius. Then the Consuls being advertised by the LL. of the Senate, that (for as much as one of them must succeed C. Lisinius in Gaul, who was nominated one of the delegates) they should part their provinces between them either by accord and agreement, or by lot make choice of the fortune of lottery. So Pisae fell to M. junius (but before he went into his province, he had in charge to bring into the Senate, those embassies which from all parts were come to Rome for to declare their joy in the behalf of the people of Rome) and Gaul to Q. Aelius.  
Albeit such personages were sent, as by whose sage counsel good hope there was, that the cheese commanders of the Roman armies would pass no decree unbeseeming either the clemency or majesty of the people of Rome, yet debated it was in the Senate about the sum and principal points of all their counsels and designs; to the end that the said Legates might carry unto the Generals all things plotted already and begun to their hands at home in the city. In the first place ordained it was, That the Macedonians and Illyrians remain free and enjoy their liberties, that all nations of the earth might see, that the drift of the Roman armies and forces was not to bring free states into servitude, but chose to reduce those that were in bondage to to liberty, to the end that those nations which now enjoined freedom, might be secured under their safeguard and protection both of surety & of perpetuity, & such as lived in subjection under the kings, ●ight both mor the present time find their government more and mild and righteous, for that expect which the kings have of the people of Rome; and also, if it fortuned hereafter that there should be war between the people of Rome and their kings, they might be assured that the issue of those wars would bring victory to the Romans, and procure liberty to themselves. Also agreed it was that there should be no more ferming out of the metal mines in Macedon albeit they yielded a great revenue; nor yet of public lands & possessions in the country: for possible it was not that these matters should be practised and followed without publicans; and where those intermeddle and have aught to do, than it must needs follow, that either the public right and prerogative of the State be annulled, or the liberty of allies come to nothing. Neither were the Macedonians themselves able to exercise the same: for look where the minister's and managers of any thing see a booty presented before their eyes, there, occasions of sedition and contention will never be wanting. Moreover, concluded it was, that there should be no common and general counsel of the whole nation, for fear least at anytime the lewd vulgar people having by the Senate liberty granted unto them tending unto a good and wholesome moderation and equality of the State, should abuse the same and draw it to a mischievous and pestilent licentiousness. But they thought it good policy to divide Macedon into four quarters and countries, that each one might have their several counsel: likewise it was supposed to stand with good reason and equity, that they should pay the one moiety of that tribute which they were wont to yield unto their KK. Semblable commission and like directions they had for Illyricum. As for all other matters, referred they were to the discretion of the Generals and the Delegate commissioners, who might be better able to devise more certainly of particulars, according to the occurrents presented unto them in the managing of their affairs.  
Among many and sundry ambassadors of kings, nations, and states, Attalus the brother of K. Eumenes most of all others amused men's minds, and drew their eyes upon him: for by them who had born arms together with him in that war, welcomed he was much more heartily, and received with greater courtesy than if Eumenes the K. himself had come. Two occasions there were outwardly pretended, and those carrying a good show of honesty & credit, which brought him to Rome: the one, a gratulation or testimony of joy (as meet it was) for that victory, wherein himself lent his helping hand; the other, a complaint of French tumultuous wars and the blondie hostility of Adverta their king, by which means his brother's kingdom was in great jeopardy. But there lay another thing hidden underneath, namely, an inward and secret hope that he conceived of honours and rewards from the Senate, which hardly he could seem to aim and reach unto, without some unkindness and violence offered to brotherly duty and affection. For some there were even of the Romans also, who did him no good but gave him bad counsel, drew on his appetite with fair hopes, and set him a longing, feeding him with these and such like conceits, That in Rome this was the opinion entertained of Attalus and Eumenes, as if the one of them were a friend fast and sure to the Romans; the other an ally, sound and faithful neither to the Romans nor yet to Perseus: and therefore hard it were to set down and say, Whether of the twain would be more easily obtained at the Senate's hands, namely, a suit made in his own name for his preferment, or a demand of some hard course against his brother: so bent were all men in general to grant any thing to Attalus, & to deny every thing to Eumenes. Attalus (as the sequel and proofeshewed) was sib to those persons whose desires reach at all that hope promiseth, had not the sage admonition of one friend come between to bridle his affections, ravished and transported so as they were with the amiable aspect and fawning flattery of his own good fortune. He had about him at that time one Stratius a physician, sent by Eumenes (who rested not secure of his brother's loyalty) to Rome, of purpose for to lie in espial & observe all that Attalus did and to advise him faithfully, if he saw him tread awry and practise aught against his duty and allegiance. When he came unto him, he found his cares already possessed, and his spirit tempted and solicited before hand: howbeit taking his times and waiting opportunities, he went roundly to work and stuck to it close, until he had set all up again which was at the point to run on end, and fall to the ground. He alleged and laid these remonstrances before his eyes, saying, That kingdoms have grown mighty, some by one means, some by others: but as for theirs, being but newly erected, and grounded upon no strength of ancient foundations, it stood upright only by the mutual concord of him & his brethrens, in that one of them beareth the name and title of king, wearing the diedeme & crown alone upon his head, but in effect all three brethrens be KK. As for you Attalus (qd. he) who are the eldest brother save one, who is it that reputeth you for less than a king, not only for that he seeth you so mighty at this present, but also the next heir apparent, & without all doubt like shortly to reign indeed? considering the feeble body & crazy age of Eumenes, who hath besides, no issue of children to succeed him in the royal throne? (for as yet he took no knowledge of him that reigned afterwards). What need then is there to use violence, & to force that which of the one accord will shortly be devolved upon you and fall into your hands? Moreover a new tempest & storm is risen of French wars, threating peril unto the realm, which it will be hard for you princes to withstand, agree as well as you can in all brotherly love unity and concord. But if to foreign war abroad, there should arise a domestical and civil dissension between you at home, what remedy then, but utter ruin and destruction? Neither shall you (Attalus) purchase any good but this, first to prevent that your brother be not king; & then to disable & disappoint yourself of that near & assured hope you have to be K. But say, that to preserve a kingdom for a brother, & to wrest a kingdom from a brother, were honourable and glorious deeds both the one and the other; yet surely, of the twain, to have saved a kingdom deserveth greater commendation and praise, in that if fort so well with piety and kindness. And certes, seeing the other is a cursed and detestable part, even next neighbour to parricide; what scruple and doubt remaineth now which needeth any farther deliberation? For tell me, I beseech you, is it one parcel of the kingdom that you reach at, or shoot you at the whole? If you aim at a part only, then upon the dismembering and distraction of your puissance, you shall be both twain much weakened and exposed to the danger of all injuries: if you would have all, what shall become of your brother? Would you wish him being your elder, to live a private person? or so far stepped in years as he is, a banished man; and namely with those infirmities of body which he carrieth about him? or would you command to take his life away and rid him out this world at once? Now truly to say nothing of the unhappy & miserable issue of such graceless and wicked brethren, delivered unto us in feigned fables, you see what a goodly fair end Perseus is come unto, who being in the temple of Samothracia, was constrained lying prostrate upon the ground; to base at the feet of the enemy his conqueror, the crown and diadem which he came unjustly by, even with the unnatural murder of his own brother: as if the gods in heaven had been there present, to require due punishment for his horrible fact. To conclude, they also themselves, who is no friendly love & affection to you, but in rancour & hatred to your brother Eumenes, have put these designs into your head, & prick you on to execute the same; even they, I say, will praise your kindness, your piety and constancy, in case you persever true & trusty to your brother, to the very end. These and such like important persuasions prevailed with Attalus and settled deeply in his mind. Therefore being admitted into the Senate, after he had wished joy unto them, and protested his own for the late victory, he laid abroad and declared his own demerits and good service in that war, the favours also (such as they were) done by his brother, and last of all, the revolt of the Gauls, lately broken out with great troubles and commotions. His petition to the Senate was, for to send their ambassadors unto them, by whose countenance and authority they might be reclaimed, and so lay arms aside. Having declared this message which concerned the profit in general of the realm; he made a special suit for himself, and demanded to have Aenus and Maronea given unto him. And thus, when he had put them besides their hope, who thought verily, that after he had accused his brother, he would have required the kingdom to be divided piecemeal and dismembered, he departed out of the Counsel house. Seldom had been known at anytime before any man whatsoever, king or subsubject, to have had the like audience with so great favour and applause of all men, as he: received and entertained he was right honourably with gifts and presents of all sorts whiles he was at Rome, and with the like they accompanied him at his departure.  
Among many embassies of Asia and Greece, the Rhodian ambassadors were most marked and looked upon throughout all the city: for whereas at first they were all trim & goodly to be seen in their white & bright apparel, as decent it was for them that would seem to congratulate for the victory (for if they had worn black or been poorly arrayed, it might have been construed, that they mourned for the misfortune and calamity of Perseus) after that M. junius the Consul broke with the LL. of the Senate (and all that while the said ambassadors stood without in the common place Comitium) to consider and advise, whither they would allow lodging, presents, and give audience in the Senate unto them: they resolved & were of opinion to observe no rights nor customs of hospitality with them. Then went the Consul out of the Senate: unto whom when the Rhodians said that they were come to rejoice in their behalf for the late victory, and withal, to answer in the name of their city to certain crimes wherewith they were charged, requesting that they might speak before the Senate and be heard with indifference: the Consul pronounced aloud unto them, That the custom indeed of the Romans was, to entreat their allies & friends graciously, & among other matters of courtresie & hospitality which they afforded unto them, to grant them also a day of hearing in the Senate; but the Rhodians had not demeaned themselves during the war, in such sort, as to be reckoned in the number of lovers & associates. At the hearing of these words they cast themselves all prostrate on the ground, beseeching the Consul and all those that were present, not to suffer that false imputations of late furmised should against all reason prejudice the Rhodians more, than their good deserts of old (whereof themselves were sufficient witnesses) stand them in stead. And presently after they had put on simple apparel and mourning weeds, they went about from house to house visiting the principal persons of the city, humbly beseeching them with tears, to hear their cause before they were condemned. M. Inventius Talva the praetor or L. chief justice for the pleas between citizens and strangers, was the only agent that provoked and incited the people against the Rhodians: nay he had promulged and published a bill to this effect, That war might be denounced against the Rhodians; also, that out of the magistrates for that year they would make choice of some one to be sent as Admiral with a fleet ●or the managing of that war: hoping that himself should be the man. But this action and proceeding of his was crossed by M. Antonius and M. Pomponius, two Tribunes of the commons. Over and besides, the praetor, to say a truth, had broached this matter after a new and strange fashion, & to the evil example of future times, in that he preferred a bill unto the people of his own head alone, without ask the advice of the Senate, or making the Consuls acquainted therewith: and that in this manner and form, Pleaseth it you, and is it your will, that war be proclaimed against the Rhodians? whereas always beforetime, in question of war, the senates advice was first taken, and then the thing was proposed unto the people. Likewise the Tribunes of the commons for their part, did more than they might, and a thing not warrantable by any precedent. For it was a custom & tradition observed ever of old, that no person should interpose his negative to cross any bill, before that private men in particular had their course and time granted, both to persuade ordissuade the same: by which means many a time it fell out, that even they who never professed nor meant to oppose themselves, being moved and induced by the reasons of those that stood up to dissuade, and perceiving also by them the inconveniences of such a bill, would step between and dashall: yea and chose such as came of purpose to cross and nip the same, being convinced by the authority and borne down by the important arguments alleged by those that enforced the said bill, would desist and surcease. Thus the Pretours and Tribunes strove a-vie who should do everything more unseasonably than others. The Tribunes impeached and stayed the hastiness of the praetor, interposing their negative before the time, and deferring the matter until the coming of the L. General. **********  
Whither we have transgressed and offended yea or no, that yet remaineth doubtful: but sure we are of this, 
* The beginning of this Oration of the Rhodians is the LL. of the Senate i● 〈◊〉.  that we suffer all punishments and shameful ignominies already that can be devised. Heretofore, when the Carthaginians were vanquished, when Philip, when Antiochus was overthrown, we came to Rome: from our public lodging provided for us at the charges of the city, we presented ourselves (my LL.) into your Counsel-house, to testify our great contentment for your conquests: from the Counsel-house we went directly to the capitol, carrying with us presents and oblations to the honour of your gods. But now we the same Rhodians are come unto your Senate clothed in this poor habit and array, as you see, from out of a base hostelry and common inn, where hardly we could have lodging for our money; being commanded in manner of enemies to make our abode without the city walls: we Rhodians (I say) whom but lately ye feoffed with the grant of two provinces, Lycia and Cyria, & whom ye graced with all kind of honours, and enriched with all manner of gifts and rewards. You ordain as we hear say, that the Macedonians and Illyrians should live free, notwithstanding they were in servitude before they levied war against you. Neither speak we this in envy and repine for any man's welfare and good estate; nay we acknowledge therein the rare clemency of the people of Rome:) and will ye then make the Rhodians of friends, enemies, who during this war did no more but sit and meddle with neither part? Now surely ye Romans are the men that pretend and give out ordinarily, that your wars have good success and speed well, because they be just and righteous: neither do you glory so much in the event and issue thereof, whereby ye are revengers and conquerors, as for the beginning and first enterprises, in that ye undertake them not without good cause. The besieging of Messana in Sicily by the Carthaginians, was the cause that the people of Rome reputed them enemies. The assailing of Athens by Philip, his intent and purpose to bring Greece into servitude, his relieving of Hannibal with men and money, caused him likewise to be holden for their enemy. Thus Antiochus brought upon his own head the Roman war, for that he being solicited by theAetolians your enemies came willingly out of Asia, and with a fleet sailed over to Greece: and when he had seized upon Demetrias, Chalcis, and the straits of Thermopylae, went about to dispossess you of the empire. And last of all, Perseus by levying arms against your allies, by killing some of their petty kings and princes, by murdering other chief personages of sundry nations and cities, gave you just occasions to make war upon him. But what colourable cause can there be pretended of our calamity, if needs we must miscarry and perish? All this while I make no difference between our cities case and that of Polyaratus and Dion our citizens, even those persons whom we have brought to deliver into your hand. For suppose that the cause were all one, and that we Rhodians were all faulty and culpable alike, what might that crime be for which we are touched in this war? We favoured Perseus and that side (you will say) and like as in the war of Antiochus and Philip, we stood with you against those kings, so now we took part with the K. against you. Was that all? well, In what sort we are wont to aid our associates, and how lustily to enterprise wars, do but ask of C. Livius and L. Aemylius Regillus, the Admirals of your fleets in Asia. Your ships never fought at sea without us; yet we with our own Armada alone fought a battle once before Samos, & a second time in Pamphylia against General Hannibal: which victory the thieved was unto us by so much more honourable and glorious, for that after we had in an unfortunate fight near Samos lost many of our ships and the very choice and flower of our youth, we nothing terrified and dismayed with so great an overthrow, durst turn again to make head, yea and were so hardy as to encounter the kings royal navy coming out of Syria. And all this have I related not by way of boast and to glorify ourselves (for we are not now in case to s tanned upon those rearmes) but to give you a r●t by the way and put you in mind, in what manner the Rhodians have used evermore to succour their confederates. And for the better proof thereof, after the deffeature, of Philip and Antiochus we received at your hands right great rewards & recompense for our service. In case the fortune of Perseus had been so happy as yours is at this present (praised be the gods for their grace and goodness, and thanked be your own valour with all) & we had come into Macedon to the king upon his victory to require and demand rewards, what could we allege therefore? Might we say that he had been maintained by our money, or relieved with our corn? with land forces, or strength at sea? Was there any place by us kept and held with a garrison for his use? were we able to tell where we fought, either under the conduct of his captains or upon our own leading and direction? If haply he should demand in what quarter's our soldiers kept? i n what coast our ships lay in guard for his defence, what could we answer? Per adventure we might plead our cause and excuse ourselves in the presence of him, supposed conqueror, like as we now do before you here in place. For by sending our ambassadors to & fro unto you was well as to him about a treaty of peace, this is all the good we have gotten, that in stead of winning the love and favour of both parts, we incur the heavy displeasure of the one; being thus charged with crimes and wrapped in dangers. And yet my good LL. and honourable Senators of Rome, Perseus might truly object that to us, which you in no wise can, namely, that we in the beginning of the war sent ambassadors to you making promise in our name of whatsoever was needful thereunto; also that we would be ready at all assays to furnish you with ships strongly rigged, and with our youth well appointed, like as in the wars aforetime. That we performed not these promises of ours, you only were the let & hindrance, who (whatsoever the cause was) refused our offered service, & rejected all our succours. Well then, neither have we attempted aught as enemies, not failed in the duty of good friends & allies: but impeached have we been by you for effecting that which we intended, How now? may some man say; Hath there been nothing done or said in your city (o ye Rhodians) that you wish unsaid or undone, and whereat the people of Rome may justly take exceptions and be offended with you for it? Undertake to justify and make good whatsoever hath been done, I will not, neither have I so little wit I trow; but sever I will the public cause of the whole state, from the private offences committed by particular persons: for no city is there under the sun, but may otherwhiles have lewd and naughty citizens some or other, and evermore a rude and fortieth multitude. I have heard say, that even amongst you here at Rome, some have sought to advance and set themselves aloft by currying favour and flattering the common people and that the time was, when the commons rose and departed from among you, so as the rule of the commonweal and people of Rome was out of your hands, as in a very Anarchy. If such a thing as this might chance in this your city (so well qualified and ordered as it is) how can any man make a wonder, that among us there have been some, who (affecting and seeking for the amity and friendship of the king) might haply corrupt and seduce our commons with their naughty counsel? And yet when all is said, they prevailed no more than thus, that we sat still and failed in doing our devoir to you: for I will not overpass in this place the greatest and most grievous crime of all other wherewith our city is charged during this war, and that is this, At one and the same time we sent ambassadors both to you and Perseus about a peace. This designment so untoward and unlucky as it was, a furious and brainsick orator and stagent of ours (as afterwards we understood) handled as foolishly: who (as it is for certain known) framed his language in that manner, as if he had been C. Popilius the Roman ambassador, whom ye sent to the two KK. Antiochus and Ptolomaeus, to warn them both to lay down arms and for cease war. But that behaviour of his, (call it what you will, either pride of folly) was no worse before you than it was to K. Perseus. Every city hath their conditions and qualities by themselves, like as particular and several persons: and semblably it is in whole nations; some are resty and choleric, bold and audacious; others again be fearful and timorous: some are given to wine and drunkenness, others to women and wantonness. The people of Athens (by report) are too hasty, hot, and forward to enterprise anything even beyond their power. The Lacedæmonians again, be as slow and backward, casting many doubts and difficulties to enter upon the very things which they are assured of. I cannot deny, but that all the country of Asia in general breedeth many a mad brain and vain spirit: and I will not say, but that our people are jolly fellows of their tongue and can speak big, for that we seem (among other cities and states bordering upon us) to excel and surpass; and that not so much in the confidence we have of our own forces, as for the honourableregard ye have had of us, and the great testimonies and judgements ye have given out, of us. But that foolish embassage of ours even then at the very time had punishment sufficient, being sent away (as it was) with so heavy and answer of yours: and if we were not then disgraced and shamed enough, now surely this present embassage so humble and pitiful, were able to make full satisfaction for a more insolent embassy than it was. All pride (and arrogancy of words especially) choleric persons indeed hate, wise men deride, and namely from an inferior to his better; but no man ever judged it a mortal sin and worthy of death: many here was all the danger, lest haply the Rhodians might seem thereby to despise the Romans. How then? be there not some also that cannot rule their tongue, but will be railing and uttering blasphemous words against the gods; yet we never heard of any that have ●●en therefore smitten dead with a thunderbolt. What remaineth then for us wherein we should ●urge andcleere ourselves, if we neither can be charged in fact with hostility; and if our ambassador hath used some proud and presumptuous words more than become him, which deserve not the total ruin of our city, but some sharp checks and hard rebukes on both sides of our ears? But I hear (my good LL.) that in your ordinary talk among yourselves when ye are together, we are censured for our inward affection only, and secret thoughts, and condemned no less than for some deed, namely, That in heart we favoured the king, and wished him rather than you to obtain the victory; and therefore they deem us worthy to be persecuted with fire and sword. Some there be again of you, who think verily that thus indeed we stood affected, howbeit they would not have us for it to be warred upon as enemies; for that is standeth not with the custom or law of any city in the world, That if a man wish a mischief to his enemy, he should be straightways condemned therefore to die, so long as he hath no 't entered into any action tending thereto. And verily these men we have to thank, who free and quits us yet from punishment, although they clear us not of guilt: howbeit this sentence we passed against our ownselves, That if it can be proved, that were all of us so minded and disposed in affection as we are burdened, (for content we are that all go under one, heart and hand, will and deed, without distinction) then let us all be punished for it and feel the smart. But if of the great men and chief among us, some affected you, and others the king; we require not, that for the love of us who sided with you, the king's supposts should far the better and escape clear; but we request and beseech rather, that for their sakes we perish not and be quite undone. And certes, your own selves are not worse affected and more set against them, than our very city is: which they knowing well enough, most of them either fled away, or else killed themselves: others of them (such as we have condemned and passed judgement against) shall be at your pleasure (my LL.) to do with them what you will. All the rest of us Rhodians, as thanks we have merited none in this war, so we have deserved as little punishem enter. Lay the over-deale and surplusage of our former good deeds and demerits to this want to duty now, and let the heap of the one make up the scant measure of the other. With three kings of late years ye have maintained war; let not our slackness and sitting still in this one, endamage and hurt us more, than our devoir and employment in the other twain may seem to satisfy and countervail. Set Philip, Antiochus, and Perseus, for three verdicts and sentences as it were passed upon us: two of them acquit us clear; the third is doubtful whither it will go against us or no. In deed if they themselves were to sit upon us, we should not doubt be cast and condemned: but you (my good LL.) that are our competent judges, determine now at once, Whether there shall be a city of Rhodes remaining upon the face of the earth, or be razed utterly and destroyed from the very foundation for ever: for you are not to debate in council about making war upon us: which well you may begin and go in hand with at your pleasure; but follow and manage you never shall, because there is not a Rhodian that will take arms and come into the field against you. Will you not be pacified but persist still in your choler and anger? then will we crave at your hands some respite of time, whiles we may go home & report there how we have sped in this lamentable embassage of ours. And then, all of us in Rhodes franke-borne and of free condition, every one, I say, man and woman, with all our havoir and substance will embark ourselves: forsake we will our private houses and public edifices; and to Rome strait will we all come: and when we have laid on heaps here in your common hall, and at the porch and entry of your council-house, whatsoever gold and silver we have either in private purse or common chest: commit we will to your devotion and mercy our own persons, together with the bodies of our wives and children: and never will we go further, but even here in this place will we suffer and abide that, which we have to undergo and endure. Let our city then be sacked, rifled and burned, so it be far enough out of our eye that we see it not. The Romans may (if it please them) judge the Rhodians enemies; yet you will give us leave to pass in some sort a doom of our own, That we in our consciences never condemned ourselves for such, nor ever will enter in any hostile action against you, come what will, even the utmost extremity that can be suffered. After their oration in this manner uttered, they fell down again all prostrate, and as humble suppliants eftsoons put forth and shook their branches of the olive, until at length they were raised up on their feet, and so departed out of the Senat. Then began the LL. within, to give their opinion; and pass their sentences of them. The heaviest enemies and most maliciously bend against the Rhodians, were those, who had conducted the war of Macedon, as Consuls, Pretours, or lieutenants: but M. Persius Cato was their only patron that stood to them and supported their cause right earnestly; a man otherwise by nature sour and severe, but as then he showed himself a mild and gracious Senator. I will not insert here the lively portraiture and resemblance of that copious and eloquent person, by relating the flowing speech which he then delivered: his very oration is extant in writing, and contained in the fifth in book of his Origenes. In fine, the Rhodians received such an answer, as they neither were concluded enemies, not yet remained in the nature and quality of friends. The principal persons of this their embassage, were Philocrates and Astymedes. Ordered it was and agreed between them, That Philocrates (with some of his fellows) should report this answer at Rhodes; and that Astymides (with the rest) should stay behind at Rome, to know what was practised and done there, and give intelligence thereof. accordingly to t heir citizens at home. For that present, the LL. of the Senate gave them in charge, to remove their captains and governors by a certain day out of Lycia and Caria. These news related at Rhodes, importing matter (in itself considered) of grief and heaviness, turned into joy, in regard that they were eased from the fear of a greater mischief, for they doubted sore that they should have had hot war. And therefore presently they ordained for the Romans a crown amounting to the value of twenty thousand pieces of gold, and with this present they sent Theodotus the Admiral of their navy in embassage. A will and desire they had to make suit unto the Romans for association: but so, as no act and ordinance of the people should be entered thereof, nor any instrument engrossed as touching it. And this they did, to avoid the greater shame and ignominy of repulse, if haply they miss of their purpose, and could not obtain. The Admiral alone had this privilege, and was permitted to treat of that matter, without any bill at all either published or enacted by the people. For in so many years before they had continued in amity with the Romans in such fort, as they never linked and tied themselves unto them by any formal deed and covenantupon record, and that for no other reason in the world, but because they would neither cut the kings off from all hope of their aid, if haply any of them might stand in such need, nor disable themselves of the possibility they had to reap some fruit, and receive good of their bounty and prosperity. But surely at this time (me thinks) they ought to have sought sadly and in good earnest for their society, not so much for safety and security against others (for none they feared at all but only the Romans) as to be rid of the suspicion and jealousy which the Romans had of them. About the same time the Caunians also revolted from them, and they of Mylassa took certain towns of the Euromestians. Now were the hearts of these Rhodians within the city not so much broken or abated, but they saw welynough that if the Romans took from them Lycia and Caria, all the rest would either by way of revolt put themselves in liberty and shake off the yoke of their subjection, or else be surprisedand seized by the neighbour nations bordering upon them: and that then they should be penned up and shut within the compass of a small Isle and the strands of a barren soil, not able to nourish and maintain the inhabitants of so great and populous a city. Therefore with all speed they dispatched and sent forth their youth, & not only forced the Caunians (notwithstanding they had joined unto them the aid of the Cybirates) to their obeisance, but also in battle near Orthosia overcome, the Mylasseans and Alabandians, who having dizseized the Euronensians of their province, advanced jointly with their united armies against them.  
Whiles these affairs thus passed there, whiles some occurrents fell out in Macedon, and others likewise at Rome, L. Anicius having subdued king Gentius (as is beforesaid) and brought him under his own hand, placed a garrison in Scodra, the king royal seat, and appointed G●binius the captain thereof: but in Rhizon and Olcinia, two commodious cities of good importance, he ordained C. Licinius the governor. Having thus made over the rule of Illyricum unto these twain, himself with the rest of the army went into Epirus. Where the town Phanora was the first that yielded unto him, and the whole multitude of the people came forth to meet him with their infules in token of submission. After he had put a garrison in this piece also, he passed over into the country of Molossis, where he received the surrender of all the towns thereof, excepting Passaron, Tegmon, Phylacum, and Horreum. And then he led his army first against Passacon. The principal men and rulers of that city were Antinous and Theodotus, men of mark and name, as well for the favour they bore to Perseus, as the hatred they carried to the Romans: the only persons who had counseled and persuaded the whole nation to revolt from the Romans. These two having guilty consciences within them for their private trespass, and being past all hope of finding any grace and pardon, shut the gates of the city, to the end that they might perish with the overthrow of all, and be overwhelmed with the total ruin of their own country: and therewith they exhorted the multitude to prefer present death before servitude and slavery. No man durst once open his mouth to contradict these so great and mighty persons. At length a certain noble young gentleman, named also Theodotus, with whom the greater dread from the Romans abroad prevailed more, and overcome the less fear of the rulers at home. What ail ye may masters (quoth he) and fellow citizens, what rage and madness haunteth you, to enwrap and interessed that whole city in the fault and folly of these two persons? Certes, I have often heard of men that for their country have willingly lost their lives, but to think it meet, that their country should perish for them, these are the first that ever were known. Why rather open we not our gates and submit ourselves to that empire, into which the whole world besides is subject. As he spoke these words, the multitude followed him toward the gates: which when Antinous and Theodotus saw, they made no more ado, but broke upon the first corpse de guard of the enemies which they came unto, & exposing their bodies to the swords point, were soon killed, and the town was yielded into the hands of the Romans. Tegmon also, upon the like wilful obstinacy of prince Cephalo, had shut their gates, but after that he was slain, the town was taken by surrender. And neither Phylace nor Horreum would abide the assault. Having thus quieted Epirus, and bestowed his forces by garrisons in divers commodious towns for the winter time, he returned into Illyricum: where he held a general assembly at Scodra, to which he had summoned the principal States of the whole nation, and whether also there were arrived five delegates from Rome. And there in this frequent and solemn session, he pronounced from the Tribunal seat, by the advice of the counsel assistant unto him, That the Senate and people of Rome ordained the Illyrians to live free and enjoy liberty, and that himself would withdraw the garrisons out of their towns, fortresses, and castles. As for the Isseans, Taulantians, Tirustians in the Dassaretians country, Rhizonites and Olcianates (for that while Gentius his fortune stood upright, they had ranged with the Romans) he declared them not only free, but also exempt and privileged from all tributes. The Doarsians also, for leaving Caravantius, and passing with their armies to side with the Romans, he endowed with the like immunity. They of Scodra, Dassara, and Selepita, with the rest of the Illyrians, were to pay the one moiety of the tribute which they had yielded to the king. After this he divided Illyricum into three cantons: the one of them he made of those before named: the second, all the Labeates: and the third, of the Agravonites, Rhezonites, Olciniates, and those that bound and border upon them. Having set down this order in Illyricum, he returned to Passaro a city in Epirus, there to lie for the winter time.  
Whiles these things happened in Illyricum, Paulus before the coming of the ten Legates, sent Q. Maximus his son (who was now lately returned from Rome) to the laccage of Aeginium and Agassae. The quarrel against Agassae, was, for that they having delivered the town once to Martius the Consul, and therewith of their own accord craved the alliance of the people of Rome, revolted notwithstanding afterwards to Perseus. As for the Aeginians, they had committed a late and fresh trespass: for, giving no credit to the same that was voiced of the Romans victory, they cruelly handled certain Roman soldiers, who were entered into their city. Moreover, he sent L. Posthuminius likewise to ransack in hostile manner the city of the Aenians, for that they had persisted in arms more stiffly than the other neighbour cities. Now was it about that season of the year which men call Autumn: in the beginning whereof, so soon as he had determined to ride a circuit and visit all Greece round, and to see those places whereof there went so great a name, and which were more renowned by hearsay than known by fight of eye; he left C. Sulpitius Gallus for the command and guard of the camp, and set forward in his progress, accompanied with no great train. And being guarded of the one hand with his own son Scipio, and on the other, with Athenaeus the brother of king Eumenes, he passed through Thessaly, toward the famous Oracle at Delphos. Where, after he had sacrificed to Apollo, he destined and appointed those Columns and pillars (which were begun in the porch of that temple, and whereupon the statues of king Perseus should have been erected) for to sustain and bear the statues of himself with the title Victorious. He visited also the temple of jupiter Trophon in Lebadio: where, after he had seen the mouth of that peakish cave into which they use to descend that would have the benefit of the Oracle, & know the will of the gods; after sacrifice also done to jupiter & Hercinna, whose temple there is to be seen, he went down to Chalcis, to behold the first of Euripus, and that Island which in times past was united and joined to the firm continent by a bridge. From Chalcis he crossed over the Aulis three miles distant from thence, a port ennobled for the road sometime there of Agamemnon's fleet, consisting of a thousand sail. Being there, he went to the temple of Diana, where that king of kings (Agamemnon) offered his own 
* Iphigenia.  daughter in sacrifice upon her altar, to have a prosperous voyage for his fleet intending to sail to Troy. After this he came to Oropus, a town in Attica, where as Amphilochus the Prophet is worshipped as a god. There, was to be seen an ancient temple, most pleasant to behold for the goodly fountains and rivers round about it. Then went he forward to Athens, a city likewise for antiquity of same much spoken of, and highly renowned time out of mind: wherein were many monuments also worth the seeing: namely the citadel, the havens, the walls that reach from the city to Pyraeum, the arsenals made by great captains and commanders, the images of the gods, and of men likewise, so rare and excellent, as well for the artificial workmanship, as the matter whereof they were made. When he had sacrificed within the city to Minerva the goddess & patroness of the said citadel, he kept on his journey, & the next day following arrived at Corinth. A fair and beautiful city this was in those days, before it was destroyed, the fortress there and the Isthmus were things of especial mark and worth the sight for the said fortress notwithstanding it be mounted up to an exceeding height above all, yet is it full of fountains; and the Isthmus by a narrow ridge of land divideth two seas near together, the one lying East and the other West. From thence he went to Sicyon and Argos, two noble cities, and so forward to Epidaurus, nothing in wealth comparable to the rest, yet of great name for the famous temple of Aeseulipius, which standeth five miles from the city, where at this day are to be seen the marks and tokens of the empty places from whence the oblations have been plucked away: but then a rich place it was andfull of those offerings and gifts, which diseased persons had consecrated to that god in recompense & reward for those sovereign salves & wholesome remedies which they there found. From thence he came to Lacedaemon, a city memorable not for any magnificence of stately works and buildings, but for good discipline and orders there observed. From whence passing through Megalopolis, he ascended up to Olympia: where among other things there to be seen, he beheld jupiter as it were represented even before his eyes, whereat he was much moved to spirit. And therefore as if he had been to sacrifice in the capitol, he commanded a sacrifice to be prepared with more state and magnificence than ordinary. Thus having visued all Greece over without any search and enquiry made, how men either in general or particular stood affected in the war against Perseus, (because he would not trouble and disquiet the minds of the allies with any fearful occurrent) as he returned toward Demetrias, he was encountered by the way with a number of Aetolians all clad in doleful and mourning array. And when he wondered and asked what the matter might be, he was given to understand that five hundred and fifty of their principal men of name, were by Lyciscus and Tisippus massacred, who with the help of certain Roman soldiers sent from Babius the governor, had be set their Senate: that the rest were driven into exile; and the goods as well of those who were murdered, as also of the banished persons were not possessed by their accusers. He commanded them to attend upon him at Amphipolis, and when himself had communed and conffered at Demetrias with Cn. Octavius, after he once heard that the ten legates had passed the seas, he laid aside all other affairs, and went directly to Apollonia there to meet with them. To which place when Perseus came to meet him, for he having over-large liberty of prison, was come from Amphipolis, & that was a days journey off; unto the K. he showed good countenance & gave him good & gracious words, but after he was returned to the camp at Amphipolis, he sharply checked and rebuked, as men say, C. Sulpitius, first for suffering Perseus to range so loosely and so far off from him, all over the province: secondly, for giving his soldiers so much liberty as to pluck the tiles from off the walls [and houses] of the city, to cover the places of their winter harbour: and therewith he commanded that the tiles should be carried thither again where they had them, and the houses to be repaired as sufficiently as before. As for Perseus & his elder son Philip, he delivered unto A. Posthumius to be kept in safe custody: but his daughter and younger son, he sent for to Amphipolis from Samothrace, and used them with all courtesy and kind entertainment as possibly he could. When the day was come, on which he appointed that ten principal burgeoised out of every city should repair to Amphipolis, and that all the king's letters & writings in what place soever to be found, should be sought up and represented there together with all his money; he sat him down upon the tribunal seat, together with the ten legars' from Rome, & the whole multitude of the Macedonians were gathered round about him. Albeit they had been used to subjection under the king, yet this new Tribunal carried with it a form and show of a terrible government, namely when they saw the tipstaffs and ushers to keep the doors and places of entry, the public crier and the sergeant: strange matters all unto their eyes and ears, and whereto they had not been accustomed, able to strike a terror to allies, much more then, to conquered enemies. After silence made by the crier, Paulus pronounced in the Latin tongue, what the Senate's pleasures was to be done, and what himself with the advice of his Council assistant about him had thought upon and set down: all which points Cn. Octavius the praetor (for he also was in place) interpreted and related again in the Greek language. Imprimis, they ordained the Lacedæmonians to be free, to have and enjoy the same cities and territories, to use and exercise their own laws, to create yearly magistrates, and to pay half of that tribute to the people of Rome, which they used to pay unto their kings. Item, to divide Macedon into 4 quarters; The one, & that the principal, for to contain all the country between the two rivers Suymon & Nessus; to which part there should be laid the tract on the farther side of the river Nessus Eastward (where Perseus held towns, castles and cities) excepting Aenus, Maronea, and Abdera: also beyond Strymon Westward, all the Bisaltique territory, together with Heraclea, which they call Syntice. For the second, all those parts which on the East side the river Strymon encloseth, except Syntice, Hereclea, & the Bisaltes: also on the West, whatsoever is bounded with the river Axius, together with the Paeonians lying to it, who inahabite upon the river Axius Eastward. The third quarter was that, which Axius from the cast & Peneus the river from the west do compass; and to the North side is limited with the mountain Bora, and to this portion was adjoined the tract of Paeonia, which coasteth along the river Axius toward the West: Edessa also & Berrhaea were annexed thereto. The fourth was beyond the mountain Bora, confining on the one side upon Illyricum, & on the other upon Epirus. The head cities of every quarter where they should hold their sessions and counsels he appointed these: For the first, Amphypolis; Thessalonica for the second; In the third Pella; & Pelagonia in the fourth. To these places he ordained that by summons they should repair, & hold the assemblies of each quarter; thither the money to be brought; and there the magistrates to be created. Item, he declared and pronounced that it should not be lawful for any person to contract marriage, neither to have commerce & traffic together in buying or selling of lands or tenements without the limits of their own division. Item, that in their mines they should no more dig for silver and gold: but for Iron and brass they had permission. And those that had the profit thereof, were to pay the one half of the old rent, which they were wont to yield and grant unto the king. Item, he forbade them to use any more foreign salt brought from out of other parts. When the Dardanians put in their claim for Paeonia, for that it had sometime been their appertenance, & also confined upon their country; he pronounced freedom to all those who had been subjects to king Perseus. But afterwards, when they could not obtain Paeonia, he granted unto them the commodity of the traffic for salt; and he charged the inhabitants of the said country to carry it to Stobi in Paeonia, & he set them down a certain price. Item, he debarred them from selling any ship-timbre themselves, & from suffering any others. Unto those countries which bordered upon the Barbarians (and except the third quarter all the rest confined upon them) he granted that they might keep armed garrisons upon their frontiers and marches. These Acts and ordinances thus published the first day of the session, wrought diversely in the minds of men. Freedom granted beyond their expectation, and the easement in the yearly tribute, comforted their spirits & made them look up. But by the interruption of the commerce & traffic one region with another, they seemed like creatures dismembered & plucked asunder joint-meale, so as having need one of another, yet they had no mutual & reciprocal use & intercourse. In so much as the Macedonians themselves known full little how big & large Macedon was, & how commodiously it was divided, so as each part was sufficient in itself without the help of others. The first region containeth the Bisaltae who inhabit beyond the river Nessus & about Strymon, the most valiant men of all the rest: besides, it hath many proper commodities by itself as well fruits of the earth as mines of metals, together with the opportunity & commodious situation of Amphipolis, which as a frontier-bar stoppeth all avenues on the East side into Macedon. The second quarter hath in it two most-famous & frequented cities, Thessalonica & Cassandria: also Pallene, a fertile & fruitful land. Besides, the maritime commodities which the havens at Torone and the head of Athos (and it they call the port or road of Aeneas do yield; to say nothing of other bays lying handsomely, some toward the Island Eurboae, others toward Hellespont. The third country containeth the famous cities Edessa, Berrhaea, and Pella; the warlike nation of the Veteij, and many Gauls and Illyrians besides who there inhabit, notable men all of action and execution. The fourth region is peopled with the Eordians, Lincestians, & Pelagonians: unto whom, the provinces Atintania, Stymphalis, and Elimiotis are adjoined. All this quarter is cold rough & hard to dwell in. The nature of the inhabitants is likewise suitable to the soil: & the fiercer they are by reason of the barbarous nations their neighbours, who one while find them occupied with war, & otherwhiles mingle their rites & fashions with theirs in time of peace. When Macedon was thus divided and each part distinguished by their several uses and commodities, he appointed a general review to be made and enrolment of all the Macedonians; having declared unto them before, that he purposed to give lawsunto them.  
This done, the Aetolians were cited and called next, and in the whole course of the commission as touching them and their affairs, more inquisition there was, who favoured the Romans, and who affected the king, than of any that either had done or suffered wrong. The murderers were found unguilty and absolved, & the banishment of the exiled was as much avowed, as their death justified who were massacred: Au. Babius only was convicted and condemned, for that he had sent Roman soldiers to execute the said butchery. This issue of the Aetolians cause, puffed up the spirits of all those who had sided with the Romans, throughout all the nations and cities of Greece, in such sort as they grew to a pride intolerable: but chose put down and abased under their feet, as many as were suspected any ways to have cast a favour and born good will to the king. The principal statesmen of their cities were of three sorts; two of them were skilful in the art of soothing, and either by submitting and subjecting under the Roman empire, or winding within the favour and friendship of the KK. grew infinitely rich and mighty themselves in private, with the public oppression and undoing of their country: the third between, sung a mean, and was cross to the one and the other; men that stood for the defence of their liberties and maintenance of laws, who as they were more dearly beloved of their neighbours at home, so they were less gracious and of credit with strangers abroad. The favourites and supposts only of the Romans, were advanced by their prosperetie; they alone sat in place of government, they were employed in all embassages, and none but they. These being there present in great number coming out of Peloponnesus, Boeotia, and from other frequent assemblies of Greece, filled the heads of the ten delegates and high commissioners; buzzing into their ears, that not they alone who openly were seen in their bravery and vanity of spirit, vaunting themselves for the hosts and friends of K. Perseus, but many more besides underhand took part with him and favoured his proceedings: as for the rest (under a colour of maintaining liberty) practised in all their counsels and complotted against the Romans what they could: and never would the Greek nations abide long in their allegiance, unless the hearts of that side were taken down and broken; and their authority only cherished, confirmed, and strengthened, who regarded nothing else but the empire and sovereignty of the Romans. When these had informed and presented divers by name sent for they were by the letters missive of the General, out of Aetolia, Acamania, Epirus, and Boeotia, to give their attendance and follow him to Rome, there to answer the cause. But into Achaea two of the high commissioners were sent, namely, C. Claudius and Cn. Domitius, who personally should summon them by virtue of their edict. And this was done for two considerations; the one, because they thought verily that the Achaeans were more confident and courageous, and therefore would not obey the summons by letters, and peradventure also, Callicrates and other the informers and accusers who made presentment of their names, should be in some danger of their lives: the other cause why they would be present to give them summons was this, that amongst the king's records and rolls they had found the letters of the principal Statesmen of other nations; but of the Achaeans there appeared no writing at all under their hands, and therefore the imputations charged upon them, were nothing evident.  
After the Aetolians were dismissed, the nation of the Acarnanians was cited and called into place: as for them, there was no change nor alteration; only Leucas was exempt from doing service to the high court and general assembly of the Acarnanians. As they followed the inquisition still farther and farther, making enquiry who either in public or private had taken part with the king, they extended their commission as far as into Asia; and sent Labeo to demolish and race Antissa a city in the Isle Lesbos, and to translate the inhabitants thereof to Methymna: the pretence was, for that they had given harbour in their haven to the provisions of Antenor the king's admiral, at what time as he hovered and ranged about Lesbos with his pinnaces. Two there were that lost their heads, men of quality and great worth, to wit, Andronicus the Aetolian, son of Andronicus, for that he followed his father and bare arms against the people of Rome; and Neon a Theban, by whose advice and persuasion they had contracted a society with Perseus.  
After this inquest of foreign causes interposed and coming between, the assembly of the Macedonians was called again; wherein as touching the state of Macedon, pronounced and published it was, That there should be certain Senators chosen, whom they call Syned●●, by whose counsel the commonweal should be managed and governed. After this, were the names read of the principal Macedonians, whom he appointed (together with their children as many as were above fifteen years of age) to go before into Italy. This at first was thought to be an hard and cruel course, but anon it appeared to the multitude of the Macedonians, that it was all done for their liberty. For nominated there were, the king's friends and gallants of his court, the commanders of armies, the admiral's of the fleets, & the captains of the garrisons, who were wont to serve the king basely, but to overrule others proudly and imperiously: some exceeding rich and wealthy, others spending above the proportion of their revenues and living: all saring at their table, and arrayed in apparel like KK. not one carrying with him the civil mind of a good citizen, not one that could abide to hear of laws, or of equal liberty. All these therefore, who had been employed in any ministery or service about the king, even they also who had been used in the least embassages that were, had commandment to depart out of Macedon and to go into Italy: and look who obeyed not this eddict, where threatened with death. Unto Macedon he gave laws, with such diligent care and good regard, as if he had reckoned them not for enemies vanquished, but for allies of good desert: such laws (I say) as the very practice and trial of long time (the only corrector of all statutes) was not able upon that experience, to check and control.  
After these serious affairs were finished, he exhibited with great furniture and preparation, a solemnity of game and disport at Amphipolis, which long before he had intended, and for the intimation whereof he had both sent out his messengers to the States of Asia and to the KK. and also himself in his circuit and visitation of the Grecian cities, had given warning to the great men and principal citizens. And thither repaired out of all parts of the world, a number of cunning, fear, and artificial actors, that made profession of such plays and pastimes; besides a fort of wrestlers, champions, and brave horses of the best kind and breed. Also divers embassages with their beasts for sacrifices, and whatsoever else was usually done of custom, at the great and solemn gamings in Greece. Thus it came to pass, that men admired not only his magnificence, but his wisdom also in exhibiting these shows and sights, wherein the Romans at that time were altogether rude and ignorant. Moreover he feasted and banketted the ambassadors, in the same sumptuous manner and respective consideration. And this (by report) was an apothegm and common saying of his, That none could make feasts and set forth plays better than he who had the skill to win a field. Having represented these solemnities of all sorts, and bestowed all the brazen shields a shipbourd; all other armour and weapons of sundry kinds, he piled upon a mighty heap, and after his prayers made to Mars, Minerva, dame Lua, and other gods and goddesses, unto whom of right and duty appertained to consecrate and dedicate the spoils of enemies; himself the General with his own hands put under a burning torch, and kindled the fire, and after him all the marshall-colonels standing round about, cast every man his firebrand, and set all a burning. This was a thing noted in that great assembly of Europe and Asia, where there was such a confluence of people from all parts, as well to testify their joy in his behalf, as to see the shows and disports: in that meeting, I Say, of so great armies of sea-servitours and land-souldiours, there was that plenty of all things and cheapness of victuals, that Aemylius the General, of that exceeding store and abundance, gave much away freely to private persons, to cities and nations, not only for their present use, but also to carry home with them into their countries. And this multitude there assembled, took not more pleasure either in beholding the stageplays acted, or seeing men practise seats of bodily strength and activity, or the running of horses in the race, as in viewing the Macedonian booty and pillage laid all abroad to be seen; namely of Statues, and painted tables, of rich cloth of tissue, of vessels in gold, in silver, in copper, and ivory, most curiously wrought in that royal seat and city of Pella, not only to serve for a present show & no more (like those that the king's palace of 
* 18 cities there be of that name.  Alexandria was replenished with) but also for continual and everlasting use. These were all embarked, and committed to the charge of Cn. Octavius to be transported to Rome. Paulus after he had given the ambassadors a gracious and courteous farewell, passed over the river Strymon, and lodged within a mile of Amphipolis. From thence he dislodged and journeyed until he came on the fifth day as far as Pella. And passing by the city, he abode two days at a place which they call Spelaeum, & then he sent P. Nasica, and Q. Maximus his own son with part of the forces in an expedition, to give the waist unto those Illyrians, who had succoured Perseus in his wars, but he commanded them to meet him at Oticum. Himself marching toward Epirus, at the fifteenth remove arrived at Passaron. Not far from thence lay Anicius encamped: unto whom he dispatched his letters, to the end that he should not be troubled at those designs which were to be put in execution signifying therein, that the Senate granted to the army the pillage of all the cities of Epirus which had revolted unto Perseus: which done, he suborned certain Centurions, and sent them into all the towns with instructions, to give out that his coming was to withdraw all the garrisons from thence, with an intent that the Epirotes should enjoy their freedom as well as the Macedonians; and so he summoned out of every city ten of the cheese to repair unto him. And when he had charged and commanded them to bring abroad into the market place all the gold and silver which they had, he sent out certain cohorts and companies of soldiers to every of the said cities: they who were assigned for the places farther remote went before them which were appointed to the near; & this was ordered so, that upon the same day they should enter into them all at once. Now the Colonels and Centurions had their errand delivered them what to do. In the morning betaines all the gold and silver was brought forth together accordingly, and at the fourth hour of the day a signal was given to the soldiers to fall to ransack and rifle the cities. Wherein they found so great store of pillage, that every horseman had for his part 
* 〈…〉  four hundred Denarij, and the footmen two hundred apiece, and a hundred and fifty thousand polls were led away into captivity. Then the walls were razed of the said cities thus spoiled, and those were to the number of seventy. All the booty and prizes were sold, and out of that mass of money were the soldiers paid. From thence Paulus went down to the sea side, unto Oricum. But the soldiers minds were nothing so well satisfied, as he supposed they had been, for discontented mightily they were & angry, that they had no share at all in the king's pillage & treasure, as if they had made no war in Macedon. At Oricum he found those forces which he had sent under the conduct of Scipio Nasica and Maximus his son; there he shipped his whole army, and failed over into Italy. In like manner a few days after, Anicius, when the session and general meeting of the other Epirotes and Acarnanians was ended, having given commandment, that their principal persons should follow him into Italy (the knowledge and deciding of whose causes he reserved and referred thither) himself attended the ships which the army had used in Macedon, and passed over likewise into Italy.  
At what time as these affairs were thus managed in Macedon and Epitus, the ambassadors who had been sent with Attalus to end the war between the Gauls and king Eumenes, arrived in Asia. A surcease of arms for the winter time, was agreed upon between both parties, during which cessation the Gauls departed home, and Eumenes was retired to Pergamus there to winter, where also he lay grievously sick. The spring was no sooner come, but the Gauls began to stir and look abroad: but by that time they were come as far as to Synnada, Eumenes had assembled his forces from all parts to Sardeis. There at Synnada, the Romans parled with Soloveltius the General of the Gauls; Attalus also went with them: but thought good it was not, that he should enter within the Gauls camp, for fear of stirring coals in heat of argument, and raising choler of the one side or other. So P. Licinius communed with the duke of the Gauls aforesaid: and when he had done, he brought word back, that the more he was entreated and spoken fair, the worse he was and less tractable; insomuch as it might seem a wonder, that the words of the Romance ambassadors were so powerful and effectual with Antiochus and Piolomaeus (two mighty and puissant kings) as to make peace so presently between them, since they prevailed so little or nothing at all among the Gauls.  
To return again to Rome. First, the two captive kings, Perseus and Gentius were sent thither, and committed there to ward they and their children: after them, the multitude besides of prisoners, then consequently those Macedonians, as also the other chief peers of Greece, who were warned to repair unto Rome. For not they only were summoned to make appearance there, who had been seen present in place; but also all those were sent for by letters missive peremptorily, who were but reported to have been with the kings. The Paulus himself a few days after, embarked in a ship of the kings, a galeace of a mighty bigness, making way with sixteen banks and rues of oars to a side, and the same set out and adorned with the Macedonian spoils, not only of brave gorgeous armour, but also of rich hanging, tissue, and cloth of gold out of the king's wardrobe, came up the Tiber against the stream: where great number of people went forth to meet him, and filled the banks on both sides of the river. Some few days after Anicius and Octavius arrived also with their fleet. And to all there, by an act of the Senate was triumph granted. Q. Cassius the praetor had commandment to deal with the Tribunes of the Commons by warrant from the Senate, that they should prefer a bill unto the common people, that those three should be in full commission of command and government, that day when they were to ride triumphant into the city. See, how mean things escape the touch of envy, but the highest commonly are met with. No doubt was made at all of the triumph of Anicius, no yet of Octavius. But Paulus, with whom even they themselves would have been abashed to compare, could not avoid the backbiting of slanderous and malicious tongues. His soldiers according to the ancient discipline of war, he had held hard to their service. And to them had he given a donative indeed out of the booty, but more niggardly and with a lighter hand than they hoped for, from out of so great wealth and riches of the kings: & yet in good faith to say a truth, full well he knew that if he had satisfied their greedy desire, and dealt still amongst them till they had cried Ho, he should have left himself just nothing to have brought into the common treasury. So that all this Macedonian army gave a show by this time, as if they had but cold devotion to their General, either to appear, or to give their voices for the setting forward of the bill aforesaid, as touching his trump & plenary power of command, when the day of assembly should come. Over and besides, Ser. Sulpitus Galba, who had been a martial Colonel in the second legion, in Macedon, and in private enmity with the General, both himself in persons was in hand with them, and by the soldiers also of his own legion solicited and spurred on the rest to appear in sufficient number, there for to give their suffrages against him, and checked the bill: saying. That as he was an imperious and lordly commander, so he was as miserable a pinchpennie withal, and a good deed it were to deny his grace and to cross the law proposed for his triumph, & so to be revenged of him thoroughly: for no doubt the commons of the city would go that way that they should see the soldiers to lead before. He could not for soothe (say they) give money among his soldiers liberally: well, he shall surely know, that his soldiers yet can give him honour; but never let him look for the fruit of favour and grace, where he hath deserved none. These words set them agog; and when Tib. Sempronius a Tribune of the Commons read out and published the foresaid bill in the Capitol, and that by permission of law any private person might have spoken there to, and no man came forth, as being a matter whereof no doubt and question was to be made: then Servius Galba suddenly slept forth, and required of the Tribune, That (for as much as it was so far forth days, as being the eight hour thereof, so that he had not time enough to declare and show at large, what allegations he had why they should not grant L. Aemylius a triumph) they would adjourn the assembly to the next day, and betimes in the morning set the matter on foot again; for that he had need of a whole day and no less, to plead that cause to the full as he should do. But when the Tribune willed him again to speak his mind that day, if he had aught to say; he made a speech, and with his long oration held the court until it was within night: putting them in mind and alleging, How precisely and rigorously he had exacted at their hands all military duties; how he had imposed upon the soldiers more painful and dangerous labour than need was: but chose in dealing rewards and bestowing honourable recompenses for good service, he was over-straight laced and too short in every point: and verily souldiere and warfare, if it continued still under such captains, will be more hard, travelsome, and rough to soldiers and warriors: but when all is done and victory obtained, rewarded it shall be with bare poverty and neglect of honour. Ceretes the Macedonians are in better case yet than the Roman soldiers. But if they would be present in great frequencies the next morrow for to deny and revoke this bill, than these rich and mighty men shall know full well, That all lieth not in the hands of the captain and commander, but that the soldiers also can do somewhat. The soldiers animated and induced with these perilous words, resorted the day following in so great multitudes, and pestered the whole Capitol so full, as none but they could come in to give their voice. The first tribes that were called in, clearly cassed the grace: which when the principal and chief men of the city saw, they ran all into the Capitol, with open mouth crying out upon this indignity offered, That L. Paulus a conqueror in so great and dangerous a war, should be deprived of his due triumph; and the grand Commanders and Generals of the field were now subjected and enthralled to the loose licentiousness and greedy avarice of their soldiers. In this one thing (say they) have we too too much faulted, such hath been our favour and partiality, and so loath have we been to displease any: but what will become of us in the end, if soldiers once may come to be lords and masters, & thus to crow over their Generals? And every man railed and cried out upon Galba. In the end after this garboil was appeased, M. Servilius who sometime had been Consul and great master of the horse under the dictator, requested the tribunes that they would begin all again, annulling that which was past, & give him leave withal to make a speech before the people. The Tribunes went aside to consult of this matter; and in fine, overruled with the authority and countenance of the nobles and peers of the city, began to treat afresh and go in hand with all matters a new, making it known openly that they would recall back those first tribes, in case M. Servilius and other private men who were willing to utter their mind to the cause had once spoken. 
The 〈◊〉 of M. 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.  Then said Servilius as followeth, Masters and friends, citizens here of Rome, if and by nothing else it might be judged, how singular and how excellent a commander Lucius Aemylius was in the field, this only (if there were no more) may suffice, that having in his camp such seditious and light headed persons for his soldiers, and an adversary of his own among them, so noble of birth, so rash of action, and withal98l so arrogant and self-conceited, ready to incite and stir up a multitude to commotion, yet troubled he never was with any mutiny at all in his whole army. The same severtie it was in government and conduct, that held them in awe and good order, which now at this present they hate and detest. And so long as they were managed by ancient discipline, they durst nor quetch nor give offence. As for Sergius Galba, if (like a new barrister who is to show the first proof, and to give the assay and handsel of his eloquence) he would have made choice of Lacius Paulus to begin withal and accuse him at the bar, he should not yet have hindered his trump, which (if there were nothing else to dissuade and draw him back) the Senate had judged to be just & due: but the morrow after his trump (when he had seen him a private man again) he might have given presentment of his name, and by order of law ministered interrogatories unto him & so entered process: or rather he might have stayed a little longer, namely until himself had been a magistratin place, & then have gone roundly to work, arrested him upon an action to answer at aday, and so accused him judicially before the people. Thus should L. Aemylius have had his trump for reward and recompense of his well doing, in that so nobly and valiantly he had conducted this war: thus likewise should he have suffered condign punishment, if he had committed aught unworthy either of his ancient glory or this new honour. But will you have the truth? when he could find no matter of crime to reproach him with, he sought by ways and indirect means to detract his well deserved praises. He demanded yesterday, one full day to accuse L. Paulus: and 
* .  four hours, even all the day time that was left he spent in making an invective against him. What prisoner was there ever brought to the bar so culpable & sinful, but all the faults of his whole life might be ripped up, deciphered, and painted forth in so many hours space? But what objected he all that while, that L. Paulus if he were to frame his defence, would wish to deny? O that some man would procure me here for the while, two assemblies & courts, the one of Roman soldiers employed lately in Macedon; the other more pure & uncorrupt of the twain, namely of citizens founder in judgement, void of all favour & clear from hatred. And the people of Rome I would have to be the judge. First let Paulus be accused in the grand assembly and court of these citizens. Tell me, o Sergius Galba, what would you say against him before those Quirites of Rome. For there you should have been cut off and lost all this discourse & special part of your oration, carrying these terms, You looked too straightly & precisely to the Corpse de guards in their stations; you held the soldiers too hard to their watch and ward; the sentinels were nearly and narrowly looked unto; and you were over curious about going the rounds and relieving the watch in the night season; about the works and fabrics you put the soldiers to more toiling and moiling than heretofore; whiles you, my lord General, their surveiour, overseer, and taske-maister, road all about to exact the utmost with all extremity; in one and the same day when you had the army on foot, presently from a journey you led them forth to battle; when the victory was gotten, you would not suffer the soldier to breath and take repose, but caused him to march immediately and to follow the enemy in chase; also, whereas the booty to be parted & shared out, might have enriched yourself, yet will you carry the king's treasure in show of triumph, and then lay it up in the chamber of the city. As these be shrewd matters, like sharp goods to prick those soldiers and set them on, who think they have not scope enough to serve their dissolute looseness, or too small allowance to content their covetous appecites: so with the people of Rome they would have nothing at all prevailed: who if they should not call to mind examples and stories of old, which they have heard their father's talk of; namely, what overthrows have been received through the indulgence and popularity of Generals; and chose what victories have been achieved by their severe discipline and government: yet at leastwise they cannot choose but remember what odds & difference there was in the late Punic war, between M. Minutius General of the horse, and Q. Fabius Max. his dictator. And therefore since the accuser might know all this, the defence of Paulus in this behalf was altogether needless and unnecessary. Let us go now to the other audience & assembly of the Macedonie-soldiors. But not me thinks I must not call you Quirites any more, but soldiers: if haply there be so much grace in you, as that this name yet may cause you to blush, & be abashed for very shame of the world, to offer abuse unto your General. And verily for mine own part, I find a great change in myself, and am otherwise affected in my mind, now that I seem to speak unto an army of soldiers, than ere-whiles I was, when my Oration was accommodate and framed to the commons of a city. Now soldiers, what say you to the matter? Is there any one at Rome (but Perseus again) that would not have a triumph over the Macedonians? and are you not ready to pull such a one in pieces with those very hands, wherewith you vanquished the Macedonians? He, whosoever he is, that impeacheth you for entering into the city in truimph, trust me truly, would have debarted you of victory, if it had been in his power. Lo, how souly are ye deceived (soldiers) and far out of the way, if ye think that the triumph is the honour only of the General, and not of the soldiers likewise, & consequently of the whole people of Rome. This is not Paulus his case alone. Many others likewise there have been, who when they could not obtain triumph at the hands of the Senate, triumphed nevertheless upon the Alban mountain. As impossible it is for any man to bereave L. Paulus of the honour due for the finishing of the Macedonian war, as it was to disappoint C. Luctatius of his glory for ending the first Punic war; P. Cornelius for the second; or others besides who after them triumped. It is not a triumph that can make Lucius Paulus better or worse, either the greater captain or the less. Herein consisteth the credit, renown, and reputation of the soldiers and of all the people of Rome more than his: for fear lest they be reputed and noted either for envious and malicious, or else unthankful for their best members and noblest citizens; and therein seem to imitate the people of Athens, who evermore persecute and plague with envy their best men that live amongst them. Your ancestors and forefathers when time was, faulted this ways enough (iwis) in the person of Camillus, whom they offered abuse unto, before the city by his means was recovered out of the Gauls hands. Much you were to blame yourselves here, and overmuch too (I may tell you) in P. Africanus, That in Liternum, his mansion house and place of habitation (who was the conqueror of Africa) should be showed: that in Liternum (I say) the sepulchre of P. Africanus should be seen. Let us blush for very shame, that L. Paulus, as he is equal to them in glory and honour, should likewise go with them and have his part of your hard and wrongful dealing. The first thing that ye do then, let be this: Out with this spot and stain of infamy which ye have caught; so reproachful in regard of other nations, so hurtful to yourselves. For, who will ever hereafter wish to be like Africanus? who will endeavour to resemble L. Paulus, in a city so unthankful, nay so spiteful and malicious to all good men? Say there were no question at all of infamy and obloquy, but of honour only and reputation, tell me (I beseech you) is there any triumph that compriseth not the glory also of the Roman name? So many triumphs over the Gauls, so many again over the Spaniards, and so many over the Carthagians, are they reputed and called the triumphs of the captain alone, and not likewise of the people of Rome? And like was we say, that we triumphed not over Pyrrhus only, nor over Hannibal, but over the Epirots likewise and the Carthaginians: even so neither Mar. Curius alone, nor P. Cornelius, but the Romans also have triumphed. True it is, and I must needs say, that the soldiers have a proper interest and part by themselves, in that they alone (dight with branches and chaplets of laurel, and every one bravely to be seen & adorned with the gifts that have been given them) refound 10 Triumph, 10 Triumph, and as they pass along the city sing and chant the praises of themselves and of their captaines-general. And if it fortune at any time that the soldiers be not brought home out of the province to the triumph, they grumble and are discontented: and yet notwithstanding, absent though they be, they think it is their due: and so long as their General and leader triumpheth, they triumph also, because the victory was achieved by the strength of their arms. Good soldiers, if a man should ask your, for what intent you were reconducted into Italy? and wherefore so soon as the service was performed and the war brought to an end, ye had not presently your congee of discharge? moreover, to what purpose ye came by companies and squadrons under your ensigns and colours? for what cause ye stay and remain here, and go not every man his ways to his own home? what answer would ye make else, but, That ye would be seence in triumph? And to say a truth, since ye have won the victory and are conquerors, I cannot blame you; nay, ye ought to define for to be seen and seen again. It is not long since we triumphed over Philip (this man's father) and over Antiochus likewise: and reigned both they did as KK. when the triumph was: and shall there be no solemnity of triumph over Perseus, taken prisoner and brought captive with his children into the city? If L. Paulus, standing beneath as a private person (one amongst the mien of gowned citizens) seeing L. Anicius and Cn. Octavius arrayed sumptuously in cloth of gold, and in their rich purple robes and mantles of estate, mounting up the Capitol in their truimphant chariots, should ask them the question and say in this manner: Tell me, o Lucius Anticius and you Cn. Octavius, judge ye in your own conceit that you are more worthy of a triumph than? They would no doubt come down each one out of his chariots and yield him their place, yea and for very shame deliver up all their ensigns and ornaments unto him. And you Quirites, had you rather see Genius than Perseus led in triumph? would you with indeed to triumph for an accidental appendent only of the war, rather than for the main substance of the war? Shall the legions coming out of Selavonia, and the mariners at sea, enter the city crowned with laurel garlands; and the legions out of Macedon, being denied their own triumph, stand still and behold others to triumph? Moreover, what shall become of that rich booty? what shall be done with the spoils of that great and wealthy victory? where shall be bestowed and laid up to many thousand conslets and armours plucked from the bodies of enemies slain? Shall they be sent back again into Macedon? Those costly images of gold, of marble, of ivory; those goodly fair pictures; those precious clothes and hangings of purple, scarlet, and tissue; that mighty quantity of gold and silver wrought into vessels chased and engraven; that huge mass of the king's money and coin, what shall we do with it? What? shall it be carried all by night as stolen goods into the public treasury and city chamber? The goodliest sight of all the rest, what say you to it? A most noble and puissant king is taken prisoner; where shall he be showed to the people of Rome his conqueror? What running, what concourse there was of people to see K. Syphax captive (and yet he was but an accessary to the Punic war) most of us do well remember. Shall K. Perseus then, a prisoner and captive; shall Philip and Alexander his sons, (persons of so great name) be hidden and kept from the sight and eyes of the city? And there were no more but L. Aemylius himself, twice Consul, the conqueror and subduer of Greece, all men would desire to see him enter the city in his triumphant chariot. We created him Cos. for this intent, that he should finish & determine this war, which to your dishonour and great shame had hung for the space of four years. To him then, who (at what time as the lot of that province tell unto him, and when he departed on his voyage from Rome) had all our hearts to presage victory & triumph, shall we now deny triumph when he hath the victory? And verily in so doing, we shall not only defraud men, but rob the gods also of their honour; for due it is to the very gods also, and not to men alone. Have not your ancestors ever used to enterprise all great affairs in the name of the gods first, and therein also to end last? The Cos. or Praetor, when he is to take his journey into his province, or to levy war, with his Lictours before him clad in their coats of arms, is ever wont to make his solemn vows in the Capitol: after he hath acquit himself of his charge & obtained victory, when as the triumpheth, he transferreth in pomp the rich presents of the people of Rome so well deserved, and offereth them to the same gods in the said Capitol, unto whom there first he pronounced his vows. And the beasts for sacrifice going before the purpose of triumph, are not the least part of this solemnity that it may appear, how the General in his return is mindful of the gods, & rendereth thanks unto them for the happy managing of the affairs of Commonweal. As for all those beasts for sacrifice which he hath appointed & reserved to be showed in the pomp of triumph, slay them; neither makes it matter whose hand doth it: some kill one and some another, but those sacred viands of the Senate, which are not to be eaten in any private house, not in public place profane and unhallowed, but only in the Capitol; and there not for the pleasure of men, but of gods and men together, will ye trouble and impeach at the suggestion of Servius Galba? Shall the gates be shut against the triumph of L. Paulus? shall Perseus' king of the Macedonians, with his children and the multitude besides of captives, with the spoils of the Macedonians, be left behind at the river side? shall L. Paulus go directly from the city gate home to his house as a private person, like one that hath been abroad in the country to see his farm, and is newly returned? But thou Centurion and thou soldier, give ear, I advise thee, to the ordinance which the Senate hath decreed as touching the General Paulus, rather than to the bibble babble of Serve. Galba: harken to this, that I say the word, rather than he. As for him, he hath learned nought else but to prate and talk, and that to the depraving of others full maliciously. I tell thee, sought have I with mine enemies even upon defiance given twenty times and three; done I have my devour, and from them all that were in combat with me, I never failed but carried away their spoils; I bear the marks and about me of many a wound, & the honorarable thereof are to be seen, all of them in the breast and forepart of my body. At which word, they say, he bared his naked skin, and related with all in what bartell he had received this or that wound. Now as he showed these scars, and chanced to discover some parts that better iwis and more honestly had been unseen, and therewith, a bunch or swelling of a rupture that he had in his groin, whereat some of them that stood next unto him took up a laughter, than (qd. he) even this that you have espied here and make such game at, I caught with a strain, riding continually as I did, and never from my horseback day nor night: and no more ashamed I am and displeased with myself for that infirmity, than for these scars which you here see; since that it never was any impediment unto me in performing my service to the Commonweal, either in civil affairs of city, or in warfare abroad. Well, I an old servitor, have been content here to show unto young men and raw soldiers, may body, many a time and often hacked, pierced and slashed with the sword. Let Galba now lay bare that whole skin of his own so slick and smooth. Now my masters, you that are Tribunes, call the tribes again to the scrutiny, and take their voices. As for me down I will, and go after the soldiers hard at heels. Know I will which be those lewd and unthankful companions that had rather be soothed up and flattered in the wars by mutinous persons, 
All within these marks [] is supplied out of Plutarch. Somewhat wants besides immediately after this Oration, name●●part of the description of Paulus his triumph.  than serve under the martial discipline of their General.] ***************** Valerius Antias reporteth, That the sum of all the gold and silver taken in pillage and carried in the pomp of this triumph, amounted to the worth of 120 millions of Selterces. Which mass, no doubt, ariseth much greater by the proportion of the number of wanes, and the poises both of gold and silver by the same author set down in general sums. And as some have recorded, he either spent in the war next before, or else scattered and lost in his flight when he made haste to Samothrace, as much again as that came to. And the more wonder it was, that so mighty a mass of money had been gathered and heaped up within thirty years after the war between Philip and the Romans, raised part out of the issue and adventures of his metal mines, and part out of other prosites and tributes. Thus Philip very bare of money, and Perseus chose exceeding rich, began to make war with the Romans. Last of all, Paulus himself road in his chariot, carrying a great port and majesty with him, both for his comely and personable body, and also for his reverend old age. After his chariot, among other honourable personages road his two sons. Q. Maximus and P. Scipio. Then followed the horsemen by troops, and the footmen by their cohorts and companies, every one keeping their ranks full decently. The footmen had given them a hundred Sesterces apiece, the Centurions double, and the horsemen triple so much. And it is thought, that he meant to have given the footmen as much as the most, and to the rest in proportion, in case they either had nor denied his honour by their voices, or if in token of thankfulness and joy, they had but willingly and cheerfully shouted, when this sum which they received was pronounced & related unto them. And not Perseus alone (led as he was through the enemy's city in chains before the triumphant chariot of the conqueror) but also Paulas himself the victory, glittering so gloriously in his cloth of gold and costly purple, was a mirror to the world in those few days, of the transitory and mutable state of man's life. For of those two sons, whom (after he had given the other two by way of adoption from himself) he kept alone at home as heirs to bear his name, to maintain the sacred rites and sacrif ices of his family, and to uphold the house itself, the younger, a stripling under twelve years of age, five days before his triumph died; and the elder full fourteen years old and more, departed within three days after the triumph. Which two youths indeed ought to have been arrayed in their embroidered robes of purple, and so to have ridden in the chariot with their father, predestining and aiming to themselves the like triumphs another day.  
Some few days after, M. Antonius a Tribune of the Commons assembled a solemn audience of the people for his sake, wherein when after the manner & custom of other Generals he should discourse of his own exploits and worthy acts, 
The Oration of 〈…〉 the people of 〈◊〉.  he made unto them a memorable Oration and well beseeming a noble Roman prince, to this effect. Albeit suppose (quoth he) my neighbours and friends, the citizens of this noble city, you be not ignorant, both how happily I have administered the weal public, & also how unfortunately within these few days, two thunderbolts have shaken my private house, as having one while beheld the goodly show and pomp of my triumph testifying the one, and seen anotherwhile the woeful funerals and obsequies of my two sons declaring the other; yet I beseech you suffer me with that singleness of heart and affection, as I ought, to make a breeze comparison between mine own particular private fortune, and the public felicity of the city. At my departure from Italy, I loosed from Brundisium, and set up fail at the sun rising: by the ninth hour of the same day I arrived safe with all my ships at Corphu. The fist day after I came to Delphi, where I sacrificed unto Apollo, for myself, for your armies and your navy. From Delphi I departed, and within five days was in the leaguer. Where, after I had received the charge of the army, and altered some things which might greatly have hindered the victory, I marched forward, for that the enemy's camp was inexpugnable, and the king could not be forced by any means to fight: and piercing through his guards that kept the passage, I went as far as Petra: so as by this means having perforce drawn the king to fight, I vanquished him in plain field and ranged battle. Macedon I subdued, and brought it in subjection to the people of Rome. Finally, that war which for four years together other Consuls before me so managed, as each one left it ever to his successor worse than he found it, I archeeved and brought to a final end in fifteen days. I followed then in this train other prosperous affairs, as the fruits ensuing of that victory. For all the cities of Macedon yielded unto me. The king's treasure I seized upon: the king in person (as if the very gods themselves had delivered and put him into my hands) I took prisoner, with his sons in the temple of the Samothracians. But then my heart misgave me, and even then I suspected the surpassing and excessive favour of my good fortune: then cast I doubts, and began to fear the dangers at sea, having so mighty a mass of the king's treasure to transport, and my victorious army to reconduct back into Italy. But seeing all things fall out to hearts desire, a prosperous voyage, a safe arrival, and whatsoever I could pray for at the gods hands; this I wished in my heart, (as knowing full well the wont manner of fortune, when she is at the highest pitch, to turn back again and come as fast down) that mine own house, rather than the Commonweal, might feel that change and alteration whensoever it came. And therefore I hope that this so notable a calamity of mine own, shall excuse the city for having any other misfortune, since that my triumph (as it were to check and mock the changes of this world) hath fallen so just between the funerals of my two sons. See how I and Perseus are represented above all others for two notable examples of the frail and unstable condition of man. Lo how he, who being a prisoner himself, saw his sons likewise led captives before his face, hath them yet living found and safe: and I, who have triumphed over him, came from the burial of one of my sons to ride in my chariot up to the Capitol, & from thence descended again to find the other lying at point of death: neither is there of all that fair issue that I had, one left to bear the name of L. Paulus Aemylius. For two of them the house of the Cornelijs and the Fabiuses have, unto whom I gave them in adoption, as out of a great race and breed of children: so as now, in the family of Paulus there is not one left but himself. Howbeit for this calamity and ruin of my house, your felicity and the happy estate of the city is a great comfort and consolation again. These words delivered with such a magnanimity, troubled the spirits of the auditors, and astonished them more, than if he had lamentably moaned himself unto them with piteous tears, for his childless estate and desolate condition.  
C. Octavius solemnised his naval triumph over king Perseus the first day of December: in which solemnity, he neither had prisoners led in show, nor spoils carried in pomp. He gave to his mariners and sailors seventy and five Denarij apiece; to every pilot double, and to the shipmaisters four times as much. After this the Senate assembled, and the LL. ordained, That Q. Cassius should lead king Perseus with his son Alexander, together with his train that accompanied him, as also bring all his money and goods, silver, or what movables and furniture soever he had to Alba, there to be kept in sure custody. Bitis the king's son of Thrace, with the hostages was sent to Carseoli, there to lie in safe ward. As for the rest of the captives who had been led in triumph, thought good it was they should be clapped up fast in prison.  
Some few days after these things, there arrived ambassadors, from Cotys king of the Thracians, bringing with them money for the ransom of his son and the other hostages. Into the Senate they were brought, where, by way of preamble they laid this for the ground of their speech, That Cotys had not sided to king Perseus in the war, upon his own motive and accord, but was compelled to give hostages: then they befought the LL. of the Senate to suffer them to be redeemed at what price soever they would set down, were it never so high. Unto whom this answer was returned by authority of the Senate, That the people of Rome bore well in mind the amity which they had with Cotys, with his progenitors, and the whole nation of the Thracians. As for the giving of the hostages, it was rather an evidence to prove, than an argument to excuse their trespass and fault: considering that when Perseus was quiet, the Thracian nation stood in no fear and awe of him, much less then, when as he was troubled and occupied in war with the Romans. Howbeit although Cotys preferred the favour of Perseus before the friendship of the people of Rome, yet they would consider of the matter, and respect more his quality and what was meet, for his estate, than his desert and what he was worttie to have; and therefore they would release his son and the hostages, and send them home again. As for the people of Rome, their manner is to bestow their favours and benefits freely without regard of recompense: the worth and estimation whereof they had rather leave to the consideration and minds of the receivers, than require & demand the same presently. So there were ambassadors nominated to reconduct the hostages into Thrace, to wit, T. Quintius Flaminius, C. Licinius Nerva, & M. Caninius Rebilus. And to those Thracian ambassadors were given by way of presents 2000 asses apiece. So Bitis with the rest of the hostages was sent for from Corseoli, and with the forenamed ambassadors returned again to his father.  
The king's ships taken from the Macedonians, of an extraordinary and monstrous bigness before time, were landed upon Mars field and there laid up dry. Whiles the late remembrance of the Macedonian triumph remained still not in the minds only, but as it were in the very eyes of men, L. Anicius triumphed over king Gentius and the Illyrians upon the very day of the feast 
* It was called the fools holiday, and kept upon the 18 of February.  Quirinalia. It was generally thought that all things therein rather resembled some likeness in show, than otherwise countervailed in substance the former triumph. The General himself Anicius was inferior to Aemylius both in nobility and also in quality of person: and setting together their places of command, the one being but praetor, and the other Consul; neither was Gentius equal to Perseus, nor the Illyrians to the Macedonians. Spoil for spoil, money for money, gifts, for gifts, there was no proportion nor comparison between them. And therefore as that fresh late triumph was more resplendent & glorious than this, so considered in itself without other respect, it was not to be found fault withal & despised. Anicius within few days had vanquished and thoroughly tamed the nation of the Illyrians; both by sea and land proud and mighty, bearing themselves stout and bold for their strong and fenced forts. The king he took prisoner, and those of the king's race and royal blood. He showed in triumph many field ensigns, besides other spoils and movable goods of the king. Likewise of gold seven and twenty pound weight, and of silver nineteen; besides 3000 Denarij, and a hundred and twenty thousand pieces of Illynan silver in coin. Before his chariot were led king Gentius with his wife & children; Ca●ventius also the king's brother, and certain noblemen of Illyricum. Out of the pillage he gave unto his footmen five and forty Denarij a piece, to every Centurion a double proportion, and unto the horsemen a triple. To the allies of the Latin nation he allowed as much as to citizens; the sailors and mariners he made equal with the footmen. Herein he surmounted the triumph of Acmylius, for that his soldiers followed after his triumphant chariot more jocund and merry, and the General was praised and extolled in many a ditty and ballad. Antias writeth, That of his booty there was raised as much money as came to twenty millions of Sestertij, over and above the gold & silver that went into the common treasury. But because I could not see how possibly such a sum should be made, I have set down mine author for the thing, now, choose you whether you will believe him. King Gentius with his wife, children, and brother, was by order from the Senate led to Spolerium, there to be kept in ward: all the captives besides were at Rome cast into prison, and there lay. But when the Spoletines refused to take the charge and custody of him & the rest, these princes were translated from thence to Igiturvium. There remained besides of the Illyrian prizes two hundred and twenty barks, which being taken from king Gentius, Q. Cassius by the ordinance of the Senate gave and distributed among the citizens of Corphu, Apollonia, and Dyrrhachium.  
The Consuls that year after they had only wasted the territories of the Ligurians, because they could never train the enemies forth to fight, having done no memorable service returned to Rome for the choice of new magistrates in the room of the old. And so the first comitial or court day that came, they created Consuls M. Claudius Marcellus and C. Sulpitius Gallus. The morrow after were elected for Praetors L. Linius, L. Apulcius Saturninus, A. Licinius Nerva, P. Ruulius Calvus, P. Quintilius Varus, and Marcus Fonteius. These Pretours had their government in this manner: two for the jurisdiction within the city, two for Spain, the other for Sicily and Sardinia. This year leapt, and the leap day was the morrow after the feast Terminalia. That year died C. Claudius the Augur, and in his place the college of the Augurs chose T. Quintius Flamininus. Also M. Fabius Praetor the Flamen of Quirinus the same year departed this life. This year also came king Prusius to Rome with his son Nicomedes. He entered into the city with a great train attending upon him: from the gate he went directly to the common place and the tribunal of Q. Cassius the praetor. And when there was a great concourse of people about him from all parts; he said that his coming was to worship the gods which are the precedents of the city of Rome, as also to salute the people of Rome, and withal to show his own joy and to wish theirs for their happy victory over the two kings Perseus and Gentius, and for that by subduing the Macedonians and Illyrians, they had enlarged their signory and dominion. And when the praetor made an offer to call a Senate for him even that present day, it he would so himself; he desired two days respite, to see the temples of the gods to view the city, and to visit his good friends and acquaintance. L. Cornelius Scipio the treasurer was appointed to go about with him and show him all: who also had been sent as far as to Capua for to meet him upon the way: also for him and his train about him, there was a sufficient house taken up, where he was kindly and liberally entertained. The third day after he came into the Senate, where after he had congratulated in their behalf for their late victory, he recounted his own demerits and good deserts during the war: and then requested, that he might have leave to pay his vows and namely to sacrifice at Rome in the capitol, ten head of greater beasts, and one at Preneste to Fortune. For that he said those vows were made for the victory of the people of Rome. Also, that the league and alliance with him might be renewed. Item, that the land won by conquest from king Antiothus, which being not by the people of Rome given unto any, the Gauls notwithstanding held in possession, might be conveyed unto him by a deed of gift. Last of all, he recommended his son Nicomedes to the Senate. He found much favour among all them who had been Generals of armies in Macedon. And therefore he obtained directly all other suits that he made: only as touching the said lands, this answer he had, That they would send certain commissioners to see and view the thing. And if it appeared & fell out, that the foresaid land appertained to the people of Rome, and was not passed away by gift to any already, they would repute king Prusias the worthiest man of all other, to receive that donation at their hands. But if it never belonged to king Antiochus, and so was plain and evident that the people of Rome had no right unto it, or if the Gauls had a grant thereof already, Prusias then must be content and pardon them, if they were unwilling to gratify him with any gifts prejudicial & injurious to another. Neither could a thing being never so freely given, be an acceptable gift, which he knew the donor may take away from the doné at his pleasure. As for Nicomedes his son, they would willingly receive him into their protection at his hands so recommended. And how careful and tender the people of Rome was over king's children committed unto them to keep, may appear by Prolomaeus the K. of Egypt. With this answer was Prusias dismissed. Order was given that he should be presented with a certain sum of festerces, and with silver plate to the quantity of 50 pound weight. Also they ordained that his son Nicomedes should have gifts proportionable to that sum which was given Masgaba the son of Masanissa; also that beasts and all other things appertaining to sacrifices, should be allowed unto the king out of the cittie-chamber, like as to the magistrates of Rome, choose wither he would slay and offer them at Rome or Preneste. Also that out of that fleet which rid in the harbour of Brundisium, there should be twenty galleys assigned him to use, until such time as the king were arrived at the fleet which was given him. Finally that L. Cornelius Scipio should accompany him & never depart from him, but bear the charges both of him & his retinue about him until they were embarked & ashipbourd. It is said that the king joied wondrously at this courtesy and kindness offered him by the people of Rome, & that he would needs pay for those presents which were given him: only he commanded his son to take a gift at the hands of the people of Rome. Thus much have our historians written as touching K. Prusias. But Polybius reporteth, that this K. was unworthy the majesty of so honourable a name, for that he was wont to meet the ambassadors of Rome with his head shaved and a cap upon it; also to acknowledge & call himself the freed villain and vassal of the people of Rome, and to testify so much he ware the badge and token of that degree and condition. At Rome likewise when he entered the Counsel-house, he stooped down and kissed the very door fill, call the Senators gods, his saviours, yea and to have used other speeches not so honourable to the hearers, as base and unsitting his own person. When he had sejourned in and about the city not above thirty days, he took his leave and departed into his own Realm.   

To the Reader.  
FRom the five and fortieth book forward, all the rest of Livy (to the great main & blemish of the Latin tongue, and no small grief of learned men) is lost, even 100 books wanting five, like as those ten between the tenth and one & twentieth books, commonly called the second Decade. For as it appeareth by L. Florus the Epitomist, there were in all 140: and the arguments of so many remain at this day, by him collected. But if it be true that Francis Petrarch saith, Livy wrote in all 142: and as Charles Sigonius probably conjectureth, the 36 and 37 Breviaries of L. Florus be wanting of this latter number. How all these complete books of T. Livius should miscarry, it is not certainly known. Some hope there is, that they are but mis-cast and laid out of the way. For like as within these hundred years some fragments of the story were discovered in Magunce: and the last five books now extant, found by Simon Grinaeus in the Library of a monastery over-against the city of Wormbs, and dedicated by Erasmus of Rotterdam unto Charles, the son of William Lord Montjoy, in the reign of Henry the eight of famous memory K. of England, etc. so we are not to despair of the rest. In the mean time, we must make much of these brief summaries left unto us. Even as therefore. I have inserted those ten Breviaries in stead of the books: so I thought it not amiss (in hope that one day the very books themselves will come to light) to proceed in the rest following: and the rather, for that neither be that translated Livy into the Tuscan language, nor they who have done him into French (as far as I could ever see) have taken that pains.   

THE BREVIARIES OF L. FLORUS UPON THE REST OF T. LIVIUS HIS BOOKS, WHICH ARE NOT EXTANT.  

Of the six and fortieth Book.  
Eumenes came towards Rome. Now because in the Macedonian war he had carried himself indifferent between Perseus and the Romans, there passed a law in general terms, That no King might repair to Rome; to the end, that if he were excluded, he should not be reputed an enemy: nor if he were admitted, acquit and cleared of all fault. Cl. Marcellus the Consul subdued the Gauls inhabiting the Alpes, and C. Sulpitius Gallus the Ligurians. The Ambassadors of K. Prusias complained of Eumenes, for that he invaded and wasted their borders; and they informed besides, that he had conspired with Antiochus against the people of Rome. At the earnest suit and entreasie of the Rhodians, a league was contracted with them. The Censors took a review and survey of the city, wherein were enroled and sessed 327022 citizens of Rome. M. Aemylius Lepidus was elected precedent of the Senat. Ptolomaeus the king of the Egyptians, was by his younger brother expelled out of his realm, but by the means of Ambassadors (sent from Rome) he was restored to his kingdom. Upon the death of Ariarathes king of Capp●docia, his son Ariarathes came to the crown, and by intercourse and mediation of Ambassadors, renewed amittie with the people of Rome. This book containeth besides, the wars against the Ligurians, Corsians, and Lusitanians, fought with variable fortune: the troubles also in Syria after the death of Antiochus, who left behind him Antiochus his son, a very child. This young prince (together with his guardian Lysias) Demetrius the son of Selencus (who had been sent in hostage to Rome) murdered privily, because he was not set at large and dismissed by the Romans: and so himself entered upon the kingdom. L. Aemylius Paulus who had conquered Perseus, departed this life; whose incorruptions and abstinence from the public treasure was such, that notwithstanding he had brought both out of Spain and Macedon so great store of wealth and riches, yet when his goods were prized and sold, there would be hardly raised thereof sufficient to repay his wife her dowry. The Pomptine marshes were drawn dry by Cor. Cethegus the Consul (unto whom that charge was by lot fallen) and the same turned into firm ground.   

Of the XLVII. book.  
CNeus Tremellius a Tribune of the Commons had a fine set on his head, for that he had contended in a wrongful cause with M. Aemylius Lepidus the sovereign Pontifie. The power and authority of the clergy magistrates, was greater and mightier than before. A law was enacted as touching inordinate suit for offices. In the survey of the city, there were taxed in the subsidy book 328314 Roman citizens. L. Aemylius Lepidus was chosen again precedent of the Senat. Between the two brethren Ptolomees, who were at variance, there passed this accord and agreement, That the one should reign in Egypt and the other in Cyrenae. Ariarathus king of Cappadocia, by the politic plot & forcible power of Demetrius king of Syria dispossessed of his kingdom, was by the Senate set into it again. Certain ambassadors were sent as delegates from the Senate to determinie of the litigigius ground between Masanissa and the Carthaginians. C. Martius the Consul fought against the Dalmatians, at the first unfortunately, but afterwards achieved the victory. The occasion of the wa● with them was this; for that they had made waist upon the Illyrians, who were allies of the people of Rome. The same nation Cornelius Nasica the Consul brought in subjection. Q. Opimius the Consul subdued the Ligurians beyond the Alpes, who had spoiled Antipolis and Nicaes', two towns belonging to the seignerie of the Massilians. Moreover here are contained the adventures of many captains in Spain, with no good success. In the 598 year from the foundation of the city, the Consuls so soon as the assembly for election was past, & other Consuls chosen for the year following, began their office. The cause of this alteration was, because the Spaniards were entered into rebellion. The ambassadors aforesaid who had been sent to take up and decide the controversy between Masanissa and the Carthaginians, mand report, That they had sound great store of ship-timber and other matter for a navy at Carthage. Certain Pretours accused by the provinces for avarice, were condemned.   

Of the XLVIII. book.  
THe censors took a review and tax of the city, wherein were reckoned three hundred sour and twenty thousand polls of citizens. The causes of a third Punic war be here recorded. Upon a report that there was a right poissant army of Numidians upon the borders of the Carthaginians, conducted by Archobarzanes the nephew of Syphax, Marcus Porcius Cato persuaded in an oration to proclaim war against the Carthaginians, for that they entertained such a power within their frontiers under a colour against Masanissa, but in truth raised against the Romans: howbeit Publius Cornelius Nasica gain said him and dissunded the matter. Whereupon ordained it was, that Ambassadors should be sent to Carthage in espial, to observe what they did, and where-about they went. Who after they had given the Carthaginian Senate a check and rebuke, for that against the covenants of the league, they maintained forces, and were provided of timber and other stuff for a navy, they were willing to conclude a peace between Massanissa and them; so as Masanissa should forgue and part with the land in question. But Gisgo the son of Amilcar, a busy and seditious man, who then was sovereign magistrate (notwithstanding their Senate promised to be ruled by the award of the said ambassadors) incited them so by his persuasive remonstrances to war upon the Romans, that the ambassadors made shift to flee & save themselves, or else they had come to a mischief. When they related these news at Rome, the Senate already set and bend against the Carthaginians, were now by his words provoked much more. M. Percius Cato performed the funerals of his son, deceased in his Pretourship, with exceeding small charges, according to his ability, for he was put poor. One Andriscus, who stoutly made the world believe, that he was the son of Perseus the king of Macedon, was sent to Rome. M. Aemylius Lepidus, now six times chosen Precedent of the Senate by the censors, gave his sons in straight charge before he died, to carry him fourth to burial in a couch without linen clothes and the purple pall, and not to bestow in other obsequies above one denier, saying that the funerals of the greatest and best personages are wont to be ennobled and hounoured with the shows of images and titles, and not with sumptuous expenses. An inquisition there was about the practice of poisoning and sorcery. Publilia and Licinia; who were indited for making away their husbands, put in sureties before the praetor, to be bound in goods, lands, and body for them, and after judicial process passed, and their cause heard, by a decree of their kinsfolk suffered death. Gulussa the son of Masanissa gave intelligence, that at Carthage there was mustering and levying of soldiers, rigging and providing of a fleet, all preparations no doubt for war: and Publius Cornelius Nasica replied again, that nothing was to be done inconsiderately, without advice. Thought good it was to send ten ambassadors, for to see the truth of all, and upon their knowledge to certify. L. Licinius Lucullus and Aulus Posthumius Albinus the Consuls, when they took musters with severity and rigour, and would not for faveur spare any one, but priest all, were committed by the Tribunes of the commons, who for their friends could obtain at their hands to release and immunity of soldiery. By occasion of the wars in Spain, which many times had been untowardly and unfortunately managed, when the city of Rome was so dismayed and daunted, that there could not be found any one who would so much as accept of a martial Tribuneship, or was willing to go in quality of lieutenant; Publius' Cornelius Aemylianus stepped forth, made offer and professed, that he would undertake any kind of military service whatsoever should be laid upon him: and by his own example stirred up all the rest to the love of warfare. L. Lucullus the Consul, when Claudius Marcellus (after whom he succeeded) was thought to have quieted all the states & nations of Celtiberia, subdued the Vacceans, Cantabrians, and other regions and nations as yet unknown in Spain. P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemylianus, the son of L. Paulus, and the nephew of Africanus by adoption, being there a martial Colonel, show a Barbarian challenger that defied him. But in the winning of the city Intercatia, he adventured a more dangerous enterprise: For he was the first of all other that scaled and mounted over the wall. Servius Sulpitius Galba the praetor sped but badly in a battalle against the Portugals. When as the ambassadors were returned out of Africa, together with the Carthaginian Orators, and Galussa the son of Masanissa, bringing word, That they found at Carthage both an army and also an armada; thought good it was, to put to question and debate the matter in the Senate: where Cato and other principal Senators were of opinion and gave advise, to transport an army presently into Africa▪ but because Cornelius Nasica opined and said, That he saw as yet no just and sufficient cause of war, agreed it was to forbear all hostility and force of arms, in case the Carthaginians would burn their navy and discharge their army: if not, then agreed it was, that the Consuls next following in place of government, should propose as touching the Punickewarre. When the Theatre was built, which by the censors had been put forth to workmen to frame and set up at a price, through the means of Pub. Cornelius Nasica, who inferred, that it was a piece of work unprofitable, yea, and hurtful to the manners generally of the citizens; by virtue of an act of Senate demolished it was and pulled down; so as the people for a long time stood on their feet to behold the public plays. The Carthaginians at that time took arms contrary to the league, and warred upon Masanissa. But vanquished they were in field by him (who notwithstanding he now was fourscore year old & twelve, yet he used to taste his meat simply without any dainty sauce, yea, and to chew his bare bread still:) and over and besides they deserved to draw upon their head the Roman war.   

Of the XLIX. book.  
THe beginning of the third Punic war, in the six hundredth and one year from the city's foundation, which within 5 years after it began, came to a full & final end. Much diversity there was in opinion between M. Portius Cato whom they reputed for the wisest, and Scipio Nasica, who by the Senate was judged the best & honestest man in the city. Cato was altogether for the wars, & advised to destroy Carthage quite: Nasica chose dissuaded what he could. Nevertheless, in the end ordained it was, Th●t because against covenant & accord they kept a navy at sea, & had led forth an army out of their borders: also, for that they entered into arms and levied war upon Masanissa, a friend and confederate to the people of Rome, and received not into their town, Gulussa his son, who was in the company of the Roman ambassadors; war should be proclaimed against them. But before that any forces were embarked and had taken the sea, the ambassadors of Utica repaired to Rome, yielding themselves and all that they bade. That embassage, as a special presage to the issue and event of the war, was acceptable and pleasing to the lords of the Senate, but heavy and grievous to the Carthaginians. In Terentum [a place it was in Campus Martius, whereupon the pastimes Terentini took their name] were plates exhibited to Father Dis the infernal god, according to the direction of the books of Sibylla. These had been set out one hundred years before in the first Punic war and in the five hundredth year and one, after the city was▪ founded. Thirty ambassadors came to Rome, by whom the Carthaginians presented their submission. But the sentence of Cato imported and prevailed, to hold still their former determination, and that the Consuls with all speed should set forward in their journey to the war. Who having passed the seas and arrived in Africa, received of them three hundred hostages, whom they had required and demanded; and also took into their hands all their armours and weapons, and what furniture of war soever they found at Carthage. They proceeded moreover after all this, to command them by warrant and authority form the LL. of the Senate to build them a new town for to inhabit in some other place, so that it were ten miles at least remote from the sea: by which indignititie offered, they provoked the Carthaginians to rise and take arms again. L. Martius and M. Manilius the Consuls, began to besiege and assault Carthage: during which siege and assault, it fortuned that two Colonels unadvisedly adventured to break into the city with their cohorts, at one part thereof where the walls were neglected, & when by the townsmen they were sore beaten and killed, by the means of Scipio Affricanus they were rescued: by whom also a certain scone and fort of the Romans, which the enemies by night assailed, with the help of a few horsemen was delivered. Moreover he saved the camp, against which the Carthaginians sallied forth of their city to give the assault at once upon it with all their forces; by which service he above the rest won great honour. Over & besides, when as the Consul (for the other was gone to Rome to hold the election of Magistrates) seeing the siege and assault of Carthage took no better effect, minded to lead the army against Asdrubal, who with another power of men kept: the narrow straits of a certain passage, he counseled the said Cos. first, not to give battle in a place of such disadvantage; but afterwards overweighed and borne down by the opinions of the greater number (who envied as well his wisdom as virtue) he also entered into the same straits. And when the Roman army, according as he foretold, was discomfited and put to flight, and two cohorts beset round and invested by the enemies, he with certain small cornets of horse returned into those straight, rescued them, and brought them away in safety. Which valour of his, even Cato, (a man otherwise more ready of his tongue to find faults; so recommended in the Senate, that in these terms he gave out and said, 
* He 〈…〉 of H. mor. 〈…〉  That all there rest whowere employed in the wars of Africa, served as shadows and dead men, but Cato had true vigour and spirit indeed. The people of Rome besides cast such a savour and good liking to him, that at the next election, most of the tribes pricked him for to be Consul, notwithstanding he was by law under age. When L. Scribonius a Tribune of the Commons had promulged a law, That all the Portugals (who according to covenant and composition, yielded to the people of Rome, and yet by Sergius Galba were sold in France) should be restored to their freedom; M. Cato most earnestly pleaded in the behalf of that law, and maintained it. His Oration is extant to be seen, included within his Annals. Q. Fulvius Nobilior, albeit he was by him shaken up and well checked in the Senate, answered in the behalf of Galba. Yea, and Galba also, seeing himself at the point to be condemned, took in his arms and embraced his own two sons; being 
* 〈…〉 of age.  Praetextati, and a son of Caius Sulpitius whose Guardian he was, and made such piteous and rusull moan, all the while he spoke in his own cause, that the foresaid law was revoked and canceled. Three Orations of his there are to be seen; two against Libo a Tribune of the Commons and his proposed laws, as touching the Portugals; and one against Lucius Cornelius Cethegus, in which he confesseth and avoweth the kill of the Portugals, encamped near unto him: for that he knew certainly that they after their manner had sacrificed an horse and a man, and under a colour of peace, intended to set upon and charge his army. Andriscus one of base birth and the most abject lowest condition, who made the world believe that he was king Perseus his son, and thereupon changed his name and was called Philip, having made an escape and fled secretly from Rome (whither Demetrius king of Syria had sent him in regard of this his notorious lie) had many men come flocking unto him, embracing a forged & counterfeit fable of his, as if it had been a true same and report: by which means he gathered an army together, and either with the good will of the inhabitants, or by force of arms, seized all Macedon and held it in his hands. Now had he devised & framed the pageant in this wise, That Perseus the king had begotten him (forsooth) of a concubine: that he was committed to 
* Or. Creta 〈◊〉 into 〈…〉.  one Cyrthesa to be fostered and brought up: to the end that if aught should fall out but well unto the K. in that war which he waged with the Romans, there might be yet some seed as it were and issue remaining of the king's blood and royal race. When Perseus was deceased, he had his education at Adramittium until he was 12 years old, supposing him to be his natural father who fostered & kept him, & wist not at all from what stock he was descended. Now it sell out (saith he) that the said foster father of mine lay very sick; & being at the point of death, bewrayed at length my birth & parentage. Moreover, that there was a little book given to my supposed mother, sealed with the sign manuel of king Perseus, which she was to deliver unto me when I came once to ripe age, and to be 14 years old: charging her most straightly of all loves, to conceal the whole matter until that time were come: & when I was grown to that age aforesaid, than the book was given me, wherein mention was made of two chists of treasure left for me by my father. Then the woman, who knew full well that I was no child of hers, but only so reputed, bewrayed my birth unto me, who was aforetime ignorant of mine own descent: also the woman laid great wait upon me to depart out of those quarters before that Eumenes, a professed enemy to Perseus, came to the knowledge thereof, for fear to be murdered. In which respect I being affrighted, and hoping withal to find some aid at the hands of Demetrius, went into Syria; and there first I took heart unto me, and dared openly to profess who I was and never before. [Thus much of Andriscus this counterfeit kings, son.]   

Of the L. book.  
THessalie at what time as the foresaid counterfeit Philip would have invaded and kept it by force of arms, was by the means of the Roman ambassadors, together with the aid of the Achaeans defended. Prusias king of Bythinia, a favourer of the basest persons and lewdest vices, was by his own son Nicomedes murdered, with the help of Attalus King of Pergamus. Another son he had, who in stead of the upper row and course of distinct teeth, is reported to have had one entire bone for all, growing out at his gumbs. When the Romans had sent their ambassadors to conclude a peace between Nicomedes and Prusias; of which ambassadors, the one had his head full of many scars, the other was troubled with the gout in the feet, and the third reputed but blockish of spirit by nature, and none of the wisest; Cato said, That there was an embassage headless, footlesse, and heartless. In Syria, which at that time had for their king, one indeed of the line & race of Perseus K. of Macedon, but another Prusias up and down, for cowardice, idleness, and base mind; it so fell out, that whiles he haunted taverns, stews, and brothelhouses, and lay there altogether, Ammonius swayed the sceptre and reigned as King: by whose practice the king's friends, also Loodice the Queen, and Antigonus the son of Demetrius came to their end and were killed. Masanissa king of Numidia, a man above foureskore and ten years old, a famous prince and every way excellent, yielded to nature and died. Among other youthful parts which he performed to his dying day, this one, That in this old age of his he was so lusty, that after the foureskore and sixth year of his life he got a boy. Among his three sons, Mycipsa (the eldest) Gulussa, and Manastabal, who also had good knowledge in the Greek tongue, Publius' Scipio Aemylianus divided the administration of the kingdom: for their father had left it in common for them all, and had given order to part it at the discretion of the same Scipio. Likewise he persuaded Phamias the commander under Himilco of the Carthaginian cavalry, (a valiant warrior and whom the Carthaginians employed most of all others in service) to revolt with his men of arms and to turn Roman. Of those three ambassadors abovesaid, who were sent to Masanissa, Claudius Marcellus was cast away in a tempest upon the sea, and swallowed up of the waves in a ghust. The Carthaginians murdered in their Counsel-Chamber Asdrubal nephew of Masanissa, and their praetor for the time being, upon suspicion of treason. This jealousy of theirs arose hereupon, for that he was near in kindred and blood to Gulussa, who friended and succoured the Romans. Publius Scipio Aemylianus when he sued to be Aedile, was by the people propounded and nominated for Consul: and when as by law he might not for his young years be created Consul; hard hold there was about him: whiles the commons laboured with might and main for him, and the nobles and lords of the Senate gainsaid it a good while: but in fine, he was dispensed with, notwithstanding the 
* The law Annalis made by Lucius vilius Annalis, whereby no man was capable of a Consulship, under 43 years of age, and this Scipio was new but 37.  law in that behalf, & created Consul. Marcus Manilius (Proconsull) forced certain cities situate about Carthage. 
* Pseudo-philippus.  Counterfeit Philip, after he had slain M. Inventius the Praetor and Q. Caelius, & together with them defeated the army, was in Macedon vanquished himself and taken prisoner, and so Macedon was recovered again which had been lost before.   

Of the LI. book.  
CArthage, which took up in circuit the compass of four and twenty miles, was with exceeding pain and travail besieged and won by piece-meal: first under the conduct of Mancinus the lieutenant; afterwards of Scipio the Consul, unto whom without lot the province of Africa was extraordinarily granted. The Carthaginians having made a new peer (for that the old haven was choked and stopped up by Scipio) and gathered secretly in a small time a good fleet, fought a battle at sea unfortunately. Moreover the camp of Asdrubal their General: pitched in a place of most difficult access near the town Nepheris, was forced, and his army defeated by Scipio: who also in the end was the very city of Carthage, in the seven hundred year after it was first founded. The greatest part of the spoil and pillage there found, was restored to the Sicilians, from whom it had been taken. In the utmost extremity and final destruction of that city, when Asdrubal had yielded and submitted to Scipio; his wife (who some days before could not obtain at her husband's hands to abandon the town and fly to the conqueror) cast herself with her two children headlong from the castle into the mids of the flaming fire, wherewith the city burned. Scipio, following the example of his father Aemylius Paulus who had conquered Macedon, set forth certain solemn and plays and pastimes; wherein the renegates and fugitives he presented and objected to savage beasts. The causes of the Athaean war be here reported. The Roman ambassadors who had been beaten and ill entreated by the Achaeans, were sent unto Corinth, to sever and disjoin those cities (which had been under the signory of Philip) from the general diet and parliament of the Achaeans.   

Of the LII book.  
QVintus Caecilius Metellus fought a battle at Thermopylae with the Achaeans, that had to aid them the Boeotians and Chalcidians: who being overcome, Critolaus their chief captain shortened his own life by poison: and in his place 
* Crraether Dic●●. Pansan. in Achai●●●.  Drachus the first author of the troubles in Achaea, was by the Achaeans chosen General of the field, and by L. Mummius the Consul vanquished near to Isthmus: who having received all Achaea by surrender, razed and destroyed utterly Corinth, by an Act and commission directed out of the Senate; because the Roman ambassadors were there abused. Thebes also and Chalcis which had aided the Achaeans, were overthrown and pulled down. Mummius for his own part, bore himself most abstinent and uncorrupt: for of all that wealth, & those goods and ornaments wherewith Corinth was mightily enriched, there came not one parcel into his house. Quintus Caecilius Metellus triumphed for the conquest of Andriscus, and Publius Cornelius Scipio Affricanus Aemylianus likewise over Carthage and Asdrubal. Viriatus in Spain, first of an herdman became an hunter, and of a hunter proved to be a very thief and robber: and within a while after, was chosen General of a complete and main army, and seized to his own use all Portugal. He took prisoner M. Vitilius the Praetor, when he had first discomfited his host in the field. After whom C. Plautius the praetor sped no better in fight. This enemy so terrified the Romans, that to make head against him they found it necessary to employ a full consular army, and a Consul commander. Moreover in this book be recorded the troubles of Syria, and the wars between the kings. 
* 〈◊〉 ius he 〈…〉.  Alexander an obscure person and base borne, having stain (as is beforesaid) Demetrius the king, reigned in Syria. Him Demetrius (the son of Demetrius) slew, by the help of Ptolomaeus king of Egypt, whose daughter Cleopatra he had espoused and married. This Demetrius in times past had been sent out of the way into Gnidos by his father, fearing the doubtful chances of the war: and he entered upon this action by occasion of the contemptible sloth and cowardice of the said Alexander. Ptolomeus was grievously wounded in the head: and in the cure, whiles the Chirurgeons went about to 
* 〈…〉  trypanize the bones of his skull, died under their hand. And in his stead Ptolomeus his younger brother who reigned in Cyrenae, succeeded and took upon him the crown. Demetrius for his cruelty which he exercised upon his people by racking and other torments, was vanquished in battle by Diodorus, one of his own subjects: who made claim to the kingdom in the right and title of Alexander's son, a young child hardly two years old: whereupon he fled to Seleucia. Lucius Mummius triumphed over the Achaeans, in which solemnity he carried in pompous show sundry images as well of brass as marble, besides pictures and painted tables.   

Of the LIII. book.  
Appius' Claudius the Consul subdued the Salassians, a nation inhabiting the Alpes. A second 
* 〈…〉  Mock-Philip there was in Macedon, who by L. Tremellius the treasurer was with his army defeated and slain. Q. Cecilius Metellus the Proconsul gave the Celtiberians an overthrow. The most part of Portugal was regained by Q. Fabius the Pro consul, and many cities thereof by assault forced. C. julius a Senator by calling, wrote the Roman history in the Greek tongue.   

Of the L four book.  
QVintus Pompeius the Consul subdued the Termeslines in Spain: with whom verily as also with the Numantines, by occasion of his infirmity and sickliness, he concluded peace. Are-view and numbering of the citizens was taken by the Censors: wherein were enroled four hundred twenty eight thousand, 
* 〈…〉 524342.  three hundred forty two polls. At what time as the Macedonian ambassadors came to complain of D. junius Syllanus, the lord deputy over them, for that he took their money, and nevertheless made an havoc of the province, and thereupon the Senate was willing to have the hearing of their complaints: T Manlius Torquatus the father of Syllanus, exhibited a request, and obtained, that the inquiry and decision of such a matter as this might be referred over and committed unto him. And after he had sitten upon this commission at home in his own house and found his son guilty, he both condemned him and put him away: nay, when afterwards as he had hanged himself, for that was his end, he would not be so much as present at his funeral, but according to his ordinary manner and custom, sat in his house, attending all clients and comers to him for counsel. Q. Fabius the Proconsul, after he had managed the wars in Spain right prosperously, marred all with this foul blot and spot of dishonour, in that he contracted a peace with Viriatus, upon even and equal conditions. This Viriatus by a practice complotted by Servilius Caepio, was treacherously murdered by traitors, and of his own army was much bewailed. At his death he was rung out of this world with a notable peal of 
* Adieu, adieu.  farewell, and right honourably interred: an excellent man, and most brave captain for the space of thirteen years, during which time he warred with the Romans, and ever for the most part went away with the winning hand.   

Of the LV. book.  
While P. Cornelius Nasica, who by way of mockery was surnamed Serapio, by scoffing Curatius a Tribune of the Commons, & D. junius Brutus the Consul took the musters, there happened in the very sight of the new and raw soldier an occurrent of great consequence, & for example sake exceeding profitable. For C. Matienus was judicially accused before the Tribunes of the Commons, for that he had abandoned and forsaken his own army in Spain, whereupon he being convict, was condemned and scourged a long while with rods, carrying a fork or cross upon his shoulders, and in the end sold as a slave for a small piece of silver of 
* Sestertio numo, the fourth part of Denarius.  three halfpences farthing cue. The Tribunes of the Commons, because they might be allowed to exempt from military service ten soldiers apiece, whom it pleased them to choose, commanded the Consuls to prison, jun. Brutus the Consul, whiles he was in Spain, endued those soldiers who had served under Viriatus with land and living, and gave them a town to inhabit called Valentia. M. Popilius, together with his army was soiled and put to the rout by the Numantines, with whom the peace that was concluded, the Senate had passed an act, that it should not stand in force. The occasion was this: As C. Mancinus the Consul was devoutly sacrificing, the sacred chickens chanced to fly away out of their cage or coupe. Afterwards, as he was about to take sea and go a shipboard for to pass over into Spain, there happened a voice to be heard, saying, Stay, Stay Mancinus. These proved in the effect to be unfortunate and heavy presages unto Mancinus, for he received an overthrow at the Numantines hands, and was turned clean out of his camp. And seeing no-hope else to save his army, he entered into a dishonourable peace with them, but the Senate expressly revoked and annulled the same. 30000 Romans were defeated by 4000 Numantines & no more. D. junius made a general conquest of all Portugal, even as far as to the Ocean, by forcing and sacking their cities and strong towns: and when his soldiers were loath to pass over the river 
* A river in Spain, called sometime Li●nea, or L●●he, and at this day limia.  Oblivio, he caught up a banner from the port-ensigne, and carried it over with him, and by this means persuaded them to go through. Alexander's son, king of Syria, a child not above ten years old at the most, was treacherously murdered by Diodorus his guardian or protector, surnamed Tryphon. There were physicians by corruption bribed & suborned to give it out and bear the people in hand most falsely, that the young prince pined away with the pain of the stone in the bladder, and whiles they would seem to cut him for it, they killed him out of hand in the very section.   

Of the LVI. book.  
Decius' junius Brutus had good fortune in the farther province of Spain, fight with the Gallicians. But M. Aemylius Lepidus proconsul sped far otherwise in his wars against the Vaccci, and suffered the like overthrow to that other received from the Numantines. When Mancinus the autheur and maker of the accord 〈…〉 when he was unwilling to accept thereof, by reason of a law forbidding expressly, 
* 〈…〉  that any 〈…〉 he created Cos. the second time, he had a dispensation, and was freed from the law in that 〈…〉 as from the 
* 〈…〉  other in his former Consulship. There was an insurrection of bondslaves arose 〈…〉 when it could not be suppressed by the Pretours and lord governors, C. Fulvius had the charge of that province and service. This war began by occasion of one Etinus a bondslave and a Syrian borne, who having assembled together a power of rustical peasants and country slaves, broken prisons sons and horses of correction, came to have a full and complete army. Moreover, Cleon also another notable slave, raised to the number of 70000 villains like himself: and they both joining their forces together, waged war many times against the people of Rome and their army in those parts.   

Of the LVII. book.  
SC●pio Africanus laid s●g● to Numantia: and whereas the army was grown to be corrupted through 〈◊〉 and loose l●s●, he reclaimed the same, and reduced it unto a most straight and severe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●ed 〈◊〉. For he cut off all the means and occasions of delight some pleasures: he sent pas●●ing away two thousand whores and trulls that followed the camp: he held the soldiers hard to 〈◊〉 everyday: he forced each one to carry on his shoulders corn for thirty days, and seven good slaves besides for a palla●sad●, if he spied one of them to go heavily under his load, he would say thus unto him, S●●●ha, when you have the skill to impale yourself with your sword's point, then cease to carry p●●●, but not before. When he saw another practice to wield very nimbly a little light buckler, he commanded him to bear a target of a bigger size, and weightier than ordinary, as finding fault, that he 〈◊〉 better how to hold his shield for defence of his own body, than to handle his sword for offence of the enemy. Met he with a soldior out of his rank and file? if he were a Roman, up he went and was well ●●dged & swaddled with v●ne-wands by the centurions, if a stranger, swinged & tierked he was with [birthjen] 
* 〈…〉  rods by the Lictors. And verily all the pack horses and other labouring beasts he caused to be sold; because they should not ease the soldiers of their carriage. Well, many a time he bore himself worthily in fight, and had a fortunate hand against the enemies that sallied forth against him. The Vacceans were strenghtly besieged: and after they had killed their wives and children, they slew their own selves upon them. Scipio, at what time as Antiochus king of Syria had sent unto him most rich and stately presents: whereas other Generals of the field were wont to conceal the gifts of KK. he avowed the accepting of them in open sight of all men, even at the very Tribunal seat. And when he had so done, he commanded the tr●●s●●er to receive all, and enter in his book of receipts for the state; promising out of that stock to reward the hardiest men & most valiant knights. When he had blocked and invested Numentia on every side, and saw the enemies driven to great distress for hunger, he for bad expressly to kill any of t●●m that went forth of the town to forage and purvey victuals, saving, That the more they were in number, the sooner they would consume and spend up the corn which they had.   

Of the LVIII. book.  
ITherius Sempronius Gra●chus a Tribune of the Commons, when he promulged an Agrarian law, that no man should hold and occupy above 
* 〈…〉  five hundred arpens or acres of the city lands, seeing the Senate and order of gentlemen to storm against it, grew into such an heat of choler and furious rage, that presently by an act made, he deprived of Tribunitian power 〈◊〉 his Coll●gue, for maintaining the cause of the adverse part: and withal, created himself, his brother C. Graechus, and App. Claudius' his own wife's father, Triumvirs or commissaries for dividing of the said lands. He proposed also and published another Agrarian law, by virtue whereof if any man encroached farther, and went above that stint & proportion, the same Triumvirs and none but they should set down and determine, how far forth the common grounds & the private lands should r●●ch. Afterwards, when there sell out to be less ground than could be divided, he protested that without the offence of the common people (because erewhile he had stirred up their appetite to hope for great matters) he would prefer a law, That amongst all them, who by virtue of the law Sempronia ought to receive lands, the money which belonged sometime to King Attalus should be divided. Now this Attalus the king of Pergamus and son of Eumenes, had left behind him, the people of Rome his fall beire of all that he had. The Senate upon these so many indignities offered by Gracehus, was highly displeased, and Pub. Mucius the Consul above the rest: who after he had enveighed in the Senate against him, was by him haled forth before the people, and accused unto the Commons, howbeit he declaimed against him once again openly from the Rostra. When Gracchus would have been chosen Tribune of the Commons a second time, by the advice and procurement of P. Cornelius Nasica, the chief peers and nobles slew him in the Capitol. He caught his first knock with the broken pieces of the Tribunes pu●s. And he among others slain in that seditious garboil, was never committed to the earth, but thrown into the river. Moreover, this book containeth the battles in Sicily, fought against the fugitive slaves with variable fortune and event.   

Of the LIX. book.  
THe Numantines forced by great extremities, and of famine especially, murdered themselves in course by turns. After the city was won, Scipio Affricanus razed and destroyed it utterly: & over it triumphed, in the fourteenth year after the ruin of Carthage. P. Attilius the Consul dispatched and ended the war in Sicily, with the foresaid fugitives. Arislonicus the son of king Eumenes, invaded Asia and held it to his own use; whereas by the last will and testament of king Attalus, it was bequeathed as a legacy unto the people of Rome, and aught to have been freed. Against him, P. L●tinius Crassus the Consul & Archbishop besides (a thing never done or seen before) took a journey with an army out of Italy, and in a ba●tel was overthrown and lest his life. M. Perpenna the Consul overcame Aristonicus, and received him by surrender. I. Pomponius and I. Metellus were elected Censors, the first Commoners that ever both together attained to that dignity. A review was taken by the Censors; wherein were numbered 368823 citizens, besides orphans and widows. Q. Metellus the Censor gave his advice and opinion, that all men should be compelled to take wives, for the breeding of children. His Oration to that purpose is extant: which Augustus Caesar, at what time as he went in hand to join in marriage all the three states and degrees of the city, rehearsed in the Senate, as if it had been penned to fit these times wherein we now live. C. Atinius Labeo, a Tribune of the Commons, commanded Q. Metellus the Censor (who in the review and new choice of the Senators did him that disgrace as to l●ave him out) to be pitched down headlong from the rock Tarpeia: but the rest of the Tribunes assisted the Censor all that ever they could, that this commandment should not be executed. When Carbo, a Tribune of the Com. proposed a bill, that it might be lawful to create the same man Trib. of the Commons so often as one would; P. Africanus dissuaded this law in a most grave and pithy Oration: wherein he used these words especially, That he judged Tib. Gracchus to have been iuslly slain for his deserts. Gracchus on the other side maintained the law, and pleaded that it might pass: but Scipio imported and prevailed in the end. In this book are related the wars between Antiochus king of Syria, & Phraates king of the Parthians: as also the troubles of Egypt, which stood as then in no better terms. Ptolomaus surnamed Evergetes, for his exceeding cruelty grew hateful and odious to his own subjects: and when the people had set on fire and burned his royal palace, he fled by stealth into Cyprus; & when the kingdom was by the people made over to his sister Cleopatra, whom (after he had deflowered by force her daughter, a virgin, and so taken her to wise) he had turned away in great displeasure and malice unto her; he killed that son whom he had by her, in Cyprus, & sent unto the mother his head, hands and feet. Certain seditions were raised by the Triumvirs, Fulvius Flaccus, C. Gracchus, and L. Carbo, who were created for the decision of land. Against whom P. Scipio Africanus made resistance: but being in perfect health strong and lusty, he went home to his house as it might be to day, and was found dead in his bed chamber the next morrow. His wife Sempronia was deeply suspected to have given him a cup of poison, & hereupon especially, because she was sister to the Gracchis, between whom and Africanus there was grudge and enmities. Howbeit, there was no question and straight enquiry made how he came to his death. When his head was once laid, the Triumvir all seditions beforesaid, broke forth into a more light & hot fire. C. Sempronius the Consul fought against the japida, first unfortunately, but soon after he made amends for that loss received, with a victory achieved by the special valour of C. junius Brutus, the same man who before had conquered Portugal.   

Of the LX. book.  
AVrelius the Consul subdued the Sardians. Fulvius Flaccus was the first man that vanquished in fight the Ligurians beyond the Alpes, being sent to aid the Massilians against the French Salyes, who lay sore upon the borders of the Massilians, and spoiled them. Lucius Opimius the praetor, received under his subjection the Fregellanes who had revolted, and destroyed the town Fregella. Here is reported a pestilence in Africa, by an exceeding multitude of locusts, killed and lying dead afterwards upon the ground. A survey was taken of the city by the Censors, wherein were numbered 390736 citizens'. C. Gracchus, brother of Tiberius, a Tribune of the Commons, but of the twain more eloquent, preferred certain dangerous and pernicious laws: & among the rest, one as touching grain, namely, that the Commons should be served in the market, at the rate of one half, and a third part of 
* ob.  Ass, a Mod●us; another, concerning division of lands, the same which his brother before him had published, and a third (whereby he meant to corrupt the order of gentlemen, which then accorded with the degree of Senators) namely, that from out of those gentlemen, 600 should be taken into the Senate: & for as much as in these days, there were but three hundred Senators, those six hundred gentlemen should be enter●ing●d with the said three hundred; that is to say, that the order of gentlemen should be double in number to the Senators, and twice as strong. This Gracchus having continued his Tribuneship another year, by proposing still the Agrarian laws prevailed, that many Colonies more should be planted in Italy, and one besides, upon the very plot of ground where Carthage lately destroyed, had stood: and there himself (chosen Triumvir therefore) erected a Colony. Moreover, this book containeth the exploits of Q. Metellus against those Baleare Islands, which the greeks call Gyvenesia, because the people go naked all the summer time. But Baleares they be named either of 
* 〈…〉.  slinging darts, or of Bal●●u the companion of Hercules, whom he left behind there, at what time as he sailed to Geryon. Also, the troubles in Syria be here reported, wherein Cleopatra slew both her husband Demetrius and his son Selencus; ●aking great indignation, than when his father was by her killed, he without her warrant had taken the diad: me upon him.   

Of the LXI. book.  
_●Aius Sextius the Proconsul, after he had conquered the nation of the Salyes, built the Colony Aquae Sextiae, so called of the plenteous abundance of waters, by reason of springs both hot and cold, and also of his own name. C. Comi●ius the Proconsul fought fortunately against the 
* Sa●●, 〈…〉 & 〈◊〉.  Allo●roges, near the town: 
* 〈…〉.  Vindalium. The cause why he levied war against them was, for that they had received and relieved by all means they could, Teutomalius the king of the 
* 〈…〉  Salvijs when he fl●d unio them, and had wasted also the territories of the 
* 〈…〉  Heduans, who were the allies of the people of Rome. C. Gracchus, after he had borne his Tribuneship with much sedition, and kept the Aventine hill with a multitude of the Commons in arms, was by L. Opimius' the Consul (who by virtue of an act of Senate had put the people in arm.) dizseized of his hold and slain; and together with him Fulvius Fl●ccus a Consular man, his associate and companion in this furious outrage. Q. Fabius Maximus the Consul, and nephew of Pa●lus, won a field of the Allobryges, and Bituttus king of the Arverni. Of B●tuitus his army were slain a hundred and twenty thousand. And when himself in person was gone to Rome to satisfy the Senate, he was committed toward in Alba, for that it seemed dangerous and hurtful to the peace, for to send him back again into France. Also there passed a decree, that Congentiatus his son should be apprehended and sent to Rome. The Allobroges submitted and were received. L. Opimius being accused before the body of the people by Q. Decius a Tribune of the Commons, for imprisoning certain citizens uncondemned, was acquit.   

Of the LXII. book.  
CAlus Marcius the Consul vanquished the Stonij, a people dwelling upon the Alpes. Micipsa, king of the Numidians died, and lest the kingdom unto to his three sons, Adherbal, Hyempsal, and jugurtha his brother: son, whom he had adopted for his own child. L. Caecilius Metellus subdued the Dalmatians. jugurtha the levied war upon Hyempsall his brother, overcame him in fight, and slew him: Adherball his third brother, he drove out of the realm, but by the Senate of Rome restored he was again. I., Caecilius Metellus, and Cn. Demitius Ahenobarbus the censors, deprived two and thirty Senators of their place and dignity. Besides, this book containeth the troubles of the Syrian kings.   

Of the LXIII. book.  
CAllus Percius Cato the Cos. fought with the 
* 〈◊〉  Scordisci in Thracio, & lost the field. The Censors took a survey of the city: in which were enroled 394336 polls of Roman citizens. Aemylia, Licinia, & Marcia, three vestal virgins were convicted and condemned for incest. The manner how this their fornication was committed, detected, judged, and punished, is here set down. The 
* Iui●landert.  Cimbrians, an huge and mighty nation, invaded Illyricum and put it to the waist: by whom Papirius Carbo the Consul was defeated, both he and his army. Livius Drusus the Consul, warred in Thrace upon the Scordisci, (a people descended from the Gauls) and won much honour.   

Of the LXIIII book.  
ADherball warred upon by jugurtha, was within the city Cirta besieged, and by him slain, notwithstanding the commandment of the Senate to the contrary. For which cause war was proclaimed against jugurtha himself. Calparnius Beslia had the commission & charge to manage this war: who made peace with jugurtha, without warrant from the people and Senate. jugurtha being cited and called forth under safeconduct, to appeach and bewray the authors of his plots & designs, for that the voice went that he had bribed and corrupted with sums of money many of the Senate, came to Rome: where he was in trouble and jeopardy for a murder committed upon the person of a certain prince called Massiva (who seeing him to be hated of the Romans, sought for his kingdom) whom he slew at Rome. Being commanded to answer for his life in regard of this murder, he secretly fled, and as he departed from the city, uttered (by report) these words, O corrupt city and set to sale; how soon will it perish, if it may meet with a chapman? A. Posthumius a lieutenant General, after he had likewise sought an unfortunat battle against jugurtha, amended the matter full well by making an ignominious and dishonourable peace with him, which the Senate judged not meet to be observed and kept.   

Of the LXV. book.  
QVintus Caecilius Metellus the Consul in two battles discomfited jugurtha and overran all Numidis. M. jun. Syllanus the Consul sped unluckily in a battle fought against the Cimbrians: whose ambassadors demanding of the Senate a place of habitation and lands to occupy, were denied. M. Minufius Proconsull, had good success in fight against the 
* of Zurich.  Thracians. L. Cassius the Consul together with his host, was defeated and cut in pieces in the borders of the Allobroians by the French Tigurines, a country of the 
* Swissers.  Helvetians, who had divided themselves & were departed from the rest of the State. The soldiers remaining alive after that over throw, capitulated with the enemies for safety of their lives, to put in pledges for to part with the one moiety of all that ever they had, unto them.   

Of the LXVI. book.  
IVgurtha driven out of Numidia by C. Marius, had the help and aid of Bocchus king of the Moors: but when the power of Bocchus also was defeated in battle, and himself unwilling to maintain the war any longer (so unfortunately begun) jugurtha was overcome, and delivered up to C. Marius. In which exploit the service of L. Cornelius Sylla treasurer unto Marius, was singular above the rest.   

Of the LXVII. book.  
AVrelius Scaurus lieutenant to the Consul, was with his army overthrown by the Cimbrians, and himself taken prisoner. When by them he was called forth to counsel (at what time as they intended a voyage into Italy) in which he seemed to fright them for passing over the Alpes, saying, That the Romans might not possibly be overcome; he was by Bolus their king a proud and fierce prince, killed. At the same enemy's hands Cn. Manlius Cos. and Q. Servilius Caepio, Proconsull, received an overthrow in the field and lost both their camps. Slain there were foureskore thousand soldiers: of porteri, scullions, lander, and such followers of the camp besides, forty thousand. By the verdict and censure of the people of Rome, Caepio (through whose rashness this loss and overthrow happened) was condemned: and he was the first after king Tarquin whose goods were confiscate; and finally deprived he was of his government. In the triumph of C. Marius, jugurtha with his two sons was led before his chariot: and afterwards murdered in prison. Marius' entered into the Senate, with his triumphant mantel of estate, which never any man before him had done, & for fear of the Cimbrians war he continued in his magistracy many years together. To his second and third Consulship he was chosen 
* Notwithstanding a law to the contrary.  absent, and he attained to be Consul the fourth time: which he gaped for, albeit he dissembled the contrary. C. Domitius was by the suffrages of the people created the chief Pontisie. The Cimbrians having laid wast all the parts about the river Rhodanus and the mountain Pyrenaeus, passed over into Spain through the straits: where after they had spoiled many places, they were by the Celtiberians chased away: and being returned into France, they joined with the 
* The Datchor 〈◊〉  Teutones, a warlike nation.   

Of the LXVIII. book.  
MArcus Antonius the praetor persecuted the rovers at sea, and chased them as far as into Cilicia. C. Manlius the Consul manfully defended the camp, assailed with all most forcible means by the Theutones and 
* An●●landers  Ambrones. Afterwards in two battles one after another about 
* 〈◊〉  Aquae Sextiae, he utterly defeated those enemies: where (by report) were slain two hundred thousand, & ninety thousand taken prisoners. Marius in his absence was created Consul now the fifth time: and when a triumph was offered unto him, he differred and put it off, until he had made a full and final conquest also of the Cimbrians. The Cimbrians repelled and drove from the Alpes Q. Catulus the Proconsull, who had beset the narrow gullet of the Alpes, and kept a castle highly mounted over the river Athesis, which he now abandoned: and when by their valour they had cleared the passage, they pursued the Proconsull with his army and passed over into Italy, where in battle they were over thrown by the same Catulus and C. Marius, who had joined their forces together: In which (they say) one hundred and forty thousand men were slain, and 60000 taken prisoners. Marius was honourably received at his return with a general accord of the whole city: and whereas two triumphs were offered unto him, he was content with one. The principal peers and nobles of the city, who a long time before had envied him as a man newly start up, risen, and advanced to so great honours, confessed now that the common weal by him was preserved. Publicius Metellus for murdering his own mother, was the first man sowed up in a leather bag and so thrown into the sea. Here is recorded how the sacred shields Ancilia stirred of themselves with a great rustling noise before the Cimbrians war was finished. Finally this book comprehendeth the wars between the two kings of Syria.   

Of the LXIX. book.  
CNeus Apuleius Saturninus, by the help of C. Marius, and by occasion that A. Nonius his competitor and concurrent was by his soldiers slain, was by forcible means created Tribune of the commons, and bore the Tribuneship as violently as he got it. And when he had proposed an Agrarie law and passed it by force, he arrested Metellus Numidicus to answer at a day, for that he had not subscribed & sworn to the said law: who being manteined and defended by the citizens of the better sort, because he would give none occasion of unseemly debates and evil contentions, went in voluntary exile to Rhodes: and there he employed his time in reading of books, and giving audience to great and famous men. After he was departed, C. Marius the chieftain and author of that sedition, who now had purchased a sixth Consulship by a largesse of money skambled amongst the tribes, proclaimed him as excommunicate and enterdicted from fire and water like an outlaw. The same Apuleius Saturninus Tribune of the commons, slew C. 
* Numius.  Memmius in his white gown standing to be Consul, for that he feared him above all others to cross his proceedings: whereupon the Senate was exceedingly moved in the cause and behalf of C. Memmius: and when C. Marius a man by nature mutable, & in his counsel variable, one who ever loved to be on the better side of the hedge and to band with the mightier, was not able to bear him out and protect him, the said Saturninus together with Glaucia the praetor & other his complices in that outrage, was slain by one Rabirius. Q. Caecilius Metellus was recalled out of banishment with exceeding great love and favour of the whole city. Manius Aquilius the Proconsul dispatched and ended the slaves-warre raised in Sicily.   

Of the LXX. book.  
WHen Manius Aquilius should plead his own defence, or answer in case of extortion, he would not himself entreat and crave the favour of the jury. But M. Antonius his advocate, who pleaded for him at the bar, sit his coat down along his breast, to show the honourable scars received in the forepart of his body: which being by the judges seen, they made no doubt, but acquit him. Of this thing Cicero is the only author. Didius the Proconsull managed his wars against the Cel●berians, happily. Ptolomaeus K. of Cyrenae surnamed Apion, when he died, lest the people of Rome his heir: & the Senate ordained that the cities of his realm should be free. Ariobarzanes was restored to his kingdom of Cappadocia, by L. Cornelius Sylla. The Parthian ambassadors sent from their K. Arsaces' came unto Sylla, to treat and sue for amity with the people of Rome. P. Rutilius a man of uncorrupt and innocent life, who (being lieutenant under L. Mucius the Proconsull) had defended Asia from the wrongful dealings of the Publicans or common farmers (being odious to the order of knighthood or gentlemen of Rome, who now as judges had the jurisdiction in their hands) was condemned for extortion and banished. C. Geminus the Praetor fought untowardly against the Thracians. The Senate would no longer abide the unrulines and wilful abuses committed by the gentlemen in excercising of their jurisdiction, and therefore began by all means possible to endeavour, for to reduce and translate that prerogative again to themselves: in which enterprise M. Livius Drusus a Tribune of the commons stood in their behalf: who to gain more strength to the cause, raised the commons by proposing unto them a pernicious hope of a largesse. Moreover in this book are comprised the stirs and troubles of the kings in Syria.   

Of the LXXI. book.  
MArcus Livius Drusus a Tribune of the commons, for the better maintenance of the Senate's cause, which he had undertaken, solicited the allies and the nations of Italy, upon hope to be enfranchised citizens of Rome: by whose assistance having gone through by strong hand, with the Agrarian and Frumentarian laws, he obtained also the foresaid law judicialis, in this manner, That all judgements should pass indifferently and equally by Senate and gentlemen. After this, when the freedom of Rome promised to the allies could not be compassed and performed; the Italians in a chase and heat of choler began to complot how to revolt: whose conventicles, conspiracies, and orations delivered in the assemblies and diets of their princes, are in this book reported: In regard whereof, Livius Drusus became hateful even to the Senate, as the author of a social war, and in his own house was murdered, but by whom God knoweth.   

Of the LXXII. book.  
THe Italian states revolt, namely the Picents', Vestines, Marsians, Pelignians, Marrucines, Lucanes, and Samnites. The Picents' first entered into arms and began the war. Quintus Servilius the Proconsull was slain in Asculum, together with all the Roman citizens which were in that town: whereupon the whole people of Rome put on arms and soldiers coats. Servus Galba being surprised by the Lucanes, escaped captivity by the means of one woman, in whose house he took up his lodging. Esernia and Alba two colonies, were by the Italians besieged. After this, here are reported the aids of the Latins and other foreign nations sent unto the people of Rome: moreover the expeditions and alternative winning of cities, as well by the one side as the other.   

Of the LXXIII. book.  
LVcius Caesar the Consul, in a battle against the Samnites went down and had the worse. Nola the colony fell into the hands of the Samnites, together with L. Posthumius the praetor, who there was slain. Many more nations revolted to the enemies, for that P. Rutilius the Consul had fought with loss against the Marsians, and lost his life in the battle. C. Marius his lieutenant had a better conflict with the enemies in the end and upshot. Servius Sulpitius vanquished the Pelignians. Q. Caepio another lieutenant of Rutilius, who having been by the enemies besieged, had sallied forth upon the enemies & gotten the upper hand: for this good success he was made equal in government & command with C. Marius. But hereupon he grew to be too rash, and being overtaken by an ambush of the enemies, was slain, and the army defeated. L. Caesar the Consul won a field of the Samnites: for which victory the soldiers coats were laid off again at Rome. Yet because the fortune of the field would show herself variable, the colony Essernia together with M. Marcellus, was taken by the Samnites. On the other side, Marius in a battle vanquished the Marsians, and slew Hirmius Asimius the praetor of the Marrucines. C. Caecilius overcame the Salvijs that rebelled in that province of Gaul beyond the Alpes.   

Of the LXXIIII. book.  
CNeus Pompeius discomfited the Picents' in battle and held them besieged: for which victory the embroidered purple robes, with other ornaments and badges of the magistrates were taken up again and put on. C. Marius fought against the Marsians with doubtful event. The libertines then and never before, began to serve in the wars. Aurelius Plotius the lieutenant, in a battle overcame the Vmbrians: likewise L. Porcius the Praetor vanquished the Marsians, when as both these nations had rebelled. Nicomedes was placed again in the kingdom of Bythinia, and Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia. Cu. Pompeius the Consul overthrew the Marsians in a pight field. When the city was deeply engaged and plunged in debt, A. Sempronius Asellus the praetor, because he gave sentence respectively in the favour of the debtors, was slain in the market place by their creditors the usurers. Moreover this book relateth the inroads & invasions of the Thracians into Macedon, together with their wasting of those parts.   

Of the LXXV. book.  
AVlus Posthumius Albinus a lieutenant general, being the Admiral of a fleet, was upon an infamous imputation of betraying his soldiers massacred by his own army. L. Cornelius Sylla a lieutenant overthrew the Samnites in fight, and won two camps of theirs. Cn. Pompeius received the Vestines upon their submission. L. Porcius the Consul, after fortunate success in battle, and that he had sundry times discomfited the Samnites, as he assayed to force their camp lost his life: which accident gave away the victory of that battle to the enemy. Cosconius and Luceius overcame the Samnites in battle, slew Marius Egnatius a most noble and renowned commander of the enemies, and had many of their towns surrendered up into their hands. L. Sylla tamed the Hirpines', and defeated the Samnites in many battles; and certain States submitted unto him: who having achieved so worthy and brave exploits before his Consulship (as seldom any other man besides, the like) repaired to Rome for to sue to be Consul.   

Of the LXXVI. book.  
AVlus Gabinius a lieutenant, having fought fortunately against the Lucanes, and won from them many towns: as he laid siege to the enemy's leaguer, was cut off and slain. Sulpitius in quality of lieutenant had the execution of the Marrucines, and the surrender of that whole nation. Cn. Pompeius the Proconsull took the submission of the Vestines and Pelignians. The Marsians likewise having been in certain battles quelled by L. Murana & Caecilius Pinna lieutenants, craved peace. Asculum was won by Cn. Pompeius: and the Italian people, by Mamercus Aemylius the lieutenant were put to the sword. Silo Popedius, General of the Marsians, and the author of this villainy, was slain in battle. Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia, and Nicomedes of Bythinia were driven both out of their kingdoms, by Mithridates' king of Pontus. Last of all, this book discourseth of the incursions and spoil that the Thracians made in Macedon.   

Of the LXXVII. book.  
WHen P. Sulpitius a Tribune of the commons, by the advice and instigation of C. Marius had promulged certain pernicious laws, That the banished should be restored, and new citizens together with Libertines be sorted into Tribes: also that Marius should be chosen General against Mithridates' king of Pontus: and when he offered violence against Q. Pompeius and L. Sylla the Consuls, who contradicted his proceedings; and had slain the son of Pompeius the Consul, who had married Sulla's daughter: then L. Sylla Consul, entered Rome with an army, and within the very city fought against the adverse side of Sulpitius and Marius, and drove them forth: of which faction twelve were by the Senate judged enemies, and amongst them C. Marius both father and son. As for P. Sulpitius, when he lurked in a certain ferme-house of the country, was bewrayed & betrayed by his own bond-servant: and so pulled forth from thence and killed. The slave, because he might seem to be rewarded for revealing his master according to promise, was manamised and set free: but for his wicked treachery in betraying his own master, he was thrown down the rock Tarptia. C. Marius the son crossed these sinto Africa. C. Marius the father lay hidden amongst the marshes of the Miuturnians, and was plucked out from thence by the townsmen: and when a certain bondslave and a Frenchman borne, was sent to kill him, he was so affrighted at the majesty and countenance of so brave a man, that he went back and would not do the seat: whereupon Marius was embarked at the charges of the city, and carried into Africa. L. Sylla reform the State of the city, and drew out from thence inhabitants to people the colonies. Q. Pompeius the Consul, took his journey to receive the army of Cn. Pompeius the Cos. and by his counsel was slain. Mithridafes' king of Pontus seized upon Bithyni● and Cappadocia; drove out Aquilus the lieutenant, and with a mighty army invaded Phrygia the province of the people of Rome.   

Of the LXXVIII. book.  
Mithridates' held Asia with his garrisons; he cast into prison Q. Opius the Proconsull, and likewise Aquilius the lieutenant. Also by his commandment, all the Roman citizens to be found in Asia, were in one day massacred. The city Rhodes, which only continued true and kept allegiance, he assailed: but being in certain battles at sea overcome, he gave over and retired. Archelaus a chief governor and commander under the king, entered Greece with an army, seized upon Athens and held it. Moreover, this book containeth the fearful troubles of certain c●ties and lands: whiles the inhabitants endeavoured to draw their states, some to side with the king; others, to take part with the Romans.   

Of the LXXIX. book.  
LVcius Cornelius Cinna, at what time as by force and arms he published dangerous laws, was thereupon by his Colleague Cn. Octavius, driven out of the city with six Tribunes of the commons besides: and being thus deprived of his rule and authority, he became commander of Ap. Claudius' his army by corruption: and joining with C. Marius & other banished persons, out of Africa he marched in warlike manner against the city of Rome. In which war, it fortuned that two brethren, the one of Pompeius his army and the other of Cinnaes', encountered in fight and knew not one another. New when the conqueror was in disarming and spoiling him whom he had slain, he saw what he had done, and took knowledge that it was his brother: whereupon he fell into an exceeding p●teous fit of wailing and lamentation: made a funeral f●●e for his brother's corpse, stabbed himself through thereupon, and in the same fire was burnt and consumed to ashes. Now whereas these civil wars might have been suppressed in the beginning; such was the fraudulent dealing of Cn. Pompeius, who seeming to maintain both parts, gave strength to Cinna, and set not to his helping hand, before that the Nobles side went down; such also was the faintness and coldness of the Consul, that Cinna and Marius took heart and grew strong: and so with four armies, whereof two were committed to the conduct of Q. Sertorius and C. Carbo, they invested the city of Rome. Marius' wan by force the colony Oslia, and most cruelly ransacked it.   

Of the LXXX book.  
THe Italian nations were by the Senate enfranchised, and obtained the freedom of Rome. The Samnites who only continued in arms banded again with Cinna and Marius. By them was Plancius slain and his army defeated. Cinna and Marius together with Carbo and Sertorius were possessed of janiculum, and being discomfited and repelled by Octavius the Consul, retired and departed. Marius' spoiled and laid desolate Antium, Aricia, & Lavinium three colonies. When as now the nebilitie and LL. of the Senate had no hope at all left to withstand the contrary faction, by reason of the cowardice and treachery as well of soldiers as leaders, who upon corruption either would not fight at all, or else went over to the adverse part; Cinna and Marius were received into Rome: who as if it had been an enemie-cittie forced by assault, made havoc of all with saccage and massacres. In this garboil Cn. Octavius the Consul lost his life, and all the nobility of the other side were murdered: and among the rest, M. Antonius a most eloquent orator, and C. Caesar: whose heads were set upon the pulpit Rostra. Young Crassus the son was by the horsemen of Fimbria killed: and Crassus the father, because he would not endure any indignity unworthy his virtue, fell upon his own sword. Without any assembly or election at all, L. Cinna and C. Marius declared themselves Consuls for the next year: and the same day whereon they entered into their magistracy, Marius caused Sex. Licinius a Senator, to be thrown down the rock Tarpcia: and after many wicked and heinous outrages committed upon the Ides of janurie, he departed out of this world a man whose vices (if they were weighted together with his virtues) hardly could it be determined, whether he were in war a better soldier, or in peace a more dangerous citizen. For the common weal which he in his armour saved, the same in his long ' gown he overthrew, first, with all manner of cozenage and deceit; and last, by plain hostility and force of arms.   

Of the LXXXI. book.  
LVcius Sylla straightly beleaguered Athens, which Archelaus a governor under king Mithridates held with a garrison: and after much toil and labour won it. To the city he granted their liberty again, and restored unto the citizens all that was their own. Magnesia the only city in Asia that remained true and lo●al, was most valiantly defended against Mithridates. Over and besides, here ye shall read the exploits performed by the Thracians in Macedon.   

Of the LXXXII. book.  
SYlla vanquished in battle the power of king Mithridates, which having kept Macedon in obedience, was now come into Thracia. He slew one hundred thousand enemies, and was master of the camp. Afterwards, when the war was renewed, he discomfited and defeated quite the kings whole army. Archelaus together with the kings fleet yielded to Sylla. L. Valerius Flaccus the Consul & companion in government with Cinna, being sent to succeed Sylla, was (for his covetousness) so odious unto his army, that he was slain by C. Fimbria his own lieutenant, a most audacius and desperate person: and so the conduct and command of the army was translated to Fimbria. Moreover, here is recorded what cities in Asia Mithridates wan; how cruelly he spotled and vexed the province; and how the Thracians made roads and invasions into Macedon.   

Of the LXXXIII. book.  
CAius Fimbria after he had discomfited certain forces of Mithridates, won the city Pergamus; besieged the king there, & miss but a little of taking him prisoner. The city Ilium, which stood out & reserved itself to the behouse & devotion of Sylla, he forced and destroyed, and the greater part of Asia he recovered. Sylla in many battles defeated the Thracians. When L. Cinna and C. Papyrius Carbo (who for two years together were Consuls of their own making) prepared war against Sylla; by the means of L. Valerius Flaccus the Precedent of the Senate (who made an oration in the Counsel-house) and those who loved concord and sought for amity, affected it was in the end, that ambassadors should be sent unto Sylla, to treat about a peace. Cinna was murdered by his own soldiers, whom he forced against their wills to be embarked and to take a voyage against Sylla: by which occasion Carbo alone bore the Consulship. Sylla being passed over into Asia, made peace with Mithridates upon this capitulation, That the king should quit these provinces, namely, Asia, Bythinia, and Cappadocia. Fimbria being forsaken of his own army, which revolted unto Sylla, gave himself a fore wound, and yielding his neck unto his own bondslave, obtained this favour at his hands, as to dispatch him outright.   

Of the LXXXIIII. book.  
Sylla returned this answer unto the ambassadors sent unto him from the Senate, That he would be ordered by them, in case those citizens who (upon the hard usage of Cinna) fled unto him, might be restored. The Senate thought this a reasonable condition & a just demand: but by means of Carbo and that faction, who made reckoning that war would be more commodious unto them, there ensued no agreement and accord. The same Carbo when he was minded to exact hostages of all the towns and colonies of Italy, thereby to bind them upon their allegiance against Sylla, was by a general consent of the Senate crossed and inhibited. The new enfranchised citizens, by virtue of an act by the Senate granted, were allowed the privileges of their suffrages and voices. Q. Metellus Pius, who had sided with the nobility, whiles he levied war in Africa was by C. Fabius the praetor discomfited: and by the faction of Carbo and those that followed the part of Marius, an Act of Senate passed, That all armies and forces wheresoever should be cassed and discharged. The Libertines were distributed indifferently throughout the five and thirty tribes. Besides all this, here is specified the preparation of war which was raised against Sylla.   

Of the LXXXV. book.  
SYlla crossed the seas with an army over into Italy: and when those ambassadors which he sent to treat for peace, were by the Consul C. Norbanus evil entreated, he overcame the said Norbanus in a battle. And when he was about to assail the camp of L. Scipio the other Consul, with whom he had travailed and assayed all means to conclude peace, and could not compass it; the whole army of the Consul in general, being solicited by soldiers whom Sylla had sent out under hand to that purpose, turned their ensigns unto him, and followed his standard. Scipio, when he mought have been killed was let go. Cn. Pompeius the son of that Cneus who won Asculum, enroled an army of voluntaries, and c●me unto Sylla with three legions: unto whom also the nobilitre all and whole ranged themselves; as, abandoning the city they repaired to the camp. Finally in this book report is made of the expeditions performed by captains of both sides, throughout all Italy.   

Of the LXXXVI. book.  
THat year, wherein C. Marius (the son of C. M●rius) was by forcible means and strong hand created Consul before he was twenty years of age; C. Fabius in Africa was burnt quick in his own pavilion, for his bloody cruelty and greedy avarice. L. Philippus lieutenant unto Sylla, seized Sardinia, after he had discomfited and slain. Q. Antonius the praetor. Sylla contracted a league with the States of Italy, to put them out of fear that he would not bereave them of their freedom of Rome and liberty of suffrages, lately granted unto them. In like manner, upon assured confidence (that he had already) of undoubted victory, he commanded all those that were in suit and resorted unto him for jurisdiction, to adjourn their appearance in court, and to appear at Rome. Whiles the city yet was divided and distracted two ways, L. Damasippius the praetor, having according to the will and pleasure of C. Marius the Consul, gathered the Senate together, massacred all the nobility of the city. Out of which number Q. Mutius Scaevola the Arch-Pontifie, as he fled, was in the very porch and entry of Vestaries temple murdered. Besides, this book containeth the war renewed by L. Muraeim against M●thridates in Asia.   

Of the LXXXVII. book.  
Sylla after he had discomfited and overthrown the army of C. Marius, near a place called Sacriportus, besieged him within the town Preneste. The city of Rome be recovered out of the hands of his enemies: and when Marius made an offer to sally forth, he repelled him. Moreover this book containeth the exploits achieved by his lieutenants, with the like fortune of that side in all places.   

Of the LXXXVII. book.  
Sylla after he had discomfited and overthrown the army of C. Marius, near a place called Sacriportus, besieged him within the town Preneste. The city of Rome be recovered out of the hands of his enemies: and when Marius made an offer to sally forth, he repelled him. Moreover this book containeth the exploits achieved by his lieutenants, with the like fortune of that side in all places.   

Of the LXXXVIII. book.  
SYlla after that he had defeated and put to the sword the army of Carbo at Clusium, Faventia and Fidentia chased him forth of Italy. With the Samnites who alone of all the Italian nations had not yet laid down arms, he fought one final battle, & vanquished them near the city of Rome, even before the gate Collina: & thus having recovered & gotten into his hand the 〈◊〉 managing of the state, he polluted and stained this most goodly and beautiful victory, with the faulest 〈◊〉 that ever man committed. He cut the throats of 8000 in the great hostit●ie called Villa Publica; even those that had yielded themselves. He set up the table of proscription & out lawrie. The city of Rome & all Italy throughout filled with masacres. Among the rest, he caused all the Prenestines disarmed as they were, to be slain. Marius a Senator by calling, he killed in this manner, by breaking his arms and legs, by cropping his ears, & digging out his eyes. C. Marius besieged within Preneste, by Lucretius Asella and that side with Sylla; when he sought means of evasion by a mine under the ground, seeing how he was environned by the army, slew himself within the said mine: for perceiving that he could not escape, he and Pontius Telesinus that accompanied him in this flight, ran one at the other with their drawn naked swords: and when he had killed him, and was himself hurt, he found so much kindness at his slave's hand, as to make an end of him quite.   

Of the LXXXIX. book.  
LVcius Brutus sent from Cn. Papyrius Carbo, who was arrived at Corcyra, in a fisher's boat to Lilybaeum, in espial to see whether Pompeie were there: being compassed and hemmed in round about by those vessels which Pompeie had sent out, turned his swords point to his body, & set the pummel against a seat within the boat, & so bending forward with the poise of his body, was pierced through and died. Cn. Pompeius sent by the Senate with full commission of rule and command, took Cn. Carbo prisoner, who was arrived in the islands Cossura, and slew him, who kept a puling & weeping like a woman when he should die. Sylla became Dictator, & that which never any man had done besides him, kept his port abroad with four and twenty Ushers or lictors going before him with their rods and axes. He altered the state, & in that innovation established it. The Tribunes of the commons he abridged of their authority, and wholly deprived them of their power to prefer and publish laws. The College of the Pontifies and Augurs he amplified and augmented, to the number of 15. The body of the Senate he supplied out of the order of gentlemen. The children of those whom he had prescribed and outlawed, he disabled for being eligible to any honourable office, and of their goods made port-sale, whereof at first he seized much by violence and had it way. A mighty mass of money he raised thereof, amounting to 
* ●●●● lib.  a hundred and fifty millions of Sesterces. He commanded Q. Lucretius Ofellas to be killed in the very Forum of Rome, for that he presumed without his leave and licence to sue for a Consulship: and when the people of Rome were highly offended at this indignity, he assembled them to a public audience, and before them avowed the fact and took it upon him. Cn. Pompeius in Africa vanquished and slew in battle Cn. Domitius, one of the proscript outlaives: and Hiarbas king of the Numidians, who prepared to levy war. He being but four & twenty years of age, and no better as yet, than a gentleman of Rome (a thing that never any man attained unto) triumphed over Africa. C. Norbanus, a man who had been Consul, and now proscript and outlawed, was apprehended in the city of Rhodes, and thereupon slew himself. Mutilus likewise one of them that were outlawed and out of protection, being come privily disguised with his head covered to the back door of Bastia his wife's house, was not let in, for that she said he was an outlaw: whereupon he took the stab at his own hands, and with his heart blood bespreint the door of his wife's house. Sylla recovered and won again Nola in Samnium. He brought seven and forty legions into the lands conquered from the enemies, planted them therein, and divided the grounds amongst them. He besieged the town Velaterra, which yet stood out and bare arms, and at length upon surrender, got it. Maylene also, the only city in Asia (which after that Mithridates was subdued maintained war) was fired and razed down to the ground.   

Of the XC. book.  
SYlla departed this life, and this honour was done unto him by the Senate, that he was interred in Mars field. M. Lepidus going about to cancile and abolish the acts of Sylla, raised new war: and by Q. Catulus (his companion in government) was driven out of Italy: and when he prepared to wage war (but to no effect) in Sardinia, there he perished and came to his death. M. Brutus who held 
* 〈…〉  Lombardy, was by Cn. Pompeius slain. Q. Sertorius another proscript outlaw, levied a great war in the netherlands of Spain. Lucius Manlius the Proconsul, and M. Domitius a lieutenant, were in fight overcome, by Herculeius the treasurer. Moreover this book containeth the acts performed by P. Servilius the Proconsull, against the Cilicians.   

Of the XCI. book.  
CNeus Pompeius being as yet but a gentleman of Rome, was sent with full commission of Consular command against Sertorius. Certain cities had Sertorius won by assault, & brought under many States to be at his devotion. Ap. Claudius the Proconsul overcame the Thracians in divers and sundry battles. Q. Metellus the Proconsul, defeated and slew L. Hirculeius the treasurer of Sertorius, with all his army.   

Of the XCII. book.  
CNeus Pompeius hither to fought with Sertorius in doubtful event, so as of both parts, one of the wings and points of the battle had the better hand. Q. Sertorius overthrew in fight Metellus & Perpenna with their two armies. Pompeius' desirous to carry away his part in that victory, entered into the field, but made no saving game of it. Afterwards Sertorius was besieged within Caligurium, but by daily and continual sallies forth, gave the enemies that lay in siege within as good as they brought. Over and besides, herein are contained the deeds achieved by Curio the Proconsull in Thrace against those Dardanians, together with sundry cruel and bloody parts played by Q. Sertorius, even with those of his own side. For many of his own friends, and such as were with him outlawed, upon imputations of treason pretended against them, he put to death.   

Of the XCIII. book.  
PVblius Servilius the Proconsul in Cilicia, subdued the Isaurians, and wan certain towns of the pirates. Nicomedes king of Bythinia at his death made the people of Rome his full heir, & his kingdom was reduced into the form of a province. Mithridates' contracted a league with Sertorius, and waged war against the people of Rome. Herein is showed the great preparation of war that the king made as well by land as sea, and how he seized upon Bythinia. M. Aurelius Cotta the Consul was in battle vanquished by the king at Chalcedon. Moreover, this book containeth the exploits of Pompeius and Metellus against Sertorius, who in all warlike feats and martial prowess was equal unto them, whom also he raised from the siege before the town Calagurium, and compelled to go into divers countries, Pompeius into the farther province of Spain, 
Plutarch otherwise in Se●orius.  and Pompeius into Gallia.   

Of the XCIIII. book.  
LVcius Lucullus the Consul fought against Mithridates, and in horse-service had the better hand of him. Certain roads he made with good success; and when his soldiers called hard upon him for battle, he stayed them from mutiny. Deiotarus a tetrarch of Gallogrecia, defeated the captains of king Mithridates who levied war in Phrygia. Moreover this book containeth the fortunate achievements of Pompeius against Sertorius in Spain.   

Of the XCV. book.  
CAius Curio the Proconsull vanquished and subdued the Dardanians in Thrace. Threescore and fourteen swordplaiers of Capua fled out of the fenseschoole of Lentulus at Capua: who having gathered together a number of slaves, and hired hines, raised war under the leading of Chrysus & Spartacus, and vanquished in plain field, Cl. Pulcher a lieutenant, and P. Varinius the praetor. L. Lucullus the Proconsul with the famine and the sword together tamed and subdued the host of Mithridates at the city Cizicus: and when they had chased him out of Bythinia after many overthrows in war and misfortunes of shipwreck at sea, wherewith his heart was quailed, he compelled him to fly into Pontus.   

Of the XCVI. book.  
OVintus Arrius the praetor defeated and slew Chrysus the captain of the fugitives, and with him twenty thousand men. Caius Lentulus the Consul received a foil and overthrow at the hands of Spartacus. He also overcame in fight Lu. Gellius the Consul and Quintus Arrius. Sertorius was at a banquet slain by Manius Antonius and M. Perpenna with other conspirators in the eight year of his dukedom. A captain and brave warrior he was. He fought with Pompeius and Metellus, two famous Generals and commanders. Many a time he saved his own, but more oftener he went away winner, howbeit, in the end he was abandoned and betrayed. The sovereign command of that side was made over to Marcus [Perpenna,] whom Cn. Pompeius vanquished took prisoner and slew: so about the tenth year after the war began, he recovered Spain. C. Cassius the Proconsul, and Cneus Manlius the Praetor, were foiled by Spartacus in the field, and that war was committed over to the managing and conduct of M. Crassus' the praetor.   

Of the XCVII. book.  
Marcus Crassus the praetor first fought with a power of the fugitives aforesaid, consisting of Frenchmen and Germans, and won the better: for he slew 35000 enemies, and their cheefetain Granicus. After that, he warred against Spartacus, killed him also and 40000 with him. Manius Antonius the praetor maintained war unfortunately against the Cretensians, and by his death it took an end. M. Lucullus the Proconsul brought the Thracians under subjection. L. Lucullus had the upper hand in a battle of Mithridates in Pontus, and slew above sixty thousand enemies. M. Crassus and Cn. Pompeius were created Coss. and as Crassus immediately by out of his Praetorship stepped to that dignity, so Pompey was of a gentleman of Rome and no better advanced thereunto, even before he had borne the office of Treasurer. They restored again the Tribunes power and authority. By the means of Aurelius Cotta, the pre-eminence of judges also was translated unto the gentlemen of Rome. Mithridates, seeing his own estate lying in despair, fled unto Tigrantes' king of Armenia for succour.   

Of the XCVIII. book.  
MAchares the son of Mithridates, king of Bosphorus, was by L. Lucullus received into amity. Cn. Lentulus and L. Gellius the Censors administered their office with great severity and rigour, and deposed three score from Senator's dignity they also held a review and purged the city. Enrolled there were 450000 citizens of Rome. L. Metellus lord Praetor in Sicily fought fortunately against the pirates and rovers. The temple of jupiter in the Capitol, which by fire had been consumed, was re-edified by Qu. Catulus, and dedicated anew. L. Lucullus in Armenia discomfited in many battles Mithridates & Tigranes, with a mighty power of both kings. Q. Metellus the Proconsul having the charge of the war against the Candiotes, besieged the city 
* 〈…〉  Cydonia. C. Triarius a lieutenant under Lucullus received a foil of Mithridates in fight. Lucullus was impeached and stayed for pursuing Mithridates & Tigranes that he could not accomplish his victory, by occasion of a mutiny among his own soldiers, who would not follow, because the Valerian legions forsook Lucullus, alleging that they had served their time fully out.   

Of the XCIX. book.  
QVintus Metellus the Proconsul forced by assault Gnosos, Lyctus, Cydonia, and many other cities [in Crete] L. Roscius a Tribune of the Commons published a law, that the gentlemen of Rome should be allowed the fourteen next seats in the scaffolds of the Theatre, to behold the games and plays. Cn. Pompeius being commanded by a law promulged unto the people for to pursue the rovers abovesaid, who had debarred and cut off all commerce for corn and victuals, within 74 days, rid the sea of them quite, & after the war with them finished in Cilicia, he received them upon submission, and gave them cities and lands to possess. Moreover this book containeth the worthy exploits of Qu. Metellus against the Cretensians. The letters also of Metellus and Cneus Pompeius, sent from the one to the other: in which Metellus complaineth that Pompeius by sending his own lieutenant into Crete, to receive the surrender and homage of the cities there, annutted and passed by the glory of those acts which he had achieved. Pompeius again rendereth a reason thereof, and allegeth that so he ought to do.   

Of the C. book.  
CAius Manilius a Trib. of the Com. preferred a bill, to the exceeding displeasure & indignation of the nobles, That the war against Mithridates, should be assigned to Pompeie. His speech to the people imported and was effectual. Q. Metellus having subdued the Cretensians, gave laws unto that Island, which until that time enjoyed freedom of State. Cn. Pompeius went his journey for to levy war against Mithridates, and with Phraates king of the Parthians he renewed the league. In a battle performed by horse-service he overcame Mithridates. Also herein is contained the war, first between Phraates king of the Parthians, and Tigranes' king of the Armenians: afterwards between Tigranes the son and his father.   

Of the CI. book.  
CNeus Pompeius vanquished Mithridates in a battle fought by night, and compelled him to fly to 
* or Bosporui.  Bosphorus. He received Tigranes upon his submission: & when he had taken from him Syria, Phoenicia and Cilicia, he gave him again the kingdom of Armenia. Their conspiracy, who having been condemned for the inordinate and ambitious suit of the Consulship, were consedered to kill the Consuls, was surprised and dashed. Cn. Pompeius following the chase after Mithidrates, entered into far remote countries and unknown nations. The 
* Georgians at this day.  Iberians and Albans who would not grant him passage, he overcame in battle. Over and besides, this book showeth how Mithridates fled by Colchij and Heniochi, and what his acts were in Bosphorus.   

Of the CII. book.  
CN. Pompeius' reduced the realm of Pontus into the form of a province. Pharnaces the son of Mithridates made war upon his own father, by whom Mithridates was besieged within his own royal court and palace. Whereupon he drank poison, and seeing it was not 
* He had so ordinarily used a norabic Antidote or preservance, called now Mithridate. that the poison would not work.  effectual and strong enough to dispatch him, he was killed by a French soldier, named Bitaetus, whose helping hand he requested for to rid him out of the world. Cn. Pompeius subdued the jews: their famous temple of jerusalem, which until that day never had suffered abuse and violence, be forced and won. Catiline, by occasion that he had twice suffered a repulse in suing to be Consul, conspired together with Lentulus the Praetor, Cethegus & many others, to massacre the Consuls & the Senate, to set the city on fire, and to subvert and overthrow the State of the commonweal, and to this purpose had levied an army in Tuscan. This treason & conspiracy was by the industry of M. Tullius Cicero, detected and found out. Catiline was banished the city. The rest of his complices and adherents every one suffered death accordingly.   

Of the CIII. book.  
CAtiline together with his army, was by C. Antonius the Proconsul defeated and slain. P. Clodius was accused, for entering (in the habit and apparel of a woman) that 
* Of the goddess Bona.  chapel which it was not lawful for a man to go into, and notwithstanding he had committed adultery with the archpontifies wife, yet he was acquit and went clear away. Cn. Pompeius the Praetor, vanquished at Solone the Allobroges, who had rebelled. P. Clodius left the nobility, and ranged himself with the Com. C. Caesar subdued the Portugals. At what time as he was in election to be Cos. and went about to invade and make havoc of the C.W. there arose a conspiracy among three of the most principal personages of the city, Cn. Pompeius M. Crassus and C. Caesar. The Agrarian laws were by Caesar the Cos. published with great strife & contention: the Senate was unwilling thereunto; but by the other Consul M. Bibulus they passed. C. Antonius Proconsul in Thracia sped but badly in his war affairs. M. Cicero was banished the city by virtue of an act promulged by P. Clodius Trib. of the Com. for that he had put to death certain Roman citizens uncondemned. Caesar made a voyage into the province of Gaul, where he subdued the Helvetians, a vagrant and wandering nation in those days, who seeking a place to inhabit, intended through the province of Caesar, to travel into 
* Narbene.  Narbo. Moreover, it containeth the situation of France. Pompeius' triumphed over the children of Mithridates, also over Tigranes and his son, and by one voice and general consent of the whole assembly, was saluted by the name of 
* Great.  Magnus.   

Of the CIV. book.  
THe forepart of this book compriseth the s●e & description, together with the manners of Germany, C. Caesar at what time as he led his army against the Germans, at the request of the Heduans and Sequanians, whose territory by them was possessed, and who under the conduct of Ariovistus were come down into France, by an Oration to his army stayed the timorous disposition of the soldiers, which arose upon the fear they had of new and strange enemies, vanquished the Germans in plain fight, and drove them clean out of France. M. Cicero, by means of Pompeius (who among others made an Oration in his behalf) and of T. Annius Milo, a Tribune of the Commons, who likewise pleaded his cause, was with the exceeding joy of the Senate and ail Italy, called home from exile. Cn. Pompeius had commission for five year space, to look unto the provision of corn and victuals. Caesar overcame in fight the Ambians, Suessiones, Viromanduans, Atrebates (nations all of the Belgae) of whom there was an exceeding multitude, and received them upon yielding, to his protection. Afterwards he fought with passing great hazard and jeopardy against the Nervijs, one of the foresaid States, and in fine utterly destroyed and extinguished their whole generation: for they had waged war so long, until of sixty thousand armed men, there remained but three hundred, and of ninety five of their noblemen, three only escaped and no more. There passed a law for to reduce Cyprus into the form of a province, and to confiscate the king's treasure: by virtue whereof, the managing of that affair was committed to C. Cato. Ptolomaeus king of Egypt suffered many wrongs and injuries at his own subjects hands, and being by them expelled out of his kingdom came to Rome. C. Caesar in a battle at sea vanquished the Venetians, a State and city seated in the very Ocean. Last of all, it reporteth the exploits by his lieutenants performed with like good fortune.   

Of the CV. book.  
AT what time as the assembly for election of magistrates might not be holden, by reason of the negatives and inhibitions of C. Cato a Trib. of the Com. the Senate generally in token of sorrow put on mourning weed. M. Cato in his suit for a Praetorship, suffered a repulse, & Vatinius was preferred before him. The same Vatinius when he would have impeached the law, whereby were granted to the Coss. the provinces for five years, unto Pompey the government of both Spain's, unto Crassus Syria & the Parthian war, & unto Caesar France and Germany, was by C. Trebonius a Trib. of the Commons, & the first maker of the said law, committed to prison. A. Gabinius the Proconsul established Ptolomaeus again in the kingdom of Egypt, and dizseized Archelaus whom they had set up for their king. Caesar after he had vanquished and put to sword the Germans in France, crossed over the Rhine, and subdued that part of Germany which is next thereto: which done, he failed over into Britain with much trouble and damage, by reason of the cross and contrary winds whiles he was at sea; and he sped little better when he was there: but after he had slain a mighty great number of men, he brought into subjection the rest of the Island.   

Of the CVI book.  
IVlia daughter to Caesar and wife to Pompeius departed this life, and had this surpassing honour done unto her by the people, as to be interred in Marsfield. Many of the States of France revolted by the leading of Ambiorix a duke of the Eburones, by whom Cotta & T. Aurunculeius the lieutenants of Caesar, were by an ambuscado surprised and environed, and by means thereof they and the armies whereof they had the conduct, were put to the sword. And at what time as the camp of the other legions also were besieged, assailed, and with difficulty defended, & among them Q. Cicero, who was lord precedent of the Trevires; the enemies were by Caesar himself in person overthrown in fight. M. Crassus intending to war upon the Parthians, passed over the river Euphrates, and being vanquished in battle, wherein his own son was slain, after he had rallied the broken ends of his army, and retired them to a little hill, he was trained forth by the enemies (whose captain was Su●●●as) to a parley and treaty of peace, and thereupon attached: but because he would not suffer any indignity and villainy alive, he made resistance, and in that struggling of his was slain, and there an end of him.   

Of the CVII. book.  
CAius Caesar having vanquished the Trevirs in Gaul, passed over the second time into Germany, but finding no enemy there to make head, returned into France, where the Eburones & other cities which had conspired, he overcame, put their K. Ambiorix to flight, & followed him in chase. The body of P. Clodius slain in the high way Appianeer Boville by T. Annius Milo a competitor of the Consulship, the Commons of Rome burnt in a funeral fire within the Curia [Hostilia.] By occasion of a seditious variance between two Candidates for a Consulship, namely Hypseus Scipio, and Milo, who with force and arms tried the issue by the ears; Cn. Pompeius was sent out of the Senate to suppress such enormous debates. Created Consul he was the third time in his absence, and (which prerogative no man ever had) alone without Colleague. A commission was granted forth to sit upon the death of Pub. Clodius, by virtue where of Milo was judicially condemned, and had his judgement to be banished. A bill was proposed, that C. Caesar notwithstanding he was absent, should be accepted of in the election of Consuls, albeit M. Cato was unwilling thereto, and gain said it. Moreover, this book containeth the warlike acts achieved by C. Caesar against the Gauls (who generally in manner revolted) under the leading of Vercingetorix the Arvernian: also the painful sieges of certain cities, and namely of 
* largesse.  Avarium in 
* in Be●ie.  Biturige●, and 
* Clerment.  Gergovia in Auvergne.   

Of the CVIII. book.  
CAius Caesar vanquished the Gauls at 
* Alize.  Alexia, and received all the cities in France which had been in arms, into his protection upon their submission. C. Cassius the treasurer of M. Crassus, put the Parthians to the sword, who had passed over into Syria. M. Cato sued to be Consul, and had the repulse, and Ser. Sulpitius with M. Marcellus were created Consuls: C. Caesar subdued the 
* Beau●●ifin.  Bellovaci, with other States and cities in France. Also it containeth the strife and debate between the Consuls about sending of a successor to C. Caesar. For M. Marcellus the Consul was earnest in the Senate, that Caesar should come to stand for a Consulship, considering that he by a law made in that behalf was to govern his provinces unto that time of his Consulship. Last of all the martial deeds of Mar. Bibulus in Syria are here reported.   

Of the CIX. book.  
THe causes of the civil war and their beginnings be here set down. The contentions likewise about a successor to be sent in am of Caesar, who denied flatly to dismiss the armies, unless Pompey also discharged his forces. Moreover, this book treateth of the actions preserved by C. Curio, a Tribune of the Commons, first against Caesar, and afterwards for him. When there passed an act of the Senate, that one or other without fail should be employed to succeed Caesar, M. Antomus and Q. Cassius, two other Tribunes (for that by their negatives and inhibitions they seemed to cross and stay that act) were expelled the city and a commission was directed by the Senate to the Consuls, and to Cn. Pompeius, in this form, To see that the Commonweal sustained no damage. C. Caesar intending to persecute his adversary, came with his army into Italy. Corsinius together with L. Domitius and L. Lentulus he took prisoners, and let them go again: but Cn. Pompeius and the rest of that side he utterly chased forth of Italy.   

Of the CX. book.  
CAius Caesar besieged Massiles, which had shut the gates against him: who leaving C. Trebonius and D. Brutus at the siege, took a journey into Spain, where he received upon submission Lu. Afranius and C. Petrcius, two lieutenants of Pompeius, together with seven legions at 
* Leridae.  Ilerda, & dismissed them all with no harm done unto them. Varro also a lieutenant of Pompeius, together with his army came under his obeisance. The Gaditanes he enfranchised & gave the city unto. The Massilians after two overthrows in sea fight, and a long siege which they had endured, submitted at last and were at the devotion of Caesar. C. Antonius a lieutenant of Caesar, fought an unfortunate battle against the Pompeians, and in Illyricum was taken prisoner: during which war, the inhabitants of 
* Oderso.  Opitergium, beyond the river of Padus (who were the auxiliaries of Caesar) seeing their chained bridge of boats and lighters locked up and fast shut within the enemy's ships, rather than they would fall into the hands of their enemies, ran one upon another, and died every one. C. Curio, a lieutenant of Caesar in afric, after he had fought against Varus a captain of the Pompeians, was together with his army defeated and cut in pecces by juba king of 
* Barbary.  Mauritania. C. Caesar passed the seas over into Greece.   

Of the CXI. book.  
CAius Caecilius Rufus the praetor going about to raise commotions and seditions all that ever he could within the city, and having solicited the commons upon the hope of canceling all debt-books, was first deposed from his magistracy, and after driven out of the city. Then he banded with Milo a banished person, who had levied a power of fugitive outlaws: but both of them in this preparation of war came short of their purpose and were slain. Cleopatra queen of Egypt was by her brother Ptolomaeus expelled out of her kingdom. By reason of the avarice and cruelty of Q. Catulus the praetor, the 
* 〈◊〉.  Cordubians in Spain together with two Varian legions, revolted from Caesar & his side. Cn. Pompeius was besieged by Caesar at Brundisium: but having won his sconces with the guards thereto belonging, and that with great loss of the adverse part, he was delivered from the siege. But after the war was translated into Thessaly, he was at Pharsalia in a battle overthrown. There remained still within the camp, Cicero, a man by nature framed for nothing more unfit than war. Caesar pardoned all those of the adverse part, who after his victory submitted themselves to his mercy.   

Of the CXII. book.  
HErein is related the fearful condition of that side which was vanquished, and how they fled in sundry parts of the world. Cn. Pompeius being arrived in Egypt, by the commandment of Ptolomeus the king, as yet an infant under age; and persuasion of Theodorus his teacher and schoolmaster, who might of all other overrule the K. most; also of one Photinus, was killed by the hands of Achilla, one who had a warrant to execute that feat, even in his very barge before he was landed. But Cornelia his wife, and Sextus Pompeius his son, fled back into Cyprus. Caesar three days after the foresaid victory, pursued Pompeius: and when Theodorus presented unto him his head and signet of his finger, he was displeased in his heart and wept withal. He entered Alexandria without any danger, notwithstanding the troubles and hurly burly therein. Caesar was created dictator. He restored Cleopatra unto the kingdom of Egypt: and when Ptolomeus made war by their advice and counsel who moved him to murder Pompeius, Caesar vanquished him, with great peril and hazard of himself. As Ptolomeus fled, his vessel wherein he was embarked ran a ground in Nilus, and there stuck fast. Besides, this book showeth the painful and toilsome journey of Marcus Cato with his legions, in Africa through the desert wilderness: and the war which Cn. Domitius fortunately managed against Phraates the Parthian king.   

Of the CXIII. book.  
WHen the side of Pompeius had gathered heart and strength in Africa, the sovereign command thereof was committed to P. Scipio: for Mato who before had equal power & commission with him, gave place & yielded his right. Now when it was debated in counsel as touching the subversion and utter ruin of Utica, for that the city was so inclined and favourable to Caesar: whiles Marcus Cato stood stiffly in this point, that it should not be destroyed; and juba [the king] was earnest to have it razed: the guard and keeping thereof was committed unto Cato. The son of Pompeie the great, having levied forces in-8 pain (the conduct and leading whereof, neither Asranius nor Petreius were willing to undertake) made fresh war upon Caesar. Pharnaces king of Pontus and son of Mithridates, endured no time of war, but was soon overcome. At what time as P. Dolabella a Tribune of the commons, raised seditions in Rome, by means of a law by him published in the behalf of bankrupts, That the old debts should be stricke●; off, and new order taken with the creditors: upon which occasion there ensued a commotion of the commons; M. Antonius, General of the cavalry, entered the city with a strength of sold ours; and eight hundred of the commons lost their lives. Caesar discharged all his old soldiers, who in a mutiny demanded the same: and having sailed into Africa, he fought against the power of king juba with exceeding great jeopardy.   

Of the CXXIIII. book.  
CAecilius Bassus a gentleman of Rome and one of Pompey's side, levied war in Syria. Sextus Caesar was both forsaken by the legion which revolted and went to Bassus, and also slain. Caesar vanquished Scipio the Praetor, Afranius, and juba, near Tapsos, and forced their camp. Cato bearing thereof, wounded himself at Viica: and when his son came between and stayed his hand, his hurt was dressed, but in the very cure, as the wound was newly launched again, be yielded up his vital breath and died, in the nine and fortieth year of his age. Petreius killed juba and himself. P. Scipio in his ship was beset round, and at his death, which he took manfully, he uttered a brave speech: for when the enemies made search and enquiry what was become of the General, The General (quoth he) is well. Faustus and Afranius were slain. Cato's son had his pardon. Brutus, a lieutenant of Caesar vanquished the Bellovaci in France that rebelled.   

Of the CXV. book.  
CAesar road in four triumphs over France, Egypt, Pontus, and Africa. A solemn feast he made, and exhibited unto the people shows of all sorts. Unto M. Marcellus a man of Consular dignity, at the request of the Senate he granted leave to return: which Marcellus, could not enjoy the benefit of this grace and favour, by reason that he was murdered at Athens by Cn. Magius Chilo, his own client and vassal. Caesar also held a review of the city, wherein were enroled a hundred and fifty thousand citizens, whereas before there had been numbered four hundred thousand. See the calamity of civil war. He took a voyage into Spain against Sex. Pompeius: and after many roads and expeditions on both sides made, and some cities forced, in the end he attained one final victory for all before the city Munda, but with exceeding peril and danger. Sex. Pompeius escaped and fled.   

Of the CXVI. book.  
CAius Caesar triumphed a fifth time over Spain. When many honours and those right excellent, were by the Senate ordained for him, and namely among the rest, to be called Pater Patriae; to be sacrosanct and inviolable; and withal to be Dictator for ever; he gave occasion to be envied and maliced: first in that, when the Senate bestowed upon him these honourable titles, at what time as he sat before the temple of Venus Genetrix, he rose not up nor did reverence unto them: secondly, for that when Mar. Antonius the Consul and his colleague ran among the Luperci, he laid upon his ivory chair of estate the wreath or diadem which was by him set upon his head; thirdly, because he deprived from their authority Epidius Marullus and Caesetius Flavus, two Tribunes of the Commons, who went about to bring him into hatred, as if he affected and sought to be king. Upon these causes, a conspiracy was contrived against him, whereof the principal heads, were M. Brutus, C. Trebonius, & C. Cassius, also one of his own side D. Brutus; by whom he was massacred in the court of Pompeius, and received three and twenty wounds: and by these murderers was the Capitol seized and held. But after that the Senate had passed a decree to forget this murder, the conspirators aforesaid, having received for their security the children of Antonius and Lepidus, as hostages, came down from the Capitol. By the last will and testament of Caesar, C. Octavius (his sister's son) was made his half heir, and adopted into his own name. The body of Caesar being brought into Marsfield, was by the Commons burnt in a funeral fire before the Rostra. The honour and dignity of Dictatorship was for ever abolished. Chamaces a person of most vile and base condition, avowed himself to be the son of C. Marius: and whiles he raised a sedition among the credulous common people, was cut off and killed.   

Of the CXVII.  
CAius Octavius from out of Epirus repaired to Rome: for Caesar had sent him thither before, when he minded to make war in Macedon, where he was received with 
* For as he entered the city, the circle of the sun gathered about it an Halo round like a rainbow or guirland, even over his head.  good tokens and fortunate presages, and withal took upon him the name of Caesar. In this confusion of state and tumultuous trouble of all things, Lepidus attained by stealth to the highest pontifical dignity. But when M. Antonius the Consul demeaned himself most lordly and proudly in his place, and by force published a law as touching the exchange of the provinces; and withal offered much wrong and abuse to Caesar, when he made request that he would assist and stand with him in revenge of those that murdered his uncle: Caesar, to the end that he might make both himself and the Commonweal strong against him, raised & excited those old soldiers whom he had before placed in Colonies. The fourth legion also, & that called Martia, fell from Antonius and turned their ensigns to Caesar. After this, more besides (by occasion that many through the cruelty of M. Antonius were murdered every where in their tents because they were once suspected, revolted from him and ranged to Caesar. D. Brutus purposing to stop Antonius, as he should pass into Lombardy, seized upon Mutina with an army. Finally this book declareth the running too and sro of those on both parts, to be possessed first of the provinces, and the preparation for war.   

Of the CXVIII. book.  
MArcus Brutus in Greece (under a pretence of maintaining the slate, and enterprising war against Antonius) possessed himself of the army whereof Vetinus had the conduct, together with the province. Unto Caesar, who first took arms in defence of the C.W. the government and command of a Propretour was granted, with the Praetorian ornaments and ensigns thereto belonging, and withal, he had this addition to be reputed Propraetor. M. Antonius besieged D. Brutus in Mutina. Certain ambassadors were sent unto him from the Senate as concerning peace, but little availed they in the treaty and conclusion thereof. The people of Rome generally betook them to arms and soldiers habit. Brutus in Epirus subdued C. Antonius the praetor together with his army.   

Of the CXIX. book.  
CNeus Trebonius was by the guilesull practise of P. Delabella, sláine in Asia: for which fact Dolabella was by the Senate judged an enemy to the state. When Pansa the Cos. was at the point to lose the field against Antonius, A. Hirtius the other Cos. come with his army to the rescue, discomfited the forces of M. Antonius, and so made the fortune of both parts alike and equal. Afterwards, Antonius being vanquished by Hirtius and Caesar, fled into France, and joined unto him M. Lepidus with the legions which were under him. Both he and all they who were within his holds in garrison, were by the Senate attainted. Aulius Hirtius, who after his victory was slain within the camp of the enemies, and L. Pansa, who died of a wound received in an unfortunate fight, were both buried in Mars field. To C. Caesar the only captain of the three now remaining alive, the Senate was not so kind as they ought to have been: for having ordained that D. Brutus (who by Caesar had been delivered from the siege at Mutina) should triumph, they made no thankful remembrance of Caesar & his soldiers, as was meet and requisite. For which discourtesies, C. Caesar (being reconciled to M. Antonius by the means and meditation of M. Lepidus) came to Rome with an army: and when they were sore dismayed at his coming, who had before entreated him so unkindly, created Consul he was [with Q. Poedius] being but nineteen years of age, or not full twenty, for he wanted one day, as Velleius Paterculus saith.   

Of the CXX. book.  
CAesar now Consul, proposed a law for an inquisition to be made of them by whose means his father Caesar was killed: and by virtue of that law, M. Brutus, C. Cassius, and D. Brutus were indited, attainted and condemned in their absence. When together with M. Antonius, Asinius Pollio also and Munatius Plancus had joined their arms, and thereby much strengthened and augmented their forces, D. Brutus whom the Senate had sent with commission to pursue Antonius, being now forlorn of his own legions and fled, was at the commandment of Antonius (into whose hands he fell) killed by one Capenus a Burgonian. Caius Caesar contracted a peace with Antonius and Lepidas, wherein it was capitulated between them, that those three should for five years have the sovereignty over all, only to set in order and establish the state of the commonweal: to wit, himself, Lepidus, and Antonius, and each of them proscribe and outlaw their own adversaries and enemies. In which proscription were contained the names of very many gentlemen of Rome, and one hundred and thirty Senators, and among the rest, were L. Paulus the brother of M. Lepidus, L. Caesar the uncle of Antonius by the mother, and M. Cicero, slain by Popilius a legionary soldier, in the 63 year of his age: whose head and hands was set upon the Rostra. Moreover this book showeth the deeds by M. Brutus achieved in Greece.   

Of the CXXI. book.  
Cassius', who had in commission from the Senate, to pursue by force of arms Dolabella judged an enemy to the commonweal, being borne out by the authority and warrant of the State, possessed himself of Syria, and became master of three armies which were in that province. He besieged Dolabella within the city of Laodicaea, and did him to death C. Antonius was likewise taken prisoner, and by commandment from M. Brutus, slain.   

Of the CXXII. book.  
MArcus Brutus had but bad success in fight against the Thracians. After that all the provinces beyond-sea, and the armies, were under his hands and Caius Cassius; they complotted both together at Smyrna, what course to take for the future war. Publicola the brother of M. Messala they vanquished, and yet by common consent they pardoned him.   

Of the CXXIII. book.  
SExtus Pompeius the son of Magnus, assembled together out of Epirus a number of outlaws and banished persons, and having a long time with this army robbed only by way of piracy, and settled as yet upon the possission of no piece upon the land, first seized Messana a town in Sicily, and afterwards the whole province. And after that A. Pompeius Bithynicus the praetor there, was by Pompeie slain; he the said Pompeie in a battle at sea vanquished Q. Salvidienus a lieutenant of Caesar. Caesar and Antony with their armies sailed over into Greece, with intent to wage war against Brutus and Cassius. Quintus Cornificius in Africa over came in plain fight T. Sestius the captain of the Cassian faction.   

Of the CXXIIII. book.  
CAius Caesar together with Antony fought at Philippi with variable fortune against Brutus and Cassius, in such sort, as the right points of both battles had the better, & each of them won the others camp. But the death of Cassius was it that turned the balance & made the difference: who being in that point that recoiled and went down, supposed that the whole army and main battle was discomfited, and so killed himself. In another conflict afterwards, M. Brutus also was overcome, and there ended his life: for he entreated Strato (that accompanied him in his flight) to set his swords point toward him, and so he ran upon it. The same did some forty more of the principal Romans: among whom was Q. Hortensius likewise slain.   

Of the CXXV. book.  
CAius Caesar left Antony (for to his share fell the empire of some provinces beyond-sea) & returned into Italy. He divided lands among his old soldiers. The mutinies of his own army by occasion that the soldiers were seduced by Fulvia the wife of M. Antonius and rose against their General, be repressed with exceeding danger and jeopardy: L. Antonius the Consul and brother to M. Antonius, by the ungracious counsel and persuasion of the said Fulvia, made war upon Caesar: and having procured those nations to side and take part with him, whose lands had been made over and assigned to the old soldiers aforesaid; and withal, discomfited M. Lepidus, who with an army had the government and guard of the city, entered perforce by way of hostility into Rome.   

Of the CXXVI. book.  
CAius Caesar when he was but three and twenty years of age, besieged L. Antonius in the town Perusia: & when he made sundry offers to sally out & break forth, he repelled & chased him back, yea and for very hunger forced him to yield and come under his obeisance. As for Antony himself and all his soldiers, he pardoned, but Perusia he razed and destroyed. Finally after he had brought all the armies of the adverse side to submit and to stand to his mercy, he finished the war without effusion of any blood.   

Of the CXXVII. book.  
THe Parthians under the conduct of Labienus, who had taken part with Pompeie and that side, invaded Syria; evercame Didius Saxa, the lieutenant of M. Antonius, and held all that province to their own use. M. Antonius being solicited by the instigation of his wife Fulvia to make war against Caesar, put her away, because she should be no let nor hindrance to the accord and agreement of the three rulers in their Triumvirate. Then made he a peace with Caesar, and took to wife his sister Octavia. Q. Salvidienus who complotted mischief against Caesar, he detected and bewrayed: who being thereupon condemned, wrought his own death. P. Ventidius a lieutenant under Antonius, overcame the Parthians in battle, and chased them forth of Syria, having before slain their leader Labienus. When as Sextus Pompeius held Sicily, and being a near enemy and ill neighbour to Italy, stayed the transporting of corn and victuals by sea: upon request Caesar and Antony made peace with him for this consideration, that he should govern Sicily as his province. Also herein are set forth the troubles and wars of Africa.   

Of the CXXVIII. book.  
WHen Sext. Pompeius' infested the sea again with roverie and piracy, and would not make good & maintain that peace, which he had accepted of Caesar, he was forced upon necessity to undertake war against him, and in two naval battles sought with doubtful event. L. Ventidius a lieutenant of M. Antonius, vanquished the Parthians in Syria, and slew their king. The jews also were by Antony's lieutenant subdued. Herein besides, is set down the preparation for the Sicilian war.   

Of the CXXIX. book.  
sundry battles were fought at sea against Sex. Pompeius with variable issue: so as, of Caesar's two fleets, the one which was conducted by Agrippa, got the better hand: but the other, led by Caesar himself, had the overthrow: and the soldiers being set a shore, were in exceeding great danger. But afterwards Pompeius was defeated, and thereupon fled into Sicily. Marcus Lepidus crossed the seas from out of Africa, pretending to take part with Caesarin his wars to be made against Sex, Pompeius. But when Caesar warred upon him also, he was abandoned of his army, and being content to resign up the honour and dignity of the Triumvirate, obtained life. M. Agrippa was by Caesar rewarded with a naval crown, an honour to no man ever granted before him.   

Of the CXXX. book.  
MArcus Antonius, in his rioting time with Cleopatra, entered into the province of Media with eighteen legions, and sixteen thousand horsemen; levied war upon the Parthians, and after he had lost two of his legions, seeing nothing chieve well on his side, he retired back. But efisoons the Parthians followed him in chase: whereupon in exceeding fearful haste and great peril of the whole army, he returned into Armenia: so as in 27 days he fled three hundred miles. About 8000 men he lost by tempestuous weather. But he was himself the occasion that he suffered these dangerous tempests, over and besides the Parthian war which unfortunately he enterprised, because he would not winter in Armenia, for hast he made to his love Cleopatra.   

Of the CXXXI. book.  
SEx. Pompeius' having once submitted, whiles he was in the protection of M. Antonius, went about to levy war against him in Asia: but by his lieutenants he was surprised and slain. Caesar stayed the mutiny of the old soldiers, which with great mischief was begun: he subdued the japides; the Dalmatians and Pannonians. Antonius having upon his word and promise of safety & protection trained unto him Artavasdes the king of Armenia, commanded him to be laid up fast in Irons, and gave the kingdom of Armenia to his own son, which he had by Cleopatra: for now by this time he began to avow her as his wife, upon whom long before he was enamoured and doted in love.   

Of the CXXXII. book.  
CAius Caesar subdued the Dalmatians in Illyricum. When M. Antonius for the love of Cleopatra (who bore him two sons, Philadelphius and Alexander) would neither return to the city of Rome, nor after the time of the Trium virat expired, resign up that dignity & government, but prepared for war, which he meant to levy against Rome and Italy: and thereto had raised a mighty power, as well of sea-forces as land; and withwall, had renounced the marriage with Octavia, Caesar's sister, and sent her a letter of divorcement and so put her away: Caesar thereupon, with an army sailed into Epirus. The battles at sea afterwards, and the horse-fights, wherein Caesar had the upper hand, be here related.   

Of the CXXXIII. book.  
MArcus Antonius was with his fleet overcome at Actium, and thereupon fled to Alexandria: where being by Caesar besieged, and in utter despair of recovering his former state, but moved especially upon a false rumour that was spread, how Cleopatra was killed, he slew himself. When Caesar was now master of Alexandria, Cleopatra likewise because she would not fall into the hands of the conqueror, willingly procured her own death. Caesar upon his return to the city of Rome, had the honour of three triumphs: the one over Illyricum, another for the victory at Actium, & the third in regard of Cleopatra. Thus when he had finished all civil wars which had continued one & twenty years, M. Lepidus, the son of Lepidus the Triumvir, conspired against Caesar: and whiles he went about to make war, was prevented and slain.   

Of the CXXXIIII. book.  
CAius Caesar having set the state in good order, and reduced all provinces into one certain form, was surnamed also Augustus: and the month Sextilis to honour his name was likewise so called. Whiles he sat in visitation at Narbone, he took a review of the three provinces of Gaul, which his father (Caesar) had conquered. The war which M. Crassus made against the Bastarnians, Maesians and other nations, is here reported.   

Of the CXXXV. book.  
THe war which M. Crassus levied against the Thracians, as also which Caesar made upon the Spaniards is here set down. Likewise how the Salassians, a people in habiting the Alpes, were utterly subdued.   

Of the CXXXVI. book.  
RHetia was conquered by Tiberius Nero, and Drusus his wife's son. Agrippa Caesar's son in law died: and by Drusus was the general review and tax taken.   

Of the CXXXVII.  
THe cities of Germany situate on either side the Rhine, are by Drusus besieged and assailed. The tumult and insurrection which arose in France, by reason of the foresaid review or tax, was appeased. An altar was erected unto Divus Caesar at the confluent of the two rivers, 
* Saone.  Arar and 
* Rhosne.  Rhodanus: and a priest was created to offer thereupon, one C. julius Vercondaridubius an Heduan.   

Of the CXXXVIII. book.  
HEre is showed how the Thracians were by L. Piso tamed. Likewise how the Therusci, Temachateri, the Cauci, and other nations of Germany beyond the Rhine, were subdued and brought under by Drusus. Octavia the sister of Augustus departed this life, having buried before, her son Marcellus: whose monuments still remain, namely the Theatre and gallery bearing his name, as if they had been dedicated by Marcellus.   

Of the CXXXIX. book.  
THe war which Drusus managed against the nations beyond Rhine is here reported. In which war the chief persons that fought were Senectius and Anectius, Tribunes of the Norvians state. Nero the brother of Drusus, subdued the Dalmatians and Pannonians. Peace was contracted with the Parthians: and upon capitulation the military ensigns were delivered up again to their king, which first under the conduct of Crassus, and afterwards of Antonius were lost, and by them taken.   

Of the CXL. book.  
IN this book is related the war which Drusus fought against the cities and states of Germany beyond the Rhine. Himself fell from his horse and broke his leg, by reason that his horse fell thereon: upon which sracture he died thirty days after. His corpse was by his brother Nero (who being sent for upon the news of his sickness, rode in post) brought through to Rome, and bestowed in the tomb of C. julius. Praised he was by Caesar Augustus his father in law, and at his funerals for a final farewell, he was entitled with many honourable names.    

To the Reader.  
THe history of Titus Livius, as it was by him passing well penned otherwise, and none thereto in Latin comparable: so in the calculation & date of times, which they call Chronologie (a singular light to give direction in a story) he is somewhat defective and unlike himself, so as he cannot be praised without exception. But if a man consider the huge volumes which he wrote, and namely in his declining age; the variety and disagreement of former authors, whom he followed, who before him faulted also in this point, and where of he much complaineth; he is to be pitied and pardoned, if his memory failed somewhat in this behalf. For where shall we find a man that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, omnique exparte beatus? And in deed, if we weigh the thing aright, as it was a profession by itself & required a whole man: so, many travailed therein alone, & they that performed well but it only, deserved high thanks and commendation. And to let many others pass, how worthily is T. Pomponius Atticus praised by Cicero his friend, for digesting the head magistrates of seven hundred years in one book? As for Verrius Flaccus, who lived in the time of Augustus Caesar, he collected a catalogue and register of the chief rulers of Rome, how they were chosen successively, and how they governed from time to time: which as he caused to be cut and engraven in a marble wall within the Capitol for a perpetual memory to posterity: so, thereby he deserved also to have his own statue erected near the temple of Vesta, for an everlasting memorial of so great a benefit. But what is there so durable, that time wasteth not? what so conspicuous and evident, but troublesome days may overwhelm and hide in oblivion? Thus amid that havoc which the Goths & Vandals made in Italy, there remained not one fourth part extant of Livies' story: thus in that general confusion of Rome, these records of Verrius Flaccus were defaced, broken, and buried deep under the ruins of the capitol and other stately edifices. But the revolution of times, as it hath brought to light again some relics of Livy; so it hath discovered also those marbles of Verrius: for in the time of Paul the third, Pope of Rome, the fragments of the said stones were digged out of the ground between the Roman Forum and the broad street Via Sacra; brought forth also & laid abroad in the capitol to the view of the world. To which, as the true touchstone, certain learned men of late days have laid to their own labours in that kind, namely Bartholomew Marliau of Milan, Onuphrius Panvinius of Verona, Charles Sigonius of Modena, and Francis Robortellus, of 
* 〈◊〉, or Fo●●● 〈◊〉.  Vdine: & comparing the same as also the annals gathered by Henry Glareanus before time, with the foresaid antiquities of Verrius late found, have recovered much light to the his torie of Livy, and supplied his wants in that behalf. I thought it not amiss therefore to gratify my countrymen in some measure this way also, and deliver the same in English which I found annexed to the best editions in Latin, as followeth.   

A CHRONOLOGIE TO THE HISTORY OF T. LIVIUS, COMPILED ACCORDING TO THE TABLES AND RECORDS OF VERRIUS FLACCUS IN THE CAPITOL, AND SET OUT WITH MOST PROFITABLE notes, showing the variety and disagreement of Authors about the names of the Roman Consuls.  
The causes of dissent and repugnance in Historiographers, as touching the computation and relating of the years from the foundation of the city of Rome.  
SInce we intend to setfoorth a Calendar or Register of the Consuls mentioned in the history of Livius, which by reason of uncerteintie, obscurity, and discordance of the times, is so dark and intricate, that not only the learned and most experienced Historians of our age, but the best writers of the Roman story in ancient time eftsoons complained thereof; we think it not impertinent to our purpose, briefly to search into the causes of this dissent: which being once known, we may follow that account of the times, which seemeth to accord best with the historical truth, and to be grounded upon the authority and testimony of the most authentical and approved writers. For seeing that an history (as Cicero hath most truly said) is the witness of times; what is more unfitting for it, than to miss and want that which is the chiefest point therein, and without due and diligent reckoning made, to be ignorant what was first and what was last done? It seemeth therefore, that of this diversity in the account and computation of the Roman Consuls, there be three especial causes.  
The first is, for that the year in which the first Consuls entered into that magistracy, is by the Roman Historiographers, not after one sort but diversely set down. For Dionysius (a most diligent writer of the acts of Romans) in his first book, in the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth, reporteth, that the KK. reigned 244 years: which also is collected out of the yearly computation gathered by Varro and approved by the authority of others. For Messala reporteth, how upon the expulsion of the KK. which happened in the 244 year after the foundation of the city, the Romans were ruled under the yearly government of Consuls. To which opinion Livy also subscribeth in the end of his first book, saying, that the regiment of KK. continued 244 years from the foundation of the city, unto the freedom and liberty thereof. But Eutropius in his 1 book writeth, that the seven Kings reigned in Rome 243 years: which account agreeth with Sex. Ruffus in his abridgement. In which variety this is to be observed, that these two last named, reckon the years only of every king's reign, and out of the whole and gross sum leave out the year of the interreigne, which Dionysius, Livius, Messala, and the rest insert between, and that right truly and upon good reason: for after the death of Romulus, the interreigne continued one year. Consider then and examine the thing diligently, and ye shall find, that in reckoning the years of every king's reign in several, Eutropius and Sextus Ruffus both, attribute as many years to the king's government, as Denis, Livy, and the rest: so that this difference is not much. But others there be (as Eusebius hath delivered in his Chronicles) who write, that the KK. reigned but 243 years, and take the interregency withal: whose judgement, Orosius, jornandes, and Bede seem to follow. For Orosius in the 5. chap. of his second book recordeth, that Brutus the Consul in that very year, namely the 244, put his own sons to death. the KK. reigned not precisely so many years just, but, for that some (and namely Romulus) went over some months and days, Dionysius and Livius reckoned them for a full year, and laid it to Tarqvinius Priscus: but the other above named together with Eusebius, left out those odd months and days (because they made not up a complete year) and assigned but only seven and thirty years to the reign of king Priscus. To this may be added another reason of the like nature: namely that, as divers authors have doubtfully reported the year, so they are no more certain of the month and day on which the first Consuls began their government. For Plutarch in his problems writeth, that they entered upon the first day of january: but Macrobius in the first book of his Saturnalia and seventh chapter, seemeth to imply that they took their Consul's place the first of june, saying (according to the opinion of others) That june took the name of junius Brutus: for tha● in this month, and namely upon the first day thereof (according to a vow whereto he was obliged by the banishment of Tarquin) he solemnised a sacrifice to the goddess Carnea upon mount Coelius. Others again write, how this happened the four and twentieth of February: grounding herein upon the old antiquities and records of stone, together with the testimony of Ovid, who in the second book of his Calendar thus writeth: 
King Tarquin with his sons then fled: The Consuls yearly bear  
The sovereign rule at Rome: since that, no king ever reigned there.  Some there are besides of opinion, that they entered the first day of julie: and of their mind seemeth joachimus Perionius to be, in his third book of the Greek magistrates. In this repugnancy therefore of opinions, very doubtful it is which to follow. As for that of Plutarch, it hath long since been clearly and learnedly confuted by two great and excellent clerks, Onuphrius Panvinius, and Sigonius: since it is plain that it was the six hundred year from the foundation of the city, and not before, that the Consuls began their government the first of januarie. But in setting down the certain day, they themselves are not well agreed. For Sigonius after Marlianus inclineth this way and saith, That the first day of the Consul's government was the six and twentieth day of May. But Panvinius thinketh that the first Consuls were created the 26 day of February. And this diversity is found not only in the day when the first Consuls took their government, but also in the time after ensuing. What was the usual day of any month whereon the Consuls were wont to begin their magistracy, a man can hardly find any certainty before the six hundred year from the cities foundation. In the four and fortieth year verily after the kings were exiled, the first day of july, as Livy writeth, was the ordinary day for yearly magistrates to take their place: but how many years following, that order continued, or at what time it was changed, he showeth not before he come to the three hundred and two year, and then he faith in his third book, That the thirteenth of May was the ordinary day for magistrates to begin their government. Thus much at leastwise we may collect by him (when he saith that this time was solemn) that he meant not two or three years only, but many. For that is properly called solemn, which is by law usually observed. Again, we read a little after the beginning of the first book, that this time also was altered: for whereas the fifth day of December was the usual time that magistrates began to execute their office he saith, that it was changed, in these words, The principal nobles and lords of the Senate, were it upon the default or the infortunity of their Generals (that so shameful an overthrow was received) opined and advised, not to expect and stay for the ordinary time of the election, but presently to create new military Tribunes in Consul's authority, who should enter into their government the first day of October, etc. Which opinion of theirs imported, and the whole house accorded to it: whereupon the other Tribunes gain said it. But Sergius and Vrginius withstood this Act of the Senate, and denied flatly to resign up their dignity before the eleventh of December, the ordinary day of taking their oath and beginning their magistracy. And a little after, within one page, he showeth that the usual day of entrance into government was altered from the eleventh of Decemb. to the first of Sept. saying, When this speech was received with a general applause of all men, and that the nobles and lords of the Senate etc. But this day was kept but a few years. For about six years after, he saith, by occasion that both Consuls lay sick, it was ordained that the first of july should be the ordinary day. And this also I find was changed to another, whatsoever it was, for named it is nor; & therefore uncertain. But this happened in the four hundred & thirteenth year after the city's foundation: as Livy about the beginning of the 8 book showeth in these words; And when the Consuls were commanded to resign up their magistracy before the time, to the end that new Consuls might the sooner be created, against so great troubles of war, etc. For in these words [The sooner etc.] he declareth that the usual day of entry into government was then changed. But as it is not certainly set down what day this was; so the other was as well known: for soon after, and namely the eight year following it was appointed, to wit, the first day of july. Immediately therefore (quoth he) the new Consuls, L. Aemylius Mamercus, and Cn. Plautius were enjoined that day (even the first of july) on which they began their office, to agree and part between themselves their provinces. As for the month, wherein for the most part the assembly for election of magistrates was holden, we read it was February; like as the thirteenth of March was ordinary for them to begin their government. For this day held always, during the second Punic war and the Macedonian, and longer than so. Thus Livy testifieth in many places (which to quote is needless) as in the sixth book of the second Punic war, and in the beginning of the first book as touching the Macedonian. By which, who seeth not that there is great variety in the month and day both, whereupon the magistrates were wont to begin their rule? But whereas all the certainerie in computation and account of the time, dependeth upon a precise, exact, firm, and settled reckoning of years, months, and days; and seeing that in Livies' story it is neither expressly showed, what year, month, or day, the magistrates began their government, nor precisely noted when the reckoning altered; considering also that nothing therein is more wavering and inconstantly delivered, than the very usual day of entering into magistracy: what marvel is there, if authors descent so much about the computation of the times? whiles one beginneth at this month, another at that: whiles some I say ascribe these magistrates created, to this year, others attribute the same to another?  
Thirdly, there being great difference between Dionysius and Livy, as well about the reckoning of the times and years, as the acts and affairs that therein-passed; all seemeth to have risen hereupon, that the purpose of Livy was not to deliver exactly the acts & occurrents of greatest antiquity which happened in the State of the people of Rome, and which by many writers aforetime had been most diligently set down & penned to posterity: but to record & write those things especially, which from the time a little before the second Punic war had been achieved by the people of Rome, unto the age wherein himself lived. But because (as Polybius most wisely and pithily writeth) a general story cannot be understood by particular registers; and for that an Historiographers study and endeavour aught to be employed rather in an universal treatise, than in particular discourses: therefore, lest so great a piece of work as his, wanting a beginning, should seem maimed & unperfect; in the foremost 20 books he slightly & briefly ran over the deeds of the people of Rome from the foundation of the city, unto the beginning of the second Punic war. But Dionysius professing purposely to describe the ancient monuments of the Romans, thought it his part to overpass and omit nothing worthy of remembrance, but most curiously and exactly hath delivered all things pertinent, either to the calculation of the times or discourse of affairs, in so much as those things whereof Livy hath scantly made three books, he hath declared at large in eleven. Here upon, if a man read in Dionysius, the ancient beginning and original of the Roman empire, and examine well the times how they are by him digested, and compare the same with the brevity in Livy, no doubt he will prefer the diligence of the former before the overhastinesse of the later. But if the indifferent reader consider the purpose and intent of them both, he will yield unto either of them their due praise, and whereas Livy making haste to other matters, hath either let pass or more slightly handled some things, he will judge him worthy rather to be excused than reproved for it.  
To these three causes above rehearsed, others also may be adjoined; namely, the ordering of the years by Romulus, and the variety as touching that year wherein Rome was founded: but it may suffice only to touch these, & point unto them with the finger. Howbeit this we think good to advertise and admonish the reader by the way; that albeit in the digesting and reckoning of the Coss. we have set before our eyes to follow the marble tables & monuments of Verrius Flaccus, and according thereunto have framed & applied the computation of the years: yet that year before the 250, as also the other, which Verrius rejected, we have inserted with the rest, that our account might fall out just with the sum of the years, as they are collected by Varro. Which, before us, Onuphrius Panvinius a most learned man hath done in his Calendar, thinking that the year which Verrius and they that followed him razed out was the 423, and therefore he hath put it to the rest without Consuls, according to the Capitoline records.  

Of the computation of times usually observed by the Romans, and of the year of the city's foundation.  
THe calculation of years was taken and observed by men in old time divers and sundry ways. The Achaeans (as we read) received it from the revolution of the stars: the Argives from their women priests; as for example, if Chrysis such a year were chief priest to offer sacrifices, they counted the number of years from the said Chrysis. But many have derived & fetched the course and consequence of their acts and affairs, from the years before Troy was built, or else after the winning thereof. Howbeit, from the 408 year after the captivity thereof, by occasion of the Olympian games, which Hercules first instituted in the honour of his great grand●●re by the mother's side, and which by his son Iphiclus (or Iphitus, as some will have it) were renewed that year: from that time (I say) they began to number the years by the Olympiads, especially among the Grecians, whose story (as Eusebius affirmeth) is not of any credit but from the time of the first Olympias. The Hebrews (like as other nations in the East) received the denomination and reckoning of the years from their kings. The Athenians, from their Eponymi (as they called them) but that in their Archaeresiae, [that is, the elections of their magistrates] which were wont to hold for certain days about the beginning of the year, they counted in this ●ise, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the tenth or eleventh of the first Prytancia. And hereof it seemeth, that the name cometh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as if from thence, their acts received both the time and also the name. After the example of the Athenians and others, the Romans reckoned their days, made their calendar, and registered their acts by such and such Consuls; noting thereto otherwhiles the year from the city's foundation. Mary, about it there is much more diversity in authors, than about that wherein the first Consuls took their government. And seeing the cleared and declaration of that point is not impertinent to this place, briefly we will rehearse the opinions of authors as touching the time when the city of Rome was founded.  
To begin therefore at them, who (according to the common received opinion of others) have written longer ago and further off, Timaeus Siculus (I know not upon what reason induced) hath recorded, how the city was built by Romulus much about the time that Carthage in Africa by the Tyrians, namely in the 38 year before the first Olympias.  
L. Cincius (a Senator of Rome by calling) faith it was in the fourth year of the twelfth Olympias. Q. Fabius Pictor (amost ancient writer of the Roman story and of greateest credit) attributeth it to the first year of the eight Olympias.  
Polybius Megapolitanus, and Diodorus Siculus, quote the second year of the 7 Olympias.  
Apollodorus, Q. Lutatius Catulus, C. Cornelius Nepos, Eratosthenes, M. Porcius Cato, Dionysius Halicarnassaeeus, & Theophilus Antiochenus, name the first year of the 7 Olympias.  
M. Verrius Flaccus, (the avoucher of the Capitoline stone-records) T. Livius, C. julius Solinus, Clemens Alexandrinus, and others, will have it to be the fourth year of the 6 Olympias.  
L. Taruntius Firmanus, M. Terentius Varro, T. Pomponius Atticus, M. Tullius Cicero, Augustus Caesar, C. Plinius Secundus, Plutarch Chaeronaeus, Domitianus Caesar Augustus, P. Cornel. Tacitus, Cassius Dio, A. Gellius, L. Septimius Severus Augustus, Censorinus, M. julius Philippus Augustus, Eusebius Pamphil. Caesariensis, Eutropius, Paulus Orosius, Paulus Diaconus Longibardus: and after the time of C. Caesar dictator, the common opinion of the people of Rome (which we also go by) will have the city to be founded the third year of the sixth Olympias.  
But by what motives and reasons each one of these authors is induced, and whereby they would seem to confirm their several opinions, needless it is in this place for to declare: both because the speculation hereof pertaineth properly to another profession, and also for that (besides Piutarch in Romulus, Solinus in the I chapter of his Polyhistor, and Camers in his annotation thereupon) the question hath been so thoroughly handled by Onuphirius Panvinius in the first book of his Calendar, that the thing requireth no further examination.  
Now for the day on which the foundation of the city of Rome was laid by Romulus, it was the 
* 〈…〉  eleventh day before the calends of May, called Parilia or Palilia. Now was this a festival day to Pales the goddess of shepherds, celebrated by the said shepherds upon the eleventh calends of May, in the fields and country villages, for the chase away of wolves, for the preservation of their sheep and cattle from diseases, or for the safe yeaning and bringing forth their young: whereupon they were called Parilia. Of this matter writeth Propertius in his 4. book in this wise: 
A feast there was, Palilia, our fathers did it call,  
And on that day they first began, for Rome to build a wall.   
Ovid also in the fourth book of his Fasti: 
A time full meet they chose, with plough the plot to mark,  
Dame Pales was at hand, and so began the work.  The same is avouched by M. Tullius, Plutarch, Solinus, and others. And that these Palilia were solemnised ordinarily the eleventh day before the calends of May, appeareth as well by the old marble Roman calendars, as also by the same authors before rehearsed.   

Of the first sovereign magistrates of the city of Rome, namely, of the KK. who were in number seven.  
ALl sorts of policies and governments in a Commonweal which are set down and named by ancient Writers, the city of Rome (were it by the fatal course of destiny, or upon some troubles in the State) hath received and endured every one: so as no commonweal in manner there can be found, wherein they succeeded so one after another, as they did in the very city of Rome. For in the beginning, the KK. ruled it; but when they for their excessive outrage and inordinate lust exercised upon their citizens and subjects, were deposed and expelled, the Consuls (and after them the Tribunes military in Consul's authority) held the sovereignty. But in process of time, when this frame and form of Commonweal (simply the best) was by the outrage of the two Gracchis (Saturninus and Drusus Triburies' of the Commons) put out of joint and troubled, until such time as their power and authority was by Sylla rend in twain, & the Commons dizseized of their lands and killed: then the administration of the commonweal was restored again to the Nobles and principal persons of the city. But at length when it was oppressed again by the civil war of Pompey and Caesar, the sovereign rule of the State was devolved upon the empire of Caesar alone; wherein, being first shaken a few years before, through the wicked insolency and lust of the three Triumvirs, it continued until the time that it fell to utter ruin. We therefore will briefly go through all these sorts of government, in that successive order as they followed one after another, and first begin with the KK.  

37 Romulus the first K. of the Romans, reigned 37 years.  
ROMULUS, the founder of the city, reigned 37 years: for so many Livy assigneth unto him. Likewise Dionysius in the first book, which he repeateth also in the second: and Piutarch in Numa dissenteth not from them, howsoever in Romulus, he writeth that he departed this world in the 37 year of his age. Solinus in like manner rehearsing his worthy acts, attributeth unto his reign 37 years. Only Eutropius (1. book 4. chap.) alloweth unto him 39 years: but Cuspinian thinketh very well, that the copy is corrupt. This prince having reigned (according to the more common received opinion of authors) seven and thirty years; in which time; he laid the first groundwork of the Roman Empire, with excellent laws and ordinances, and established both civil & also military discipline, departed this life upon the Nones of Julie, which day was called afterwards, Nonae Caprotinae: by occasion that he in mustering and reviewing his army at the lake of Caprae, was conveyed out of men's sight: whereupon the people fled as amazed at the sudden death of their king, as Plutarch and Dionysius do witness. This Romulus after his 
* 〈◊〉.  deification was named Quirinus, of which surname Ovid in his 
* 〈◊〉.  Calendar giveth these reasons.  
Sive quod hasta quiris; Priscis est dicta 
* Same read thus, Latinis.  Sabinis:  
Bellicus a telo, venit in 
* arma.  astra Deus:  
Sive suo regi nomen posuere Quirites,  
Seu quia 
Romanus vicerat, but abruptly.  Romans iunxerat ille Cures.  
A spear, old Sabins Quiris called, which Romulus used in fight:  
This martial man a god became, & so Quirinus height,  
Quirites eke his subjects hege, their K. this name might give:  
Or else the Curets, who he brought with Romans for to live.  
That he was base borne, and could not avouch his own father, beside other writers, Plutarch especially affirmeth in his Theseus. Howbeit the old opinion went currant, that he was by Mars begotten in stealth of a vestal virgin, Ilia, Rhea, or Sylvia, for so many names there go of her: and that first he was called Romus, of Ruma, which signifieth a teat or pap, and afterwards by way of flattery, Romulus.   

1 Interregents.  
FOr one year after the death of Romulus, the nobles fell to variance, and strove who should be king: but by reason, that no one person excelled above the rest in that state so newly founded, there grew several factions and debates in their head-corporations. They who were descended from the Sabines (because after the death of Tatius none of them reigned with Romulus in equal society) were desirous to have a king created out of their body, because they would not forego their hold and possession in the Empire. But the old Romans could not away with a straunger-king. Howbeit, as different as they were in affections, all were willing to set up a king, as having not tasted yet the sweetness of liberty. The Peers moreover mightily seared (by reason that the neighbour States bordering round about were provoked against th●m) lest some foreign force might assail their city left thus without sovereign government, and the army without a leader. Whereupon the two hundred nobles agreed among themselves to enter into an association of rule, and made ten Decuries: and in every Decurie created one to have the sovereignty over the rest. These Senators were then too in number, as Livy saith, and according to Plutarch a hundred & fifty. But Dionysius writeth, that there were two hundred of the Sabines, and as many Romans. After this they cast lots; and their Decurie unto whom the lottery first fell, ruled the city: howbeit not all of them at once, but one alone had the regal ornaments, and the lictours' going before him. Five days he governed and no longer; and so by this order in course, the nobles of every Decurie governed the city fifty days. For after five days determined, he whose lot was first to govern in that Decurie, delivered up unto the second the imperial dignity together with the ensigns thereof: and he again, when his five days were expired, unto a third, and so to the tenth. Thus when these ten first Interregents had passed one 50 days, a second Decurie of Senators in like manner ruled the city other 50 days; and thus they went round through all until they had fulfilled a years space in this regency. This government was of the thing itself called Interregnum, which name it still retained afterwards, and the men likewise were named Interreges. In this year therefore was the magistracy of Interregents first devised among the Romans. And not only after the death of Romulus the State was ruled by interregency, but also after the decease of Numa, Tullius, & Ancus, kings. In like manner during the time of the free State & Commonweal, after the time of yearly magistrates expired, the said government took place very often, before the creation of new: for they held the assembly for elections, wherein new governors were by the people created. Now the office and charge of this Interregent was, during the time of his regency (which ordinarily passed not five days) to execute all those functions in the city, which belonged either to KK. or Consuls; namely, to minister justice, to rule the Commonweal, to hold a Senate, and there to propound the affairs of State, & lastly to summon the general assembly for choosing new magistrates. As touching the beginning of Interregents, Dionysius in his second book, Livy in his first, Plutarch in Numa, Sext. Ruffus, Eusebius & other old writers, have written at large.   

43 Numa Pompilius the second K. reigned 43 years.  
ONe year of interregency being thus accomplished, the people of Rome thought this a grievous and heavy manner of government; and the Commons grumbled that their servitude was manifold more than before, as having two hundred lords over them in steed of one. Which when the Senators perceived, they agreed at last upon this point, That the old Senators should create a king, whom they would, so he were not one of their own body and degree. Whereupon Numa Pompilius (for that in justice & wisdom he excelled all other) was called out of Cures a city of the Sabines, to be their king. That he reigned three and forty years, all accord, save Eutropius, Eusebius and Cassiodorus (late writers) who set down but one and forty, as Onuphrius and Sigonius have observed. Of this king, Dionysius in the second book, Livy in his first, Solinus in his second chapter, Plutarch, Pliny, and Eutropius in his life; in like sort, Valerius Maximus have delivered much in record. He died not much above the age of eighty years as Plutarch writeth; for born he was (as he testifieth) the same day whereon Romulus laid the first foundation of the city, namely, the twelfth Calends of May. Now for the name of Numa, some say it was the fore-name of Pompilius. But out of Sextus Pompeius it appeareth, that neither Tullius nor Numa were forenames, as also by this conjecture, for that the sons of Numa are by Dionysius called by other sundry names divers from the family. Some thought therefore that Numa, Ancus, Aruns, Volusus, Drufus, Faustus, julus, Mammurius, & certain other surnames, were at first forenames, as Marlianus in his Annals hath very well noted.   

32 Tullus Hostilius the third king of Rome, reigned 32 years.  
NVma being deceased, the interregency took place again: during which time an act of Senate passed, wherein by the approbation of the Commons and advise of the nobles, Tullus Hostilius was created the third king of the Romans, in the fourscore and one year after the foundation of the city. Who having razed Alba, commanded the Alban to be translated to Rome. Their Commons he made free denizens, and the principal nobles he took into the order of Senators. After Numa he reigned 32 years, as all writers most constantly affirm. He perished as Dionysius witnesseth, by occasion that his house was on fire, wherein his wife & children & all their household besides were consumed and burnt. Some say, that his palace took fire by lightning through the ire of the gods, for that he had forlet some sacrifices and holy rites: others write, that it was occasioned by the treacherous practice of Ancus Martius, who reigned next after him. Of him Dionysius writeth in his 3 book. That he carried before him the name of Hostus it appeareth by this, that both his father and grandfire bore the said name. A prince he was, not only far unlike to Numa, but also more fierce and stout than Romulus.   

24 Ancus Martius the fourth K. of Romans, reigned 24 years.  
KIng Tullius being departed this life, there was an Interregent by the Nobles declared, who held the assembly for Election in the 114 year from the foundation of the city: wherein the people created Ancus Martius the fourth K. of the Romans, and the Senators approved the same. He built Hostia a town 16 miles distant from the city of Rome; and fought seven battles. Livius, Dionysius, and Solinus say, that he reigned 24 years; but Eusebius, Eutropius, and Cassiodorus, 23. What death he died, neither Livy in his first book, nor Dionysius in his 3, do set down: notwithstanding that by them his noble acts are set out at large. Now Ancus (as Sex. Pompeius hath reported) is he called, who hath an arm bowing inward, so as it cannot be put strait forth.   

38 L. Tarqvinius Priscus the fifth K. of Romans reigned 38 years.  
THis Tarqvinius being left by Ancus (when he died) guardian to his children, was the first that ambitiously intercepted the kingdom to himself; he sent the sons of Ancus, during the time of interregency, out of the way, as it were to hunting, and made an oration unto the people to win their hearts & affections to him: & so with the suffrages of the people, and authority of the nobles, he was by the Interegent declared K. in the 170 year after the foundation of Rome, and in the 41 Olympias. This noble prince as well for warlike prowess as peaceable policy and government, at the length (being above fourscore year old) was forelaid by the secret trains of the two sons of Ancus Martius, in the eight and thirty year of his reign, according to Livy & Dionysius, whose judgement we follow: or in the 37, as Solinus, Messala, Ruffus, Eutropius, Cassiodorus, Eusebius, and Bedas write; like as we have before showed. Priscus he was surnamed afterwards, because he lived before Tarqvinius Superbus, saith Sex. Pompeius, unto whom accord Dionysius and Laurentius Valla: who writeth, that the addition of Priscus was given unto him not by men of that time wherein he lived, but by the age following. But Livy showeth plainly, that he had the surname of Priscus given him, even then when he came first into the city, because he was borne before Superbus. He also was called Lucumo, and was the son of Demaratus the Corinthian, descended from the family of the Brachiades.   

44 Servius Tullius the sixth K. of the Romans reigned four and forty years.  
AFter Priscus Tarqvinius was slain, presently Servius Tullius was the first that (without any election of the people, yet with the general consent of the Nobles) took upon him the Roman kingdom, in the year from the foundation of the city 176. Concerning whose conception, we must not let pass that which Pliny writeth in the 36 book after this manner. During the reign of Tarqvinius Priscus, there appeared suddenly the genital member of the masculine sex upon the hearth where the fire was kept, and thereupon presently a captive woman & bond-servant of Tanaquil the queen, named Ocrisia, sitting there by the fire side, conceived & was with child; and so was Servius Tullius borne, who succeeded in the kingdom. Afterwards as the boy lay asleep within the king's palace, his head was seen on a light fire, and supposed he was the son of the familiar Lar of that house. In which regard, he instituted first the Compitalia and plays to the Lares. Concerning his birth, Plutarch hath written more in his book of the Romans fortune. By the crafty and subtle devise of his wife's mother Tanaquil, he attained to the crown in the fourth year of the fifth Olympias, and reigned 44 years: but by the villainous complot of Tarqvinius his son in law, and Tullia his own daughter and Tarquin's wife, he was most impiously slain in the very street; which thereupon was called Sceleratus. As touching the years of this king's reign, some controversy there is among writers: for Livy, Dionysius, and Solinus (whom we have followed) write, that he reigned 44 years: but Messala Corvinus, Sex. Ruffus, Eutropius, Eusebius, Cassiodorus, and Bedas, 34, and not above. Howbeit, in adding those ten to the reign of Tarquin afterwards, they hinder not this gross sum and computation of the years: for they set them down 35, which Livy, Dionysius, and Solinus, make but 25. This K. took the name of Servius, by occasion of his own fortune, for that his mother Ocrisia a captive (but a most beautiful and wise woman of Corniculum) bore him during her bondage: but Tullius he was called, by the name of his father's kindred, as Dionysius writeth in his fourth book, reckoning up many acts by him achieved.   

25 L. Tarqvinius Superbus the seventh K. of Romans, ruled 25 years.  
IN the two hundred and twentieth year after the foundation of the city, L. Tarqvinius the younger having killed Servius Tullius, entered upon the Roman kingdom with force of arms, not by Interregent, ne yet any right of law. Superbus he was named for his cruel demeanour, in that he forbade to commit to earth the dead corpse of his father in law, by him murdered; giving out that Romulus likewise died and lay unburied. He was the son of L. Tarqvinius Priscus the king; as Q. Pictor, Au. Gellius, Licinius Macer, Verrius Flaccus and Livius have written. Howbeit Dionysius out of L. Piso in his Annals, by most strong reasons disproveth their error, and by the certain computation of the years showeth how it cannot possibly be so, but rather that he was the son of Tarqvinius Priscus his son, who died in the life of Priscus. Five & twenty years he reigned according to Livy in his first book. Dionysius in his fourth, and Solinus in his Polyhistor. But Cassiodorus, Eusebius, Eutropius and Bedas, ascribe unto him five and thirty years, adding unto his reign those ten years which they took from Servius Tullius, and thereby giving occasion of error to the later writers. Of him Dionysius, Livy, both the Pliny's, Gellius, Macrobius and Eutropius have written much. Collect then, into one sum the years of these king's reign, and thereof will arise the number of two hundred forty four.    

Of the first election of Consuls.  
THis is the second change of the commonweal, by occasion that Superbus the K. as well for his insolent and proud government, as for the villainy offered by Sextus the king's son to Lucretia, was expelled, and liberty recovered: whereupon the sovereign government year by year was committed to two men, who first were named Pretours, for that they were set over the people: then, judges, because they decided their controversies: and lastly Consuls, in that they advised and provided for the good of the commonweal: as Cicero in the third book of Laws declareth in these words: Let there be two invested in royal government; and of ruling, judging, and counsel giving, be they called Pretours, judges, and Consuls: let them have also the sovereignty of command in war. Now the first Consuls or Praetors were created by Sp. Lucretius (father of Lucretia, and Interregent for the time) in a general assembly by the voices of the Centuries, according to the commentaries of Servius Tullius the king. The first Consul had all the rights; prerogatives, and regal ensigns of the KK. this only provided, that both of them should not have the rods and axes carried before them, for fear of presenting any terror to the people. Both of them were chosen out of the Patritij: which for this intent I advertise the Reader of, that the progress of the commonweal might be known; seeing that in process of time they came to be created out of the commons also. Moreover, as concerning the year, month, and day, when as the first Consuls entered their government, something were to be said in this place: but because we have spoken before of the variety and dissension of Authors thereabout; therefore letting pass these circumstances, proceed we to the very Consuls, who by the testimony of all writers were first chosen; namely,  

245  
L. junius Brutus, and L. Tarqvinius Collatinus.  
IT is recorded by all writers, that L. junius Brutus, & L. Tarq. Collatinus, were the first Coss. or Praetors of the Rom. people: who in the end of the 244 year since the foundation of the city, and upon the first day of March (after the Tarquins KK. the father & the son were expelled the city) in an assembly of the Centuries were solemnly pronounced and declared Coss. But after that Brutus had compelled his colleague Tarqvinius to resign up his Consulship, either because he was suspected for the affinity and name of the Tarquins (as L. Piso in Gellius the 15 book and 29 cap. Livy, Plutarch, & Cic. 3. Offic. do write:) or by occasion of a variance between Brutus and Collatinus about the execution of Collatinus his sister's son, (as Dionysius reporteth) he subelected in his place Pub. Valerius Volusius the son of Volusus, whose helping hand he had used especially in banishing the KK. Of whose Consulship, Polybius in the third book, Dionysius, Livy, Valerius Max. 4 book 4 chap. Plutarch in Poplicola, and Pliny 36 book chap. 15, have made mention. But Valerius, after that Brutus in his magistracy was slain by Aruns the son of Superbus (for the king his father had levied war against the Romans) in a general court of all the Centuries, took unto him for his companion in government, Sp. Lucretius Tricipitinus the father of Lucretia; and to him (being the elder) submitted the pre-eminence of sovereignty. And soon after, within few days upon his death, (for he was very aged) he assumed unto him M. Horatius Pulvillus for his colleague in the Consulship. The said Valerius was called Poplicola, for that during his magistracy, he enacted certain laws very popular, and namely, concerning the appeal from the Consuls to the people, and the receiving of the state-government from the said people, as Livius and Dionysius do witness. In the vulgar books, as also in the old written copies (whether by error or of purpose I wot not) we read his name evermore Publicola, but still in one and the same signification. Only the letters are a little altered, which otherwise have much affinity one with another, as Quintilian writeth, namely o with u, and p with b. For in antic titles and inscriptions, you shall read often Poplicus for Publicus. To conclude therefore, in the first year after the KK. were exiled, Coss. at Rome were these, L. junius Brutus, and Lu. Tarq. Collatinus, P. Valerius Publicola, Sp. Lucretius Tricipitinus, & M. Horatius Pulvillus.   

246  

P. Valerius II.  
T. Lucretius.   
THe Consulship of these two is recorded unto us by Dionysius, Livius, and Cassiodorus. Onuphrius Panvinius, giveth unto Lucretius the surname of Tricipitinus, both for that it was a peculiar addition to that house; & also, because by an ancient Chronologer in the records of Cuspinian, he is named Tricipitinus. Now for Publius, the Etymology thereof according to Sextus, is twofold. For some call him Pub. who hath been brought up at the public charges: others again name him so, who was a ward before he had his name given him.   

247  

P. Lucretius.  
P. Valerius Poplicola.   
LIvius calleth this Lucretius by the forname of P. but other books of Titus Dionysius writeth, that P. Valerius Poplicola the third time, and M. Horatius the second time were Coss. Plutarch speaketh of the third Consulship only of P. Valerius. Onuphrius and Sigonius follow Dionysius. As for Cassiodorus, he leaveth out altogether these Consuls.   

248  

Sp. Lartius.  
T. Herminius.   
AFter Poplicola the third time, and Pulvillus the second time Consuls, Dionysius hath placed Sp. Lartius & T. Herminius. The same doth Cassiodorus. And the book noted by Cuspinian, under an unknown author, hath in it thus written, Poplicola III. & Pulvillo; Ruso & Aquilino; Valerio & Tuberto. Livy omitteth these Consuls, & in their place putteth down M. Valerius and P. Posthumius: but as Sigonius thinketh, the fault is in the writers of the book.  
But that this year should necessarily come between, Onuphrius thinketh, according to the book of M. Tullius Cicero entitled Brutus: and certain it is, that Verrius Flaccus in his Capitoline tables hath not rejected these Consuls. Now this name Lartius is derived of Lar, and so ought it to be written, and not Largius, as corruptly it is to be seen in some copies of Livy and Dionysius. As for the surname to Herminius, Onuphrius supposeth it to have been Esquilinus, both for that the mention of that surname appeareth in a fragment of the Capitoline marbles, as also because of what family else it should be, no writer ever hath delivered. This Sp. Lartius was the brother of Titus Lartius the first Dictator, as writeth Dionysius.   

249  

M. Valerius.  
P. Poslumius.   
PLutarch, as also Dionysius and Livius, writeth, that this M. Valerius was brother to M. Valerius Publicola, and therefore truly is he said to be the son of Volusus. Postumius for his surname had Tubertus. Witness Zonaras, together with Plutarch in Poplicola, and Dionysius in the fifth and sixth books. Him Dionysius calleth the brother of Quintus, where he treateth of the Consular ambassadors sent unto the Commons in the year 260. This Postumius as Onuphrius teacheth, was by old authors written without the aspiration (h) either because of Postea, Postumus, and Postimius, and so Postumius is derived, or for that in old time they wrote umus without the said (h.) Now is he called Postumius, who was borne last, as Cesellius witnesseth in his commentaries of ancient readings. Howbeit, lawyers pronounce the word with the aspiration, and call by that name him only, who was born after his father's death: and with them accord Varro, and Plutarch in the life of Sylla.   

250  

P. Valerius four  
T. Lucretius.   
DIonysius, Livius, Plutarch, and Cassiodorus report these for Coss. this year. But the registers of Cuspinian deliver unto us Poplicola the fourth time, and Tricipitinus. Valerius Maximus in the fourth book and fourth chapter writeth thus, Valerius Poplicola began his Consulship with Brutus, & the same man bore three Consulates afterwards, to the great contentment of the people.   

251  

Agrippa Menenius.  
P. Postumius.   
DIonysius hath for Coss. this year, Agrippa Menenius Lanatus; & L. Postumius the second time. Livy, Cassiodorus, Cuspinians book, and the Greek records disagree not from him. Valerius Max. 4. book, 4. cap. corruptly calleth him M. Menenius Agrippa. Now Agrippae are they called, who are born into the world with extraordinary throws and birth-travels of their mothers, namely, not with their heads, but their feet forward, against nature.   

252  

Opiter Virginius.  
Sp. Cassius.   
LIvius, Zonaras, & Cassiodorus, name these Consuls barely thus. Dionysius yet is more liberal, calling Sp. C. Ssius, Vscellinus: & Opiter Virginius, Tricostus. But whom Dionysius calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Cicero in his Laelius termeth Cassius Becillinus. And Cuspinians calendar, Viscellinus. For first of Viscus cometh Viscellus, & so from thence they derive V. Scellinus. Opiter (to note that by the way, as Sex. Pompeius saith) is he, whose father died before his grandsire. And the word soundeth thus much, as if he were born after his father's death; or because he taketh his grandsire for his father.   

253  

Postumius Commius.  
T. Lartius.   
LIvie, Dionysius, Zonaras, and Cassiodorus name these simply thus. But Cuspinians Calendar, giveth to Postumius the surname Auruncus, and to Lartius, Ruffus. And those whom Cuspinians book nameth Ruffi, the Greek registers by another word but to the same sense, call Flavi.   

254  

Seu. Sulpitius.  
MY. Tullius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus allow to these no surnames at all. The Sicilian records give to Salpitius the addition of Camerinus, like as the Calendar of Cuspinian; and to Tullius of Longus: as also doth Dionysius, who writeth, that Manius Tullius died in the time of his magistracy, & that in his place there was none substituted, because the year was wellnear at an end. Of this MY. Tullius, Cicero speaketh in his Brutus, saying, As if I should avouch myself to be descended of MY. Tullius the Patrician, who in the tenth year after the expulsion of the KK. was Cos. with Ser. Sulpitius. This surname Manius, as Sext. Pompeius saith, cometh hereupon, that some one was born mane, i. in the morning, like as Lucius, who entered into the world by day light. And in another place, this Manius (qd. he) consecrated the field Nemorensis, from whom many noble and famous man sprung, & continued many years. Whereupon arose the proverb, Multi Manij Aricia, ●ther be many Manij at Aricia. Moreover, he was called Servius, who came of parents (either both or one at least) whiles they were in bondage, or else, who when his mother was dead, lived still in her womb, and so was saved.   

255  

C. Vetusius.  
T. Ebutius.   
THe forename of this Vetusius or Veturius in some copies of Livy, as Marlian showeth in his annals of Consuls, is Caius: in other Cneus: in Cassiodorus, Lucius: in Dionysius Publius: who also surnameth Veturius, Geminus: and T. Ebutius, Helua; and in some place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but faultily; for the Latin writers also affirm his surname to be Helua. The Greek records likewise have Helua and Geminus. Moreover, they that write him Vetusius, imitate the ancient manner of putting s. for r. as when they call men Fusij, Valesijs, & Papisij. But they who call him Veturius follow the latter usage. Of this matter Livy speaketh in the year 292.   

156  

Q. Clalius.  
T. Lartius.   
THus say Livy and Cassiodorus: but Dionysius surnameth T. Lartius, F●avus; and Q. Claelius S●culus: to whom accord the registers both of Cuspinian & Sicily. This T. Lartius is the same, as appear by Dionysius, who before was Consul: and therefore is his surname Flavus rightly added. The house of the C●alij, as also of the Iu●ij, Servilij, Geganij, Curiatij and Quintilij descended from the Albans first, as Dionysius writeth.   

257  

Au. Sempronius.  
M. Minutius.   
THus Livy and Cassiodorus deliver unto us these Coss. But Cuspinians registers and the Sicilian, surname them Atratinus and Augurinus. And Dionysius nameth them A. Sempronius Rhaetinus, and M. Minutius Augurinus, albeit he maketh no mention of Augurinus, but in the second Consulship of Minutius. As for Aulus he was so called, who being new borne, was nourished and fostered by the gods.   

258  

Au. Postumius.  
T. Virginius.   
THus are these Coss. set down by Dionysius, Livy, and Cassiodorus. And to them verily the Greek records put to the surnames of Albus and Caelimontanus. But the book of Cuspinian ad Regillensis and Tricostus besides: so that by him they are thus written, Au. Posthumius Albus Regillensis, & T. Virginius Tricostus Caelimontanus.   

259  

App. Claudius and P. Servilius.   
LIvius and Cassiodorus record these for Consuls this year. The registers as well of Cuspinian as Sicily, Sabinus and Priscus: But Dionysius more fully, App. Claudius Sabinus, and P. Servilius Priscus. This App. Claudius was the top of the Claudian kindred, first named Actius Clausus, and afterwards App. Claudius; who from Regillus, a city of the Sabines (whereupon he was called Sabinus Regillensis) came to Rome in the two hundred and fiftieth year after the foundation of the city, and was ranged among the Patritij, as Livy, Dionysius, and Suetonius in Tiberius make report. This man was grandsire to that App. Claudius the Decemvir. As touching his forename, there is some difference; whereof ye may see Onuphrius and Marlianus in their calendars.   

260  

A. Virginius and T. Vetusius.   
THese are thus set down by Livy & Cassiodorus, as here they be named. Dionysius writeth them, Au. Virginius Montanus, and T. Veturius Geminus. The register of Cuspinian, barely Montanus and Geminus. The Sicilian, Caelimontanus and Geminus. Montanus and Caelimontanus are both one. Paedianus upon the Oration of Cicero for Cornelius, calleth these Consuls, Au. Virginius Tricossus, & L. Veturius Cicurinus: whereby it may be understood, that both of them had two surnames, to wit, the one, Tricostus Caelimontanus: and the other, Geminus Cicurinus; for so elsewhere other writers testify. Cuspinianus observeth, that this Cicurinus, is also called Coturnius by some writers.   

261  

Sp. Cassius and Postumus Cominius.   
SO Livius and Dionysius. Of them speaketh Cicero also in his Oration for Cornelius. But Cuspinian his books set soorth unto us, Viscellinus and Auruncus. The Sicilian records, Aruncus, and Vitellinus. And that these same were Consuls together in this year, and entered upon their government the first of September, sooner than the custom was, as Dionysius writeth.   

262  

T. Geganius and P. Minutius.   
DIonysius in the beginning of the seventh book nameth for Consuls this year, T. Geganius Macerinus, and P. Minutius. The same doth Livius in the second book. Cassiodorus likewise and Eutropius. Orosius also in the second book & fifth chapter, leaving out one of their surnames. But the Greek records and Cuspinians book surname them both, the one Macerinus, the other Augurinus. And these are ordinary surnames, this to the Minutij, and the former to the Geganij.   

263  

M. Minutius and Au. Sempronius.   
SO Livy and Cassiodorus set them down, omitting their surnames, as also the numeral note II. But Dionysius recordeth them fully in this manner, A. Sempronius Atratinus the second time, & M. Minutius Augurinus likewise the second time. This year reckoneth Dionysius for the nineteenth, after that Poplicola the Consul published the law of appealing.   

264  

Sp. Nautius and Sext. Furius.   
AFter Au. Sempronius and M. Minutius Consuls, Dionysius bringeth in to succeed them, Q. Sulpitius Camerinus, and Sp. Lartius Flavus the second time. Cuspinian registers, Cornutus and Flavus: the Sicilian, Camerinus and Flavus. Moreover, Cornutus also is an ordinary surname to the Sulpitij, as may be gathered out of the Capitoline tables of stone. And that these Consuls are not to be left out, either according to the account of the Capitol, or to make up and digest the sum gathered by Varro, appeareth by the triumph of P. Valerius, which would not fall to the year 279, if we should deduct these Consuls out of the Calendar.   

265  

T. Sicinius and C. Aquilius,   
NExt after the former Consuls, there followed according to Dionysius, C. Inlius julus and P. Pinarius Rusus Consuls. Cuspinian his records deliver unto us, julus and Mamercinus: but the Greek, julus and Rufus. And that Mamercus is a surname to the Pinar●, appeareth by another place. These Consuls Livy overpasseth, like as the other the year before: upon whom, they that undertook the explication of the Capitoline tables have noted, that there want Consuls for two years. So that of himself the like may be said to that which he writeth in the ninth book of Piso, in this manner [These Consuls, Piso bringeth in immediately after Q. Fabius and P. Decius, leaving out two years whereof we have reported that Claudius & Volumnius were Consuls in the one, and Cornelius with Martius' in the other.] Whether he forgot them in the digesting of the Annals, or of purpose passed by them (notwithstanding he thought of those two couple of Consuls) it is uncertain. Moreover, the surname of C. julius, was transformed every where into Tullus and Tullius; but that it is to be read julus, both Marlianus and also after him Panvinius showeth. For this surname julus is set from Ascanius the son of Aeneas, and from the said surname is derived the denomination of a family; and therefore Virgil saith, 
The julian house at Rome, first came  
From julus great, a prince of name.  And Livy speaking of the same in this wise faith; Which julus, the house of the julij avouch for the author of their name.   

266  

Sp. Cassius.  
Proculus Virginius.   
But to leave these things; Sp. Nautius and Sex. Furius, are by Dionysius, Livius, and Cassiodorus ranged Consuls in this year. In Cuspinian his Annals, there is Rutilius, the surname of Nautius, and likewise Viscellinus. But in the Sicilian, Nautius and Fusus.   

267  

Servius Cornelius.  
Q. Fabius.   
ACcording to Livy, the Consuls this year were T. Sicinius, and C. Aquilius; whom Dionysius and Cassiodorus name to be T. Siccius and C. Aquilius. The surnames of these, by the Greek records and Cuspinians Calendar, were Tuseus and Sabinus. As for Aquilius, he was so called (as Marlianus observeth) who was aquilo colore, i. of a duskish black, or brownish colour.   

268  

L. Aenrilius.  
K. Eunius.   
LIvie avoucheth Consuls for this year, Sp. Cassius and Proculus Virginius: and Dionysius, Sp. Cassius the second time, with Proculus Virginius. And Diodorus in his eleventh book, unto Virginius addeth the name Tricostas. The Greek records, as also those of Cuspinian, make mention of Rutilius and Viscellinus. Now as concerning the name of Proculus, some think they be so called, for that they were born when their parents were old, quasi, Proculaetate progressi, i. far stepped in years.   

269  

M. Fabius.  
L. Valerius.   
DIodorus in the said two book, declareth Q. Fabius Vibulanus, and Servius Cornelius Cossus, for this years Consuls. The same do Dionysius, Livy, and Cassiodorus, saving that they leave out the surnames. But as touching the surname of Cossus, (that ye may be resolved) men were named Cossi in the old time, who had riveled and wrinkled bodies, like to the wood-worms breeding in trees, called Cossi. Plinius in his 17 book and 24 chap. saith: Riot and wantonness hath brought up the use at the table of the daintier wood-worms breeding in oaks. Hereupon Saint Hierome against jovinian: In Pontus (quoth he) and Phrygia, it is counted high and delicate fare to eat Xylophagion: for so he calleth those plump and fat worms which came of rotten wood, and among them are reckoned to yield a great revenue and commodity to the housekeeper. Of them the Romans took their names of Cossi, Cossutij, Cossanij, and Cossutiani.   

270  

Q. Fabius.  
C. julius.   
LVcius Aemilius the son of Mamercus, and Caeso Fabius the son of Caeso, are by Dionysius recorded the Consuls of this year. Livy and Cassiodore approve the same. Diodorus likewise, saving that he addeth to L. Aemilius the surname of Mamercus: but they leave out the sore-names of their fathers. The Greek records have Mamercus and Fabius. As for the surname of Mamercus, Dionysius giveth it unto Aimilius himself in his third Consulship. Moreover, Sex. Pompeius affirmeth, that the kindred Aemil●a took name of Mamercus the son of Pythagoras the Philosopher, who for his singular humanity and courtesy, was surnamed Aemilius. But as he saith, Aemilius is a name and not a surname. Now was this Aemilius the son of Mamercus, as witnesseth Dionysius.   

271  

K. Fabius.  
Sp. Furius.   
DIonysius hath for this years Coss. Marcus Fabius Vibulanus, and L. Valerius Potitus. Dionysius, Livius, and Cassiodorus, M. Fabius and L. Valerius. The Greek records, Fabius and Volusius: and finally Cuspinians book, Fabius and Potitus.   

272  

M. Fabius.  
Cn. Manlius.   
DIonysius matcheth together in the Consulship this year, C. julius and Q. Fabius. Livius and Cassiodorus, Q. Fabius and Caius julius. The Sicilian registers and Cuspinian, julius and Fabius.   

273  

K. Fabius.  
T. Virginius.   
DIonysius writeth, that Caeso Fabius the second time, and Sp. Furius Medullinus were Consuls this year: but Livy and Cassiodorus put in stead of them, Q. Fabius and C. julius: The Sicilian registers, as also Cuspinian, julius and Fabius.   

274  

L. Aemilius.  
C. Servilius.   
BY the testimony of Dionysius, there followed Consuls next after, M. Fabius the second time, and C. Manlius. But Diodorus, Livius, and Cassiodorus, deliver unto us M. Fabius and Cn. Manlius for Consuls. The Greek records, name Fabius the second time, and Cincinnatus. Cuspinians book hath Vibulanus the second time. The Capitoline stone showeth, Cn. Manlius the son of Publius.   

275  

C. Horatius.  
T. Menenius.   
LIvius, Cassiodorus, Diodorus, and Dionysius, make report of Caeso Fabius to have been Consul this year with T. Virginius: but the Sicilian registers, Fabius with Rutilus. Dionysius noteth that Caeso the brother of the Cos. who gave up his place, was a third Consul this year. And Livy saith, that T. Virginius Rutilus died in time of the pestilence the 290 year.   

276  

A. Virginius.  
Sp. Servilius.   
ACcording to Livy, Dionysius, and Cassiodorus, the Consuls this year were L. Aemilius and C. Servilius: but Diodorus nameth, Lu. Aemilius Mamercus with C. Cornelius Lentulus: the Sicilian registers, Aemilius with Esquilinus. Another fragment of the Capitoline stone, only Structus Ahala: with Esquilinus substituted in his room. Moreover, Mamercus (as Sext. Pompeius writeth) is an Oscane fore-name; who also reporteth, that the House Aemilia was so called of Mamercus the son of Pythagoras the Philosopher, who for his passing courtesy was surnamed Aemilius.   

277  

C. Nautius.  
P. Valerius.   
LIvius, Cassiodorus, Dionysius, and Diodorus, put down for Consuls, T. Menenius and C. Horatius. As for Diodorus, he addeth unto Horatius the surname of Pulvillus: and the Capitoline stone surnameth Menenius, Lanatus. And even so, both in Cuspinians Calendar & the Sicilian registers, are to be seen Lanatus and Pulvillus. Of these Consuls, Gellius maketh mention in the 17 book and 21 chap. but not without fault.   

278  

L. Furius.  
A. Manlius.   
LIvius, Cassiodorus, and Dionysius, set down for Consuls, A. Virginius and Spurius Servilius. Diodorus, A. Virginius Tricostus, and C. Servilius Structus. In Cuspinian his Calendar, Virginius, for his surname hath Rutilus: and the Capitol marbles, give Structus to Servilius: the Sicilian records have both.   

279  

L. Aemilius.  
Opiter Virginius, or  
Vopiscus julius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus nominate for this years Coss. P. Valerius and C. Nautius. Dionysius, P. Valerius Poplicola and C. Nautius. Diodorus, P. Valerius Poplicola, and C. Nautius Rufus. The Sicilian registers thus, Nautius and Poplicola. Cuspinian, Poplicola and Rufus. The Capitol stones, have for Ru●●●, 〈◊〉: like as Dionysius before in La●tius, for Ruf●● putteth down Flavus.   

280  

L. Pinarius.  
P. Furius.   
DIodorus this year nameth for Consuls, L. Furius Medullinus and M. Manlius Volso. Livius and Cassiodorus, record L. Furius and C. Manlius. Dionysius cometh with A. Manlius and Lu. Furius. Marlianus giveth warning to read Vulso, not Volso.   

281  

App. Claudius' son of Appius.  
T. Quintius.   
DIonysius would have L. Aemylius Mamercus to be Consul the third time this year, with Vopiscus julius: but Livy, L. Aemilius and Opiter Virginius. Howbeit, he saith that in some Annals he found Vopiscus julius, in steed of Virginius. And them, Diodorus, the Greek records, and the avouchers of the Consul's tables within the Capitol, have followed. In the fragments whereof is read julius, which is a surname of the julij. And therefore in the Sicilian registers, it is thus written, Aemilius and julius: but in those of Cuspinian, Mamercus and Vopiscus. Cassiodorus hath followed Livy. Moreover, Appius is a peculiar name of the Claudij, which no citizen else of Rome used: because it was a stranger's name.   

282  

L. Valerius.  
T. Aemylius.   
LIvius, Dionysius, and Cassiodorus, name for this years Consuls, L. Pinarius, and Lu. Furius. Diodorus, L. Penarius Mamercinus, and P. Furius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but faultily, as Sigonius and Onuphrius think. Of these Coss. M. Varro maketh mention, & Macrobius in the first book of the Saturnalia.   

283  

T. Numicius Priscus.  
A. Virginius.   
DIonysius saith, the Consuls of this year were App. Claudius the son of Appius, surnamed also Sabinus, and T. Quintius Capitolinus. Livy leaveth out their surnames.   

284  

T. Quintius.  
P. Servilius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus set down for Consuls this year, T. Aemylius and L. Valerius. Diodorus, L. Valerius Poplicola, and T. Aemylius Mamercus. Dionysius, L. Valerius the second time, and T. Aemylius. The Sicilian registers yield us nothing but the bare names, Aemylius and Valerius; but Cuspinian, Potitus and Mamercus.   

285  

T. Aemylius.  
Q. Fabius.   
DIonysius hath for Consuls this year, A. Virginius Montanus (whom the Greek records call Caelimontanus) and T. Numicius Priscus. Diodorus, Livius, and Cassiodorus, conceal their surnames: and whom the Sicilian registers name Caelimontanus, Cuspinian calleth Nomentanus.   

286  

Q. Servilius.  
Sp. Posthumius.   
IN Dionysius we read for this years Consuls, T. Quintius Capitolinus, and Q. Servilius Priscus. Livius and Cassiodorus are silent for their surnames: but in Diodorus there be T. Quintius, and Q. Servilius Structus. In Cuspinians Calendar, Capitolinus and Priscus: in the Sicilian registers, Caelimontanus and Priscus.   

287  

Q. Fabius.  
T. Qui●●tius.   
LIvius and Cassiodorus match together 〈◊〉 Consulship for this year, T. Aemylius and Q. Fabius. Dionysius, T. Aemylius the II. time, and Q. Fabius. The Sicilian registers, Aemylius & Vibulanus. Cuspinian, Mamercus and Vibulanus. Diodorus, Aemylius Mamercus & Q. Fabius Vibulanus. This is that Fabius who afterwards was four times Consul, and was the only Fabius that survived, when the Fabiuses were slain at Cremera: not a child at that time of fourteen years of age, but a serviceable & an active man of his hands, (as Dionysius reporteth) and was the son of Marcus, a man who had been Consul.   

288  

A. Posthumius Albus.  
Sp. Furius Fusus.   
THis year had for Consuls, Q. Servilius and Sp. Posthumius, as Livy and Cassiodorus report: but Priscus and Albinus, as Cuspinian saith. And by Dionysius his testimony, Sp. Posthumius Albinus, and Q. Servilius Priscus the second time: but Diodorus nameth Q. Servilius and Sp. Posthumius Albinus. Howbeit, in the fragment of the Capitol marble, Sp. Posthumius is surnamed Albus Regillensis, and not Albius, and so Marlian thinketh it ought to be read.   

289  

L. Ebutius.  
P. Servilius.   
LIvius nameth T. Quintius and Q Fabius. Cassiodorus, T. Quintius the second time, and Q. Fabius the second time. Diodorus, T it. Quintius Capitolinus and Q. Fabius. Dionysius T it. Quintius Capitolinus the third time, and Q. Fabius Vibulanus the second time.   

290  

L. Lucretius Tricipitinus.  
. Veturius Geminus.   
ACcording to the Capitoline table, Aulus Pesthumius; out of Livy, Dionysius, and Cassiodorus, Pab. Furius Fusus, are noted for Consuls this year. Diodorus putteth to Furius, the other gentile surname Medullinus for Fusus. This Au. Posthumius was the soon of A. Posthumius the dictator.   

291  

P. Volumnius.  
Serv. Sulpitius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus write, that there followed as Coss. this year, P. Servilius; but Dionysius nameth L. Aebutius and P. Servilius Priscus. Diodorus, Lu. Aebutius Elva and Pub. Servilius Stractus. The Sicilian registers show Priscus and Flavus: Cuspinian, Elva and Priscus. The Capitol stones exhibit unto us, P. Servilius the soon of Sp. P.N. i. the sons son of Publius, and surnamed Priscus.   

292  

C. Claudius, soon of Appius.  
P. Valerius Poplicala.   
LIvie, Cassiodore, and Denis, represent unto us as Consuls this year, L. Lucretius Tricipitinus, and T. Veturius [or Vetusius] Geminus: but Diodorus, L. Lucretius and T. Veturius Cicurinus. Cuspinian his Calendar, Geminus and Tricipitinus. The Sicilian registers, Tricipitinus and Veturius: the Capitoline monuments L. Lucretius Tricipitinus.   

293  

Q. Fabius Vibulanus III.  
L. Cornelius Maluginensis.   
LIvius and Cassiodorus profess for Consuls this year, P. Volumnius and Serv. Sulpitius Dionysius, P. Volumnius, and Serv. Sulpitius Camerinus. The Capitol marbles have P. Volumnius Amintinus Gallus. Of The same Consuls Valerius speaketh, in his first book and sixth chapter.   

294  

L. Minutius.  
C. Nautius.   
LIvie and Dionysius name, P. Valerius Publicola, and C. Claudius Sabinus Consuls for this year: Diodorus, P. Velerius Poplicola, and C. Claudius Regillanus. The Sicilian registers and Cuspinian, call them Poplicola and Sabinus. The Capitoline marble hath this record, P. Valerius P.F. [son of P.] Volusi N. i. the sons son of Volusus, surnamed Poplicola: but Livy, Dionysius, Orosius, and they that have ranged the Consuls in the Capitol, have reported that P. Valerius the Consul was flame in the battle against the bond slaves, who this year (under the leading of Ap. Herdonins the Sabine) held the Capitol by force, and that in his stead L. Quintius Cincinnatus was substituted.   

295  

Q. Minutius.  
C. Horatius Pulvillus   
LIvius, together with Cassiodorus, declare for Consuls this year, Q. Fabius the third time, and L. Cornelius Maluginensis. Dionysius, Q. Fabius Vibulanus the third time, and L. Conelius. Diodorus, Q. Fabius Vibulanus, and L. Cornelius' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Sicilian registers, and Cuspininan, Vibulanus and Maluginensis. The Capitol marble, Q. Fabius Vibulanus the third time.   

296  

M. Valerius.  
Sp. Virginius.   
BOth Livy and Cassiodore, deliver unto us for Consuls, L. Minutius and C. Nautius. Dionysius, L. Minutius, and C. Nautius and second time. Diodorus, L. Minutius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and C. Nautius Rutilius. The Capitol stones, C. Nauticus Rutilius the second time. What this surname 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should mean, Sigonius and Onuphrius confess they know not, and think instead thereof, we should read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Valerius Maximus (5 book 2 chap. Of thankful persons) writeth these Consuls corruptly, Q. for Nautius, and Minutius.   

277  

T. Romulius  
Sp. Veturius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus name for Coss. this year, Q. Minutius & M. Horatius Pulvillus; but herein they do amiss, as Sigonius & Onuphrius suppose: for the same Livy writeth, that Caius Horatius Pulvillus died being Augur in the year 302. Diodorus nameth L. Posthumius and M. Horatius. Dionysius, Q. Horatius and Q. Minutius. The Capitol records, C. Horatius Pulvillus. And the Sicilian registers, Pulvillus and Augurinus.   

298  

Sp. Tarpeius.  
A. Atterius.   
IN Livy, Cassiodorus, and Dionysius, we find Coss. this year, M. Valerius with Sp. Virginius. But in the twelsth book of Diodorus, M. Valerius Lactuca, and Sp. Virginius Tricostus. In Cuspinians Calendar Maximus and Caelimontanus. In the Sicilian, Maximus and Virginius. In that of the Capitol, M. Valerius Max. As for Lactucinus, Pliny showeth, that it is a surname of the Valerij. Of these Consuls also, Censorinus maketh mention in his discourse of the plays called Seculares.   

299  

P. Curiatius.  
Sext. Quintilius.   
ACcording to Livy, Cassiodorus and Dionysius, this year, C. Veturius and T. Romilius entered upon the Consulship. Diodorus delivereth unto us C. Veturius Cicunus,. and T. Romulius Vaticanus. Cuspinians calendar showeth Geminus and Vaticanus. The Sicilian, Rocus and Veturius. The Capitoline records, T. Romulius, son of T. nephew or sons son of Ti. Vaticanus. Of the same Romulius, Pliny speaketh also, 7. book, chapter 28.   

300  

T. Menenius.  
P. Sestius Capitolinus.   
SPurius Tarpeius son of M. and nephew of M. surnamed Montanus Capitolinus, the calendar of Verrius Flaccus showeth unto us for one Consul this year. Of whom, Diodorus, Dionysius, Livy, Pedianus upon Cicero his Oration for Cornelius, and Cassiodorus make mention, save only the surnames. Cuspinians book, and the Greek records, have Capitolinus. As for his Colleague, they descent and disagree. For Diodorus would have him to be Aulus Asterius Fontinalis; but Dionysius Aulus Termenius. Livy and Pliny, the seventh book, chapter seven and twenty, A. Aeternius. Solinus chapter 4, Gell. I book, chapter II. A. Thermus. Lastly, Cassiodorus, Au. Aterius. Whom Sigonius and Onuphrius follow.   

301  

App. Claudius.  
T. Genutius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus likewise, report for this year Consuls, Sex. Quintilius and P. Curiatius. Dionysius, Sex. Quintilius and P. Horatius. Diodorus, Sex. Quintilius Tergeminus. The Capitol stones name him Sext. Quintilius, son of Sex. nephew of Pub. For this surname Tergeminus is common both to the Horatij and Curiatij. But Sigonius and Onuphrius allow Horatius rather.   

302  

Sext. Quintilius son of Sextus, nephew of Pub.   
TO this Consul the Greek records give the surname of Varus, and so the Capitoline tables of stone do represent him. But Diodorus, Dionysius, Livy, and Cassiodorus deliver the same man unto us without the surname. Who was his Colleague, it is doubtful. For by Dionysius it was P. Horatius: by Livy and Cassiodorus, Pub. Curiatius: by Diodorus, Tergeminus: which is a surnmane as well of the Curiatij as the Horatij. Onuphrius rather approoveth of Curiatius.   

303  

Decemvirs Consular.   
LIvie and Diodorus, together with the Capitoline registers (as far forth as may be gathered by the broken fragments of the tables) show that App. Claudius and T. Genutius were Coss. elect for this year, but they resigned up the place, in regard of creating Decemvirs. Now as touching this Decemvirate, the law Terentia brought it into the commonweal: which law A. Terentius Arsa, a Tribune of the Commons promulged as touching five Quinquevirs to be created, who should set down laws to gauge the Coss. authority. For the Commons complained. That their government was too great & intolerable, and therefore required that it might be abated and made more moderate. Which law, after it had been for six years together hotly canvassed by the Trib. to no effect, in the end waxed cold again, by reason that the said Trib. obtained a grant to double their own number. But afterwards upon occasion that Romilius & Veturius the Coss. bore themselves too extreme in rigour against the Commons refusing warfare, the said law was set on foot again, and the suit followed more hotly than before. Whereupon when the LL. of the Senate were doubtful what to do, at length they resolved upon this point, (whereof the principal adviser was T. Romulius) to create certain lawgivers, who should set down the rights and privileges both of nobles and commons. And look what ordinances by them were decreed, the same should bind both the one state and the other. The Commons agreed to this determination: and so three Ambassadors, namely, Sp. Posthumius Albus, Au. Manlius Vulso, and Serv. Sulpitius Camerinus, were sent into Greece to learn the statutes, customs, rights, and laws of the Athenians and other cities of Greece, and the same to bring with them to Rome. These went their embassage when Atinius and Tarpeius were Consuls, and three years after returned with the said laws, whiles Sestius and Menenius were Consuls. Now when the Tribunes were instant and called hard upon them, to begin once for to make these positive laws; and that now already Ap. Claudius and T. Genetius were elected Coss. for this year; there passed an act of the Senate, (according to the advice of Ap. Claudius) That all other magistracies should surcease, and 10 Decemvirs be created in consular, nay in royal authority absolutely, without liberty of appealing from them to the people: who should choose as well out of their own customs and ordinances, as the foreign laws abovesaid, the best and most profitable to the commonweal, and set down the rights of the people of Rome. And look what they prescribed and presented, (if the Senate and people of Rome allowed thereof) that should stand in force and bind the whole body of the state for ever. When this act was approved by the Commons, the Consuls resigned and gave over. In whose stead, were chosen Decemvirs consular, namely Ap. Claudius, T. Gentius, (the same that gave up their Consulship;) Spar. Posthumius, Serv. Sulpitius, Au Manlius, (those that went in embassy from the Coss. to Athens:) T. Romulius, C. julius, P. Sestius, Pub. Horatius, all men of Consular calling, and such as had been Consuls before. Besides, Sp. Veturius, according to Livy, Diodorus, and Dionysius: although Dionysius calleth Posthumius by the name of Publius and not Spurius, as Livy and Diodorus do. Likewise Livy forenameth Veturius, Lucius; Dionysius Titus; but Diodorus and the Capitoline stone, Spurius. These Decemvirs began their government in the 301 year after the foundation of the city, as Live writeth; and after him Cassiodorus goeth. But the avouchers of the Capitol records, say it was the year 302; & with them agreeth Solinus. But Varro (whom Onuphrius followeth) accounteth the year 303. These sat in judgement and ministered justice to the people by turns every one his tenth day: on which day the said chief justice bore the sovereign port, with his 12 Lictors before him; the other nine had but one sergeant apiece to give attendance: and the singular concored among themselves, which otherwhiles was an agreement profitable when they were private, proved exceeding great equity to others.   

304  
BY this time the Commons, besides that they detested the name of Coss. no less than KK. found no miss of the Tribunes assistance, nor sought once after it, seeing the Decemvirs yield one unto another in reciprocal appealing. With great affection therefore and endeavour, as well of nobles as commons, there were created for this year also Decemvirs in Consul's authority absolutely without appeal, Ap. Claudius the secondtime, Q. Fabius who had been four times Consul, M. Cornelius Maluginensis brother of L. Cornelius, who had been Consul in the year 295; Manius Sergius, L. Minutius, T. Antonius Merenda, M. Rabuleius: and three likewise of the Commons, Q. Petilius, K. Duilius, and Sp. Opius Cornicen, as witnesseth Diodorus, Dionysius, and Livy; although the gentile names for the msot part are by Diodorus omitted.   

305  
WHen the more part of the former year was past, and that upon the adding of two other tables to the former ten, there remained no more to do, (in case the said tables were once in the high court and assembly of the Centuries passed) why the commonweal should have any need of the Decemvirs, insomuch as the commons expected, that soon after, the solemn court and assembly aforesaid for creation of Consuls should be published: then the Decemvirs without any word at all made of that election or assembly, came abroad guarded with whole troops of young gentlemen patricians, and demeaned themselves more proudly and insolently to every man. But before the year was fully expired, by occasion of the lecherous lust of Ap. Claudius, who challenged a maiden (one of the commons daughters) as a bondservant, according as Livy more at large writeth; and also of the commons insurrection and departing into the Aventine, the foresaid Decemvirs gave over their magistracy: and when Q. Furius the high Pontifex called a general assembly of the tribes, ten Tribunes of the Commons were again chosen: and so at length in another assembly of Centuries for the Consuls, holden by the Interregent, created there were Consuls, 

L. Valerius Potitus.  
M. Horatius Barbatus.    
THese Consuls Onuphrius casteth upon a third year of the Decemvirs (although Livy seemeth to dissent) to the end that he might jump with the account of the Capitol, which he supposeth to be collected by Varro: for by their calculation, the triumphs of these Consuls declared in the Capitol records, are engraven upon this very year, i 304: so as it appeareth evidently, that part of this year was taken up by the Decemvirs, and part by the Consuls. Tacitus and Rufus write, that the Decemvirs continued but two years.   

306  
LIvius putteth down for Consuls, Sp. Herminus and T. Virginius Caelimontanus. Cassiodorus saith, L. Herminus and T. Virginius. Dionysius writeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and Diodorus thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the Greek records, Herminius, Tricostus: whereby Onuphrius feareth that it be corruptly written in Diodorus, Sructus for Tricostus: for Structus was surname of the Servilij and not of the Virginij. As for his colleague Herminius, that he is to be fore named Lar, besides Diodorus & Dionysius, Valerius also showeth in his tenth book, where he writeth thus: The fore-name of Lar is derived from the Lares.   

307  

M. Geganius Macerinus.  
C. Indius.   
THese are recorded likewise to be the Consuls this year. The surname Macerinus is suppressed by Cassiodorus and Diodorus, who also nameth the other L. julius. In Dionysius certain pages be wanting in this place. Cuspinian his Calendar hath for Macerinus, Macrinus.   

308  

T. Quintius Capitolinus four  
Agrippa Furius.   
DIonysius and Livy both, name the Coss. of this year, T. Quintius Capitolinus the fourth time, & Agrippa Furius. Diodorus and Cassiodorus conceal the surname and the numeral note of four. The Greek records have Furius and Capitolinus. Onuphrius unto Furius addeth the surnames of the grandsire, to wit, Medullinus Fusus.   

309  

M. Genutius.  
C. Curtius.   
LIvie delivereth unto us for Coss. this year, M. Genutius, and P. Curiatius. Cassiodorus likewise M. Genutius and P. Curiatius: but Dionysius, M. Genutius and C. Quintius: and Diodorus hath, M. Genetius and Agrippa Curtius Chilo. But as Sigonius, and after him Onuphrius have noted, it is falsely read in Livy, Curiatius for Curtius; and that is proved by the authority of Varro de lingua latina: and therefore in the Sicilian registers written they are, Genutius and Curtius.   

310  

A. Sempronius Atratinus. Military Tribunes in Consular authority: upon whose resignation Consuls were chosen in their room,  
T. Claelius. Military Tribunes in Consular authority: upon whose resignation Consuls were chosen in their room,  
L. Atilius. Military Tribunes in Consular authority: upon whose resignation Consuls were chosen in their room,  
L. Papirius Mugilanus.  
L. Sempronius Atratinus.   
WHen C. Canuleius as Tribune of the Commons, had the former year published a second law, That one of the Consuls should be created out of the Commons, (whereby the dignity of the Patritii was impaired) the nobles fearing lest the said law would pass in deed maugre their heads, drew to a point; whereof C. Claudius made the first motion & was the adviser, That in stead of Consuls there should be created military Tribunes, three of the Patritii, and as many of the Commons; who being endued with Consul authority, should govern the commonweal. Also, that when their years government was expired, the advice both of Senate and also of people should be once again required, Whether they would have Consuls rather than Tribunes consular? and look which pleased them, they should be created. These points being resolved upon & decreed, three military Tribunes were created only, all Patritii: and well enough were the Commons content therewith, because themselves were eligible & capable of that dignity. Howbeit, this regiment of their newly set up, stood not firmly established. For within 3 months after, by a decree of the Augurs, they resigned up their honourable place, as if there had been some error committed in their election: and then T. Quintius Barbatus (nominated Interreget) created Consuls, L. Papyrius Mugillanus, and L. Sempronius Atratinus. These Consuls are left out in the Sicilian registers. Well saith Livy therefore, that these Consuls are found neither in ancient annals and yearly records, nor yet in the Calendar of the magistrates. But Cicero maketh mention of them in his epistle to Papyrius Paetus.   

311  

M. Geganius Macerinus II.  
T. Quintius  
Capitolinus. V.   
DIonysius and Cassiodorus avouch these for Consuls this year. As for Dionysius, he saith that they entered in the month of December. Cassius concealeth both their surnames, and Diodorus the one, namely Capitolinus. The Greek records have Macrinus the second time, and Capitolinus the fifth time. Zonara's nameth them Macrinus & Barbatus.   

312  

M. Fabius Vibulanus.  
Postumus Ebutius Cornicen.   
LIvie saith, that Consuls of this year, were so named. Dioldorus and Cassiodorus are silent in their surnames. The Greek records have Vibulanus and Helua. Diodorus attributeth to Ebutius the surname of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but what manner of addition that might be, Sigonius knoweth not, & thinketh that it should be read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

313  

C. Furius Pacilus.  
M. Papyrius Crassus.   
THese Consuls by Livy and Cassiodorus are in this wise represented unto us. But by Diodorus after this sort, Q. Furius Fusus, and Mantus Papirius Crassiu. And by the Greek records thus, Pacilus and Crassus.   

314  

Proculus Geganius Maccrinus.  
L. Menenius Lanatus.   
LIvius and Cassiodorus, deliver these Consuls thus fully named, Proculus Geganius Macerinus, and L. Menenius Lanatus. Diodorus T. Menenius, and Proculus Geganius Macrinus. The Sicilian registers, Macerinus and Lanaus.   

315  

T. Quintius Capitolinus VI.  
Agrippa Menenius Lanatus.   
BY Livy and Cassiodorus, these were the Consuls for this year: but after Diodorus, T. Quintius, and T. Menenius. According to the Sicilian rolls, Menenius and Capitolinus.   

316  

Mam. Aemyltus. Military Tribunes in Consul's authority.  
L. Quintius son of Cincinnatus. Military Tribunes in Consul's authority.  
L. julius. Military Tribunes in Consul's authority.   
THe Tribunes of the Commons imported and prevailed, that there should be an election holden for Tribunes military, rather than Consuls; making no doubt, but in the choosing of six (for so many now by law might be created) some of the commoners by making profession that they would be revenged for the death of Melius, would step into the place: howbeit the Commons created no more than three Tribunes with Consular authority, and among them L. Quintius, the son of Cincinnatus. In which election, Mumerius Aemylius, a right honourable man and of great worth, was by their suffrages preferred before Quintius, and julius they made the third. In like manner, Diodorus nameth three Tribunes military for this year; but in this fort, Manius Aemylius Mamercus, C. julius, and L. Quintius.   

317  

M. Geganius Macerinus III.  
L. Sergius Fidenas.   
WHen the Commons, together with their Tribunes were quiet, and carefully regarded the main state of the Commonweal, no question there was nor controversy, but that Coss. were chosen, to wit, M. Geganius Macerinus the third time, & L. Sergius, so saith Livius. Cassidorus doth the same, but that he setteth down the names of the Coss. only in this wise, M. Geganius the third time, & L. Sergius, without surnames. Diodorus likewise, M. Geganius & L. Sergius. Cuspinians calendar, and the Sicilian registers, Macerinus and Fidenas. For this Sergius was surnamed Fidenas (as Livy reporteth) by occasion of the war which he made against the Fidenates.   

318  

M. Cornelius Maluginensis.  
L. Papirius Crassus.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus report these abovenamed, for this year Consuls. Diodorus nameth them, L. Papirius and An. Cornelius Macerinus: but doubtless not without error, as Sigonius supposeth: for both in Cuspinians Calendar and the rolls of Sicily, we find Malugensis and Crassus.   

319  

C. julius II.  
L. Virginius.   
THese Consuls are found for this year in Livy and Cassiodorus; but in Diodorus, C. julius and Proculus Virginius Tricostus. In Cuspinians Calendar and the Sicilian records, julius and Virginius.   

320  

C. julius III. or M. Manlius.  
L. Virginius II. or Q. Sulpitius.   
I Find in Licinius Macer, that the same Coss. were chosen again for the year following, to wit, julius the third time, and Virginius the second. Valerius Antias and Quin. Tubero allege for this years Consuls, M. Manlius and Q. Sulpitius. But in these so different records of theirs, Tubero and Macer both, profess to go by the linen books; and neither of them dissmuleth but that the ancient writers report of military Tribunes that year created. As for Licinius, he doubteth not to follow those linen records, and Tubero cannot resolve of the truth. But among other things, which by continuance of time are unknown, this also is left uncerteine. Thus much Livy. But Diodorus instead of Consuls, setteth down three military Tribunes, namely, M. Manlius, Q. Sulpitius Pratextatus and Servius Cornelius Cussus. The Greek records) following Antias and Tubero) have delivered to us Consuls. Capitolinus and Camerinus   

321  

M. Fabius Vibulanus. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.  
L. Sergius Fidenas. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.  
Marcus Foslius. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.   
The Tribunes of the Commons in their orations, continually forbade the election of Consuls: and when they had brought it so about, that he governmet was at the point of interregency, they won the mastery in the end, that military Tribunes might be chosen with Consular authority. But reward of this their victory which they shot at, namely to have a commoner created, they obtained none: for all were elected out of the Patritij, namely, M. Fabius Vibulanus, M. Foslius, Lu. Sergius Fidenas. Thus much Livius. Diodorus likewise nameth three, but corruptly, to wi●, M. Fabius, M. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and L. Servilius. As for Foslius in some of the Capitol monuments, he is written Flaccinator and not Folius, as in the common editions of Livy, whom Diodorus calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

322  

L. Pinarius Mamercus. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.  
L. Furius Medullinus. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.  
Sp. Postumius Albus. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.   
No motion was made of Consul's election. So, Tribunes military were created in Consul's authority these, L. Pinarius Mamercus, L. Furius Medullinus, and Spurius Posthum. Albus; as Livy writeth. In Diodorus they are named thus, L. Furius, Sp. Pinarius Mamercus.   

323  

T. Quintius, [soon of Lucius.]  
Cincinnatus Pennus.  
C. julius Mento.   
AN act of the Senate passed, that an election of Coss. should be holden, wherein T. Quintius, [son of Lucius] Cincinatus, surnamed also Pennus, and C. julius Mento, were made Consuls, saith Livy. The same Coss. Cassiodorus also avoucheth. The Greek records have Pennus and Mento: but Diodorus nameth them barely, T. Quintius and Caius julius.   

324  

L. Papirius Crassus.  
L. julius.   
THe Tribunes of the Commons made much ado, and kept a canvasing in the city, that Tribunes military in Consul's authority should be created, but could not prevail. So Consuls were chosen, L. Papirius Crassus and L. julius. So say Livy and Cassiodore: but Diodorus nameth them falsely, Caius Papirius and L. junius: the Greek records, Crassus and julius.   

325  

L. Sergius Fidenas II.  
Hostus Lucretius Tricipitinus.   
THe Consuls this year in Cassiodorus, are L. Sergius & Hostus Lucretius: in Diodorus, Opiter Lucretius and L. Sergius Fidenas: in Livy L. Sergius Fidenas the second time, and Hostus Lucretius Tricipitnus. In the Sicilian registors, Tricipitinus and Fidenas. One these, Valerius maketh mention in his Epitome.   

326  

A. Cornelius Cossus.  
T. Quintius Pennus. II.   
THese Consuls are named by Livy and Cassiodorus for this year. But Diodorus avoucheth L. Quintius & Sempronius; but corruptly, as Sigonius and Onuphrius suppose. For in the Sicilian records are written, Cossus and Pennus, the surnames of Cornelius and Quintius. Of these Consuls Livy spoke before, in the year 316.   

327  

C. Servillus Ahala  
L. Papirius Mugillanus.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus, name Consuls for this year, C. Servilius Ahala, and L. Papirius Mugillanus. Diodorus for Ahala, putteth down Structus: for well it may be, that Structus was also called Ahala   

328  

T. Quintius. Pennus. Military Tribunes in Coss. authority.  
M. Postbumius. Military Tribunes in Coss. authority.  
C. Furius. Military Tribunes in Coss. authority.  
A. Cornelius Cossus. Military Tribunes in Coss. authority.   
THe commons carried it clear, that no Consuls this year were created: so, four there were elected military Tribunes in Consul's authority, namely, T. Quintius Pennus immediately upon his Consulship, M. Posthamius, C. Furius, and Au. Cornelius Cossus. Thus writeth Livy: and the same, Diodorus nameth.   

329  

A. Sempronius. Atratinus. Tribb. military in Coss. authority.  
L. Quintius Cincinnatus. Tribb. military in Coss. authority.  
L. Furius Medullinus. Tribb. military in Coss. authority.  
L. Horatius Barbatus Tribb. military in Coss. authority.   
THese abovenamed (as Livy reporteth) were Tribunes military in Consul's authority this year. Diodorus leaveth our all their surnames, and L. Horatius' full and whole.   

330  

Ap. Claud, the Decemvirs son. Tribb. military in Consul's authority.  
Sp. Nautius Rutilus. Tribb. military in Consul's authority.  
L. Sergius Fidenas. Tribb. military in Consul's authority.  
Sext. julius julus. Tribb. military in Consul's authority.   
THese Tribunes military in Coss. authority Livy seretth down for this year. The same doth Diodorus also nominate, all but their surnames, and Ap. Claudius whom he calleth Titus. Livy moreover saith, that there were two, Spurij Nautij Rutili, Tribunes in those days: (but no doubt, as Onuphrius thinketh, there is some error in the copies of the book) the one who is now the first time, & a second time shall be in the year 338; the other, who was first in the year 335, and once again in the year 350. The capitol monuments of stone have the same: but they show that the one was but once, and the other thrice Tribune.   

331  

C. Sempronius Atratinus.  
Q. Fabius Vibulanus.   
THe Consuls this year created were according to Livius & Cassiodorus, C. Sempronius Atratinus & Q. Fabius Vibulanus [Diodorus overpasseth them] whom Livy reporteth to have entered into government, upon the Ides of December. Of C. Sepronius Atratinus Consul. Valerius writeth, 6. book, cap. 5. whom he forenameth Lucius: but in the third book and second chapter, he speaketh of both, although untruly; for Q. Fabius, he nameth Q. Catulus.   


332  
L. Manlius Capitolinus. Tribunes military in Consul's authority.  
Q. Antonius Merenda. Tribunes military in Consul's authority.  
L. Papyrius Mugillanus. Tribunes military in Consul's authority.  
L. Servilius Structus. Tribunes military in Consul's authority.   
THe Senate being offended with the very name of Consuls, for the hatred they bore to Sempronius, commanded Tribunes military to be created with Consul's authority. And these they were, L. Manlius Capitolinus, Q. Antonius Merenda, and L. Papyrius Mugillanus. Thus much Livy, in whose story the name is missing of the fourth, to wit, L. Servilius Structus, who in the year three hundred thirty seven, is found engraven in the Capitol stones, Tribunes military the second time. Of these, Diodorus saith not a word. In a fragment of the Capitoline marble, there is to be seen the surnames of Mugillanus, belonging to L. Papirius.   

333  

T. Quintius Capitolinus.  
N. Fabius Vibulanus.   
NOt only Livy, but Cassiodorus also recorteth, that the Coss. this year were N. Fabius Vibulanus and T. Quintius Capitolinus. Diodorus overpasseth them; but so do not the Sicilian registers. In a fragment of the Capitol marbles, we find engraven T. Quintius Capitolinus Barbatus, and N. Fabius. This Fabius was the son of Q. Fabius the Decemvir, who after the three hundred Fabiuses slain at Cremera, survived, and was the first of all that kindred and family forenamed Numerius: as Valerius Maximus in his 10 book, and Sex. Pompeius do report. As for T. Quintius, son he was (as Livy writeth) to that Capitolinus who was Consul six times.   

334  

An interregency.   
WHen the greater part of the year was spent in troubles and contentions, between the new Tribunes of the Commons and certain Interregents, whiles the Tribunes one-while would not suffer the Patritij to go together about the declaring of an Interregent, and another while impeached the Interrregent that he could not passed an act of the Senate for the election of Consuls; at length L. Papirius Mugillanus the Interregent, by rebuking as well the Senators as the Tribunes of the Commons, prevailed, that an assembly should be holden for choosing of Tribunes consular. So there were created Tribunes military with Consul's authority, and all Patritij, T. Quintius Cincinnatus the third time, L. Furius Medullinus, M. Manlius, L. Sempronius Atratinus. Thus much Livy.   

335  

Agrippa Menenius Lanatus. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.  
P. Lucretius Tricipitinus. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.  
Sp. Nautius. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.  
C. Servilius. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.   
Military Tribunes with Consul's authority for this year, are set down by Livy, Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, P. Lucretius Tricipitinus, and Sp. Nautius: for the name of the fourth is wanting; and that was C. Servilius, son of Quintus and nephew of Caius, surnamed Axilla; who the year following, in the Capitol tables is numbered among the Tribunes consular, with the numeral note of II. So as it must needs be, that he was the first time in this year, for as much as there is no other fit void place left for him. Diodorus nameth Sp. Veturius.   

336  

L. Sergius Fidenas. Tribb. military in Coss. Authority.  
M. Papirius Mugillanus. Tribb. military in Coss. Authority.  
C. Servilius the son of Priscus. Tribb. military in Coss. Authority.   
FOr Tribunes Consular this year, Livy nameth these. This C. Servilius, is by Vertius Flacus cleped Axilia. Diodorus calleth them, L. Sergius, M. Servilius, and M. Papirius. Now this M. Papirius was son to L. Papirius Mugillanus the first Censor.   

337  

Agrippa Menenius Lanatus.  
P. Lucretius Tricipitinus.  
L. Servilius Structus.  
Sp. Veturius Crassus.   
ALl these are recorded by Livy for Tribb. military this year. Of these, L. Servilus Structus was the first time in the 332 year, but left out in Livy through fault of those that wrote the copies. Diodorus hath the same Tribunes besides their surnames, and L. Servilius, whom he calleth Caius. In a Capitoline table their names are thus cut, P. Lucretius soon of Hostus, Agrippa Menenius soon of T. nephew of Agrippa.   

338  

A. Sempronius Atratius III.  
Sp. Nautius Rutilus II.  
M. Papirius Mugillanus II.   
Only these are by Livy recorded: but, that the penmen who wrote out the books, left out the fourth Tribune of this year (Quintus Fabius son of Quintus and nephew of Marcus, surnmaed also Vibulanus) the Capitol stones and Diodorus do testify. Livy himself also doth show the same, who writeth that Quintus Fabius was Tribune military the second time, in the year three hundred and forty: but in what year he was first, it appeareth not. Moreover, Au. Sempronius is by Verrius Flaccus named, the son of Lucius and nephew of Aulus. Diodorus reckoneth all four, but he concealeth their surnames.   

339  

P. Cornelius Cossus.  
C. Valeriuws Potitus.  
Q. Cincinnatus.  
N. Fabius Vibulanus.   
THese doth Livy deliver unto us for Tribunes military in Consul's authority. Diodorus in this wise, P. Corneleus, Caius ..... Fabius. The table of the Capitol thus, P. Cornelius ..... F. nephew of P. C. Valerius, son of L. nephew of Volusus. The sorename of Quintius is unknown.   

340  

Cn. Cornelius Cossus.  
Q. Fabius Vibulanus II.  
L. Valerius Potitus.  
L. Postbumius Regillensis.   
THese declareth Livius for this year: but Diodorus, Titus Posthumius, Caius Cornelius, C. Valerius, and Caso Fabius. But Verrius Flaccus nameth P. Posthumius, soon of A. nephew also of Aulus; whom Livy writeth to have been stoned to death by his own army for his cruelty.   

341  

Cn. Cornelius Cossus.  
C. Furius Medullinus.   
THen the Nobles and LL. of the Senate imported, that there should be Consuls created in a Centriare assembly, which Q. Fabius held. And the Consuls were M. Cornelius Cossus, and L. Furius Medullinus. The same are named by Diodorus and Cassiodorus, but that they leave out their surnames. The Greek records have Cossus and Medullinus.   

342  

Q. Fabius Ambustus.  
C. Furius Pacilus.   
LIvie and Cassiodotus name these for Consuls: Diodotus suppresseth their surnames.   

343  

M. Papyrius.  
C. Nautius Rutilus.   
BOth Livy and Cassiodorus report for this year Consuls, M. Papyrius and C. Nautius Ratilus. Diodorus hath not a word of their surnames. Cuspinians book setteth them down by their surnames only Mugillanus & Rutilus.   

344  

M. Aunilius.  
C. Valerius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus call these Consuls, M. Atmilius and C. Valerius. Diodorus instead of M. hath MY. i. Manius. This Aimilius in the table of the Capitol, is named in his first and third Tribuneship, M. Aimilius son of Manius, nephew of M. and surnamed Mamercinus.   

345  

Cn. Cornelius Cossus.  
L. Furius Medullinus II.   
LIvie putteth these down for the Consuls of this year. Cassiodorus passeth over their surnames, and the numeral note of two. Diodorus hath Lu. Furius and Cn. Pompeius: but he is to be written Cn. Cornelius, out of the end of a broken fragment in the Capitol: and the other L. Furius, by his Tribuneships testified in the Capitol records.   

346  

C. julius julus. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.  
P. Cornelius Cossus. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.  
C. Servilius Ahala. Tribunes military in Coss. authority.   
THese are set down for Tribunes military this year by T. Livius. Diodorus saith nothing of their surnames, which the Capitoline tables exhibit unto us. C. Servilius is written in his second Tribuneship (after the Capitol records) the son of Pub. and nephew of Q. surnamed Ahala.   

347  

L. Furius Medullinus II.  
N. Fabius Vibulanus II.  
C. Valerius Potitus II.  
C. Servilius Ahala II.   
LIvie reporteth, that the four Tribunes consular were all Patritij this year, and had born that dignity once before, to wit, L. Furius Medullinus, C. Valerius Potitus, N. Fabius Vibulanus, and C. Servilius Ahala; and that this man last named was chosen again and continued in his place still this year with the former, as well in regard of other virtues as for the fresh favour and late grace gotten by his singular moderation and rare carriage in his government. Diodorus hath C. Furius, C. Servilius, C. Valerius, and N. Fabius. In the Capitoline tables, two are written short, Potitus Volusus II. and Medullinus; the other two at full: whereby it doth appear, (as Onuphrius reporteth) that Livy was deceived. For Medullinus was not this year Tribune the second time, but the first: who had been twice Consul before, and after this year, will be no less than seven times Tribune military.   

348  

P. Cornelius Cossus.  
Cn. Cornelius Cossus.  
N. Fabius Ambustus.  
L. Valerius Potitus.   
OF these four Tribunes military, L. Valerius Potitus, and N. Fabius Ambustus stand upon record in the Capitol tables; the other two, as appear by a fragment thereof, by Livy also and Cassiodorus, were Pub. Cornelius, son of Aulus, nephew of M. Rutilius Cossus, so written by his Dictatorship. Diodorus reckoneth Terentius Maximus for the fourth Tribune.   

349  

T. Quintius Capitolinus.  
Q. Quintius Cincinnatus.  
C. julius julus. II.  
A. Manlius.  
L. Furius Medullinus III  
M. Aemilius Mamercus.   
DIodorus saith, that this year six Tribunes were created, but he nameth but three, T. Quintius Capitolinus, C. julius, and Au. Manlius. Livy rehearseth them all as here they be set down. The Capitoline stone hath julus. II. Capitolinus Barbetus, Cincinnatus, & the other three. And this was the first year that had six Tribunes military, notwithstanding that the law permitted it before, at what time as first it was granted, that Tribunes should be created: and in this year began the siege first before Veij.   

350  

C. Valerius Potitus. III.  
M. Sergius Fidenas.  
P. Cornelius Maluginensis.  
Cn. Cornelius Cossus.  
K. Fabius Ambustus.  
Sp. Nautius Rutilus. II.   
THe same Tribunes that Livy nameth, Diodorus also rehearseth, but that he leaveth out the surnames, and corruptly calleth Cn. Cornelius by the name of junius Lucullus. In the Capitoline stones they are written, Maluginensis, Cossus. II. Ambustus: and the other three fully out. Nautius Rutilus Livy nameth the second time, but Verrius Flaccus the third time.   

351  

M. Aimilius Mamercus. II.  
L. Valerius Potitus. III.  
App. Claudius Crassus.  
M. Furius Camillus.  
M. Quintius V●us.  
L. julius julus.  
M. Posthumius.  
M. Postunius Albinus.   
LIvie writeth, that the number of Tribunes military were by the Romans augmented, & eight of them created, which were more than ever any time before, whose names we have set down. In Diodorus they are thus named, Manius Claudius, Mar. Quintilius, Lu. julius, M. Furius, L. Valerius. And albeit there be wanting in him some Tribunes, yet Onuphrius thinketh, and so doth Sigonius, that himself by hiw own writing delivered not eight, but six: which Verrius Flaccus also observed in the Capitoline tables.   

352  

C. Servilius Ahala. III.  
Q. Servilius.  
L. Virginius.  
Q. Sulpitius  
A. Manlius II.  
M. Sergius. II.   
IN Livy the Tribunes military in Consul's authority, are C. Servilius Ahala the third time, Quin Sevilius, and Lu. Virginius: the rest, as in the tables of the Capitol, but only the forenames. Livy nameth Qu. Servilius, Fidenas in the oath six Tribuneships following, which he shall bear. To Lucus Virginius, Onuphrius addeth Tricostus, a surname usual in that house. Diodorus squareth not out of this range, but as Sigonius noteth, he doth fault in the name, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In a fragment of the Capitol, they are thus named, Qu. Sulpitius the son of Servius. N. Camerinus Cornutus, Au. Manlius soon of Aulus, nephew of C. Vulso Capitolinus the second time, M. Sergius son of Lucius, nephew of Lucius, surnamed Fidenas, the second time.   

353  

L. Valerius Potitus. IV.  
M. Furius Camillus.  
M. Aemi. Mamercinus. III.  
Cn. Cornelius Cossus.  
K. Fabius Ambusius.  
L. julius julus.   
LIvie reckoneth all these Tribunes this year. Diodorus putteth down Lu. julius, M. Furius, Aemylius Mamercus, Caius Cornelius, Caeso Fabius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but amiss. In the fragment of the Capitol, they are thus named, Lucius julius, son of Lucius, nephew of Vopiseus, surnamed julus. Marcus Aemylius, son of Manius, nephew of Mar. Mamercus. K. Fabius son of Marcus, nephew of Qu. Ambuslus the second time. These were commanded to enter into government upon the first day of October (whereas the thirteent of December was the usual day beforetime) by reason son of an overthrow received the former year at Veij by M. Sergius. Camilius made an expedition in the Faliscians' country, Cornelius to the Capenates, Valerius to the Volscians for the recovery of Anxur, Aemylius and Fabius to besiege Veij.   

354  

P. Licinius Calvus.  
T. Titinius.  
L. Furius Medullinus.  
P. Maenius.  
P. Maelius.  
L. Publius Vulscus.   
THese by T. Livius are this year named the Tribunes military. But Diodorus rehearseth only three, namely P. Melius, Sp. Maenius, and L. Furius. But Onuphrius thinketh that he is to be read, not L. Furius but Sp. Furius. The same author hath put to P. Licinius, the surname of Calvius, whom Livy writeth to have been the first man of the commonalty chosen Tribune military, only to take possession of the said right and interest.   

355  

M. Veturius.  
C. Duilius.  
Cn. Genutius.  
M. Pomponius.  
Volero Publilius.  
L. Atilius.   
THese Diodorus showeth for Tribunes. But Livy setteth down Marcus Veturius to have been the only Patrician, and the rest commoners, namely M. Pomponius, C. Duilius, Volero Publilius, Cn. Genutius, L. Atilius. Cuspinian his book, who every year delivereth the names only of two Tribunes, hath Augurius and Longus, surnames of Genutius and Attilius.   

356  

L. Valerius Potitus. V.  
M. Valerius Max.  
M. Furius Camillus. II.  
L. Furius Medullinus.  
Q. Servilius Fidenus. II.  
Q. Sulpitius Camerinus.   
ALl these Tribunes military for this year created, were Patritij, as Livy writeth: neither differeth Diodorus, although he recite two names corruptly, to wit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarch in the life of Camillus maketh mention of the said Camillus, the second time Tribune military; and the Capitoline stone, of Medullinus the third time.   

357  

L. julius julus.  
L. Furius Medullinus. four  
L. Sergius Eidenas  
A. Posthumius Regillensis.  
P. Cornelius Maluginensis.  
A. Manlius   
IN this wise Livy reckoneth them: but Diodorus L. Sergius, A. Posthumius, P. Cornelius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Q. Manlius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But in those two Greek-written names, as Sigonius and Onuphrius observed, there is a foul error.   

358  

P. Licinius. P. F. Calvus.  
P. Menius. II.  
Cn Genutius. II.  
L. Titinius. II.  
P. Maelius. II.  
L. Atilius. II.   
IN this manner are these Tribunes military delivered unto us by Livy. But Diodorus nameth them thus, L. Titinius, P. Licinius, P. Malius, Q. Maenius, Cn. Genutius, and L. Attilius. All these, but L. Licinius the son of Publius, (as Livy saith) bore the dignity of Tribuneship a little before: who writeth moreover, that Genutius was slain in a battle against the Faliscines.   

359  

P. Cornelius Cossus.  
K. Fabius Ambustus. four  
M. Valerius Max. II.  
P. Cornelius Scipio.  
L. Furius Medullinus. V.  
Q. Servilius. III.   
AFter the winning of Veij, this year had for Tribunes military in Consul's authority, those abovenamed. Diodorus calleth P. and Ser. Cornelius both, Cossi: in the rest, saving that he concealeth, their surnames, he agreeth.   

360  

L. Furius Medullinus. VI  
C. Aemylius.  
L. Valerius Poplicola.  
Sp. Posthumius.  
P. Cornelius II.  
M. Furius Camillus.   
LIvie nameth these in this year. Diodorus, M. Furius Aimilius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but corruptly. Camillus now is the third time. Sigonius and Onuphrius think, that by P. Cornelius we must understand Scipio, and not Cossus. This year Camillus' Tribune military, by his just dealing reduced the Faliscians' to the obeisance of the people of Rome; in that he sent back unto them, that schoolmaster who betrayed their children: as Livy & Plutarch write. Valerius (not without some suspicion of error) writeth in his sixth book, that Camillus did this being Consul: whereas Plutarch saith, he was never Consul.   

361  

L. Lucretius Flavus.  
Serv. Sulpitius Camerinus.   
AFter fifteen years (saith Livy) Coss. were created again, L. Lucretius Flavus, and Serv. Sulpitius Camerinus. Diodorus and Cassiodorus pass over the surnames. The Sicilian registers do show, Flavus and Camerinus.   

362  

L. Valerius Potitus.  
M. Manlius Capitolinus.   
LVcius Valerius Potitus, and M. Manlius surnamed afterwards Capitolinus, are by Livy reported Consuls this year. Dionysius in his first book maketh mention of these Consuls, naming them, L. Valerius Potitus, and T. Manlius Capitolinus. Cassiodorus delivereth them by the names of L. Valerius and M. Manlius. Diodorus, of L. Valerius and A. Manlius: but the Sicilian registers, of Potitus and Capitolinus.   

363  

L. Lucretius.  
Serv. Sulpitius.  
M. Aemilius.  
L. Furius Medullinus VII.  
Agrippa Furius.  
C. Aemilius II.   
BY occasion that the Coss. lay sick, thought good it was, to renew the government by means of an interregency: therefore after they had deposed the Consuls by an act of the Senate, six Tribunes military were created with Consular authority, by the Interregent: who upon the first day of julie began their magistracy, as Livy saith. Diodorus mentioneth but four, namely, L. Lucretius, Serv. Sulpitius, C. Aemilius, and Lu. Furius. As for Sulpitius, Zonaras calleth him Rufus; which surname Onuphrius also hath put unto him.   

364  

Q. Fabius Ambustus.  
The ij brethren of Q.  
Fabius Ambustus.  
Q. Sulpitius Longus.  
Q. Servilius four  
Servile. Cor. Maluginensis.   
THese are by T. Livius recorded for Tribb. military in Consul's authority: but Diodorus reckoneth the three Fabiuses, Q.K. and C. and the other three, besides Plutarch in Camillus, Gellius out of Verrius Flaccus, in his 5 book and 17 chapter; Macrobius also in his first book of Saturnals, make report of Quintus Sulpitius, a Tribune military.   

365  

L. Valerius Poplicola II.  
L. Virginius.  
P. Cornelius.  
A. Manlius.  
L. Aemilius.  
L. Postumius.   
ACcording to Livy, these were created Tribunes military after the winning of the city: but by Diodorus, they were Pub. Cornelius, L. Virginius, Valerius, A. Manlius, and L. Posthumius. Of these Tribunes, Macrobius speaketh in his first book of Saturnalia.   

366  

T. Quintius Cincinnatus.  
Q. Servilius Fidenas V.  
L. julius julus.  
L. Aquilius Corvus.  
L. Lucretius Tricipitinus.  
Ser. Sulpitius Rufus.   
THese Tribunes military in Consul's authority for this year, Livy thus declareth unto us. Diodorus hath these Tribunes, Titus Quintius, L. Servilius, L. julius Aquilus, L. Lucretius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Servius Sulpitius.   

367  

L. Papirius.  
L. Aemilius II.  
L. Menenius.  
C. Sergius.  
C. Cornelius.  
L. Valerius Poplicola III.   
THese, Livy reporteth for Tribunes military in Consul's authority this year. But Diodorus hath L. Papirius, C. Cornelius, L. Menenius, C. Servilius, A. Valerius, and Q. Fabius. Howbeit there is wanting in Livy the name of the sixth Tribune, whom (out of Diodorus) Sigonius and Onuphrius have set to the rest, by the name of C. Cornelius. Diodorus also for Sergius hath Servilius, and Aemilius for Fabius.   

368  

M. Furius Camillus.  
Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis.  
Q. Servilius Fidenas VI.  
L. Horatius Pulvillus.  
L. Quintius Cincinnatus.  
P. Valerius.   
THe commonweal came to be governed again by Camillus, a Tribune military in Consul's authority, and for colleagues were added unto him these 5 here named. But Diodorus saith there were 4 created, M. Cornelius, Q. Servilius, M. Furius, and L. Quintius. In this year, when the Dictatorship was offered unto Camillus, he said there was no need thereof: and he, together with the Tribb. his colleagues, vanquished the Volscians, Antiotes, and Tuscans which rebelled.   

369  

A. Manlius.  
L. Quintius Capitolinus.  
T. Quintius Capitolinus.  
P. Cornelius.  
L. Papirius Cursor II.  
C. Sergius II.   
THese hath Livy: but Diodorus saith that four only were created, namely, L. Papirius, Q.T. and L. all Quinty. But of those six, A. Manlius having been Tribune military in the year 365, and who shall be a third time in the year 371, must now verily be the second time.   

370  

Ser. Corn. Maluginensis IV.  
M. Furius Camillus V.  
C. Papirius Crassus.  
P. Valerius Potitus II.  
Ser. Sulpitius Rufus II.  
T. Quintius Cincinnatus II.   
THese Tribunes military in Consul's authority, in this manner be delivered unto us by Livy: but Diodorus (as his manner is) putteth down four; Serv. Sulpitius, L. Papirius, Mar. Cornelius, and T. Quintius. In this year, M. Manlius attainted and condemned for aspiring to be K. was thrown down headlong from the rock Tarpeia: Liv. Plutar. and Valer.   

371  

L. Valerius IV.  
A. Manlius III.  
Ser. Sulpitius III.  
L. Lucretius.  
L. Aemilius.  
M. Tribonius.   
LIvie rangeth these in this year. Diodorus nameth four; L. Valerius, Crispus, (which is the name of Tribonius) Au. Manlius, and Serv. Sulpitius, Crispus, some call Flavus.   

372  

Sp. Papirius.  
L. Papirius.  
Ser. Cornelius IV.  
Q. Servilius.  
C. Sulpitius.  
L Aemilius IV.   
ACcording to Livy, these were created Tribunes military in Consul's authority. The surname of Cornelius (as we saw before) was Maluginensis. Diodorus writeth four; Q. Servilius, Sp. Papirius, Cornelius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but not truly.   

373  

M. Furius Camillus VI.  
A. Posthumius Regillensis.  
L. Postbumius Regillensis.  
L. Furius.  
L. Lucretius.  
M. Fabius Ambustus.   
LIvie nameth these as we have placed them: but Diodorus in this wise; M. and L. both Furij, A. Posthumius, L. Lucretius, M. Fabius, and L. Posthumius. Plutarch also nameth Camillus' Tribune military this year; wherein he vanquished the Prenestines, the Volscians, and the Tusculans also, against whom war was proclaimed, because they had served in the field under the Prenestines.   

374  

L. Valerius V.  
L. Valerius III.  
C. Sergius III.  
L. Menenius II.  
P. Papirius.  
Ser. Cornel. Maluginensis.   
THese six are set down by Livy: but Diodorus reckoneth eight, namely, L. and P. both Valerij, C. Terentius, L. Menenius, C. Sulpitius, T. Papirius, L. Aimilius, M. Fabius.   

375  

P. Manlius.  
C. Manlius.  
L. julius.  
C. Sextilius.  
M. Albinus.  
L. Antistius.   
AFter this, was the general assembly holden for the election of military Tribunes in Consul's authority, wherein were as many created of the Commoners as of the Patritij; namely, P. and C. both Manlij, with L. julius, patricians: and out of the Commons, C. Sextilius, M. Albinus, and L. Antistius. But Diodorus exhibiteth eight, and to these above rehearsed, he addeth C. Herenucius, and P. Trebonius. Sextilius also he calleth Sextius.   

376  

Sp. Furius.  
Q. Servilius II.  
C. Licinius.  
P. Cloelius.  
M. Horatius.  
L. Geganius.   
LIvie reporteth these for Tribunes military in Consul's authority this year: but in Livy, for Lu. Menenius the third time, you must read C. Licinius, as Sigonius hath showed in his Scholiae upon Livy: which Onuphrius also in his Calendar approoveth. But Diodorus speaketh of no more than four; Q. Servilius, C. Licinius, L. Furius, P. Cloelius.   

377  

L. Aemilius.  
P. Valerius IV.  
C. Veturius.  
Ser. Sulpitius.  
L. Quintius Cincinnatus.  
C. Quintius Cincinnatus.   
THese Tribunes military, the Consuls (being forced by the might and strong hand of the great men of the city) chose all patricians, as Livy witnesseth. The same also are named by Diodorus, excepting only C. Quintius, who is called by him C. Cornelius. As for Serv. Sulpitius, he was surnamed Praetextatus. Zonara's nameth him Rusus.   

378. 379. 380. 381. 382.  

C. Licinius Stolo.  
L. Sextius.   
Tribunes of the Commons five years.  
IN this year happened the fourth change of the Roman government: for the administration of the weal public, fell from Tribunes military in Consul's authority, to the Tribunes of the Commons. The authors that procured this mutation, were (as Livy reporteth) C. Licinius Stolo and L. Sextius, Tribunes of the Commons, who in the former year having promulged three laws in favour of the Commons and against the power of the Patritij, the first for redressing of debts; a second for a stint of lands and possessions; & the third, that there should be no more elections of Tribb. military, & that one of the Coss. should necessarily be chosen a commoner: seeing they could not go through with these laws, by reason of their own fellows oppositions (whom of purpose the nobles had made for themselves) fell into an anger, and would suffer no curule magistrates of state to be created, nor any election to be holden, but only of Aediles & Tribunes, both of Commons. This desolate estate and want of magistrates (whiles the Commons made the same Tribunes still, who with uncessant and invincible persistence never gave over to cross the election of Tribunes military) continued in the city for the space of five years, as Livy saith. This want of magistrates Diodorus calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and casteth it upon the former year. But Sext. Rusus, Eutropius, Cassiodorus, and Zonaras write, that they ruled the state not five years, but four only. Sigonius and Onuphrius in his Calendar, follow Livy, and his Annals it seemeth that the Capitoline writers go by. Pliny also in the sixteen book and four and fortieth chapter, maketh mention of the year three hundred seventy nine from the foundation of the city, in which year he saith that at Rome   

383  

L. Furius.  
A. Manlius.  
Ser. Sulpitius.  
Ser. Cornelius.  
P. Valerius.  
C. Valerius.   
WHen C. Licinius and L. Sextius the Tribunes gave over their opposition and the liberty of their negative voice, whereby the Interregent called & held an assembly for the election of magistrates, the abovenamed Tribunes military, were (as Livy saith) created for this year. Diodorus nameth them thus, L. Papirius, L. Menenius, Ser. Cornelius, and Ser. Sulpitius, who writeth also, that after them there was another Anarchy, & when that was overpast and gone, then were created A. Manlius, L. Furius, Serv. Sulpitius, and Serv. Cornelius. But in his story, as well through his own default, as the negligence of the writers that copied out the same, there is a confusion of yearly magistrates.   

384  

Q. Servilius.  
C. Veturius. II.  
A. Cornelius.  
M. Cornelius.  
Q. Quintius.  
M. Fabius.   
THis year also, as Livy writeth, had these for Tribunes military in Consul's authority. But Diodorus hath Q. Servilius, C. Veturius, A. Cornelius, M. Cornelius, and Mar. Fabius: as for Quintius, Sigonius calleth him rather Cincinnatus than Capitolinus. The rest have their warrant out of the Capitoline fragments, wherein it is thus found Cossus ...... Maluginensis ..... Cincinnatus ...... Mar. Fabius Ambustus. This is that M. Fabius Ambustus, who had bestowed his two daughters in marriage, the one to C. Licinius Stolo, the other to Serv. Sulpitius Praetextatus, as Livy writeth.   

385  

L. Quintius.  
Serv. Sulpitius.  
L. Papirius.  
Ser. Cornelius.  
Sp. Servilius.  
L. Veturius.   
LIvie declareth these six for Tribunes military this year. Diodorus rehearseth but three, namely, T. Quintius, Servius Cornelius, and Servius Sulpitius. What surnames all these carried, and with what numeral notes (signifying how often they had borne the office) they are to be marked, the Capitoline fragments do show; wherein they stand thus, Capitolinus .... Maluginensis. II. Praetextatus. four Sp. Servilius Structus, L. Papirius Crassus, L. Veturius Crassus Cicurinus.   

386  

Two Dictator's without any curule magistrates of State besides.   
PResently in the very beginning of the year, they proceeded to put it to the trial of a final issue, what should become of the foresaid laws proposed by Licinius and Sextius. When the tribes were called to give their voices, and the publishers of the laws were not hindered by the negatives of their Colleagues coming between; the nobles began then, to quake for fear, and in all haste betook them to their two last helps and means of refuge, the sovereign and absolute government, and the principal citizen and greatest man of all others. Resolve they did to nominat a Dictator, and Marcus Furius Camillus was the man; who took unto him for General of the horsemen, L. Armilius. But when the cheefetaines & ringleaders of the Commons, dealt very bitterly and roughly against Camillus, he (as Livy writeth) resigned up his Dictatorship. Plutarch also testifieth the same: who likewise avoucheth the cause thereof, which Livy goeth about to disprove. But both Livy and Plutarch do affirm, that in the room of Camillus thus giving over his place, there was a second dictator created. Livy saith it was P. Manlius. Plutarch suppresseth his name: but they agree both, that C. Licinius was the General of the horse. Howbeit, they mean not both, one and the selfsame man. For Livy saith and that truly, that it was he who had been Tribune military in Consul's authority before: But Plutarch nameth him, who was the author of the sedition and of the new laws: wherein he faulteth. For the captain of the foresaid sedition, was this year also made Tribune of the Commons the ninth time: but Tribune of the Commons and General of the horse at one time he could not be. And therefore Onuphrius thinketh him to have been the son of P. Licinius Calvus military Tribune, and who had to his grandfather that Pub. Licinius, who of the Commons was the first Tribune military. Of this, see more in his Calendar.   

387  

A. Cornelius. II.  
L. Veturius.  
julus P. Manlius.  
M. Cornelius.  
M. Geganius.  
P. Valerius. VI   
LIvie exhibiteth these Tribb. military before named for this year, whom Diodorus overpasseth. Their surnames, together with the notes signifying how often they had borne this honourable dignity, are thus expressed in the Capitoline fragments. Cossus two ..... Maluginensis two ...... Macerinus. L. Veturius. Crassus' Cicurinus two ..... P. Valerius Petitus Puplicola, VI P. Manlius Capitolinus II.   

388  

L. Sextius.  
L. Aimilius.   
WHen L. Sextius and C. Licinius, Tribb. of the Com: now chosen the tenth time, were more & more eager & instant in the publishing of their laws, in the end the authority both of dictator and Senate, was conquered by the strong hand of the Tribunes. For they prevailed, notwithstanding all the nobility was against it, that there should be holden a solemn assembly for election of Consuls: and that, (by virtue of their laws which they carried clear before them) the one of the Consuls should be a Commoner. By which means, L. Sextius was the first Consul created from out of the Commons. But when the nobles denied flatly to approve the same by their assent, insomuch as the Commons were at the point of insurrection and ready to leave the city; the discord & dissension was at length taken up and appeased by the mediation of the dictator: and as the nobility was content to yield unto the commonalty a Consul, so the Commons granted unto the nobles one praetor or lord chief justice within the city, & him to be created from out of the nobility. Granted also unto them now first it was, that two Aediles Curule should be chosen out of the Patritij. The Commons conferred the Consulship upon L. Sextius (by whose law it was first obtained) and for companion in government he had L. Aimylius Mamercus. Thus much Livy and Plutarch: who altogether with Cassiodorus put down for Consuls, L. Aemylius a Patrician, and L. Sextius a Commoner. The same, Diodorus nameth L●. Aemylius Mamercus, and Lu. Lateranus. Now this Lateranus is the surname of Sextius, as appeareth in a table of record in the Capitol, wherein the Consuls are thus to be seen, Mamercinus, and L. Sextius Sextinus Lateranus: as also in the Sicilian registers they are called Mamercinus and Lateranus. In the book entitled De viris Illustribus of famous men, we find written that it was not L. Sextius, but C. Licinius Stolo, who was the first Consul chosen out of the commonalty.   

389  

L. Genutius.  
Q. Servilius.   
DIodorus, Livy, and Cassiodorus show unto us for Consuls, L. Genutius, and Q. Servilius: Of whom Orosius also and Eutropius make mention. According to the records of the Capitol, the Cos. in this first Consulship, is thus written. Q. Servilius, son of Q. nephew of Quintus Ahala, together with L. Genutius, but in the second, the son of M. nephew of Cn. surnamed Amentinensis. In the Sicilian registers they be written Genutius and Curtius, but corruptly as Sigonius thinketh.   

290  

C. Sulpitius Peticus.  
C. Licimus Stolo.   
THese be the Consuls reported by Livy and Cassiodorus. Diodorus concealeth their surnames. Valerius Max. in his second book and first chapter maketh mention of them, & so doth Plutarch in his problems. But he whom all other writer's name Stolo, the Capitoline records nominate Calvus: as also the Sicilian, which deliver their surnames Paticus and Calvus.   

391  

L. Aemylius Mamercus. II.  
Cn. Genutius.   
LIvie & Cassiodorus declare these for Consuls: whom Diodorus in his sixteenth book nameth Cn. Genutius and L. Aemylius. In the Capitol tables in this manner, they be set downe⸫⸫ Mamercinus II. & Cn. Genutius son of M. and nephew of M. Amentinensis. But in the Sicilian registers, Mamercinus and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

392  

Q. Servilius Ahala. II.  
L. Genutius. II.   
DIodorus nameth the Consuls of this year, Q. Servilius and Q. Genutius. The Sicilian registers, Ahala and Genutius. Livy and Cassiodorus, Q. Servilius Hala and L. Genutius. These are they who three years before were matched together in the same government.   

393  

C. Sulpitius.  
C. Licinius Calvus.   
THese are by Livy recorded Consuls this year. Cassiodorus writeth them thus, C. Sulpitius II. and C. Licinius. Diodorus in this wise, C. Sulpitius and C. Licinius. Sigonius supposeth they be the same, who three years before were colleagues. The Sicilian registers give unto Licinius the surname, not of Calvus as before, but of Stolo: and Sulpitius they surname Peticus.   

394  

C. Poetilius Libo.  
M. Fabius Ambustus.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus write the Consuls for this year were, C. Poetelius Balbus: & M. Fabius Ambustus. But Diodorus, M. Fabius and C. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, corruptly for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Capitoline writers give them surnames divers from Livy: for they, call Libo, Visulus; but he, Balbus. And the Sicilian registers go with those of the Capitol.   

395  

M. Popilius Laenas.  
Cn. Manlius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus name this year Consuls in this sort: but Diodorus calleth them, M. Popilius Laenatus, & Cn. Manlius Imperiosus. This was the first man of the Popilij surnamed Laenas. The reason of which name Cicero rendereth in his book Brutus, saying, M. Popilius being Consul, and at the same time offering sacrifice in his rob called Laena, for that he was Flamen to Carmenta, upon news brought unto him that the commons were up and risen in a commotion against the Nobles, came in that attire & habit as he was into the assembly; and what with his authority of countenance, and what with his eloquence of speech, appeased the sedition.   

396  

C. Fabius.  
C. Plautius   
LIvie and Cassiodorus have these abovenamed for the Consuls this year: but in Diodorus they are named M. Fabius and C. Plotius. In the Capitoline records⸫⸫ Ambustus and C. Plautius Proculus.   

397  

C. Martius.  
Cn. Manlius.   
DIodorus, Livy, and Cassiodorus name the Consuls of this year, C. Martius and Cn. Manlius. This Cn. Manlius was Consul the first time, two years before. Cuspinians book and the Greek records, have Rutilius and Capitolinus.   

398  

M. Fabius Ambustus. II.  
M. Popilius Laenas II.   
THis years Consuls are with these names entitled by Livy & Cassiodorus. Diodorus leaveth out their surnames & the numeral notes. Cuspinians book and the Greek records, set them thus down, Ambustus II. and Laenas.   

399  

C. Sulpitius Peticus. III.  
M. Valerius Poplicola.   
IN the four hundred year from the foundation of the city, and the thirty five after that it was by the Gauls won, the commons after eleven years did for go their hold of the Consulship, and upon an interregency, both Coss. of the Patritij entered into government, to wit, C. Sulpitius Paeticus. III. M. Valerius Publicola, as Livy saith. The same Consuls, Diodorus, Cassiodorus, and the Sicilian registers, do report. But why the account of time made by Livy, disagreeth from this reckoning, Sigonus and Onuphrius in his calendar do give a reason.   

400  

M. Fabius Ambustus. III.  
T. Quintius or M. Popilius.   
IN this year also, according to Livy, both Coss. were Patritij, namely M. Fabius Ambustus the third time, with T. Quintius: although he writeth, that in some Annals in stead of Titus Quintius, he found Marcus Popilius Consul. With Livy acordeth Diodorus and Cassiodorus, Solinus also, who in his forty one chapter out of Cornelius Nepos writeth, that Alexander was borne when M. Fabius Ambustus & T. Quintius Capitolinus were Consuls. Cuspinians book, setteth forth Ambustus & Capitolinus. But these Consuls and those that follow, are in the Sicilian registers concealed.   

401  

C. Sulpitius Peticus. four  
M. Valerius Poplicola. III.   
BOth Consuls created this year were Patritij, and namely those who are here set down, after Livy and Cassiodorus. Diodorus omitteth both their surnames, and also the numeral notes, and setteth after the former Consuls, M. Valerius and C. Sulpitius.   

402  

P. Valerius Poplicola.  
C. Martius Rutilus.   
TO L. Valerius Poplicola, was given in fellowship of government this year, C. Martius Rutilus of the commons, as Livy saith. These Cassiodorus calleth P. Valerius and C. Martius Rutilus the second time. Diodorus nameth them M. Fabius and P. Valerius. The Sicilian registers intermingle them confusedly with those of the next year, matching Rutilus and Pennus together.   

403  

C. Sulpitius Peticus. ⸫ T. or K. or C. Quintius Pennus.   
THe Coss. for this year created, were C. Sulpitius Peticus, and T. Quintius Pennus. Some put to Quintius the name Caeso, others Caius. Livy and Cassiodorus nameth them thus, C. Sulpitius Peticus and T. Quintius Pennus: but Diodorus C. Sulpitius and C. Quintius.   

404  

M. Popilius Laenas.  
L. Cornelius Scipio.   
LIvie writeth, that for Consuls this year the commons yielded M. Popilius Laenas, and the nobles L. Cornelius Scipio. Cassiodorus setteth them forth under the name of M. Popilius Laenas the third time, and L. Cornelius Scipio. Diodorus nameth them, C. Cornelius and M. Popilius: and the Sicilian registers barely Scipio and Laenas.   

405  

L. Furius Camillus.  
P. Claudius Crassus.   
LVcius Furius Camillus the dictator, restored the nobles again to their former possession of the Consulship: and being himself for that good demerit created Consul, with the great love and hearty affection of the nobles, nominated for his Colleague, Publius Claudius Crassus. Thus saith Livy. The same Consuls are set down by Cassiodorus. But Diodorus nameth them Aemylius and T. Quintius. The Sicilian registers, Camillus and Crassus. Cicero in Cato maketh mention of these Consuls, saying that Plato came to Tatentum, when L. Camillus and P. Claudius were Consuls: Gellius likewise, 9 book two chapter.   

406  

M. Valerius Corvus.  
M. Popilius Laenas. four   
MArcus Manlius Torquatus being Dictator, declared for Consul with the exceeding favour of the people, M. Valerius Corvus (for that was his surname afterwards) in his absence, and being but three and twenty years old. This Corvus had joined with him in the Consulship from out of the commons. M. Popilius Laenas the third time, as saith Livy & Cassiodorus. But Diodorus three years after nominateth M. Valerius and M. Popilius. In the fragment of the Capitol thus only it is found, M. Valerius, M.F. M.N. Corvus Consul. In the Sicilian registers Corvinus and Laenas.   

407  

T. Manlius Torquatus  
C. Flautius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus nameth them for Consuls this year. Cuspinians calendar and the Sicilian records, Torquatus and Venno. In a fragment of the Capitol there is to be read the surname of Manlius, Imperiosus Torquatus.   

408  

M. Valerius Corvus II.  
C. Poetelius.   
THese are named Consuls by Livy and Cassiodorus: but Cuspinians Calendar and the registers of Sicily, show for Consuls, Corvinus and Libo. As for the name C. Poetelius, it is described by his Dictatourship, which (according to the Capitol evidences) he bore in the year 440: for in a fragment (testifying his Consulship) there appeareth no more but one of his surnames, Visolus.   

409  

M. Fabius Dorso.  
Ser. Sulpitius Camerinus.   
THese were the Consuls created for this year, as Livy and Cassiodorus write. Diodorus also (although not in the right place) allegeth M. Fabius and Ser. Sulpitius' Consuls. The Sicilian registers, Dorso and Camerinus. Both these Consuls were Patritij, which Livy omitted.   

410  

C. Martius Rutilus. III.  
T. Manlius Torquatus II.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus avow these for Coss. this year. Diodorus likewise delivereth unto us, C. Martius and T. Manlius Torquatus. The Sicilian registers, Rutilus and Torquatus. Frontinus also in his second book of Stratagems speaketh of them.   

411  

M. Valerius Corvus III.  
A. Cornelius Cossus.   
LIvie and Cassiodore both together report, that these were chosen Coss. for this year. Diodorus, Cicero in his book of Divination, and Frontinus, name them, M. Valerius and A. Cornelius. The Sicilian registers, Valerius and Cossus: both of them are Patritij. But he that hath written of famous men, calleth them, Valerius Max. and Cornelius Cossus.   

412  

C. Martius Rutilus IV.  
Q. Servilius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus declare Coss. for this year, C. Martius and Q. Servilius. Diodorus, Q. Servilius and Martius Rutilus. The Sicilian registers, Ahala & Rutilus. This is that Q. Servilius Ahala who was master of the horse in the 403 year.   

413  

C. Plautius II.  
L. Aemilius Mamercinus.   
THe Consuls that followed, were C. Plautius' the second time, and L. Aemilius Mamercus, as witness Livy and Cassiodorus: but L. Aemilius and C. Plotius, as testifieth Diodorus: and as the Sicilian registers say, Venno and Mamercinus. Cuspinians calendar set forth for this year, Venno the second time, and Mamercinus.   

414  

T. Manlius Torquatus III.  
P. Decius Mus.   
Titus' Manlius Torquatus the third time, and Pub. Decius Must, bore the Consulship this year, as Livy and Cassiodorus report. Diodorus nameth them, T. Manlius Torquatus and P. Decius. The Sicilian registers, Torquatus and Mus. Zonaras, Torquatus the third time, and Decius. Of the same Consuls Pliny speaketh in his 22 book and 5 chap. Valerius also in his 1 book and 5 chap. besides others.   

415  

T. Aemilius Mamercinus.  
Q. Publilius Philo.   
Titus' Aemilius Mamercinus, & Q. Publilius Philo, are by Livy reckoned Coss. for this year. Diodorus passeth over their surnames. The Greek records show unto us, Mamercinus and Philo. As for Philo, he is described out of the tables of the Capitol.   

416  

L. Furius Camillus.  
C. Manius.   
THus say Livy and Cassiodorus. Diodorus hath L. Furius and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but corruptly. The Sicilian registers, Camillus and Menius. The Capitol monuments of triumphs, L. Furius Camillus, and C. Menius. Pliny in his 34 book and 5. chap. maketh mention of Caius Maenius, Consul.   

417  

C. Sulpitius Longus.  
P. Aelius Paetus.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus write, that these Coss. followed. Diodorus putteth down C. Sulpitius, and L. Papirius. The Sicilian registers, have Longus and Paetus.   

418  

L. Papirius Crassus.  
K. Diutius.   
LVeius Papirius Crassus, and K. Diutius, were this years Coss. as witness Livy, Cassiodorus, and Diodorus also, but for leaving out the surname Crassus. In the Sicilian registers they are named, Crassus and Diutius. As touching these Consuls, Cicero in his epistle to Paetus, writeth thus; L. Papirius Crassus, four years after he was dictator, was made Consul with K. Diutius.   

419  

M. Valerius Corvus four  
M. Attilius Regulus.   
THis year, when the Ausones that inhabited the city Cales, took arms and combined with the Sidicines, Mar. Valerius Corvus, a right noble General, was created Consul the fourth time, having to his colleague (as Livy writeth) M. Attilius Regulus. Cassiodorus likewise declareth the same for Consuls; and so doth Diodorus, but that he leaveth out their surnames: which appear extant in the Sicilian registers.   

420  

T. Veturius.  
Sp. Posthumius.   
THe Dictator held an assembly for the election of Consuls, wherein were created (according to Livy) these abovenamed. So say Cassiodorus also and Diodorus. Zonara's nameth them, Tiber. Calvinus, and Sp. Posthumius; and right well, as Sigonius thinketh: for Tiberius was the fore name of the Vetury. The Greek records, and Cuspinians book, have Albinus and Calvinus.   

421  

Interregents, all one year.   
SIgonius and Onuphrius insert this one year without Consuls, besides the account of the years, according to the Capitol monuments, albeit they see neither in Livy nor in any other, mention thereof; and all to make up the total sum collected by Varro. And that the said year should at this time especially be interposed, the tables of the Capitoline records do show. For whereas in them thus engraven it is, M. Valerius Corvus Consul the fourth time, in the year of the city 419; and again L. Armilius and C. Plautius, in the year 414: to the end that these records might agree one with another, of necessity there must be put a year between. For leave out that, then, both L. Aemilius the Consul should fall upon the year 414, and the total sum of the year in Varro and the Capitoline tables be overthrown. That this odd year was now above all other times to be cast between, Gregory Haloander (who left in writing a Chronologie of the Consuls) saw long before them: for he over-passed this year wholly, noted without Consuls. But Sigonius and Onuphrius are of opinion, that this year there was an Anarchy, and the commonweal without Consuls or other magistrates of state, by occasion of the pestilence, whereof Livy writeth.   

422  

A. Cornelius II.  
Cn. Domitius.   
AVlus Cornelius (the second time Cos. with Cn. Domitius) is by Livy and Cassiodorus set down. Diodorus nameth them A. Cornelius and C. Domitius. The Sicilian registers, Calvinas and Cossus.   

423  

M. Claudius Marcellus.  
C. Valerius.   
AFter this, were created Consuls, M. Claudius Marcellus, and C. Valerius, as Livy and Cassiodorus report. In Diodorus also they be set down by the name of C. Valerius, and Mar. Clodius. Livy saith, that he findeth in the Annals, the surnames of Valerius diversely put down, namely, Flaccus and Potitus. Orosius calleth these Consuls, Claudius Marcellus, and Valerius Flaccus: the Sicilian registers, Potitus and Marcellus. Sigonius and Onuphrius retain the surnames, that it may seem, how to the old surname Potitus of the House Valeria, this new surname of Flaccus is a later addition.   

424  

L. Papirius Crassus II.  
L. Plautius Venno.   
THese Consuls are by Livy and Cassiodorus recited this year. Diodorus concealeth their surnames. The Sicilian registers make them known by the names of Crassus and Venno.   

425  

L. Aemilius Mamercinus.  
C. Plautius.   
NExt to them (according to Livy and Cassiodorus) were L. Aemilius Mamercus, and C. Plautius' created Consuls. Diodorus nominateth L. Papirius with L. Plotius. The Sicilian registers, Mamercinus and Decianus. How both these are to be described, their triumphs upon record in the Capitol do evidently show. These Consuls entered upon their government the first day of julie.   

426  

P. Plautius Proculus.  
P. Cornelius Scapula.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus put down [for Consul's] P. Plautius Proculus, and P. Cornelius Scapula. Diodorus, P. Cornelius and A. Posthumius. The Sicilian registers, Venno and Scipio. Onuphrius thinketh this Plautius ought to be forenamed not Publius' but Caius: who in his Consulship which he bore afterwards with Appius Caecus, was surnamed Venox (as Frontinus supposeth) for finding certain springs and veins of water within the earth.   

427  

C. Plautius Proculus.  
Q. Publilius Philo. II.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus match together in the Consulship for this year, L. Cornelius Lentut●s, & Q. Publilius Philo. Diodorus, L. Cornelius and Quintus Publilius. The Sicilian registers Lentulus and Philo.   

428  

L. Papirius Mugillanus Cursor.  
C. Poetelius.   
CAius Poetelius and L. Papirius are by Livy nominated Consuls this year. C. Poetilius the third time, and L. Papirius Mugillanus, by Cassiodorus. Solinus maketh mention of these Consuls in his five and thirtieth chapter. As for Papirius, Livy indeed surnameth him here Mugillanus, but he saith that he findeth him in other Annals by the name of Cursor. In the Greek records they be, Libo and Cursor. Now as touching C. Petilius, he is to be written with the numeral note II. and not III. as Sigonius and Onuphrius do admonish. For it is not the same man who was Consul in the 393 year, but his son.   

429  

L. Furius Camillus. II.  
junius Brutus Scaeva.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus put down for Consuls, Lu. Furius Camillus the second time, and junius Brutus Scaeva. Diodorus, L. Furius, and D. junius. The Sicilian registers, Camillus and Brutus.   

430  

  
LVcius Furius, unto whom the charge of Samnium fell by lot, fortuned by occasion of sickness to forego the war there, and was commanded to nominate for the managing of martial affairs a dictator: whereupon he pronounced L. Papyrius Cursor, the bravest warrior in those days; by whom Q. Fabius Rullianus was named great master of the horse. Afterwards Cursor turned him out of that mastership of horse, because without his warrant he had fought (although it were fortunately) against the Samnites when himself was out of the way and gone to Rome for to take the Auspexes anew: and in his room he substituted L. Papirius Crassus. Thus write Livy, Eutropius, and Valerius, in the second book.   

431  

C. Sulpitius Longus. II.  
Q. Aemilius [L. Aulius] Cerretanus.   
LVcius Papirius the dictator, before he left his magistracy, created Consuls, C. Sulpitius Longus. II. and Quin. Aemilius Cerretanus. Some Annals have Aulius. Thus much Livy. In like manner the Sicilian registers have Longus and Cerretanus. But Diodorus coruptly for Aulius hath Aelius.   

432  

Q. Fabius.  
L. Fulvius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus deliver unto us for Consuls this year, Q. Fabius and L. Fulvius: whom the Capitol records of the triumphs name Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus, and L. Fulvius Corvus. Mervell it is therefore, that in the Sicilian registers they are put down, Cursor and Sylla.   

433  

T. Veturius Calvinus.  
Sp. Posthumius.   
THis year Livy and Cassiodorus set forth for Consuls, T. Veturius Calvinus and Sp. Posthumius. Cicero in his third book of Offices writeth, that they were twice Consuls. Zonara's calleth the one of them T. Calvinus, by a familiar fore-name unto that house and kindred of the Veturij. The Greek records exhibit unto us Calvinus and Albinus. Of these Consuls as also of the Caudine peace, Cicero in his book of old age; Pliny also in his book of famous men, Gellius in his 17 book and 21 chapter, Florus in his first book and 16 chap. and Orosius in his third book and 15 chapter, do make mention.   

434  

L. Papyrius Cursor. II.  
C. Publilius Philo.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus show for this years Consuls, Q. Publilius Philo and L. Papyrius Cursor, the second time. The Sicilian registers; Cursor & Philo. But that this Philo should now be third time Consul, his Consulships do plainly show.   

435  

L. Papyrius Cursor, or Mugillanus.  
Q. Aulius Cerretanus. II.   
LIvie saith there is some doubt, whether L. Papyrius Cursor were this year created Consul the third time, with Q. Aemylius Cerretanus the second time: and for his good service in war at Luceria, continued still in government: or rather L. Papyrius Mugillanus, and so the surname was mistaken. Cassiodorus delivereth unto us L. Papirius and Q. Aulius Cerretanus. The Sicilian registers, Papirius & Cerretanus. The monument of his triumph in the Capitol, alloweth of Cursor and not Mugillanus. The author of that book which Cuspinian hath set forth, following other Annals, setteth down Mugillanus.   

436  

M. Foslius Flaccinator.  
L. Plantius Venno.   
SEeing that for twelve years next ensuing, we have the Capitoline tables whole and sound, the less trouble we need to be at in reforming and redressing the names of the magistrates. Both they, & also Livy with Cassiodorus represent unto us for this years Consuls, M. Feslius Flaccinator and L. Plantius Venno. Diodorus calleth them, L. Plotius and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Sicilian registers Venno & Flaccus.   

437  

C. junius Bubulcus.  
Q. Aemylius Barbula.   
CAssiodorus putteth down C. junius and Quintus Aemylius for Consuls. Livy, C. junius Bubulcus, and Quintus Aemylius Barbula. A stone in the Capitol, Q. Aemylius Barbula, and C. junius Bubulcus Brutus.   

438  

Sp. Nautius.  
M. Popilius.   
NExt follow in order Sp. Nautius and M. Popilius Consuls, according to Livy & Cassiodorus. Rutilus and Lanas their surnames, are by Sigonius restored unto them: and the same also are to be seen in the Sicilian books of record.   

439  

L. Papirius Cursor. JIIL.  
Q. Publilius Philo. four   
THe Consul's names of this year, through the default of the writers that copied forth Livies' books, are there lest out: namely L. Papirius Cursor the fourth time, and Q. Publilius Philo likewise the fourth time: as it is written in Cassiodorus, in the Capitol tables, and in Cuspinians book, wherein they are named Cursor and Philo Howbeit in the Sicilian registers they are called Cursor and Lanas.   

440  

M. Paetelius.  
C. Sulpitius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus report for Consuls this year, C. Sulpitius and M. Paetelius, But Diodorus hath C. Sulpitius & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 corruptly for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Capitoline writers, have M. Paetelius Libo & C. Sulpitius Longus the third time. The Sicilian registers, Longus and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but there is a fault, as Sigonus truly thinketh.   

441  

L. Papirius Cursor.  
V. C. junius Bubulcus.   
DIodorus putteth down for Consuls this year L. Papirius fifth time, and C. junius. The Sicililian registers, Cursor & Bubulcus. But Livy and Cassiodorus, L. Papirius Cursor V. and C. junius Bubulcus II. Festus maketh mention also of these Coss. in his eighteenth book.   

442  

M. Valerius.  
C. Decius.   
LIvie writeth that there followed Consuls M. Valerius Max. and P. Decius: but Cassiodorus saith M. Valerius and P. Decius. Frontinus in his book of water conduits, speaketh of these Consuls; whom he writeth to have been thirthie years after the beginning of the Samnites war. As for P. Decius, Livy afterwards calleth Mus. The Sicilian registers have Max. and Mus.   

443  

C. junius Bubulcus. III  
III. Q. Aemylius Barbula. II.   
We find in Livy for Consuls this year, C. Innius Bubulcus the third time, and Q. Aemylius Barbula the second time: likewise in Cassiodorus. But Diodorus nameth them C. junius and Q. Aemylius. In the Sicilian registers, Bubulcus and Barbula. The same names are also in the Capitol monuments, which be in Livy.   

444  

C. Martius Rutilus.  
Q. Fabius.   
CAtus Martius Rutilus and Q. Fabius be this years Consuls in Livy. But in Cassiodorus, C. Martius Rutilus and Q. Fabius the second time. Diodorus hath C. Martius and Q. Fabius the second time. The Sicilian registers show Rutus and Rutilus. The Capitol monuments, Q. Fabius Max. Rutilianus the second time, and C. Martius, who afterwards in his second Censureship in the 498 year, is surnamed Censorinus.   

445  

A year without Consuls.  
L. Papirius Dictator. II.   
VErrius Flaccus interposeth this year also without Consuls, wherein he reporteth L. Papirius Dictator the second time, with C. junius Bubulcus Brutus the master of the horse. This year, Diodorus, Livy, the Greek records, Cuspinians book & Cassiodorus do overleape. For Livy writeth that L. Papirius Cursor was nominated by the Consul, dictator, & by him C. junius Bubulcus named master of the horse: upon occasion that C. Martius the Consul had no good fortune in his conduct of the wars in Samnium. This inserting of one year Onuphrius hath approved, that the computation of the years gathered by Varro might stand in force, which to the Capitol tables putteth one year, whose judgement we also are willing to follow.   

446  

Q. Fabius  
P. Decius.   
LIvie writeth that Fabius continued Consul this year also, for his singular good service in subduing and taming Hetruria: and that he had for his companion in government Decius. Cassiodorus acknowledgeth for Coss. Q. Fabius the third time, and P. Decius the second time. Diodorus, P. Decius and Q. Fabius. The Sicilian registers, Must and Rullus. The C●pitoline tables, P. Decius Must two and Q. Fabius Max. Rullianus the third time.   

447  

App. Claudius.  
L. Volumnius.   
LIvie saith that immediately there followed Consuls, App. Claudius & L. Volumnius. Cassiodorus and Diodorus, Appius & Violens. The Sicilian registers, App. Claudius Caecus, and L. Volumnius. The Capitoline monuments have Flamma & Violens. Now whether one of these Consul's surnames be Violens or Violensis, Onuphrius advertiseth us to consider. For the capitol stone hath it always written Violens. But the Greek words have Appius & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if the name were Violensis.   

448  

Q. Martius Tremulus.  
P. Cornelius Arvina.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus register for the Consuls of this year, Q. Martius Tremulus, with a colleague adjoined unto him. Diodorus saith Q. Martius and P. Cornelius. The Sicilian records, Tremulus and Arvina.   

449  

L. Posthumius.  
T. Minutius.   
LVeius Posthumius and T. Minutius are reported Consuls by Diodorus, Livy, and Cassiodorus. Cuspinians book showeth, Migellus and Augurinus. These Coss. doth L. Piso put down for to succeed Q. Fabius and P. Decius, leaving out those two years wherein we have set down (as Livy writeth) that Claudius with Volumnius, and Cornelius with Martius were Consuls. Whither his memory failed him in digesting of the annals, or of purpose he supposed that those two couple of Consuls were not truly recorded, and therefore overleapt them, I know not. A fragment there is of the Capitoline stone, which showeth for this year, Megallas to be the surname of Posthumius, Tiberius the forename of Minutius and Mr of Fulvius. Now the surnames of Fulvius were Curvus and Petinus, as it appeareth written in his triumph.   

450  

P. Sempronius Sophus.  
P. Sulpitius Saverrio.   
THe Consuls next following were P. Sulpitius Saverrio, and P. Sempronius Sophus, according to Livy and Cassiodorus. In Diodorus they are written P. Sulpitius and P. Sempronius. In the Greek registers, they stand Sempronius and Saverrio. Pliny writeth of these Consuls in his 33 book: but Sempronius he calleth Longus. Both of them are described thus by their triumphs, appearing upon record in the Capitol, for in their Consulship, there is no more to be seen but Sophus and Publius.   

451  

L. Genutius.  
Ser. Cornclius   
DIodorus, Livy and Cassiodorus, report for Consuls this year, L. Genutius, and Servius Cornelius. The Sicilian registers have Aventinensis and Lentulas. The Capitoline writers put unto Cornelius the surname of Lentulus.   

452  

M. Livius Denter.  
M. Aemylius.   
LIvie nameth for Consuls this year M. Livius and C. Aemylius. Cassiodorus, M. Livius and L. Aemylius. Diodorus, M. Livius and M. Aemylius. As for the forename to Aemylius, Sigonius and Onuphrius do think that more credit is to be given unto Diodorus, than others: especially, seeing that in Livy there is mention made the year following of M. Aemylius Paulus General of the horsemen, whom they all think to be the same man that this Consul. M. Livius is written Denter in the Capitol records, which surname Livy in another place addeth to the Livij. Cuspinians book in like manner setteth down Denter and Pantius as the surnames of these Consuls. The Sicilian registers, Denter and Aemylius.   

453  

Two dictators,  
and no Consuls.   
THis year also of two dictators without Consuls, Onuphrius inserteth in his calendar, howbeit directed thereto by the evidence of the Capitol fragments: to the end that the calculation of Varro might agree in all respects, which, if this year were over-slipped should be wholly overthrown: although Diodore, Livy, and Cassiodore descent there from, and leave out this year altogether. Whereof see Onuphrius more at large in his Calendar upon the year 453.   

454  

M. Valerius.  
Q. Apuleius Pansa.   
Immediately after M. Livius and M. Aemylius, Livy and Cassiodorus letting pass the year of two dictators without Consuls, bring in M. Valerius & Q. Apuleius Pansa for Consuls. The Greek records show Corvinus and Pansa. It seemeth that Livy by Marcus Valerius meaneth Maximus, for that he saith that presently upon his Dictatourship he was made Consul. Now that Mar. Valerius Max., was dictator the year before, he writeth plainly.   

455  

M. Fulvius Paetus.  
T. Manlius Torquatus.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus declare for Consuls this year, M. Fulvius Paetus and T. Manlius Torquatus. The Sicilian registers have Paetinus and Torquatus. Livy saith that Q. Fabius refused the Consulship offered unto him without any suit of his. But T. Manlius the Consul was by lot appointed to levy war against Hetruria, which took arms and prepared for war against the truce accorded upon. Now was he scarce well entered into the enemy's confines, but as he exercised among men of arms, and chanced to turn about his horse upon a full carrier, he was cast from his back: whereupon (for the present) he lay for dead, and within three days after the said fall ended his life. Then all the Centuries in general by their suffrages chose M. Valerius Consul, whom the Senate purposed to have made dictator. Thus much Livy. By M. Valerius he meaneth Corvus, whom Cicero writeth in his book of old age, & Valerius Max., in his seventh book and forty eight chapter, to have been Cos. now the sixth time, & that between this and the first there were 46 years, although Plutarch in the life of C. Marius saith they were but 45 Howbeith all of them call him Corvinus and not Corvus.   

456  

L. Cornelius Scipio.  
Cn. Fulvius.   
CNeus Fulvius and L. Cornelius Scipio are recorded Consuls by Lívie and Cassiodorus: but Scipio and Centumalus, by Cuspinians book: Scipio & Maximus by the Greek records.   

457  

Q. Fabius Max. IV.  
P. Decius Must III.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus alleged for Coss. this year, Q. Fabius Max. the fourth time, and P. Decius Must, thrice. The same Consuls, Cuspinians book and the Greek records deliver unto us. The author that writeth of famous men, and Frontinus in his book of Stratagems, speak of P. Decius thrice Consul.   

458  

L. Volumnius.  
Appius Claudius.   
LVcius Volumnius a commoner, and Appius Claudius of noble blood, were created Coss. this year: even the same men who in their former Consulship were matched together, as Livy and Cassiodorus write: but in the Sicilian registers they are found written, Claudius and Violens. Howbeit Cicero in his book entitled Cato, reporteth, that between the two Consulships of App. Caecus were ten years.   

459  

Q. Fabius V.  
P. Decius IV.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus both witness, that the Consuls next following, were Q. Fabius the 5 time, and P. Decius the 4 time, who had been companions together already in 2 Consulates and in one Censorship. The Sicilian registers have Rullus and Mus: of which Consuls Cicero speaketh very often; Valerius Max. likewise, Paterculus also, Plutarch, Frontinus in his first book of Stratagems, the author of the book of famous men, Eutropius, Orosius, and others: who all report, that this Consul P. Decius, following the example of his father, offered himself to die for the Roman legions, and by his death purchased a notable victory to the people of Rome.   

460  

L. Postumius Megellus.  
M. Atilius Regulus.   
THe Consuls next following, were L. Postumius Megellus, and M. Atilius Regulus, as Livy and Cassiodorus write. In the Sicilian records, their surnames are Megellus and Regulus.   

461  

L. Papirius Cursor.  
Sp. Carvilius.   
AFter Livy and Cassiodorus, the Coss. this year, were L. Papirius Cursor, & Sp. Carvilius. After the Sicilian registers, Cursor & Maximus. A stone in the Capitol maketh mention of Papirius the son of L. nephew of P. surnamed Cursor, whom Livy writeth to be the son of Papirius 5 times Consul. Of these Coss. Pliny of Verona maketh mention in his 7 book and 60 chap. Val. Max. likewise in his 7 book and first chap. Velleius in his second book; and the same Livy in the year 456.   

462  

Q. Fabius Gurges Max.  
Decius junius Brutus,  
son of Scavalini.   
THe year following had Consuls, Q. Fabius Gurges, and D. junius Brutus Scaeva, as witness Livy and Cassiodorus. Zonara's nameth them, junius Brutus and Q. Fabius Max. Cuspinians Calendar, Maximus and Scaeva. The Sicilian registers, Brutus and Maximus. Livy, Pliny in his 7 book, the capitol tables, and Zonaras, have delivered, that this Fabius was the son of Q. Max. Rullianus, who had been 5 times Cos. before. And here an end of the Consuls for the first ten books.   

463  

L. Posthunius.  
C. junius.   
SInce that after this Consulship, ten books of Livy next ensuing be lost, whom hitherto we have had for the most sufficient witness of this story, so as now we are in manner destitute and deprived of the best helps of Annals, namely, Diodorus, Dionysius, and Livy: from hence forward we will use principally in digesting and reckoning the years by the Consuls, the authority and testimony of Cassiodorus, the Sicilian records, and Cuspinians book: yet will we not in the mean while reject what help soever shall be ministered unto us by others. For this year therefore Cassiodorus writeth, that L. Postumius and C. junius, were created Coss. whose surnames, Megellus, and Brutus Bubulcus, have not been left out so much as in Cuspinians calendar, not in the Sicilian records. Livy also maketh mention of them in his 28 book, saying thus, Lu. Postumius Megellus the interregent, was created Consul with C. Bubulcus, by that very court and assembly which himself called and held.   

464  

P. Cornelius Rusinus.  
MY. Curius Dentatus.   
THe Coss. this year are recorded by Cassiodorus, Pub. Cornelius Rufinus, and MY. Curius Den●atus: for whom in the Sicilian registers, appear Maximus the third time, and Must the sixth time. But of those forenamed Consuls, Cicero maketh mention in his book, entitled Cato; Paterculus in his first book, Valerius Max. in his sixth book and 3 chap. Pliny also in his 7 book and 50 chap. Now this MY. Curius was called Dentatus, as Pliny writeth in his 6 book and 16 chap. for that he came into the world with teeth.   

465  

M. Valerius.  
Q. Caditius.   
MArcus Valerius and Q. Caeditius were afterwards Consuls, as saith Cassiodorus. The old book of Cuspinian putteth to them the surnames of Corvinus and Noctua: which in the Sicilian registers are overpassed. The Greek records show unto us, Maximus and Mus: for Maximus was a surname also of the Valerij Corvini.   

466  

Q. Martius.  
P. Cornelius.   
CAssiodorus this year delivereth for Consuls, Q. Martius and P. Cornelius, Cuspinians book and the Greek records, add their surnames. Tremulus II. and Arvinus II. who had been Consuls together once before.   

467  

M. Ma●cellus.  
Sp. Nautius.   
CAssiodorus avoucheth Consuls this year, M. Marcellus and Cn. Nautius. The Greek records and Cuspinians book, have Marcellus and Rutilus.   

468  

M. Valerius.  
C. Aelius.   
MArcus Valerius and C. Aelius, are ranged in this year for Consuls by Cassiodorus. Cuspinians book putteth forth, Maximus and Paetus: but the Greek records, Potitus and Paetus. Now you must think, that both Maximus & Potitus, are the surnames of the Valerij.   

469  

C. Claudius.  
M. Aemilius.   
FOr this years Consuls, Cassiodorus hath C. Claudius and M. Aimilius. The Greek records and Cuspinians book, Canina and Lepidus: whereof the former is the surname of Claudius, the latter of Aemilius.   

470  

C. Servilius.  
L. Caecilius.   
BY Cassiodorus, C. Servilius and L. Caecilius Metellus, are placed Consuls in this year: for whereas in some copies of Cassiodorus, in stead of Lu. Caecilius, is written Caelius, that is a fault; as Sigonius and Onuphrius have noted. To Servilius this Consul, the Greek records add the surname of Turca, whom they put down Consul with Dento, they would say Denter, as both Sigonius and Onuphrius suppose. For Denter is a surname also given to the Caecilij, as appeareth by Livy.   

471  

P. Cornelius Dolabella.  
Cn. Domitius.   
CAssiodorus inferreth P. Cornel, Dolabella, and Cn. Domitius for Consuls. Cuspinians Calendar hath Dolabella and Calvus. The Sicilian registers, Dolabella Maximus. And some think, that Maximus was the surname of Dolabella, which he seemeth to have acquired by the honour that he had won in the war against the Gauls.   

472  

C. Fabricius.  
Q. Aemilius.   
CAssiodorus bringeth in for Consuls, C. Fabricius and Q. Aemilius: but the Sicilian registers, Luscinus and Papus. Of them Cicero in his book Laelius, maketh mention in this manner: We see that Papus Aemilius was familiarly acquainted with C. Luscinus; for so we have heard our fathers say, that they were two Consuls together, and companions in the Censorship. Moreover, Valerius in his chap. where he treateth of Poverty, maketh mention of C. Fabricius, and Q. Aemilius Papus. This Aemilius, Plutarch in his Parallels calleth corruptly by the name of Paulus.   

473  

L. Aumilius.  
Q. Martius.   
THere followed Consuls, as Cassiodorus showeth, L. Aimilius and Q. Martius; unto whom, Cuspinians book and the Greek records, give also their surnames, Barbula and Philippus: and the same also is evident by the records in the Capitol of their triumphs.   

474  

P. Valerius.  
T. Coruncanius.   
P. Vb. Valerius and Tit. Coruncanius, are by Cassiodorus placed in this year for Coss. The Greek records, Cuspinians book, Florus, Orosius, and Eutropius, give to Valerius the surname of Laevinus. And Plutarch hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

475  

P. Sulpitius.  
P. Decius.   
NExt after those, Cassiodorus putteth down P. Sulpitius' Consul with P. Decius. The Sicilian registers, have Savennio and Mus. Cicero in his 2 book, entitled De Fin. and in his Tusculan disputations, saith, That this Pub. Decius was the son of that P. Decius who vowed himself to death in the Sami●ites and Gauls war.   

476  

C. Fabricius.  
Q. Aimilius.   
CAssiodorus delivereth unto us for Consuls C. Fabricius and Q. Aimilius: whom Cuspinians book and the Greek records, call Luscinus the second time, and Papus. That these were fellows together once before in the Consulate, Cicero writeth in his book Laelius, Plutarch in Pyrrhus, Gellius 3 book chap. 8. Eutropius, and Zonaras, make report of the same.   

477  

P. Cornelius.  
C. junius.   
PVb. Cornelius, and C. junius, are rehearsed for Consuls this year by Cassiodorus. Cuspinians book hath Rufinus the second time, and Brutus. The Greek records, Rufinus and Bubulcus. Zonara's hath R. finus and junius. Of P. R. finus twice Consul, Cic. in his 2 book Of a perfect orator, Valer. Max. in his 3 book and 4 chap. Gellius in his 4 book and 8 chap. in his 17 book likewise and 21 chap. and last of all, Frontinus in his book of Stratagems, make mention.   

478  

Q. Fabius.  
C. Genutius.   
CAssiodorus reporteth Q. Fabius and C. Genutius Coss. The Sicilians registers have Gurges and Clepsina. Of these Consuls, Orosius maketh mention in this wise: When Fabius Gurges was the second time Consul with G. Genutius Clepsina, a grievous pestilence reigned both in the city, and also in the territory about it.   

479  

MY. Curius.  
L. Lentulus.   
CAssiodorus and Eutropius deliver unto us for Consuls, MY. Curius and L. Lentulus. The Sicilian registers, Dentatus and Lentulus. This is the third Consulate of MY. Curius, which together with Lentulus' Consulship, is drawn out of the Capitol records of triumph this year.   

480  

Serv. Cornelius.  
MY. Curius.   
CAssiodorus showeth for this years Consuls, Servius Cornelius and MY. Curius: Cuspinians book and the Greek records, Merenda, and Dentatus the third time. This MY. Curius is now Consul the fourth time, for, thrice he was before. Concerning this Serv. Cornelius Merenda, Pliny relateth and writeth, that he received a princely coroner of gold at the hands of L. Lentulus the Consul of the former year, for winning a town of the Samnites.   

481  

C. Fabricius.  
C. Claudius.   
CAssiodorus setteth down, C. Fabricius and C. Claudius' Consuls: the Sicilian records, Licinius and Canina: Cuspinians calendar, Licinius and Cinna. Eutropius, Fabius L●c●nius and C. Claudius Canin●. Valleius, Fabius Do so and Claud. Canina. Whereby it may be understood, that these Consuls were called, ●. Fabius Do so Licinius, and Caius Claudius Canina: for Dorso was an old name of the Fabiuses.   

482  

L. Papirius Cursor.  
Sp. Carvilius.   
NExt after them, Cassiodorus nominateth for Consuls, Sp. 〈◊〉 and Lu. Papirius Cursor. The records both of Sicily and Cuspinian, have Cursor and Maximus. Both these were now Consuls the second time, as appeareth by their triumphs upon record in the Capitol. Frontinus speaketh of them in this book Of water conduits, and Livy in his 24 book.   

483  

C. Quintius.  
L. Genutius.   
IT is reported by Cassiodore, that C. Quintius and L. Genutius were Consuls. Cuspinians book and the Greek records, set to their surnames, Claudius and Clepsina. Livy in his 7 book speaketh of one Tit. Quintius lame of one leg, from whom haply this surname is drawn.   

484  

C. Genutius.  
Cn. Cornelius.   
REported there are for Consuls this year by Cassiodorus, C. Genutius and Cn. Cornelius; whose surnames were Clepsina & Blasio, as it appeareth in Cuspinians books. This Caius Genutius is the same, who beforetime was Consul. As for C. Blasio, he is described by his Censorship standing upon record in the Capitol. The Greek records overpass them both.   

485  

or after some,  
P. Sempronius.  
or after some,  
App. Claudius.  
or after some,  
Q. Ogulpbius.  
or after some,  
Fabius Pictor.   
AFter Cornelius and Genutius Consuls, Cassiodorus bringeth in Pub. Sempronius, and App. Claudius, and of purpose overskippeth Q. Gulo and Fabius Pictor. Zonara's, Q. Gallus and C. Fabius. Of them speaketh Eutropius, saying; When Q. Gulo and Fabius Pictor were Consuls, the Picenates raised war; and by the Consuls next following, to wit, P. Sempronius and App. Claudius, they were vanquished. Pliny also in his 33 book and 3 chap. When Q. Fabius (quoth he) was Consul, silver was coined and stamped for money, five years before the [second] Punic war. These Consuls, Velleius also reckoneth in his first book. But Sigonius and Onuphrius advertise us, that the book of Eutropius is very faulty in one of these Consuls, and that in am of Quin. Gulo, it should be read Q. Ogulphius: for of this Gulo, there is no place besides, any mention: so as they would have, that it should be Q. Ogulvius, son of L. nephew of A. surnamed Gallus, who a little before was sent in embassage to Ptolomeus. And it falleth out passing well, that they should match Ogulvius a commoner, with Fabius a Patrician. Also Onuphrius testifieth, that in the most ancient hand written books of Eutropius, the name is found of Ogulvius. And, as both the Greek records, and also Zonaras, together, with the more ancient and perfect copies of Eutropius, agree to this his judgement: so Hubertus Goltzius likewise in his catalogue of Consuls, embraceth the same: and that which maketh most for the purpose, the old antiquities of coin witness as much. But in the mean while this is worth the observation, that often times in the most ancient pieces of money, the letter C. is written for G: as for example here, Ocul. Cal. for Ogul. Galba.   

486  

P. Sempronius.  
App. Claudius.   
SEeing that we settle the Consulship of the former year, in Ogulvius and Fabius Pictor, and that upon the authority of Eutropius, the Greek records, Cuspinian, Zonaras, Onuphrius, and others; we will set down for this years Consuls, P. Sempronius and App. Claudius, whom Velleius in his first book calleth, Sempronius Sophus, and Appius the son of Caecus. The Greek records, Sempronius Rufus Sophus: and Cuspinians book, Rufus. Moreover, this also Goltzius giveth us to understand, that the surname of this Sempronius is in old pieces of coin found written without an aspiration [Sopus;] which is no rare thing to be seen in such antiquities: for we read in others of them, Pilippus, Tampilus, Graccus, Pulcer, Triumpius, for Philippus, Tamphilus, Gracchus, Pulcher, Triumphus, and such like.   

487  

M. Attilius.  
L. julius Libo.   
EVtropius putteth down for Consuls, Mar. Attilius and L. julius Libo. The Sicilian registers, Regulus and Libo. Cassiodorus, M. Attilius and L. julius. And both of them are taken forth of the records of capitol triumphs.   

488  

D. junius.  
N. Fabius.   
CAssiodorus reporteth for Coss. this year, D. junius and N. Fabius: the Sicilian register, Pera and Pictor: the capitol records of triumphs, D. junius son of D. nephew of D. surnamed Pera, and N. Fabius' son of C. nephew of M. surnamed Pictor. Upon what occasion these Fabiuses took the surname of Pictor, Pliny showeth in his 35 book chap. 4. Valer. Max. in his 4 book and 3 chap. seemeth to note and signify, that Fabius Gurges and N. Fabius Pictor, lived at one and the same time.   

489  

Q. Fabius Maximus.  
L. Mamilius Vitulus.   
THis year also Cassiodorus passeth over. The Greek records show, Maximus and Vitulus. Zonara's, Q. Fabius, and Aemilius (no doubt) for Mamilius, by some error and fault of the copies. Cuspinian out of some old books delivereth unto us for Consuls, Q. Fab. Maximus and Lu. Mamilius. Onuphrius thinketh, that Q. Fab. Maximus Gurges was now thrice Consul.   

490  

Ap. Claudius.  
M. Fulvius.   
BEsides the capitol monuments, Polybius in his first book maketh mention of these Consuls. Gellius also, who calleth them thus, App. Claudius' brother of Caecus surnamed Caudex, and Mar. Fulvius Flaccus. In like manner Livy, Paterculus, and Pliny in his book of famous men: as also Appianus, Florus, Frontinus in his I book of Stratagems, Eutropius, Orosius, and Cassiodorus.   

491  

MY. Valerius.  
MY. Otacilius.   
CAssiodorus and Eutropius show unto us, that MY. Valerius and MY. Otacilius were Consuls. Zonara's nameth Valerius Max. and Otacilius Crassus. Cuspinians Calendar and the Sicilian records, Maximus Messala and Crassus. Of these Consuls, Verrius Flaccus, Polybius, Cassiodorus, Eutropius, and Macrobius out of Varro make report. As for Macrobius, he rendereth a reason, why MY. Valerius was in this government of his named Messala: and Pliny likewise, in his sixth book and five and thirty chapter.   

492  

L. Posthumius.  
Q. Mamilius.   
CAssiodorus and Polybius put down for next Consuls, L. Postumius and Q. Mamilius. Zonara's nameth them, Postumius Albinus and Quintus Mamilius. The Sicilian registers, Albinus and Vitulus: but the capitol monuments, Lucius Postumius son of Lucius, nephew of Licius, surnamed Megellus, and Quin. Mamilius son of Q. nephew of M. surnamed Vitulus.   

493  

L. Valerius.  
T. Otacilius.   
POlybius and Cassiodorus match together in the Consulate for this year, L. Valerius and T. Otacilius: the surname of Valerius is Flaccus, and of Otacilius, Crassus, as it appeareth upon the capitol and Sicilian records.   

494  

Cn. Cornelius.  
C. Duilius.   
CAssiodorus and Zonaras bring in for Coss. Cn. Cornelius and C. Duilius. In like manner also Polybius, but only that in am of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Sicilian registers show Scipio and Duilius. Cn. Cornelius Scipio is surnamed also Asina, by the capital writers, Orosius, Eutropius, and Valerius in his sixth book chap. 10: of which surname Macrobius writeth thus in his first book of Saturnalia: The surname of Asina (qd. he) was given to the Cornelijs, for that the first of the House Cornelia having either bought land, or given his daughter in marriage, when (after the solemn manner) he was required to put in good sureties for security, brought into the open market place a she ass laden with money, and pawned down that presently in stead of pledges.   

495  

C. Aquilius son of  
M. L. Cornelius son of L.   
THere are nominated by Cassiodorus for Consuls, C. Aquilius and L. Cornelius. The Sicilian registers, Florus and Scipio. Zonara's, C. Florus and L. Scipio. Eutropius and Orosius, L. Cornelius Scipio, and C. Aquilius Florus. Polybius leaveth them out. The Capitoline monuments agree with the Annals of Eutropius and Orosius.   

496  

A. Atilius Calatinus.  
Q. Sulpitius.   
POlybius avoucheth for this years Consuls, A. Atilius and C. Sulpitius. Cassiodorus, A. Atilius Calatinus, and C. Sulpitius. The Sicilian registers and Cuspinians Calendar; Calatinus & Paterculus. The capitol monuments, A. Atilius Calatinus and C. Sulpitius Paterculus. Zonara's, Atilius Calatinus, and Caius Sulpitius. Of these Consuls, Polybius, Cicero, Valerius, Florus, Frontinus in his Stratagems, Pliny the younger, Gellius, Eutropius, and Cassiodorus make mention. But concerning the forename of Sulpitius Paterculus, the Capitoline tables disagree one from another; to wit, those that carry the records of the triumphs, from those that show the Consulships and other magistracies: for in these latter monuments he is called Quintus, in the former Catus. Whereby Goltzius doth conjecture, that one man was not the author of both those records, namely, the Triumphal and the Consular.   

497  

Cn. Cornelius.  
C. Atilius.   
CAssiodorus showeth unto us, Cn. Cornelius, and C. Atilius Serranus, for Consuls: but Polybius, C. Atilius. The Capitol tables, C. Atilius Regulus. Cuspinians Calendar and the Sicilian registers, have Regulus and Blasio the second time. But how Atilius should come by his surname Serranus, Pliny showeth in his 18 book, saying; In these days the fields were tilled by the very hands of L. Generals themselves, and a man verily would believe thereby, that the ground joyed in a lauret ploughshare and a triumphant ploughman. Him they found a sowing, unto him they presented those honourable dignities. & so took he his surname Serranus. As concerning B'asio, all authors wel-nere besides, approve the judgement of Cuspinian: but Goltzius supposeth, that he was not the same man that was Consul before; and therefore he writeth him the son of Cn. nephew of Lu. without putting to the numeral note II.   

498  

Q. Caeditius.  
L. Manlius.   
THe next Consuls that succeeded, were (by Cassiodorus his saying) Q. Caditius and L. Manlius. The Sicilian registers name them, Vulso and Caeditius. Zonara's, M. Regulus and L. Manlius. Eutropius, M. Atilius Regulus and L. Manlius Vulso: and Polybius, M. Atilius and L. Manlius. Insenus in his 41 book maketh mention of these Consuls. But ye must understand, that Q. Caeditius died whiles he was in office, and M. Atilius was substituted in his room, and made Consul the second time; as appeareth evidently by the Capitol tables, wherein it standeth thus upon record, Lu. Manlius Vulso Longus: and in stead of Q. Caeditius, M. Atilius Regulus the second time: as also by Cuspinians book, wherein is written, Longus and Regulus.   

499  

M. Aemilius Paulus.  
Ser. Fulvius Nobilior.   
POlybius showeth for the Coss. this year, Serv. Fulvius, and M. Aimilius. Cuspinians Calendar, Nobilior and Paulus. The Sicilian registers, Paetinus and Paulus. Cassiodorus and Eutropius, together with the Capitoline records, have Serv. Fulvius Nobilior, and M. Aimilius Paulus.   

500  

Cn. Cornelius.  
A. Atilius.   
CAssiodorus and Polybius report for this years Consuls, Cn. Cornelius and A. Atilius. The Capitol authors write, A. Atilius Calatinas the second time, and Cn. Cornelius Scipio Asina likewise a second time. As touching Cn. Cornelius Asina twice Consul, thus writeth Valerius in his sixth book: Cneus Cornelius Scipio Asina, who being Consul, was taken prisoner by the Carthagimans at Liparae when he had by the law of arms lost whatsoever he had, recovered all again, and was made Consul the second time: so as, of a Consul he became a captive, and of a captive twice Consul.   

501  

Cn. Servilius.  
C. Sempronius.   
CAssiodorus and Polybius put down for Consuls, Cn. Servilius and C. Sempronius. The Sicilian registers, Coepio and Blaesus. Zonara's, Servilius Coepio and C. Sempronius. Eutropius and Orosius, Cn. Servilius Coepio, and Sempronius Blaesus. Of the same Consuls, Sabinus in his 30 book maketh mention, as also a stone of the Capitol.   

502  

C. Aurelius Cotta.  
P. Servilius.   
CAssiodorus bringeth in as Coss. C. Aurelius Cotta, and P. Gemines. The Sicilian registers, Cotta and Geminus: but those of the Capitol, C. Aurelius Cotta, and P. Servilius Geminus. Zonara's, Pub. Servelius and C. Aurelius. Cicero in his book, entitled Lucullus, writeth, that C. Cotta, together with P. Servilius Geminus, was twice Consul. Frontinus also in his fourth book of Stratagems, and likewise Orosius, make mention of C. Cotta Consul in Sicily.   

503  

L. Caecilius Metellus.  
C. Furius.   
POlybius setteth down for Consuls, L. Caecilius Metellus, and Cn. Furius. The Sicilian registers, Metellus and Pacilus. Zonara's, Caecilius Metellus, and C. Furius. Cassiodorus, Lu. Caecilius and C. Furius. Eutropius, Osorius, and a capitol stone, L. Caecilius Metellus, and Cn. Furius Pacilus. This is that Lu. Metellus, twice Consul and high priest, of whom Pliny writeth in his seventh book and three and forty chapter.   

504  

C. Atilius Regulus.  
L. Manlius.   
POlybius placeth for this years Consuls, C. Atilius and Lu. Manlius. Cassiodorus, C. Atilius Regulus, and L. Manlius. Orosius and a capitol stone, have C. Atilius Regulus, and L. Manlius Vulso, both Coss. the second time. Zonara's, C. Atilius the brother of Regulus, and L. Manlius. The Sicilian records, Regulus and Vulso.   

505  

P. Claudius.  
L. junius.   
CAssiodorus and Polybius infer for Consuls the next year, Pub. Claudius and L. junius. Zonara's, L. junius and Cl. Pulcher. Florus and Suetonius in Tiberius, put to Claudius the surname of Pulcher; and Censorinus to junius of Pullus: which also are upon record in the Sicilian and capitoline tables. This P. Claudius, Cicero (in his books of Divination, and of the nature of gods) calleth the son of Appius Caecus: but Pliny (in his seventh book and three and forty chapter) nameth him his nephew of sons son. The capitol writers take part with Cicero. Valerius Maximus in his first book and fourth chapter, speaketh of the same Consuls.   

506  

P. Servilius.  
C. Aurelius.   
FOr Consuls this year, Cassiodorus putteeths down P. Servilius and C. Aurelius. Cicero in his book Lucullus, saith that these were twice Consuls. Which also is apparent by the Capitol and Sicilian tables: in which their surnames are to be seen, Geminus II. and Cotta II.   

507  

L. Caecilius.  
N. Fabius.   
IT is recorded by Cassiodorus, that the Consuls of this year, were L. Caecilius and N. Fabius: but Zonaras nameth them, Caecilius Metellus, and Numerius Fabius. Cuspinians Calendar and the Sicilian registers, have them in this manner; Metellus II. and Buteo II. But the capitoline tables show them thus, Lu. Caecilius Metellus II. N. Fabius Buteo II. Pliny also reporteth in his seventh book, that Metellus was twice Consul.   

508  

MY. Fabius.  
MY. Otacilius.   
CAssiodorus setteth down as Consuls, MY. Fabius and M. Otacilius. The Sicilian registers, Crassus and Licinius. Gellius in his tenth book and sixth chapter, hath Fabius Licinius and Otacilius Crassus. The capitol marble stones, M. Fabius Licinius, and MY. Otacilius Crassus. Besides Gellius in the place before alleged, Florus likewise in his 19 breviary upon Livius maketh mention of these Consuls; as also Suetonius in Tiberius.   

509  

M. Fabius.  
C. Atilius.   
CAssiodorus reckoneth M. Fabius, and cain's Atilius, Consuls for this year. The Sicilian tables, Buteo and Bulbus. But those of the capitol, M. Fabius Buteo, and C. Atilius Bulbus. Of Fabius the Consul's shipwreck, Florus speaketh out of the nineteenth book of Livy.   

510  

A. Manlius.  
C. Sempronius.   
FOr this years Consuls, Cassiodorus setteth forth unto us, A. Manlius and C. Sempronius. The Sicilian records, Torquatus and Blaesus. Cuspinians book hath Atticus and Blaesus. The capitoline tables show Aul. Manlius Torquatus Atticus, and Casius Sempronius Blaesus II.   

511  

C. Fundanius.  
C. Sulpitius.   
CAssiodorus putteth down, C. Fundanius, and C. Sulpitius for Consuls. The Sicilian writers, writers, Fundulus and Gallus. The Capitol monuments, Caius Fundanius Fundulus, and C. Sulpitius Gallus. None besides make mention of ●hem.   

512  

C. Lutatius Catulus.  
A. Postumius.   
CAssiodorus delivereth unto us for Consuls this year, C. Lutatius and Aul. Postumius. The Sicilian records, Catulus and Albinus. Eutropius, and the Capitol marbles, C. Lutatius Catulus, and A. Postumius Albinus.   

513  

Q. Lutatius Cereo.  
A. Manlius.   
CAssiodorus, Eutropius, and Orosius, show for Consuls this year, Q. Lutatius, and Aul. Manlius. The Sicilian records, Cereo and Torquatus. They of the Capitol, Q. Lutatius Cereo, and Aul. Manlius Torquatus Atticus II. Indeed C. Lutatius Cereo, is named for an ambassador by Livy in his 42 book.   

514  

C. Claudius Centho.  
M. Sempronius.   
FOr this year there were Consuls, C. Claudius Centho, and M. Sempronius Tud●tanus, according to Cassiodorus and the capitol writers. The Sicilian records testify also the same surnames. Of these Consuls likewise, besides the capitol Writers, Cicero speaketh in his Cato and Brutus, where he calleth this year (according to the judgement of Atticus, whereto Varro also agreeth) the 514 year from the foundation of the city; as also in his first Tusculane question. So doth Gellius 17 book 21 chap. and Cassiodorus.   

515  

C. Mamilius.  
Q. Valerius.   
NExt there followed in Consul's place, as witnesseth Cassiodorus, C. Mamilius and Q. Valerius: but according to the Sicilian registers, Turrinus and Falco: and after the capitol records, C. Mamilius Turrinus, and Q. Valerius Falco. Besides Verrius Flaccus and Cassiodorus, Gellius also maketh mention of these Coss. in his 17 book and 21 chap. So doth Cicero in Brutus and the Tusculane questions, in which year they say, that Ennius the poet was borne.   

516  

T. Sempronius.  
P. Valerius.   
FOr the year following, Cassiodorus hath Consuls, T. Sempronius and Pub. Valerius, Gracchus and Falco, in Cuspinians Calendar and the Sicilian records. Zonara's avoucheth, Sempronius Gracchus, and P. Valerius. The capitol writers, have T. Sempronius Gracchus, and Pub. Valerius Falco. Orosius speaketh of these Consuls.   

517  

L. Cornelius.  
Q. Fulvius.   
NExt to them, Cassiodorus reporteth for Consuls, L. Cornelius and Q. Fulvius. Zonara's, L. Lentulus and Q. Flaccus. Eutropius, L. Cornelius Lentulus, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus. The capitol registers give to Lentulus, the surname Candenus: and therefore in Cuspinians Calendar, they stand by the names of Candinus and Flaccus. As for the Sicilian registers, they leave them out clean.   

518  

C. Licinius.  
P. Cornelius.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls, C. Licinius and P. Cornelius. Zonara's, Pub. Lentulus and Licinius Varus. The capitoline writers, C. Licinius Varus, and P. Cornelius Lentulus Candinus. In like manner Censorinus; who reckoneth this for the 518 year after the city's foundation; following herein the computation of Varro, Cicero, and Pliny. Cuspinians Calendar and the Sicilian registers, name them Claudius and Varus.   

519  

T. Manlius Torquatus.  
C. Atilius.   
THis year had for Consuls, as Cassiodorus saith, T. Manlius Torquatus, and C. Atilius. The Sicilian records, show Torquatus and Bulbus: but Eutropius, Orosius, and the capitol tables show, T. Manlius Torquatus, and C. Atilius Bulbus: unto Bulbus. The capitol records put to the numeral note II. When T. Manlius Torquatus and C. Atilius Bulbus the second time were Coss. according to Verrius Flaccus, Eutropius, Orosius, and Cassiodorus, and that there was peace throughout all the empire of Rome, the temple of janus was shut the second time, as Plutarch showeth in Numa; as Livy also, Velleius, Eutropius, and Orosius, do testify.   

520  

L. Postumius.  
Sp. Carvilius.   
CAssiodorus nameth for Consuls this year L. Postumius and Sp. Carvilius. The Sicilian registers have Albinus and Ruga. Zonara's, Postumius Albinus, and Sp. Carvilius. The Capitol writers have L. Posthumius Albinus, and Sp. Carvilius Maximus. That Ruga was a surname to the Carvilij, appeareth out of Gellius, who maketh mention of Sp. Carvilius Ruga, who at this time was the first that divorced his wife.   

521  

Q. Fabius.  
MY. Pomponius.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls, Q. Fabius and MY. Pomponius. The Sicilian records Maximus and Matho. The Capitoline writers have Qu. Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, and M. Pomponius Matho. Zonara's hath Qu. Fabius Max. and Manius Pomponius. The surname of Maximus, this Fabius took of his grandfather, and was not himself the first of that name, whatsoever Polybius writeth in his third book. Verrucosus he was called besides of a wert upon his lip, as Plutarch witnesseth, and he that wrote the treatise of Famous men.   

522  

M. Lepidus.  
M. Poplicius.   
MArcus Lepidus and M. Poplicius are reputed to be Consuls this year by Cassiodorus. The Sicilian registers have Lepidus and Malleolus. Zonara's hath M. Malleolus and M. Aemylius. The Capitol tables show M. Aemylius Lepidus and M. Poplicius.   

523  

C. Papirius.  
M. Pomponius.   
NExt after this were created Consuls, C. Papirius and M. Pomponius according to Cassiodorus, Zonaras, and Dionysius in his second book. The Sicilian registers show Maso and Matho. But the Capitol records have C. Papirius Maso and M. Pomponius Matho. Of C. Papirius, son of C. surnamed Maso, a Pontifie or bishop, Livy speaketh in the year 540.   

524  

M. Aemylius.  
M. junius.   
Zonaras' and Cassiodorus exhibit unto us for Consuls, M. Aemylius and M. junius. The Sicilian registers, Barbula and Pera. The Capitol records, M. Aemylius Barbula & Mar. junius Pera.   

525  

L. Postumius.  
Cn. Fulvius.   
CAssiodorus setteth down L. Postumius and Cn. Fulvius as Consuls. The Sicilian records Albinus and Gentumalus. But those of the Capitol, and Eutropius, present unto us L. Postumius Albinus & Cn. Fulvius Centumalus. Polybius nameth Cn. Fulvius and A. Postumius.   

526  

Q. Fabius. II.  
Sp. Carvilius.   
THere are by Cassiodorus nominated for Consuls this year, Qu. Fabius Maximus the second time, and Sp. Carvilius. The Sicilian registers Maximus & Ruga. The Capitol writers set also unto Carvilius Maximus the mark and numeral note of a double Consulship. Cicero in his book entitled Cato, likewise in his second book of Rhetorical invention, maketh mention of these Consuls, and so doth Valerius in his chapter, discoursing of the kindness and affectionate duty of children to their parents.   

527  

P. Valerius.  
M. Atilius.   
THese are set down by Cassiodorus for Coss. this year, P. Valerius and M. Atilius. The Sicilian registers, have Flaccus & Regulus. The Capitol records represent P. Valerius Flaccus, and M. Atilius Regulus. Gellius writeth of them in his 4 book and 3 chapter.   

528  

L. Apustius.  
M. Valerius.   
NExt after, Cassiodorus putteth L. Apustius and M. Valerius Consuls. The Sicilian tables Maximus and Apustius. The Capitol monuments L. Apustius Fullo, & M. Valer. Messala.   

529  

C. Atilius.  
L. Aimilius.   
IMmediately followed Consuls, C. Atilius and L. Aimilius, as Cassiodorus and Polybius do witness: whom the Capitol writers call, C. Atilius Regulus, and L. Aimilius Papus. The Sicilian registers, 〈…〉 Zonara's, Regulus and Aimilius. Of 〈◊〉 Consuls also Orosius maketh mention: and Pliny in his third book and twenty chapter, where untruly men read Paulus for Papus.   

530  

T. Manlius.  
Q. Eulvius. II.   
THe year following had Consuls T. Manlius and Q. F●●vi●s the second time, according to Cassiodorus and Polybius, and as Orosius saith, T. Manlius Torquatus and Q. Fulvius Flaccus. Cuspinians tables, together with the Capitoline, have Torquatus the second time, and Flaccus likewise the second time, showing the surnames only of these Coss.   

531  

C. Flaminius.  
P. Furius Philus.   
CAssiodorus setteth down for Coss. C. Flaminius & P. Furius. So doth Polybius. Zonara's nameth them Flaminius & Furius. Plutarch likewise in Mare●llus. The Sicilian tables name them Flaminius and Philus. But the Capitol records, C. Flaminius, and Pub. Furius Philus.   

532  

M. Marcellus.  
Cn. Cornelius.   
CAssiodorus nameth for the next Consuls, M. Marcellus and Cn. Cornelius. Polybius, M. Claudius and Cn. Cornelius. The Sicilian registers Scipio and Marcellus. Zonara's, Claudius Marcellus and Cn. Scipio. Eutropius, M. Claudius Marcellus, and Cn. Cornelius Scipio. The Capitol tables M. Claudius Marcellus and Cn. Cornelius Scipio Calvus. This is that Marcellus, who was five times Consul: and this is that Scipio, who afterwards with his brother Scipio was slain in Spain by Asdrubal the Carthaginian.   

533  

P. Cornelius.  
M. Minutius.   
CAssiodorus showeth for this years Consuls, P. Cornelius and M. Minutius. So doth Zonaras. The Sicilian registers have Scipio and Rufus. Eutropius hath P. Cornelius and M. Minutius Rufus. Cuspinians book Asina and Rufus. Sigonius and Onuphrius both, do think that this Publius Cornelius Scipio Asina was his son, who in the first Punic war was twice Consul. And verily Livy, in the year 543 maketh mention of P. Cornelius Asina, an honourable Senator, and who had been Consul.   

534  

L. Veturius.  
C. Lutatius.   
CAssiodorus and Zonaras exhibit unto us for Consuls, L. Veturius & C. Lutatius. The Sicilian registers Philo and Catulus. Cuspinians book Philo and Scaevola.   

535  

M. Livius.  
L. Aimilius.   
THe Consuls next following were M. Livius & L. Aimilius, as Cassiodorus witnesseth. Cuspinians book & the Greek records show Salinator and Phulus. Zonara's, M. Livius & Aimilius Paulus. Pliny maketh mention of these Consuls in the 29 book and 1 chapter.   

536  

P. Cornelius Scipio.  
T. Sempronius Longus.   
CAssiodorus and Polybius put down for Consuls P. Cornelius and T. Sempronius. Zonara's, Sempronius Longus and P. Scipio. The Sicilian records, Longus and Scipio. Livy, Eutropius, Probus, Orosius, and Paedianus, name them Pub. Cornelius Scipio, and T. Sempronius Longus. Whiles these were Consuls, the second Punic war arose, as writers have delivered unto us in their chronicles.   

537  

Cn. Servilius Geminus.  
C. Flaminius.   
THen followed Consuls, as Polybius, Cassiodorus, and Livy write, Cn. Servilius, together with C. Flaminius. But the two last named, as also the Sicilian registers, have given to Servilius the surname of Geminus. C. Fl●minius now second time Consul, with like pride as heretofore, entered into his magistracy in the Ides of March, not at Rome but at Ariminum. The same man, in neglect and contempt of the Auspicia or signs of birds, at what time as he made head and went against Hannibal coming into Italy, fought a battle at the lake Ihrasymenus, where his army was wholly defeated and himself lost his life: into whose place M. Atilius Regulus, who had been Consul before, was substituted. Thus much out of Livy and Polybius.   

538  

C. Terentius Varro.  
L. Annilius Paulus.   
NExt to them Polybius bringeth in L. Aimilius and C. Terentius for Consuls. The Sicilian registers, Paulus and Varro. Plutarch in Paulus, Terentius Varro, and Aemilius Paulus. Livy, Cassiodorus, and others, C. Terentius Varro, and Lucius Aemilius Paulus. Goltzius noteth, that the father of C. Terentius Varro, was one Aulus, a thing by others passed over.   

539  

L. Posthumius Albinus. III.  
M. Claudius Marc●llus. II.  
Q. Fabius Maximus. III.  
T. Sempronius Gracchus.   
LIvie reporteth that the Consuls elect for this year, when M. junius the dictator held the solemn assembly for the election, were Lucius Posthumius Albinus the third time, who as then ruled the province of Gaul, and T. Sempronius Gracchus, who had been master of the horsemen: and that Posthumius before that he entered into government, was by Hannibal in France environned and slain, in whose steed M. Marcellus was subrogated Consul now the second time: who upon information given by the Augurs, that his creation was not good, resigned: & commonly the Nobles gave out and said, That the gods were not well pleased, that two commoners were then first chosen Consuls: whereupon in the room of Marcellus, Quintus Fabius Maximus was chosen Consul the third time. Thus write Livy and Plutarch. And for this cause it is that Cassiodorus, Orosius, and Eutropius do put down for this years Consuls, T. Sempronius and Q. Fabius.   

540  

Q. Fabius. four  
M. Claudius Marcellus. III.   
LIvie, Plutarch, and Cassiodorus, set out for Consuls this year, Quintus Fabius Maximus the fourth time, and Marcus Claudius Marcellus the third time. Moreover, Cicero oftentimes and Frontinus in his second book of stratagems, make mention of these Consuls.   

541  

Q. Fabius Max. son of Verrucosus.  
T. Sempronius Gracchus. II.   
AGainst this year were both the Consuls created in their absence, namely, Q. Fab. Max. the son of Verrucosus, and T. Sempronius Gracchus the second time: as Livy testifieth and Cassiodorus, together with the Sicilian registers. This Fabius had been. praetor the former year: and Gracchus Consul two years before. These Consuls Gellius nominateth out of Quadrigarius, the second book and second chapter. Likewise Cicero and Valerius.   

542  

Appius Claudius Pulcher.  
Q. Fulvius Flaccus. III.   
THe Consuls created for this year by the dictator, were Quintus Fulvius Flaccus the third time, who then was master of the horsemen, and Appius Claudius Pulcher, who in his pretourship was L. deputy in Sicily, as Livy, Plutarch in Fabius, Cassiodorus, and Festus in his seventeenth book do witness.   

543  

C. Sulpitius Galba.  
Cn. Fulvius Centumalus.   
Upon the receipt of certain letters, the Consuls agreed together, that Claudius should hold the election for magistrates and see it finished, whiles Fulvius remained still before Capua. Claudiuls created for Consuls, Cn. Fulvius Centumalus, and Publius Sulpitius son of Servius, and surnamed Galba, who before time had borne no state-office of the chair. Thus writeth Livius. The same Consuls also Cassiodorus doth deliver. Orosius likewise and Festus in his seventeenth book. The Sicilian records declare Galba and Centumalus. As for Serv. Sulpitius, he is named in his second Consulship, as it appeareth upon record in the Capitol, the son of Ser. nephew of Publius surnamed Galba Maximus.   

544  

M. Valerius Laevinus. II.  
M. Claudius Marcellus. four   
LIvie, Sextus Pompeius, Valerius Maximus, Plutarch, Florus, Eutropius, and Orosius, do present for Consuls this year, Marcus Claudius Marcellus & M. Valerius Laevinus. Now this is Marcellus his fourth Consulship, as Plutarch and Livy write: but Cassiodorus saith, that he was but the third time with M. Valerius Laevinus, leaving out that Consulship which he bore not through, because of the error in his creation: and yet is it one of the five that he is reported to have borne. Livy in the nine and twentieth and thirtieth books, writeth that Marcus Valerius was twice Consul. In like manner, the book of Cuspinian hath for this year, Marcellus the fourth time, and Laevinus the second time. And therefore Onuphrius supposeth that his first Consulate was in the year five hundred four and thirty: and his second, now. Of him Polybius and Cicero make mention.   

545  

Q. Fabius Maximus. V.  
Q. Fulvius Flaccus. four   
THe Consuls for this year created, were Quintus Fabius the fifth time, and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus the fourth time, the same man who being dictator, held the assembly for that election; as Livy and Cassiodorus do witness. The Sicilian records set forth Fabius and Flaccus. Whiles these were Consuls, Cicero in his Oration against Rullus, saith that Capua was won: and yet Livy hath reported it two years before. Of these Consuls Valerius also, together with Plutarch, Eutropius, and Orosius have made mention.   

546  

M. Claudius Marcellus. V.  
T. Quintius Crispinus.   
IN the eleventh year of the Punic war, there entered into their Consulship, Marcus Marcellus the fifth time (so ye reckon that Consulship which upon an error in the creation he kept not) and T. Quintius Crispinus. So saith Livy. Plutarch also nameth Marcellus the fifth time and Crispinus. But Cassiodorus reckoneth Marcellus but the fourth time with Crispinus, passing over that faulty Consulate of his. Moreover these Consuls are mentioned by Cicero Valerius, Plinius the younger, Probus, Eutropius, and Orosius: who also report that they both were forelaid and entrapped in ambush by Hannibal: in so much as Marcelius was presently slain in the place, and Quintius fled sore wounded.   

547  

C. Claudius Nero.  
M. Livius Salinator.   
WHen the LL. of the Senate cast about to see whom they should create Consuls, behold, the most eminent and singular man above all others, was C. Claudius Nero: unto whom was joined as companion in government Marcus Livius, who many years before, upon a Consulate that he had borne, was by the judgement of the people condemned; and almost eight years after his condemnation was by Marcus Marcellus, and Marcus Livius then Consuls, reduced into the city. In like manner, the Sicilian registers name for Consuls, Nero and Salinator. The capitol records show Caius Claudius Nero, with Marcus Livius Salinator.   

548  

Quintus Caecilius Metellus.  
L. Veturius Philo.   
LIvie, Cassiodorus, and the records of the capitol, exhibit unto us for Consuls this year, Lucius Veturius Philo, and Quintus Caecilius Metellus. The Sicilian registers, Metellus and Philo. Over and besides, of these Consuls Cicero many a time and often, Valerius, Plutarch in Africanus, Appianus in Ibericus, Pliny in his 7 book 43 chap. do make mention.   

549  

P. Cornelius Scipio.  
P. Licinius Crassus.   
LVcius Veturius Philo held the assembly for creation of magistrates, wherein all the Centuries in general, with exceeding great favour nominated Publius Scipio for Consul, and to him was joined in government, P. Licinius Crassus, the supreme Pontifie. Thus saith Livy. The Sicilian tables have Scipio with Crassus. The capitol records show P. Cornelius Scipio, surnamed afterwards Africanus, with P●blius Licinius Crassus' the rich. of whom Cassiodorus likewise and Cicero in Brutus do speak.   

550  

M. Cornelius Cethegus.  
P. Sempronius Tuditanus.   
LIvie, Cassiodorus, and the capitol records do name for Consuls this year, P. Sempronius Tuditanus, and M. Cornelius Cethegus. The Sicilian registers, Cethegus and Tuditanus, of whom Cicero in Brutus, Plutarch, Eutropius and Cassiodorus do often times make mention. In this year P. Scipio Nasica, judged by the Senate the best man in the city, received dame Idaea.   

551  

Cn. Servilius Caepio.  
C. Servilius.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus together, with the Sicilian records and capitol monuments, put unto us for Consuls, Cn. Servilius Caepio and C. Servilius. Of which twain Caepio had been praetor in the year 548, and Servilius in 547. This year died Q. Fabius Max: and Hannibal with a sad cheer & heavy heart departed out of Italy into Africa by commandment of certain delegate ambassadors, in the seventeenth year of the second Punic war.   

552  

Tib. Claudius Nero.  
M. Servilius Geminus.   
MArcus Servilius Geminus, & Tib. Claudius Nero were Coss. his year according to Livy, Cassiodorus, and the capitol records, in which Servilius standeth surnamed Pulex. Geminus. The Sicilian tables have Nero with Servilius. In these Consul's year, Annibal was in Africa by Scipio overthrown, and a second peace made with the Carthaginians, as Polybius, Livy, Plutarch, Appian, and Eutropius do report.   

553  

Cn. Cornelius Lentulus.  
P. Aelius Paetus.   
AGainst this year were created Consuls, as Livy writeth, Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, and P. Aelius Paetus. So saith Cassiodorus also and Plinle in his eighteenth book and eighteenth chapter. In a broken piece of marble in the Capitol, were find Lentulus and P. Ailius: in the Sicilian registers, Lentulus and Paetus. These two were Pretours both in the year 550.   

554  

P. Sulpitius Galba.  
C. Aurelius Cotta.   
LIvie and Cassiodorus put down for Consuls, P. Sulpitius Galba, & C. Aurelius Cotta. This P. Sulpitius in the year 542 was first Consul: and C. Cotta two years before, praetor. These same Consuls are to be seen in the capitol tables, but Galba and Cotta in the Sicilian.   

555  

L. Cornelius Lentulus.  
P. vilius Tappulus.   
THis year had for Consuls, L. Cornelius and P. vilius, as Cassiodorus writeth: but according to Livy & the capitol monuments, Lentulus and Tappulus: after the Sicilian records, L. Cornelius Lentulus and P. vilius Tappulus. Of P. vilius Consul, Plutarch maketh mention in Quintius.   

556  

T. Quintius Flaminius.  
Sex. Aelius Paetus.   
LIvie, Cassiodorus, the capitol records, together with Plutarch in Quintius, report unto us for Consuls this year, T. Quintius Flaminius and Sext. Aelius Paetus. The Sicilian tables, Flaminius' and Paetus. Pliny in his book of famous men, saith (but not without some error) that this Flaminius was the son of that C. Flaminius who was slain at Thrasymenus. Whereas in deed this man was descended of the noble Patrician house of the Quintij, the other of the family of Flaminij, no better than commoners. Now this Sex. Aelius Paetus is the man of whom Cicero giveth this report out of the Poet Ennius: 
This Sextus Aelius in records, Catus surnamed ye see.  
A worthy wight for wisdom rare, a discreet man was he.  And therefore in the capitol tables he is called Paetus Catus.   

557  

C. Cornelius Cethegus.  
Q. Minutius Rufus   
IN this year Caius Cornelius Cethegus, and Q. Minutius were Consuls, after Livy, Cassiodorus, & the capitol marbles. Their surnames only appear in the Sicilian registers. And Cicero speaketh of them in Brutus.   

558  

L. Furius Purpureo.  
M. Claudius Marcellus.   
THis year had for Consuls, L. Furius Purpureo, and M. Claudius Marcellus, according to Livy, Cassiodorus, and the capitol records. The Sicilian annals deliver unto us Porphyreo and Marcellus.   

559  

M. Fortius Cato.  
L. Valerius Flaccus.   
MArcus Portius Cato & L. Valerius are ranged Consuls this year, by Verrius Flaccus, Cicero in many places, Livy, Plutarch, Pliny, Valerius, Probus, Eutropius, Orosius, and Cassiodorus.   

560  

P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus. II.  
T. Sempronius Longinus.   
LIvie, Cassiodorus, the monuments both of the capitol and Sicily, match Consuls together this year, P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus the second time, and T. Sempronius Longus. Of them Cicero maketh mention in the oration of Cornelius accused of felony, as appeareth in Paedianus.   

561  

L. Cornelius Merula.  
Q. Minutius Thermus.   
LIvie, Cassiodorus, & the capitol authors, write that the Consuls chosen to succeed in this year, were L. Cornelius Merula, and Q. Minutius Thermus. The said surnames are found in the Sicilian records. Probus speaketh of them in Hannibal, and Frontius in his book of stratagems.   

562  

L. Quintius Flaminius.  
Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus.   
LVcius Quintius Flaminius, and Cn. Domitius Aerobarbus were this years Consuls, as Livy, Cassiodorus, and the capitol records testify. The Sicilian registers also show their surnames.   

563  

M. Acilius Glabrio.  
P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica.   
THe Consuls created for this year, were P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, and M. Acilius Glabrio, son of Cn. as testify Livy, Cassiodorus, the capitol records, Plutarch in Quintius, and Appian in his Syriack history. In the Sicilian registers, named they are Glabrio and Nasica. In these Consul's year the same authors report, that the war against Antiochus king of Syria, and against the Aetolians, was proclaimed: which in the capitol monuments, in Paterculus, and Macrobius, is called the Antiochian, but by Florus and Pliny the younger in Cato, the Syrian war. This was the 562 year from the cities foundation, as Macrobius writeth in his first book of Saturnals.   

564  

L. Cornelius Scipio.  
C. Laelius.   
CAssiodorus, Livius, and the capitol tables put down for Consuls this year, L. Cornelius Scipio and C. Laelius. The Sicilian registers have Scipio and Laelius. The same men Gellius in his sixteenth book and fourth chapter nameth C. Laelius son of C. and L. Scipio, son of P. To Laelius Cassiodore only addeth the surname Africanus. This L. Scipio surnamed Asiaticus, was brother to Africanus.   

565  

C. Manlius Vulso.  
M. Fulvius Nobilior.   
CNeus Manlius Vulso, and M. Fulvius Nobilior, are nominated Consuls for this year by Livy, Cassiodore, and the tables both of the capitol and Sicily. Manlius was Praetor in the year 557 and Fulvius anno 560.   

566  

C. Livius Salinator.  
M. Valerius Messala.   
THe Consuls next following, were M. Valerius Messala, and C. Livius Salinator, as Livy, and Cassiodorus testify, together with the Sicilian and capitol tables.   

567  

M. Aimilius Lepidus.  
C. Flaminius.   
THe next Consuls, were M. Aimilius Lepidus & C. Flaminius, as witness Livy, Cassiodorus, Zonaras, Strabo in his fifth book, the Sicilian & capitol tables. Of them Valerius maketh mention in his sixth book. This is that M. Lepidus who was the Archbishop, twice Consul, Censor, and Precedent of the Senate six times chosen by the censors. And this is that C. Flaminius, who afterward by Cato the Censor was displaced out of the Senate and disrobed.   

568  

Sp. Posthumius Albinus.  
Q. Martius Philippus.   
LIvie, Cassiodorus, Eutropius, and the capitol tables report Consuls for this year, Sp. Posthumius Albinus, and Q. Martius Philippus. The Sicilian Registers name them barely, Albinus and Philippus. Valerius maketh mention of them in his sixth book & third chapter. Likewise Pliny in his 33 book & tenth chapter.   

569  

App. Claudius Pulcher.  
M. Sempronius Tuditanus.   
FOr this years Consuls were Appius Claudius Pulcher, and M. Sempronius Tuditanus, as Livy, Cassiodorus and the capitol records do testify. They stand in the Sicilian records by the names of Pulcher and Tuditanus.   

570  

P. Claudius Pulcher.  
L. Porcius Cicinius.   
THe Consuls that followed for this year, were L. Portius Licinius & P. Claudius Pulcher: witness Livy, Cassiodorus, and the capitol tables. Pulcher and Licinius they be called in the Sicilian records.   

571  

Q. Fabius Labeo.  
M. Claudius Marcellus.   
AGainst this year were created Consuls, M. Claudius Marcellus & Q. Fabius Labeo, according to Livy, Cassiodorus, and the capitol marble stones. Their surnames be found also in the Sicilian tables. Whiles these were Consuls, Atticus wrote that Annibal died, as Probus maketh report in Hannibal.   

572  

L. Aemylius Paulus.  
Cn. Boebius Tamphilus.   
C Neus Boebius Tamphilus & L. Aemylius Paulus were created Consuls for this year, as Livy, Cassiodorus, the capitol, yea & the Sicilian tables do testify, although these last have regard only of their surnames. This L. Aemylius is the son of that L. Aemylius, who was slain at Cannae, as Plutarch and Velleius do witness.   

573  

P. Cornelius Cethegus.  
M. Boebius Tamphilus.   
PVblius Cornelius Cethegus and M. Boebius Tamphilus, succeeded Consuls this year, after Livy, Cassiodore and the capitol tables. Cethegus and Tamphilus they be called in the Sicilian records. Of P. Cornelius and M. Boebius Consuls, Plutarch made mention in Numa. Of P. Cornelius and M. Boebius Tamphilus Valerius speaketh in his first book & first chapter. Of P. Cornelius Lentulus, and M. Boebius Tamphilus in two book & first chapter. But Pliny in his 13 book and 13 chapter calleth the one P. Cornelius Cethegus, son of Lucius: and the other M. Boebius son of Q. surnamed Tamphilus.   

574  

A. Posthumius Albinus.  
C. Calpurnius Piso.   
LIvie, Cassiodorus, and the capitol monuments exhibit unto us for this years Consuls, A. Posthumius Albinus, and C. Calpurnius Piso. The Sicilian tables, Albinus and Piso. Piso was praetor in the year 567. And Albinus anno. 568. But when as a pestilence had reigned now three years, so as it dispeopled the city of Rome and all Italy, it happened that C. Calpurnius died, not without suspicion that he was murdered by Quaria Hostilia: in whose room Q. Fulvius Flaccus his father in law or mother's husband, was declared Consul.   

575  

L. Manlius Acidinus.  
Q. Fulvius Flaccus.   
LIvie, Cassiodore, and the capitol records show for Consuls this year, L. Manlius Acidinus and Q. Fulvius Flaccus. The Sicilian tables, Acidinus with Flaccus. Cicero maketh mention of Acidinus a Consul, in his second book of a perfect orator. Also observed it is in the capitol monuments, that these Consuls were german brethren: & the same hath Vellejus in his second book reported. And thereby it cometh to pass, that in the capitol tables L. Manlius Acidinus, is surnamed also Fulvianus after the manner of those that are adopted.   

576  

M. junius Brutus.  
A. Manlius Vulso.   
NExt Consuls created, were M. junius Brutus and A. Manlius Vulso: as Livy, Cassiodore, and the capitol records do testify. Brutus and Vulso they be named in the Sicilian monuments. This Brutus was praetor in the year 562, and Vulso in 571.   

577  

C. Claudius Pulcher.  
Tib. Sempronius Gracchus.   
CAtus Claudius Pulcher and Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, are matched Consuls this year by Verrius Flaccus, Livy, & Cassiodorus. Of this Tib. Gracchus Cicero speaketh in his first book of divination, and Frontinus in his first of stratagems.   

578  

C. Cornelius Scipio Hispalus.  
Q. Petilius Spurinus.  
C. Valerius Laevinus.   
LIvie, Cassiodore, and the capitol records exhibit unto us for Consuls, Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispalus, and Q. Petilius Spurinus. The Sicilian registers, Scipio and Petilius. But when as Scipio returning out of the mount Albanus, fell into a fit of Apoplexy, and so into a dead palsy, whereupon he went to the bath at Cumes, where, by reason that his disease grew upon him, he departed this life; Q. Petilius the other Consul, created for his companion to enter presently upon the government, C. Valerius Laevinus. Thus saith Livy.   

579  

P. Mutius Scaevola.  
M. Aimilius Lepidus. II.   
ORosius putteth down for Consuls Lepidus and Mutius, Cassiodorus and Obsequens, M. Lepidus and P. Mutius. The Sicilian tables, Lepidus and Scaevola. The capitol monuments, P. Mutius Scaevola and M. Aemilius Lepidus, II. The election of the Consuls this year is lost in Livy. Cicero likewise writeth in his discourse of provinces; Valerius also in his sixth book and sixth chapter, that this M. Aemylius Lepidus was twice Consul.   

580  

Sp. Posthumius Albinus.  
Q. Mutius Scaevola.   
CAssiodorus setteth down for Consuls, Sp. Posthumius and Q. Mutius. The capitol records, Sp. Posthumius Albinus Paulus, and Q. Mutius Scevola. Cuspinians book hath Paulus & Scaevola. Pliny maketh mention of these in his second book and 31 chapter. The election of the Consuls this year is lost in Livy.   

581  

L. Posthumius Albinus.  
M. Popilius Laenas.   
THe Coss. for this year created, were L. Posthumius Albinus & M. Popilius Laenas, as Livy, Cassiodorus, & the capitol monuments do testify. Albinus and Laenas are put down in the Sicilian records. Whiles these were Consuls, the feast Floralia was instituted first, as Ovid showeth in his fifth book of his calendar.   

582  

C. Popilius Laenas  
P. Aelius Ligur.   
THis year had for Consuls, C. Popilius Laenas, & P. Aelius Ligur, as Livy, Cassiodorus, and the capitol records do testify. The Sicilian registers name them Laenas & Aelius. To this day had no Coss. in one year been matched together, both commoners: and this was the first time, that both Consuls were created out of the commons, as is observed in the capitol monuments. After this, you shall never find the Consuls both Patritij: commoners ye shall have them both twain, many a time and often: but most of all, a Commoner and a Patrician, one with another.   

583  

P. Licinius Crassus.  
C. Cassius Longinus.   
THe Consuls next ensuing for this year, were P. Licinius Crassus and C. Cassius Longinus, as it appeareth in Livy, Cassiodorus, Orosius, and the capitol tables. For in the Sicilian records, they are named no otherwise than Crassus and Longus. Of the very same Consuls Pliny maketh mention in his seventh book. Gellius also in his ninth book & fourth chapter. Whiles these were Consuls, the people of Rome began war against Perseus' king of the Macedonians, son of Philip: which Florus and Eutropius, together with Orosius, call the second Macedonian war: whereof Livy and Plutarch write more at large.   

584  

A. Hostilius Mancinus.  
A. Atilius Serranus.   
CAssiodorus setteth next after for Consuls, C. Hostilius Mancinus, & C. Atilius. The Sicilian registers, Mancinus and Serranus. The capitol monuments, Au. Atilius Mancinus, and Au. Atilius Serranus. As well the election of these Consuls as their acts, are missing in the Annals of Livy.   

585  

Q. Martius Philippus. II.  
Cn. Servilius Caepio.   
LIvie, Cassiodorus, and the capitol tables match together in the Consulship of this year Q. Martius Philippus the second time, and Cn. Servilius Caepio. The Sicilian catalogue hath barely Philip and Caepio. Cicero in his books entitled Brutus and Cato, writeth that Ennius the Poet died in their Consulate.   

586  

L. Aemylius Paulus. II.  
C. Licinius Crassus.   
THe Consuls that next succeeded were Lu. Aemylius Paulus the second time (seventeen years after his first Consulship) and Caius Li●●nius Crassus: witness Livy, Cassiodorus, and the capitol monuments. In like manner they are named in the Sicilian registers Paulus and Crassus. As touching this second Consulate of L. Paulus, Plutarch, Velleius, Orosius, Eutropius, Florus, and justinus in his 33 book do write. Plutarch addeth thus much & saith, That Paulus was threescore years of age, when he was chosen Consul the second time.   

587  

Q. Aelius Paetus.  
M. junius.   
LIvie bringeth in for Consuls next after, Qu. Aelius and M. junius. The Sicilian records Paetus and Pennus. Obsequens and Cassiodorus Q. Aelius Petus, and M. junius Pennus. Cicero likewise in Brutus speaketh of Mar. junius Pennus, Consul with Q. Aelius. Now from this year forward, we want the complete story penned by Livy.   

588  

M. Marcellus.  
C. Sulpitius.   
LIvie and the capitol monuments show for this years Consuls, M. Claudius Marcellus, and C. Sulpitius Gallus. Obsequens, and the title prefixed before the comedy Andria in Terence, exhibit Mar. Marcellus and C. Sulpitius. This is that Marcellus, who after he had been thrice Consul, perished in the sea. Nephew he was of that Mar. Marcellus, who had been five times Consul, as Paedianus reporteth. Of these Consuls, justine, Pliny in his second book, and many other have made mention.   

589  

Cn. Octavius.  
T. Manlius.   
CAssiodorus & Obsequens inserre Consuls this year, Cn. Octavius and T. Manlius. The Sicilian tables, Octavius and Torquatus. The capitol stones, Cn. Octavius and T. Manlius Torquatus. Mention there is made of these Consuls in the title set before Hecyra in Terence. Cicero in his first book of Final ends, & likewise in many other places, speaketh of T. Torquatus. Consul with Cn. Octavius.   

590  

A. Manlius.  
Q. Cassius.   
CAssiodorus matcheth together Consuls in this year, A. Manlius and Q. Cassius. The Sicilian catalogue hath Torquatus and Longinus. The capito●●ecords, A. Manlius Torquatus and Qu. Cassius Longinus, who died in his Consulship. These also had been companions together in their Pretourship, anno 586, as Livy beareth witness.   

591  

Tib. Sempronius.  
MY. juventius.   
CAssiodorus saith, that the Consuls this year were T. Sempronius and MY. juventius. Obsequens nameth them, Tib. Gracchus, and MY. juventius. The capitol monuments show T. Sempronius Gracchus the second time, and MY. juventius Thalva. In the Sicilian registers, Dolabella & Thalva, but not well as it is to be doubted. Cicero, Valerius, and Plutarch have made mention of Tiberius Gracchus twice Consul. And that MY. Inventius died whiles he was Consul, Pliny in his seventh book, and Valerius also do report.   

592  

P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica.  
C. Martius.   
CIcero in his first & second book of the nature of gods, Verrius Flaccus, Obsequens & Cassiodorus, report for Consuls Pub. Cornelius Scipio Nasica and C. Martius Figulus. But for that there was an error committed in their creation, and there upon they resigned up their place, as the foresaid authors witness, together with Valerius, Plutarch, and Pliny: P. Cornelius Lentulus, and Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, entered in their steed.   

593  

M. Messala.  
C. Fannius.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls, M. Messala and C. Fannius. The Sicilian catalogue Messala and Strabo. The capitol records, and the title before Phormio in Terence represent unto us, M. Valerius Messala, & Caius Fannius Strabo. Of these Consuls Suetonius maketh mention in his book of excellent Rhetoricians. Likewise Cicero in Brutus, Pliny in his ninth book and fiftieth chapter, and Gellius in his second book.   

594  

L. Anicius.  
M. Cornelius Cethegus.   
CAssiodorus and the title set before the Comedy Adelphi in Terence avouch for Coss. L. Anicuss and M. Cornelius. The Sicilian and capitol records put surnames unto them, Callus and Cethegus. Of Anicius the Consul, Cicero speaketh in Brutus: and of Cethegus, the six and fortieth Epitome or breviary of Florus. In their year, it is for certain held, that L. Paulus who conquered Perseus, died.   

595  

Cn. Cornelius Dolabella.  
M. Fulvius.   
THe year next following had Consuls, as witnesseth Cassiodorus, Cn. Cornelius Dolabella and M. Fulvius. The Sicilian registers show Dolabella and Fulvius. The capitol monuments, Cn. Cornelius Dolabella and Mar. Fulvius Nobilior. The same is to be seen in the life of Terence the poet, for there it is written, that in their year he died.   

596  

M. Aemylius.  
C. Popilius.   
THe Consuls next succeeding, were Marcus Aemylius and C. Popilius, as Cassiodorus faith. The Sicilian catalogue showeth Lepidus and Lenas'. The capitol records have M. Aemylius Lepidus and C. Popilius Laenas the second time. Of the same, Censorinus maketh mention on his chapter of distinction of ages.   

597  

Sex. julius.  
L. Aurelius.   
CAssiodorus reporteth, that the next Consuls were Sex. julius and L. Aurelius. The Sicilian and capitol tables yield surnames unto them, Caesar to julius, and Orestes to Aurelius. Pliny writeth of them in his 33 book.   

598  

L. Lentulus.  
C. Martius.   
OBsequens and Cassiodorus record for this years Consuls L. Lentulus and C. Martius. The Sicilian catalogue Lentulus and Fugulus. The capitol monuments, L. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus, and C. Martius Figulus the second time. Cicero in Brutus speaketh of them both. And as touching Figulus twice Consul, Valerius writeth in his chapter of Wrath.   

599  

P. Scipio Nasica.  
M. Claudius.   
PVblius Scipio and M. Claudius are by Cassiodorus set down for Coss. The Sicilian registers have Nasica and Marcelius. The capitol records, P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica the second time, and M. Claudius Marcillus likewise the second time. Paedianus writeth, that this Marcellus was thrice Consul. And that Pub. Scipio Nasica, surnamed also Corculum, was twice Consul and Censor besides, Cicero writeth in his Brutus.   

600  

L. Postumius.  
Q. Opimius.   
THis year had Consuls, Lu. Postumius and Qu. Opimius, as Cassiodorus & Obsequens do witness. The Sicilian tables show Opimius and Albinus. But the capitol records Q. Opimius, and Lu. Postumius Albinus. Mention there is made of this Qu. Opimius, Consul, by Cicero in his Brutus; also in the Epitome of the seven and fortieth book. Moreover, that Postumius died in his magistracy, besides Verrius Flaccus, Obsequens also showeth: in whose steed Manius Acilius Glabrio was chosen.   

601  

Q. Fulvius.  
T. Annius.   
THe Consuls next following, as Cassiodorus writeth, were Qu. Fulvius and T. Annius. In the capitol fragments they are named Nobilior and T. Annius. In the Sicilian registers, Nobilior and Luscus. Cicero in his Brutus saith, that Q. Nobilior son of Marcus, and T. Annius Luscus were Consuls. The Greek records and Cuspinians book show Nobilior & Luscus.   

602  

M. Marcellus.  
L. Valerius.   
THis year had for Consuls, M. Marcellus & L. Valerius as Cassiodorus witnesseth. The Sicilian catalogue representeth Marcellus and Flaccus. Obsequens exhibiteth unto us M. Claudius Marcellus and L. Valerius Flaccus. This Marcellus was thrice Consul, as Paedian saith upon the Oration for Scaurus, & Cicero in his book of divination and destinio.   

603  

L. Licinius Lucullus.  
A. Postumius Albinus.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls, L. Lucullus and Au. Postumius. The Sicilian tables, Lucullus & Albinus. The broken marbles of the capitol, Lucullus and Au. Postumius son of Aulus. Orosius and the Epitome 48. show L. Licinius Lucullus and A. Postumius Albinus. Cicero in his Brutus, and Lucullus both, maketh mention of the same.   

604  

T. Quintius.  
MY. Acilius.   
THis year had for Consuls, L. Quintius and MY. Acilius, as Cassiodorus testifieth, whom Pliny in his 7. book and 36 chap. calleth Caius Quintius and M. Acilius. Cicero in his book Cato, and the 12 book of his epistles to Atticus nameth T. Flaminius and MY. Acilius, & saith that they were created Consuls in the 19 year after the death of Ennius. The Sicilian tables have Flaminius and Balbus. The capitol fragments, Flamminius and M. Acilius Balbus.   

605  

L. Martius.  
MY. Manilius.   
CAssiodorus avoucheth for the Consuls of this year, L. Martius and MY. Manilius: likewise wise the 49 Epitome. Cicero in Lucullus maketh mention of Censorinus and MY. Manilius: of Censorinus and Manilius in his twelfth book of epistles to Articus. The same Consuls, Appianus in Libyea nameth L. Maritus Censorinus & MY. Manilius. In like sort Censorinus in his treatise of Nativity of Birthday. The Sicilian tables have Censorinus and Manilius. The Capitol fragments show Censorinus and MY. Manilius, son of Publius, nephew of Pub. Whiles these were Consuls, there arose a third war between the State of Rome and the Carthaginians, as Florus in the 49 Epitome, besides Verrius Flaccus do testify: likewise Solinus, but that he saith with Verrius Flaccus, that it was the year 64. Cicero also in his eleventh Philippicke, and lastly Eutropius, with Orosius.   

606  

Sp. Postumius.  
L. Piso.   
THen were Consuls created, Sp. Postumius and L. Piso, according to Cassiodorus and Obsequens. In the Capitol fragments they are named Albinus Magnus, and Lu. Calpurnius, son of Caius, nephew of Caius, surnamed Piso Casonius. In Cuspinians calendar, Mágnius and Caesonius, in the Sicilian catalogue Albius and Piso. As for Magnus and Albinus, they be the surnames of Postumius, like as Caesonius and Piso, of Calpurinius. In this year the people of Rome, entered into arms against Andriscus, otherwise termed Pseudo-philippus, which they call the third Macedonian war, after Florus and Eutropius.   

607  

P. Africanus.  
C. Livius.   
OBsequens and Cassiodorus set soorth for Consuls this year P. Africanus and Caius Livius. In the Sicilian catalogue they are registered Scipio and Drusus: in the capitol fragments Africanus AEmylianus, and C. Livius; the one son of M. Aemylianus, nephew of Marcus, the other surnamed Drusus. This Pub. Cornelius was the natural son of that Paulus that vanquished Perseus' king of the Macedonians, and adopted by P. Cornelius the son of Scipio Africanus. Whereupon he was called Pub. Cornelius, son of Publius, nephew of P. Scipio Africanus the younger, & AEmylianus, as Velleius and others do witness. His two last surnames are in the capitol records, out of which, the complete name of M. Livius Drusus, with his addition, was framed. Of these Consuls Cicero speaketh after: likewise Valerius, Paterculus, Appian, Plutarch, Florus, both Pliny's, Eutropius and Orosius.   

608  

C. Cornelius.  
L. Mummius.   
NExt Consuls following, were Cn. Cornelius and L. Mummius, as witnesseth Cassiodorus: and according to Orosius, Velieius, Censorinus, and Cicero in the thirteenth book of epistles to Atricus, Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Mummius they are named. In the Sicilian registers Lentulus and Mummius. In the fragments of the capitol, Lentulus and L. Mummius, nephew of Lucius. Lu. Mummius in this magistracy acquired the surname of Achaicus, upon a victory achieved by him in Achaea, as Plutarch in Marius, and Velleius do testify.   

609  

Q. Fabius Maximus.  
L. Hostilius.   
CAssiodorus this year delivereth unto us for Consuls, Q. Fabbius Maximus, together with L. Hostilius. Cicero in Laelius, and Pliny in his five and thirtieth book and fourth chapter, nameth them Qu. Maximus, brother of Scipio, and L. Mancinus. Of this Q. Fabius Maximus Aemylianus, Valerius writeth in his second book and first chapter. This Q. Fabius was the son of P. Aemylius, adopted by Q. Fab. Max. the son of Verrucosus, as Appianus writeth in Hispanensis: and therefore in the fragments of a capitol table there is to be seen the second surname Aemylianus. Pliny was deceived, who in his one & thirtieth book and eleventh chapter calleth him. Qu. Allobrogicus, brother of Scipio, who was the son of this Fabius.   

610  

Ser. Galba.  
L. Aurelius.   
THis year had for Consuls, Ser. Galba and Lu. Aurelius, according to Cassiodorus: those, Valerius in his sixth book nameth Serv, Sulpitius Galba, and Lu. Aurelius Cotta, whom the Sicilian catalogue showeth under the bare names of Galba and Cotta. But the capitol fragments have Galba and L. Valerius Cotta. This is that Sulpitius Galba, who being Praetor, as Suetonius writeth, stirred up the war before against Viriatus, for he was a vehement Orator, of whom Cicero speaketh many times. And as for L. Cotta, he it was whom afterwards being accused by Africanus, Qu. Metellus Macedonicus defended. Cicero in Brutus, for Murena and against Verres, maketh mention of him. Likewise Frontinus of them both, in his first book of water-conduits.   

611  

App. Claudius.  
Q. Metellus.   
CAssiodorus nameth for this years Consuls Appius Claudius and Q. Metellus. Orosius, App. Claudius and Qu. Caecilius Metellus. The Sicilian registers have Claudius and Metellus. The capitol fragments show Pulober and Q. Caecilius Macedonians. Of the same, Frontinus speaketh in his book of water-conduits, and Valerius in his seventh book. Now this Metellus is he who being praetor subdued the Macedonians and Achaeans, whereupon he was surnamed Macedonicus: whom Pliny 7 book showeth to be the son of Lu. and nephew of Quin.   

612  

L. Metellus.  
Q. Maximus.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls, Lu. Metellus and Q. Maximus. The Sicilian records Metellus and Maximus. Orosius, L. Caecilius Metellius and Q. Fabius Maximus Servilianus. In like manner the capitol fragments Calvus & Servilianus. The Servilianus is the brother german of Quintus Servilius Capio, the Consul two years after (as witnesseth Appian) and the adopted son of Q. Fabius Aemylianus; for they were both adopted by Q. Fabius Max. the son of Verrocosus, the one out of the house Aemylia, the other of Servilia, L. Metellus is the brother of Q. Metellus Macedonicus, as writeth Valerius in his treatise of Witnesses.   

613  

Cn. Capio.  
Q. Pompeius.   
CNeus Caepio and Q. Pompeius are recounted Consuls by Cassiodorus. Velletius in his second book saith thus: Whether there were two or three houses of the Pompey's, the first of that name was Consul with ACn. Servilius. Of this Q. Pompeius, Cicero maketh mention oftentimes, writing that he was of base and obscure parentage. Him Valerius in his chapter of witnesses nameth Ausidus, but corruptly through the fault of the copiers, in steed of Au. F. i. the son of Aulus. In the same fort Appianus in Hispanensis nameth him Qu. Pompeius Aulus for A. Filius. Cicero in his Orations against Verres, and in that for Fonteius, Valerius also in his chapter of Witnesses, showeth that there were two brethren named Cneus and Quintus, both Servilij Capiones.   

614  

Q. Caepio.  
C. Laelius.   
AFter this were Consuls made, Qu. Caepio and C. Laelius, my authors are Cassiodorus and Obsequens, together with the Sicilian tables, and Frontinus in his treatise of Water-conduits. This Laelius as Cicero in his eleventh Philippicke, and Velleius do report, was the son of Laelius the Consul, anno 564, whom as Cicero in his second book of Duties and in Laelius, was the first that was surnamed Wise, whereof Plutarch in Gracchi yieldeth a reason.   

615  

Cn. Piso.  
M. Popilius.   
CAssiodorus showeth for this years Consuls, Cn. Piso with M. Popilius. Appianus and the Epitomist have M. Popilius Laenas: but they be named M. Popilius Laenas and L. Calpurnius by Valerius in his first book, writing thus, That Cornelius Hispalus, lord cheese justice for strangers, when M. Popilius Laenas & L. Caelpurnius were Consuls, by an edict commanded all the Chaldaean [Astrologers] to depart out of Rome and Italy within ten days next ensuing.   

616  

P. Scipio.  
D. Brutus.   
PVblius Scipio and D. Brutus are named for this years Coss. by Cassiodorus. Florus in his 55 Epitome; P. Cornelius Nasica (surnamed Serapion in mockery by C. Curiatius a Trib. of the Com.) & D. junius Brutus Coss, levied and mustered soldiers, etc. This Scipio was son of that Nasica who was surnamed Corculius, and twice was he Consul and Censoralso, nephew to that Nasica, who by the Senate was deemed the best man in the city, and father to him that warred upon jugurtha, as Velleius saith. This Decius Brutus, Cicero in his Brutus calleth the son of Marcus, who bore the Consulship in the year five hundred ninety seven, and in the capitol tables is called Pennus. Moreover, of these Consuls Cicero speaketh very oft. Valerius also in his 3 book, chap. 7.5 book, chap. 3. 9. book, chap. 15: Likewise Pliny in his 21 book, and lastly Frontinus.   

617  

M. Aemylius.  
C. Hostilius Mancinus.   
CAssiodorus and Obsequens match together in the Consulship this year, M. Aemylius, and C. Hostilius Mancinus. The Sicilian registers Lepidus and Mancinus. Orosius & Appian, M. Aemylius Lepidus and C. Hostilius Mancinus. Of this Consul Mancinus there remain yet some tokens to be seen in broken marbles of the capitol. Cicero maketh mention oftentime of Lepidus, as well in other places as in Brutus. Likewise Valerius, Florus, Paterculus, and Pliny in his treatise of Famous men.   

618  

P. Furius.  
Sex. Atillius Serranus.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls, P. Furius and Sex. Atilius Serronus. Cicero in his third book of Duties, L. Furius and Sex. Atilius. Obsequens, L. Furius & Atilius Serranus. The Sicilian registers Philus and Serranus. Of this Furius, Cicero writeth thus in his Brutus; Lu. Furius Philus, was reputed for a man of very good language, and to have spoken more learnedly than others. In the capitol fragments there appeareth yet some show of Serranus the Consul.   

619  

Ser. Fulvius.  
C. Calpurnius.   
THe next Consuls are set down by Cassiodorus and Obsequens, Ser. Fulvius and Q. Calpurnius. The Sicilian catalogue hath Flaccus and Piso. Orosius nameth Servius Fulvius Flaccus and Qu. Calpurnius Piso. The capitol fragments show Piso: as for Fulvius Flaccus the Consul, mention there is made of him in the Epitome 36: Appian also in his Illyrica speak of him, and in Hispanensis of Calpurnius Piso.   

620  

P. Africanus.  
C. Fulvius Flaccus.   
THe year following had P. Africanus and C. Fulvius Flaccus for Coss. as it is written in Cassiodorus and Obsequens. But Scipio and Flaccus, in the Sicilian catalogue. The same Flaccus the Capitol fragments do show. Of this C. Fulvius, mention there is made also in the 56 Epitome: and of Africanus twice Consul, by Appian in Hispanensis, by Orosius, Florus, and Valerius in his eight book.   

621  

P. Mucius.  
L. Calpurnius.   
THis year had Consuls, P. Mucius, and Lu. Calpurnius, as witnesseth Cassiodorus. The Sicilian registers show Scaevola and Calpurnius. Valleius nameth P. Mucius Scaevola and L. Calpurnius. Of these Consuls Paedianus upon the Orations against Verres, maketh mention in these words: Scaevola a right learned man in the laws was Consul with L. Piso, that year wherein Tab. Gracchus was killed. In the broken marbles of the capitol he standeth by the name of L. Calpurnius Piso, surnamed also Frugi, & that truly. For Cicero in one Oration against Verres and in another for Fonteius writeth, that he was the first of the Pisones, called Frugi. This man, when he was Tribune or Provost of the Commons, made a law against the extortion of magistrates, when Martius & Manilius were Consuls: he wrote also the annaples of Rome, as Cicero testifieth in his book Brutus.   

622  

P. Popilius.  
P. Rupilius.   
AGainst this year were Consuls created, as Cassiodorus writeth, P. Popilius and P. Rupilius: after the Sicilian records Laenus and Rupilius, Cicero maketh mention of them in his thirteenth book of epistles to Atticus, and against Verres. Also in the capitol fragments we read of P. popilius, son of Caius, and P. Rupilius son of P. and nephew of Publius. Velleius in his second book, nameth the Consuls Rupilius and Popilius. Cicero in Laelius speaketh of Rupilius and Laenas. And of P. Rupilius there is mention made in the epitome or breviary 59   

623  

P. Crassus.  
L. Valerius.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls this year, Pub. Crassus and Lu. Valerius. Crassus and Flaccus the Sicilian catalogue. L. Valerius Flaccus and Pub. Licinius Crassus, according to Cicero in his eleventh Philippicke against Antony. Of this Consul Pub. Licinius Crassus, all they have spoken, who wrote of the war of Aristonicus. This P. Crassus surnamed Dives, by Cicero in his books of a perfect Orator, and in Brutus is called the brother of Scevola: Whereupon Velleius in his second book nameth him Mutianus, betokening thereby that he was adopted out of the house of Mutij into the family of the Crassis. This man Gellius writeth in his first book and three and twentieth chapter, to have been of all others the richest man, the noblest parsonage, and the most eloquent Orator, the deepest lawyer, and the supreme bishop withal.   

624  

C. Claudius.  
M. Perpenna.   
Appius' Claudius and M. Perpenna are matched in the Consulate together this year by Obsequens and Cassiodorus. Cuspinians book and the Greek records, show Lentulus and Perpenna. This Claudius haply was adopted into the family of the Corneij. Moreover Cicero in his third book of Laws, and in the Oration for Plancius, calleth this man C. Claudius. This also is confirmed by an old table of stone commonly known, wherein is to be seen this inscription, C. Claudio and M. Perpenna Coss. Which evidence Sigonius and Onuphrius following, named him C. Claudius and not Appius. Of this M. Perpenna as many as wrote the war of Aristonicus, have made mention, and namely, Valerius in his 3 book and 4 chap. Valleius, Strabo, Orosius, & Eutropius.   

625  

C. Sempronius.  
M. Aquilius.   
THis year had Consuls, M. Aquilius and C. Sempronius, as witnesseth Cassiodorus. But Aquilius and Tuditanus according to the Sicilian registers, C. Sempronius Tuditanus, and M. Aquilius, after Orosius. Cicero speaketh of them in his book of the nature of gods, and to his brother Quintus. Paterculus also in his second book. Strabo in his 14 book. Appian in his first book. And both of them are taken out of the triumph records in the capitol.   

626  

Cn. Octavius.  
T. Annius.   
NExt followed as Consuls Cn. Octavius and T. Annius, as Cassiodorus testifieth and none but he. For Cuspinians book and the Sicilian catalogue have Octavius and Rufus. Plutarch also writeth, that one T. Annius contended with Tib. Gracchus in a sedition. As for this Cn. Octavius, son he was to that Cneus who was Consul in the year five hundred eighty nine.   

627  

L. Cassius.  
L. Cinna.   
CAssiodorus nameth for this years Consuls, L. Cassius and L. Cinna. The Sicilian records Longinus and Cinna. Cuspinians books set out Rulla, corruptly for Ravilla, and Cinna. This L. Cassius was his son who bore the Consulship in the year five hundred & ninety, and he was afterwards Censor in the year 629 surnamed Ravilla by Frontius.   

628  

M. Aemylius.  
L. Aurelius.   
CAssiodorus & Obsequens reckon for Coss. this year, Mar. Aemylius and Lu. Aurelius. The Sicilian catalogue showeth Lepidus and Orestes. Censorinus hath M. Aemylius Lepidus, and L. Aurelius Orestes. Cicero in Brutus, Mar. Lepidus, and L. Orestes.   

629  

M. Plautius.  
M. Fulvius.   
CAssiodorus and Obsequens avouch Consuls this year, M. Plautius and M. Fulvius. The Sicilian registers, Hypseus & Flaccus. Orosius and Frontinus in his treatise of Water-conduits, M. Plautius Hypseus and Mar. Fulvius Flaccus. Valerius also in his discourse of Pride maketh mention of them.   

630  

C. Cassius Longinus.  
C. Sextius.   
CAssiodorus and Obsequens report, that the Consuls following were C. Cassius Longinus, & C. Sextius. The Sicilian catalogue showeth Longinus and Calvinus. Velleius writeth, that the colony Fabrateria was planted by Cassius and Calvinus. Cicero in Brutus speaketh of C. Sextius Calvinus. Eutropius declareth for Consuls, C. Cassius Longinus, and Sextus Domitius Calvinus, not without suspicion of a fault or error.   

631  

Q. Cacilius.  
T. Quintius.   
CAssiodorus nominateth for Consuls this year, Q. Cacilius and T. Quintius. The Sicilian records Metellus and Flaminius. Eutropius and Orosius, Q. Caecilius Metellus and Titus Quintius Flaminius. Cicero in his Oration pleading for his house, calleth them T. Flaminius and Q. Metellus. This Qu. Metellus was the eldest of the four sons of Macedonicus, whom Plutarch in his treatise of the Romans fortune, calleth Q. Metellus Balearicus, of the Baleares whom in this magistracy he conquered.   

632  

Cn. Domitius.  
C. Fannius.   
CAssiodorus and Obsequens join in fellowship of the Consulate this year, Cn. Domitius and C. Fannius. The Sicilian records, Aenobarbus and Fannius. Cicero writeth of them in his Brutus, and Pliny in his second book and two and thirtieth chapter. Three moons (qd: he) appeared when Cn. Domitius and C. Fannius were Coss. which most men called the night-mares.   

633  

L. Opimius. Q. Maximus.   
THis year had for Consuls, Lu. Opimius & Q. Maximus, as witnesseth Cassiodorus. The Sicilian catalogue showeth Opimius and Maximus. But Obsequens, L. Opimius and Qu. Fabius Maximus. Pliny speaketh of them in his second book, saying, About the sun there appeared an arch or bow, when L. Opinius and Q. Fabius were Consuls. This Qu. Fabius Maximus is by Cicero in Brutus, Florus in his Epitome, Velleius in his 2 books, and Paedianus upon the Orations against Verres, rightly named the nephew of Paulus, and son of Fabius Aemylianus. And so may Strabo, Appian, and Pliny be well reproved, for making him and his father Aemylianus, all one. The same man, as Cicero and Pliny testify, was surnamed Allobrogicus, upon a victory over the Allobroges. Of this Lucius Opimius' Consul, after whose name there was a wine called Opimianum, Pliny maketh mention in his fourteenth book and fourth chap. Plutarch also in C. Gracchus, and Velleius in his second book.   

634  

P. Manlius.  
C. Papyrius.   
CAssiodorus insereth for this years Consuls, P. Manlius and C. Papyrius. The Sicilian records Manlius and Carbo. This is that Caisis Papyrius Carbo, who being a Tribune of the Commons when Claudius and Perpenna were Coss. was afterwards by C. Gracchus appointed for one of the Triumvirs to divide lands: who first took part with the Commons, but afterwards ranged with the nobility: of whom Cicero in many other places, and namely in his second book of a perfect Orator, maketh mention.   

635  

L. Cacilius.  
L. Aurelius.   
CAssiodorus and Obsequens put down for Consuls, Lucius Caecilius and Lu. Aurelius. The Sicilian catalogue, Metellus and Cotta. Plutarch in Marius speaketh of Caecilius Metellus and Cotta, Consuls. Which Marius he writeth to have borne the Tribuneship of the Commons, when these were Consuls, and to have cast Metellus the Consul into prison. This is that Cotta, in whose consulat room Velleius reporteth, that C. Caesar Flamen of jupiter, was created.   

636  

M. Cato.  
Q. Martius.   
THis year had for Consuls Mar. Cato and Q. Martius: witness Cassiodorus and Obsequens. Cato and Martius, according to the Sicilian registers. But Eutropius nameth them M. Porcius Cato and Q. Martius. Valerius speaketh of them in his first book, and Pliny in his second book and one and thirtieth chap. Gelleius also in his 13 book and 19 chapter.   

637  

L. Lucilius.  
Q. Mutius.   
Consul's next ensuring by Cassiodorus his saying, were L. Caecilius and Q. Mutius. After the Sicilian registers, Metellus and Scaevola, if ye go by Eutropius, L. Caecilius Metellus and Q. Mutius Scaevola. Now is this that L. Caecilius Metellus, who afterwards upon subduing the Dalmatians, was surnamed Dalmaticus, whom Plutarch in Coriolanus and in his book of the Roman fortune, nameth Diadematus, for that a long time he bound up his forehead with a frontlet or wreath which they call a diadem, to hide an ulcer that he had there. Hereupon, when Pompeius bound up his leg with a white band or garter, It makes no matter qd. Favonius, in what part of the body a man weareth the diadem: upbraiding and reproaching him for his king like power, in terming a small clout or piece of cloth by that name. This is that Q. Mutius Scaevola the Augur, of whom Cicero in his book Laelius, and in the first book of an Orator maketh mention.   

638  

C. Licinius Geta.  
Q. Maximus.   
CAssiodorus coupleth together in society of Consulship this year, C. Litinius and Qu. Maximus. The Sicilian registers name them Geta and Eburinus. Of this Q. Maximus Cicero speaketh in his Oration for Muraena. That this man was of the house of the Fabiuses, his surname Eburinus showeth, of whom writeth Festus in this manner: Qu. Fabius was called Pullus jovis, surnamed Eburivus, of whiteness, for that his buttock was blasted with lightning. Quintilian in his third Declamation reporteth, that this Fabius Eburinus had a son unchaste of his body, whom he examined at home in his house, and thereupon put him to death. The same man Valerius calleth Qu. Fabius Servilianus. As for the name of this Licinius his father, obscure and unknown heretofore, Goltzius out of an old antiquity of coin hath restored it, wherein as he saith, was written plainly, C. Licinius Geta, son of Publius.   

639  

M. Metellus.  
M. Scaurus.   
THe Consuls next following by Cassiodorus his report, were Mar Metellus and M. Scaurus. As for Metellus, the third son he was of Macedonicus. But as touching M. Scaurus, whom the writer of the book entitled of Famous persons, calleth M. Aemylius, Scauras, thus writeth Paedianus; M. Scaurus (quoth he) was a Patrician indeed and of noble blood, but so, as the gentric of his house, for those descents before him lay obscure, for neither father, nor grandsire, by reason of their poor estate, and for want of putting forth themselves in the world, attained to dignity in weal public. Moreover, of him Cicero maketh mention oftentimes in his Oration for Murena and in Brutus. Valerius also in his fifth book and eight chapter, and Pliny likewise in his second book and six and thirtieth chapter.   

640  

MY. Acilius Balbus.  
C. Cato.   
CAssiodorus setteth down for Consuls this year, M. Atilius Balbus, and C. Cato. The Sicilian catalogue Balbus and Cato. Obsequens M. Acilius and C. Portius. Of the same Consuls Pliny speaketh in the 2 book, chap. 29 and 58. Plutarch in Marius giveth to Acilius the forename Manius. This C. Cato is the brother of that M. Cato, who four years before was Consul, nephew to M. Cato Censorinus, & Africanus sisters son as saith Velleius, Cicero against Verres, and in Brutus.   

641  

C. Caeilius.  
Cn. Papyrius.   
CAssiodorus and Obsequens set down for next Consuls, C. Caecilius and Cn. Papyrius. The Sicilian registers Metellus and Carbo. Eutropius, C. Caecilius Metellus, & Cn. Carbo. The same men Tacitus in his book of the manners of Germans reported to have borne the Consulship, anno 640 after the foundation of Rome: in which year, both he and Obsequens do report, that the people of Rome began first to war with the Cimbrians and the Teutones. This C. Metellus was the fourth son of C. Metellus the son of Macedonicus: whom when he died, he left a man of praetors calling, and in suit and election for to be Consul. This man got a surname by way of reproach, as Cicero testifieth in his second book of a perfect Orator. Now surnamed was he Capriarus, as Plutarch saith in the Life of the Romans.   

642  

M. Livius Drusus.  
L. Piso.   
CAssiodorus exhibiteth unto us for this years Consuls, M. Livius Drusus and L. Piso. The Sicilian catalogue Drusus and Piso. L. Piso surnamed Caesonius a man of Consular degree, was slain after by the Tigurines, when Lu. Cassius was Consul, as Orosius testifieth.   

643  

P. Scipio.  
L. Calpurnius Bestia.   
CAssiodorus nameth this year for Consuls, P. Scipio and L. Calpurnius Bestia. The Sicilian records Nasica and Bestia. Obsequens, Pub. Scipio and L. Calpurnius. Sallust, Eutropius, and Orosius, P. Scipio Nasica and L. Capurnius Bestia. Of these Consuls, P. Nasica Scipio & L. Bestia, Valerius likewise maketh report, lib. 1. cap. 6. Moreover, Cicero in his Brutus writeth, that P. Scipio the son of Pub. Scipio surnamed Serapion and fellow Consul to L. Bestia, died in his Consulship. Of this Bestia there is some mention to be seen in a capitol fragment.   

644  

Sp. Postumius.  
M. Minutius.   
CAssiodorus setteth down for Consuls, Sp. Postumius and M. Minutius. The Sicilian registers Albinus and Rufus. Sallust, Sp. Albinus and Q. Minutius Rufus. Of M. Minustius, Velleius and the threescore and seventh Epitome make mention.   

645  

Q. Metellus.  
M. Silanus.   
CAssiodorus saith that the Consuls next following were Q. Metellus and M. Silanus. The Sicilian catalogue showeth Metellus and Silanus. Paedianus and Eutropius, Qu. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus, and M. junius Silanus. Of them also Cicero speaketh in Brutus. This Metellus was surnamed Numidius for the conquest of Numidia, as witnesseth Velleius.   

646  

Ser. Galba.  
M. Scaurus.   
CAssiodorus and Obsequens deliver for the Consuls of this year, Servius Galba and M. Scaurus. The Sicilian evidences, Sulpitius and Scaurus. Cicero in the Oration for Rabirius, saith that Servius Galba was a man of Consular degree, when Marius was the sixth time Consul. Of M. Scaurus the Consul, Velleius and Tacitus make mention. This is that Mar. Aurelius Scaurus, who being afterwards in embassage was by the Cimbrians murdered, as appeareth in the threescore and seventh Epitome.   

647  

L. Cassius.  
C. Marius.   
CAssiodorus joineth in the Consulship this year, L. Cassius and C. Marius: Cuspinians book and the Sicilian records, Longinus and Marius. Pliny also maketh mention of them in his tenth book and thirteenth chap. Cicero in his Oration for Plancius: Plutarch in Marius; and Cicero again in his third book of Duties, writeth, that C. Marius having taken the repulse twice for the office of Aedileship, was created Consul.   

648  

Q. Servilius Caepio.  
C. Atilius.   
OBsequens and Cassiodorus match Consuls together this year, Q. Servilius Caepio and C. Atilius Serranus. The Sicilian monuments Caepio and Servilius. In this year upon the third day of januarie Mar. Tullus Cicero was borne, as Gellius in his fifteenth book and eight and twentieth chapter hath left written. Much mention there is made of these Consuls in Cicero and other ancient writers.   

649  

P. Rusilius Rusus.  
C. Manilius.   
PVblius Rutilius Rufus and C. Manilius, are put down by Obsequens and Cassiodorus for this years Consuls. This P. Rutilius, Cicero in Brutus, calleth the son of Marcus. About the other Consul the Annals do vary and disagree; some forename him C. others Cneus. Some name him M. Manlius, others Mallius or Manilius. But all this controversy is decided by an old antiquity in stone at Puteoli: the inscription whereof testifieth that P. Ratilius and Cn. Mallius were Consuls; as also the evidence of the Sicilian registers, wherein written it is Rufus and Mallius. Of this Mallius, mention there is made in Cicero's Orations for Plancius and Muraena: likewise in Valerius, Sallust, Tacirus, Elorus, Eutropius and Orosius. That he was not only a base man and of low birth, but also without all virtue and wit, in the course of his life also vile and contemptible, Cicero writeth in his Oration for Plancius. Whereby it easily appeareth, that the Mallij were a kindred different from the Manlij. For of Cn. Manlius a Patrician, and that of a most noble house, Cicero would never have spoken in such terms.   

650  

C. Marius. II.  
C. Flavius Fimbria.   
THe next Consuls are set down by Cassiodorus, C. Marius the second time, and C. Flavius Fibria: by Obsequens, C. Marius and C. Flavius. By the Sicilian registers Marius and Fimbria: by Paedianus upon the Oration for Cornelius, C. Marius the second time, and C. Fimbria; Item, C. Marius and Caius Flavius. Besides, Cicero, Velleius, Valerius, Plutarch, and others speak often of these Coss.   

651  

C. Marius. III.  
L. Aurelius Orestes.   
CAssiodorus reporteth for this years Consuls, C. Marius the third time, and L. Aurelius Orestes. The Sicilian catalogue Marius and Orestes. Moreover, Marius even in his absence was elected Consul the third time, for fear of the Cimbrian war which was differed, as Velleius, Eutropius, the breviary, and Cicero in his Oration concerning provinces, do testify.   

652  

C. Marius. four  
Q. Lutatius.   
NExt after them are put down for Consuls by Cassiodorus and Obsequent, C. Marius the fourth time, and Q. Lutalius. The Sicilian registers exhibit unto us Marius and Catulus. Plutarch and Eutropius, Caius Marius the fourth time, and Q. Lutatius Catulus. Of these Consuls, Cicero and Pliny oftentimes make mention.   

653  

C. Marius.  
V. MY. aquilius.   
THen succeeded in the Consulship by the testimony of Cassiodorus, C. Marius the fifth time, and MY. aquilius. Of this C. Marius five times now Consul, Plutarch and Florus give report. And Cicero in his second book of a perfect Orator, nameth MY. Aquilius for the companion of C. Marius in his fifth Consulship. Of whom Plutarch in Marius speaketh, and calleth him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as also Appian in Mithridatica. Now this Manius aquilius a Consular man, is the same, who afterwards being an ambassador, was by king Mithridates taken prisoner, and most villanoustly tormented and mangled.   

654  

C. Marius VI.  
L. Valerius Flaccus.   
CAssiodorus and Obsequens show unto us for this years Consuls, C. Marius the sixth time, and Lu. Valerius Flaccus. The Sicilian records, Marius and Flaccus. This L. Flaccus (afterwards Censor) was Precedent of the Senate, and master of the horsemen under Sylla dictator. Of these Consuls Cicero speaketh very often, and namely in his Brutus, in his oration for Rabirius, against Catiline and Antony; and also in the defence of Plancius. Pliny likewise in his second book, Velleius, and Paedianus upon the oration against Piso. Moreover, Plutarch, and many authors besides. In this year (upon the twelfth day of july, then called Quintilis, as Macrobius witnesseth) was C. Caesar borne, who afterwards was surnamed dictator.   

655  

M. Antonius.  
A. Postumius.   
REported it is by Cassiodorus and Obsequens, that M. Antonius and A. Postumius were Consuls this year. The Sicilian registers, show Albinus and Antonius. In a fragment also of the capitol marbles, mention there is of Au. Postumius. Cuspinians book and the Greek records, have Antonius and Albinus. Of these Consuls, Cicero speaketh in his oration to the citizens of Rome, after his return out of exile. Likewise Pliny in his 8 book and 7 chapter, where he noteth this the 655 year. Also Gellius in his 4 book and 6 chap.   

656  

Q. Metellus.  
T. Didius.   
QVintus Metellus and T. Didius succeeded Consuls next in this year, as Cassiodorus and Obsequens do write. And Paedianus upon the oration for Cornelius, nameth them: Curio (saith he) accused Q. Mettellus Nepos, son of Balearicus, and nephew of Macedonicus, who was Consul with P. Didius. Cicero speaketh of the same man in his oration after his return.   

657  

Cn. Lentulus.  
P. Crassus.   
NOt only Cassiodorus, but the Sicilian registers also, do testify, that Cn. Lentulus and P. Crassus were Consuls this year: and Obsequens nameth them, Cn. Cornelius and P. Licinius. Pliny writeth of them in his tenth book and first chapter: also in his 33 book and second chapter.   

658  

Cn. Domitius.  
C. Cassius.   
THis year had for Consuls, Cn. Domitius and C. Cassius, as Cassiodorus and Obsequens do witness. Cuspinians annals and the Greek registers, show Aenobarbus and Longius. A fragment of Verrius Flaccus his marbles, Aenobarbus and C. Cassius' son of Lucius. Paedianus speaketh of them upon the oration for Cornelius.   

659  

L. Crassus.  
Q. Scaevola.   
LVcius Crassus and Q. Scaevola were Consuls next following, according to Cassiodorus and Obsequens. In a fragment of the capitol records as touching Consuls, is to be seen Crassus and Mattius. In Censorinus, we find Lu. Licinius son of Lucius. C●c. in his Brutus writeth, that Crassus the orator bore all dignities of magistracy, together with Scaevola the highpriest, except the Tribunat of commons and the Censorship: also that whiles they two were Consuls, Q. Hortensius pleaded the first cause that ever he undertook, at the bar. Paedianus upon the oration of Cicero for Cornelius, maketh mention of L. Licinius Crassus the Orator, and Q. Matius Scevola the archbishop, an orator besides and a professed lawyer, both Consuls, together.   

660  

C. Caelius.  
L. Domitius.   
Cassiodorus and Obsequens declare for this years Consuls, C. Caelius and ●. Domitius. The Sicilian registers, Caldus and Aenbarbu●. In a capitol fragment, they are Caldus and Lu. Domitius son of Cn. As for Caldus, it is the surname of Caelius. For Velleius maketh mention of one Caelius Caldus, under Augustus. In like manner Cicero in his book entitled, The suing for a Consulship, and in his oration for Muraena. Also Paedianus upon the Oration for Cornelius. Again, Cicero in his Brutus, nameth them next before Herrennius.   

661  

C. Valerius Flaccus.  
M. Herennius.   
THere are matched by Cassiodorus and Obsequens for Consuls this year, C. Valerius Flaccus and Mar. Herennius. The Sicilian records, Flaccus and Herennius. A broken stone of the capitol, hath Flaccus and M. Herennius. Plinius in his 29 book and 3 chapter; Cicero also in his Oration for Muraena, and in Brutus, speaketh of them.   

662  

C. Claudius Pulcher.  
M. Perpenna.   
Consul's this year, were C. Claudius Pulcher, and M. Perpenna, as witness Cassiodorus and Obsequens. Likewise in a capitol broken monument, and in the Sicilian register, it is Pulcher and M. Perpenna. Cicero maketh mention of this Claudius as Praetor of Sicily, in the fourth Oration against Verres: and as Aedile Curule, in his second book of Offices. So doth Pliny in his 8 book.   

663  

L. Martius.  
Sext. julius.   
CAssiodorus and Obsequens name for Consuls this year, L. Martius and Sext. julius. The Sicilian records, Philip and Caesar. Eutropius and Orosius, Sex. julius Caesar, and L. Martius Philippus. A capitol fragment, Philip and Sex. julius, son of Caius. Pliny speaketh of them in his 2 book 8 chapter: also in the 33 book and 3 chapter. In like manner Cic. many times, and Valerius.   

664  

L. julius Caesar.  
P. Rutilius Lupus.   
ACcording to Cassiodorus and Obsequens, the Consuls this year, were L. julius Caesar, and P. Rutilius Lupus. And so it is in Paedianus, Velleius, and the 73 Epitome: as also in other authors who have written of the Marsian war. In a fragment of the capitol, they are seen written, Caesar, and P. Rutilius son of Rusus. In the Sicilian records, Caesar and Lupus. Cicero in his book of Divination, speaketh of them both: and in his oration for Plancius he writeth, that L. Caesar missing of an Aedileship, became a Consul.   

665  

L. Portius.  
Cn. Pompeius.   
CAssiodorus setteth down for Consuls this year, L. Portius and Cn. Pompeius. Paedianus upon the Oration for Cornelius, surnameth Cn. Pompeius, Strabo; and L. Porcius, Cato. The capitol fragment show no more but Strabo and Cato. Appius hath made mention of these Consuls: so have Orosius and others that have penned the Marsian war. This Cn. Pompeius was father to that Cn. Pompeius the Great: as Appianus witnesseth, and Paedian upon the oration against Piso.   

666  

L. Sylla.  
Q. Pompeius.   
CAssiodorus showeth for this years Consuls, L. Sylla and Q. Pompeius: and the same is written in Obsequens, Velleius, Eutropius, Orosius, Appian, Plutarch, and others. The Sicilian records, have Sylla and Rutilus. Sylla, after his victory in the civil war, would needs have himself surnamed Foelix: and therefore Paedian and the avouchers of the capitol monuments, in reporting this consulate, write thus; L. Silvius, who afterwards was called Foelix. The same man in his second Consulship, (which appeareth upon record in the capitol) is named the son of Lucius, and nephew of Publius. Moreover, of Q. Pompeius Rufus, Cicero maketh mention in his Brutus.   

667  

L. Cornelius Cinna.  
Cn. Octavius.   
REported there are by Cassiodorus and the Sicilian registers for Consuls this year, L. Cinna and Cn. Octavius. Appian, Velleius, and the rest, who have recorded the history of this time, name them L. Cornelius Cinna, and Cn. Octavius. Plutarch writeth, that L. Cinna, being of the adverse faction to L. Silvius, was by him made Consul, upon condition, that he should not cross nor stand against the proceeding of the said Lu. Silvius: and so soon as he was entered into place of government, he began to trouble and disquiet the present state of the commonweal, yea and intended an action against Silvius, by the means of Virginius a Tribune of the commons. Howbeit Silvius contemning Virginius, made an expedition against Mithridates.   

668  

L. Cinna II.  
C. Marius VII.   
AFter this, were Consuls, C. Marius the seventh time, and L. Cinna the second time, according to the records of Sicily, Cassiodorus, and those that wrote of the civil war. Plutarch saith, that Marius was the first man that was seven times Consul of Rome. Moreover, as it is to be read in Appian, and in the Breviaries, L. Cinna and C. Marius, without any lawful assembly for Election, declared themselves Consuls against this year, and the very same day that they entered into their magistracy, Marius commanded Sext. Licinius a Senator, to be thrown down from the rock Tarpeia: who, after he had committed many heinous crimes and outrages, ended his days upon the Ides of januarie: in whose room was subordained, Lu. Valerius Flaccus, even he (as men think) who beforetime was colleague to Caius Marius in his sixth Consulship: of whom Cicero maketh mention in his oration for his son Flaccus.   

669  

L. Cinna III.  
Cn. Papirius.   
CAssiodorus witnesseth, that the Consuls succeeding in this year, were L. Cinna the third time, and Cn. Papirius. The Sicilian records, have Cinna and Carbo. In the 83 breviary it is written, that Lu. Cinna and Cn. Papirius Carbo, for two years together usurped the Consulate. Also in the book entitled, Of famous persons, we read that Cinna made himself Consul a second and third time. Of these Consuls Plutarch speaketh in Silvius, Appian in Mithridatica, and in the first book of civil wars.   

670  

L. Cinna IV.  
Cn. Papirius II.   
NExt were Consuls, after Cassiodorus and the Epitomist, Lu. Cinna the fourth time, and Cn. Papirius the second time. Cicero in his Tusculane questions mentioneth Cinna four times Consul: so doth Suetonius in Caesar. And of Cn. Papirius Carbo twice Consul, the capitol tables do yield testimony. As for the Sicilian records, they put down for Consul, (not without suspicion of error) Carbo and Scribonius.   

671  

L. Scipio.  
C. Norbanus.   
BEsides the Sicilian tables, Cassiodorus, Obsequens, Appius, Eutropius, Florus, and Tacitus in his nineteenth book do witness, that Lucius Scipio, and Caius Norbanus were Consuls. In the capitol fragments it is written, Lucius Cornelius son of Lucius, nephew of L. Scipio Asiaticus.   

672  

C. Marius.  
Cn. Carbo III.   
I Find in Cassiodorus, Appianus, Velleius, and others, the next Consuls to have been, C. Marius and Cn. Carbo the third time. This C. Marius was the brother's son of C. Marius seven times Consul, according to Appian: but Velleius, Paterculus, Plutarch, Eutropius, and others, say, that he was the son of that C. Marius: and haply indeed he was adopted by C. Marius. Certes in the capitol tables, he is called C. Marius, son of C. and nephew of Caius. Cicero speaketh of these Coss. against Rullus: Pliny also in his seventh book, and they who have set down in writing the civil wars of Sylla.   

673  

MY. Tullius.  
Cn. Dolabella.   
NExt to those, Cassiodorus bringeth in for Consuls, MY. Tull●us and Cn. Dolabella. The Sicilian records, have Decula and Dolabella. Appian also reporteth, that Sylia dictator, to the end that the state and commonweal might seem to retain some show yet of her ancient dignity, permitted MY. Tullius and Cornelius Dolabella to be created Consuls, whiles himself after the manner of K. sat aloft in a throne above them. Cicero in his oration against Rullus, and Gellius in his 15 book and 33 chap. maketh mention of MY. Tullius and Cn. Cornelius Consuls. In a capitol fragment, this MY. Tullius, son of M. nephew of A. is surnamed Decula.   

674  

L. Silvius II.  
Q. Metellus.   
CAssiodorus and the Sicilian registers, set down for Consuls, Lu. Sylla the second time, and Q. Metellus. Appius saith moreover, that Sylla, dictator though he was, yet stood content and willing to be declared Consul with Q. Metellus Pius, to the end that the commonweal might seem to have some likeness yet of a free state. Of these Consuls, Cic. maketh mention in his Orations against Verres, and elsewhere. Gellius likewise in his 15 book & 28 chapter, together with Cassiodorus. This Merellas was surnamed Pius. He it is, who was by lot appointed to manage the wars in Spain and against Sertorius; and son he was to Numidicus.   

675  

P. Servilius.  
App. Claudius.   
THe next Consuls, were P. Servilius and Ap. Claudius, as witnesseth Cassiodorus. In the Sicilian tables, it appeareth that their surnames were, Vatia and Pulcher: of whom Appianus writeth thus; The people of Rome in obsequious manner to court Sylla the Dictator, requested of him that he would continue Consul still another year: But Sylla would none of that: and took order, that Servilius Isauricus and Claudius Pulcher, should be declared Coss. In a fragment of the capitol he is thus written; Pub. Servilius Vatia, called afterwards Isauricus: which surname he took of the Isaurians, a nation in Cilicia whom he subdued. My authors are, Paedianus upon the Orations of Cicero against Verres; Strabo in his 14 book; Marcellinus likewise in his 14 book, with others.   

676  

M. Lepidus.  
Q. Catulus.   
MAr. Lepidus and Q. Catulus, are by Cassiodorus named Consuls for this year. Plutarch reporteth, that when L. Sylla had given up his Dictatorship, and restored again to the people of Rome the free liberty to dispose of consular dignities in their solemn assemblies for elections; M. Lepidus an enemy to Sylla, and an audacious person, was declared Consul before Catulus, and had the pre-eminence above him, by the earnest endeavour of Cn. Pompeius. Of these Consuls, Pliny maketh mention in his 36 book, wherein he saith, that they governed in the year 676. Likewise Cic. in his Oration for Cornelius: Florus out of Livy: Valerius 2 book 3 chap. and Eutropius.   

677  

M. Aemilius.  
D. Brutus.   
THis year had for Consuls, by the testimony of Cassiodorus and Obsequens, M. Aemilius and D. Brutus. Macer, a Tribune of the commons, speaketh of them in Sallust, complaining that the commons were by the nobles oppressed. In like sort, Cicero in Brutus, and in his second book of Duties, as also Valerius in the 7 book and 7 chap. This M. Aemilius was surnamed Lepidus and Livianus: for out of the family of Livies he was adopted by Mamercus Lepidus, and therefore right well he is called, son of Mamercus.   

678  

Cn. Octavius.  
C. Curio.   
VErrius Flaccus setteth down for Consuls, Cn. Octavius son of M. nephew of C. and C. Scribonius Curio. The same doth Cicero report in Brutus. So do Sallust, Obsequens, Lactantius in his first book, and Pliny in his second book and 35 chapter. Cic. in his Brutus, and Pliny in his 7 book and 41 chapter, make report of three Caij Curious, all Orators, to wit, the father, the son, and the sons son or nephew.   

679  

L. Octavius.  
C. Cotta.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls this year, L. Octavius and C. Cotta. Obsequens, C. Aurelius and L. Octavius. Pliny in his second book and 35 chapter: Cicero likewise in his third and fifth Orations against Verres, maketh mention of L. Octavius, and C. Aurelius Consuls. Upon the broken marbles of the capitol, they stand to be seen, L. Octavius son of Cn. nephew of Cn. and C. Aurelius. This year the Sicilian registers over-skip. Paedianus writeth, that there were at this time three Cottaes brethren, and all of consular degree, namely, Caius, Marcus, and Lucius.   

680  

L. Licinius Lucullus.  
M. Cotta.   
FOr this years Consuls, Cassiodorus registereth L. Lucullus, and M. Cotta. The Sicilian records, Lucullus and Cotta. Eutropius, Appianus in Mithridatica, and Plutarch in Lucullus, nameth them, L. Licinius Lucullus, and MY. Aurelius Cotta. Mention there is made of them by Cicero against Verres; and by Florus in the 93 and 94 Epitomes. This L. L●cullus had for his grandfather that Lucullus, who was Consul with A. Albinus, as Cicero and Plutarch do testify.   

681  

M. Lucullus.  
C. Cassius.   
THis year (by the testimony of Cassiodorus) had for Consuls, Marcus Lucullus and C. Cassius, but the Sicilian records, nominate Marcellus and Cassius: whom Cicero in an oration against Verres, nameth M. Terentius and C. Cassius: saying that the laws Terentia and Cassia, were by them promulged. For, so far forth as we may conjecture by the capitol fragments, M. Licinius Lucullus, was adopted by M. Terentius Varro, and therefore called M. Terentius Varro Lucullus. Cicero in Lucullus, and Plutarch, call Lucius Lucullus and M. Lucullus brethren, whom Eutropius nameth cousin germans by two sisters. That the surname of Cassius was Varus, appeareth both by a conduit pipe or waterspout of lead found in Rome, and also for that Appian in his fourth book, writeth that C. Cassius Varus, a man who had been Consul, was condemned and outlawed by the Triumvirs.   

682  

L. Gellius.  
Cn. Lentulus.   
THe Consuls next following, by the report of Cassiodorus, were L. Gellius & Cn. Lentulus. In like sort Cicero maketh mention of them in his oration for Balbus, and else where. Plutarch also in Crassus, with Eutropius and Orosius. Cuspinians book showeth Poplicola and Lentulus. Now the surname of Lucius Gellius was Poplicola, as witnesseth Onuphrius.   

683  

Cn. Aufidius.  
P. Lentulus.   
CAssiodorus setteth down for Consuls this year, Cn. Aufidius, and P. Lentulus. The Sicilian registers have Lentulus and Orestes. Eutropius, Cornelius Lentulus and Cn. Ausidius Orestes. This Cn. Ausidius Orestes, when he went beside a tribuneship of the commons, was chosen Consul, as Cicero writeth in his oration for Plancius. This is that P. Lentulus' surnamed Sura, who afterwards, being a man of Consular calling, and who had been twice praetor, was hanged and strangled to death when Cicero was Consul, for that he had conspired with Catiline: whose grandfather was P. Lentulus' President of the Senate, as Cicero saith, pleading for his house, and inveighing against Catiline: as also Paedianus.   

684  

M. Crassus.  
Cn. Pompeius.   
NExt to them were Coss. M. Crassus and Cn. Pompeius, according to Cassiodore, Plutarch, Appian, and the Sicilian records. Their surnames for certain, were Dives and Magnus. All the old writers speak much of this their first Consulship. Plutarch reporteth that Licinius Crassus attained to the Consulare dignity, by the means of Pompeius the Consul. Besides, Cicero, Sallust, Paedian writing upon the oration for Cornelius, and all other authors speak of these Consuls.   

685  

Q. Metellus.  
Q. Hortensius.   
THen followed Consuls, Q. Metellus and Q. Hortensius, as Cassiodore and the Sicilian catalogue do testify. Paedianus matcheth Q. Metelius Creticus with Q. Hortensius that great Orator. Likewise josephus in his fourteenth book of jewish antiquities. Cicero in Brutus calleth this Q. Hortensius, the son of Lucius. Q. Metellus afterwards upon the conquest made of Crete surnamed Creticus, was the son of Lucius Dalmaticus, as may be gathered out of Paedianus upon the Oration of Tully [called Divinatio] against Verres.   

686  

L. Metellus.  
Q. Marcius.   
PAedianus writing upon Tully's Oration against Piso; Dio likewise & Cassiodorus, join together in the Consulship this year, L. Caecilius Metellus, & Q. Marcius. the Greek records, Marcius Rex, and Metellus. This Metellus, Dio writeth to have died in the very beginning of his magistracy: that he also who was substituted in his room, left this life before he entered into the government: and thereupon it was not thought good to subelect any more: and by that means Quintus Marcius bore that dignity alone: and him Sallust entitleth with the surname of Rex. This Lucius Metellus was brother to Quintus ●reticus, as Paedian witnesseth.   

687  

C. Piso.  
MY. Glabrio.   
THere succeeded Consuls, C. Piso & MY. Glabrio, witness Cassiodore & the Sicilian records. And in Dio they follow immediately by the name of Manius Acilius and C. Piso. Cicero in his twelfth book of Epistles to Atticus, speaketh of C. Piso and MY. Acilius Glabrio, men of Consular place and calling. Paedian in his commentaries upon the oration for Cornelius maketh mention of C. Piso and the law Calpurna by him made, as touching inordinate and indirect suit after dignities of state. Moreover, of them Valerius in his fourth book writeth.   

688  

MY. Lepidus.  
L. Volcatius.   
CAssiodore putteth down for Consuls, Manius Lepidus, and with him L. Torquatus, but untruly, The Greek records have Volcatius Tullus. Dio Lu. Tullus, and Aimilius Lepidus. Sallust in Catiline, L. Tullus and MY. Lepidus. Paedian upon the oration for Cornelius, MY. Lepidus and L. Volcatius. Cicero in his oration for Silvius hath L. Volcatius Tullus: so as it appeareth it should be, MY. Aemilius Lepidus, and L. Volcatius Tullus.   

689  

L. Cotta.  
L. Torquatus.   
THe Consuls elect, were L. Autronius Paetus (as it appeareth upon a monument of a triumph in the capitol, and not Antronius, as commonly it is read) and P. Cornelius Silvius: who being condemned for ambitious seeking after that office, and having therefore suffered condign punishment, their accusers stepped into their place of government, namely L. Aurelius son of Marcus, surnamed Cotta; and L. Manlius' son of Lucius, surnamed also Torquatus: as testify Sallust, Dio, Paedian upon the oration for Cornelius, and that which he made in his white rob: and lastly, Tranquillus in Caesar.   

690  

L. Caesar.  
C. Figulus.   
THe year next ensuing had for Consuls, by the testimony of Cassiodore, Paedianus, and the Sicilian records, L. Caesar and C. Figulus, whom Dio calleth Lucius Caesar, and Lucius Martius' son of Caius, surnamed Figulus. Cicero in his oration for Silvius, nameth them Lucius julius and C. Figulus: so doth Sallust in Catilina. This L. julius Caesar is his son who was Consul in the Marsian war.   

691  

M. Cicero.  
C. Antonius.   
THe Consuls this year, were M. Tullius son of M. surnamed Cicero, and C. Antonius' son of M. as testify Dio in his seven and thirtieth book, Cassiodore, Sallust in his Catilinarie oration, Velleius in his second book, joseph in his jewish antiquities 14 book 8 chapter. Pliny in his eight book and three and fiftieth chapter, Tranquillus in the life of Augustus, Appian, Eutropius, Paedian, and others.   

692  

D. Silanus.  
L. Muraena.   
THere followed Consuls next, D. Silanus, and L. Muraena, as Cassiodorus, Sallust, and the Sicilian records do witness. Dio calleth them D. junius son of M. surnamed Silanus: and L. Licinius son of L. surnamed Muraena. Eutropius nameth them D. junius Silanus, and L. Licinius, son of that L. Muraena who in quality of Propretour triumphed over Mithridates (as Cicero saith) pleading for Muraena himself, being accused and in trouble for unlawful seeking to be Cos. In this assembly for election of Coss. L. Sergius Catilina suffered the second repulse: for anger whereof, in a melancholy he broke out into a conspiracy, and practised against the state; and likewise Servius Sulpitius Rufus the lawyer, who afterwards accused Muraena for the crime aforesaid.   

693  

M. Pupius.  
M. Valerius.   
CAssiodorus setteth down for Consuls this year, M. Pupius and M. Valerius. The Sicilian registers, Piso and Messala. Dio, M. Pupius, son of M. surnamed Piso: and M. Valerius son of M. surnamed Messala Niger. Of this Messala Niger, there is also mention made by Paedian upon the oration for Scaurus. Also of M. Messala and M. Piso, in Pliny's seventh book, and six and twentieth chapter, seven and thirtieth book, cap. second, and the eight book, chap. six & twenty. And in Caesar's first book of the Gauls war. Of M. Piso Paedian likewise speaketh writing upon the oration against Piso.   

694  

Q. Metellus.  
Q. Afranius.   
CAssiodorus & the Sicilian registers nominate for this years Consuls, Q. Metellus and L. Afranius. The like doth Obsequens and Cicero in his first book of Epistles to Atticus. Dio nameth them L. Afranius son of L. and Q. Caecilius, son of Q. surnamed Metellus Celer. Both of them were advanced to the Consulate (as Dio witnesseth) by the means of Pompeius, for they had been both twain his lieutenants serving under him in Asia.   

695  

C. Caesar.  
M. Bibulus,   
CAssiodorus, Suetonius, together with the Sicilian tables and the Breviaries, do match together for Consuls this year, C. Caesar and M. Bibulus. Dio, C. julius son of Caius Caesar, and M. Calpurnius. Plutarch and Appian, C. julius Caesar, and Calpurnius Bibulus. Albeit Appian as also Eutropius and Orosius give Bibulus the forename, of Lucius. Of Caesar and Bibulus, Cicero speaketh in his first book of Epistles, writing to Lentulus.   

696  

L. Piso.  
A. Gabinius.   
CAssiodorus and the Sicilian records show for Consuls this year, L. Piso and A. Gabinius. Dio, L. Calpurnius son of Lucius Piso: and A. Gabinius son of Aulus. Caesar, Cicero, Plutarch, and Cassiodorus, L. Piso, and A. Gabinius. Caesar writeth of them in his first book of the Gauls war, and Plutarch in the life of Cato the younger. Cicero also in his oration against Piso, and for Sextius. This Piso the Consul, Cicero and Paedian surnamed Caesonius, for so his grandfather before him was called, as appeareth in the capitol records for the year 606.   

697  

P. Lentulus.  
Q. Metellus.   
THe Consuls following for this year, were by Cassiodorus and the Sicilian records, P. Lentulus and Q. Metellus. By Dio, Pub. Cornelius son of Publius, Lentulus Spiniher: and Q. Caecilius son of Quintus Metelius Nepos. Of them speaketh Valerius in his ninth book. Lentulus (qd. he) and Metellus companions in the Consulship were beheld & seen both upon the stage like players: but the one of them took the surname of Spinther 
* Secundatum.  one of the second sort of actors: the other, but that he had gotten the name of 
* A russian  Nepos already for his lewd behaviour, should have been called Pamphilus, after the name of 
* Tertiarum.  one of a third sort, whom for all the world he resembled. Of the same men, Cicero in his first book of Epistles, and in very many of his orations. Pliny also in his seventh book and second chapter, Plutarch in the life of Cicero, and all other writers make much mention.   

698  

Cn. Lentulus.  
L. Philippus.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls, Cn. Lentulus and L. Philippus. The Sicilian records, Marcellus and Philippus. Dio, Cn. Cornelius son of Publius, Lentulus Marcellus: and L. Martius' son of Lucius Philippus. Of Lentulus and M. Marcellus Consuls, Cicero speaketh in his Epistles to Lentulus. Plutarch also in the life of Cato, maketh mention of Martius Philippus now Consul. This Cn. Lentulus was the son of that P. Lentulus, as Cicero saith in his Brutus. And surnamed he was Marcellus, and not Claudius, that it might be known, of what family of the Claudij he was descended.   

696  

Cn. Pompeius.  
M. Crassus.   
WHen as by the obstinate persistence of ●. Cato Tribune of the commons, (who ever interposed his negative) there could be no ordinary assembly holden for the creation of magistrates, the whole degree of the Senators changed their weed in token of grief: so as upon an interregency between, Cn. Pompeius was chosen Consul, & with him M. Crassus the second time, as Plutarch, Dio, & Appian do witness. Lucius Domitius Aenobarbus, whom Cato and all good men accompanied & presented, was in the common place by violence thoroughly beaten, and Cato himself wounded. These Coss. Dio calleth Cn. Pompeius, son of Cneus Magnus the second time: & M. Licinius son of P●blius, Crassus, the second time. Of them Paedianus, Eutropius, the Sicilian registers and others make mention.   

700  

Ap. Claudius.  
L. Domitius.   
DIo in his nine and thirtieth book, for the year after the cities foundation 700, following the computation of Varro, avoucheth Consuls, Appius Claudius, son of Appius, Pulcher: and L. Domitius son of Cneus, Aenobarbus. Cassiodore and Obsequens, name them, Appius Claudius and L. Domitius, whom the Sicilian records call Pulcher and Aenobarbus: and Paedian upon the oration for Scaurus, L. Domitius Aenobarbus, and Appius Claudius Pulcher. Of this L. Domitius, son of Cneus, Aenobarbus, Caelius speaketh in the eight book of Cicero's Epistles.   

701  

Cn. Domitius.  
M. Messala.   
AGainst this year there stood in election and laboured with much earnestness & ambitious desire to be Consuls, Caius Memmius, Cn. Domitius. M. Messala and M. Scaurus, as Cicero writeth to his brother Quintus. But at the last, even in the seventh month of this year there were created by means of an interregency, M. Messala and Cn. Domitius. Neither had they been chosen then; but that Q. Pompeius Rufus a Tribune of the commons, who still opposed himself to hinder and debar all election, was by order from the Senate committed: and the Senate made countenance to do the like by the rest, as many as went about to cross the said election. Thus much Dio. But Appian saith, that the common weal continued for eight months' space in Anarchy without any sovereign magistrates of state. Plutarch writeth, that in this so great extremity of danger, Lucilius a Tribune of the commons, preferred a bill for the creating of Cneus Pompeius dictator, who should redress all enormities and set upright the state again: but Cato gainsaied it, and so nothing was effected. Dio saith moreover, that the Tribunes of the commons moved for the choosing not of a dictator only, but also of military Tribunes in Consul's authority: but through the earnest labour of Pompeius, Consuls were created, Messala and Calvinus, which surnames stand to be seen upon the Sicilian records. Also in the capitol monuments, written it is thus. Cn. Domitius Calvinus son of M. nephew of Marcus, ann. 708 and 717.   

702  

Cn. Pompeius.  
Q. Metellus.   
WHen by reason of the contentions among so mighty competitors, the Consuls could not be created by the kalends of januarie: there passed an Act of the Senate, according to the mind and advise of Bibulus, by virtue whereof Cn. Pompeius was by the Interregent Serv. Sulpitius created Consul the third time, upon the five and twentieth of February, without a colleague first, and presently entered upon the government. But afterwards to avoid the envy that might arise thereupon, he took unto him as companion in the Consulship for the five last months of the year behind, Q. Caecilius Pius Metellus Scipio, his wife's father. Thus writeth Paedian upon the oration of Cicero in defence of Milo: Plutarch likewise, Appianus & Dio. This Metellus Pius Scipio was also called P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, son of Nasica Scipio, who being adopted by Q. Metellus Pius, is called by Caelius in the familiar Epistles of Cicero, Q. Caecilius son of Q. nephew of Q. Metellus Pius Scipio.   

703  

M. Marcellus.  
Ser. Sulpitius.   
AGainst this year were Consuls created, M. Marcellus, & Serv. Sulpitius, as Cassiodorus, Plutarch, and Appian witness. The Sicilian records call them Rufus and Marcellus. Dio nameth them Servius Sulpitius son of Q. surnamed Rufus, and M. Claudius' son of M. surnamed also Marcellus. Of these Consuls Suetonius also maketh mention in Caesar: likewise Cicero in his Epistles, & the Epitome 118. This Marcellus was the cousin german of that Marcellus who the year next following was Consul: and brother german to him who two years after bare the Consulship, as may be collected out of Verrius Flaccus, Dio, and Suetonius.   

704  

L. Paulus.  
C. Marcellus.   
THere succeeded Consuls, L. Paulus and C. Marcellus: witness Cassiodore, Dio, Suetonius, Hirtius in his 8 book, together with the Sicilian records. The one of these is by Dio named L. Aemylius, son of Marcus, surnamed Paulus; the other by Cicero in his epistles, C. Claudius' son of Caius, Marcellus. Dio writeth, that this man by some was reported to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the brother's son, others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the brother of Mar. Marcellus, but Suetonius saith plainly he was the brother's son.   

705  

L. Lentulus.  
C. Marcellus.   
CAssiodorus setteth down for Consuls this year, L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus, as also Appian, Plutarch, Hirtius, Florus, & Cicero in his epistles do testify. Dio calleth these Consuls Lu. Cornelius, son of Publius, Lentulus: and C. Claudius' son of Marcus, Marcellus. In the broken marbles of the Capitol it is to be seen thus. C. Claudius' son of Marcus, nephew of Marcus, Metellus. This is that Lucius Lentulus Crus, who as Caelius testifieth in the former election took a repulse, and by Cicero is called in the Oration against Vatinius, Flamen Martialis.   

706  

C. Caesar.  
P. Servilius.   
WHen Caius Caesar the Dictator held the solemn assembly for the election in the latter end of the former year, Consuls there were created Caius julius, son of Caius, Caesar; and Pub. Servilius, son of Publius, Isauricus. For now was the year come, when as Caesar by the laws might be chosen Consul: for so in the third book of his own Commentaries he saith himself, and so Dio in his one and fortieth book, Plutarch, Tranquillus, Appianus, and Cassiodorus do testify of him. But he meaneth that law which expressly forbade and debarred, that no man might be within ten years space chosen Consul twice. As for Publius Servilius, he was the son of that Pub. Servilius that first took the surname Isauricus, who this year bore his Consulship at Rome, while Caesar warred in Macedon.   

707  

Q. Eusius Calenus.  
P. Vatinius.   
DIo saith, that the people of Rome having intelligence that Pompeius was murdered, endeavoured earnestly, that there might pass as honourable decrees for Caesar the conqueror as possibly might be. And therefore they ordained, that he might be Consul five years together, and dictator not for six months, as beforetime, but an whole year; and endued with the Tribunes authority for ever. Now Caesar, albeit he was without Italy, immediately entered upon his Dictatourship, having subordained under him for his General of the horse, Mar. Antonius, a man who yet had not been praetor. This appeareth by the Capitol records, Dio, Plutarch, and Cicero in his second Philippica. But under what pretence and colour Caesar took upon him this Dictatourship and the rest following, Mar. Antonius showeth in his Oration of Caesar's praise in Dio: wherein he saith that Caesar was created Dictator to make head against the enemies, and therefore the troubles and dissensions of war was the cause of this creation. But certain it is that Caesar became dictator for another cause, namely, that by the means of that sovereign power, he might draw unto himself alone the whole managing & government of the State, which beforetime had been administered by many persons. But Dio addeth moreover and saith, that in the beginning of this year there were neither Pretours nor Consuls elected. For Marcus Antonius General of the horse, arrayed in his purple robes, with six Lictours, making way before him, resembled a certain show of the ancient liberty. But within a while after he departed forth of the city, and that which never was before done by any master of the horse, he left Lu. Caesar an aged man, Provost and governor of Rome. Howbeit in the end of the year, after the recovery and conquest of Egypt, when king Ptolomeus was slain, and Pharnaces king of Pontus vanquished; Consuls were created, Qu. Fusius, son of Quintus, Calenus; and Pub. Vatinius, son of Publius. And these the Capitol tables do show, and Cassiodorus also. Of Pub. Vatinius Consul, Macrobius in his second book maketh mention.   

708  

C. Caesar.  
M. Lepidus.   
VErrius in his capitol tables setteth forth Consuls of this year, only without ever a dictator. The stone record of Colatia, whereof Onuphrius speaketh here, nameth C. julius Caesar the third time, and M. Aimilius Lepiaus. But Dio in his three & fortieth book, The next year following (quoth he) he bore the Dictatourship and the Consulat both, the third time, & took unto him for his colleague in both magistracies, M. Aimilius Lepidus. Of the same mind seemeth Tranquillus to be in Caesar, chap. seventy six. Likewise Hirtius in the fifth book. But Onuphrius supposeth that both Tranquillus and Dio, yea and Hirtius also were in an error. For, with the capitol records, Plutarch and Eutropius agree; who write that Caesar this year was Consul the third time with M. Lepidus, and dictator the second time.   

709  

C. Caesar.  
Q. Maximus.   
THey who cut the capitol marbles, do show unto us that Caesar this year was third time Dictator with M. Lepidus' General of the horse. From whom Dio differeth; who doth report that this year, Caesar was Dictator the 4 time, and Lepidus second time master of the horsemen: also that Lepidus fellow Consul with Caesar, declared himself against all law, General of the horse. Thus much of the dictator. But as touching the Consuls this year, there is to be seen written in the Index or table of Dio, that the same year Caesar bore his fourth Dictatourship, & likewise his fourth Consulat without colleague. In that history also it appeareth, that Caesar presently entered upon his fourth Consulate, but bore it not throughout the whole year: and that so soon as he was returned to Rome out of Spain, he resigned & substituted in his place for the rest of the year, Q. Fabius Max. and Cn. Trebonius. With Dio, the evidences agree that are written in the capitol fragments: wherein it appeareth that Caesar was the fourth time Consul, and that without a colleague; as Sigonius maketh interpretation. For Cuspinians calendar together with the Sicilian registers, do show that Caesar was Consul now alone the fourth time. In like manner, Appian and Plutarch make mention of Caesar, who being Consul elect now the fourth time, led an army into Spain. As for Q. F●bius, Suetonius calleth him a three month-Consull. Dio saith moreover, that Caesar upon the death of Q. Fabius the Consul, declared the very last day of the year, C. Cannius to be the Consul for those few hours that were behind. Whereof Cicero in his seventh book of Epistles, writing to Curius, Macrobius in his second book of Saturnalia, Tacitus in his eighteenth book, Pliny in his seventh, and Suetonius in Caesar do make report.   

710  

C. Caesar.  
M. Antonius.   
DIo setteth down for this year, Caesar Dictator the fifth time, together with M. Aemylius Lep●dus master of the horsemen. But the capitol tables avouch him dictator now the fourth time. Dio & Appian write that he created himself Consul together with M. Antonius. Likewise Cassiodorus and the Sicilian registers give record, that Caesar was this year Consul the fifth time, together with M. Antonius. And Macrobius in his first book speaketh of them. Moreover, written it is in the Capitol and Colotian tables, that C. Caesar was Consul the fifth time, with M. Antonius' son of M: & that in the roum of Caesar there was chosen P. Cornelius son of Publius. And this was P. Cornelius Dolabella, whom Caesar himself (if he had lived) meant to have substituted in his own room. Plutarch writeth, that Caesar Cos. now the fifth time, took unto him for his companion in government M. Antonius. And when as he would have subordeined Dolabella in his own stead, Antony gainsaid it in an oration: and afterwards, when Caesar a second time would have had Dolabella to be declared Consul, and still Antony crossed and withstood it, Caesar gave over his enterprise. But after Caesar was murdered, Antony (as Dio writeth) fearing some insurrection and commotion if he should have rejected Dolabella, took him into the fellowship of government. Appian saith, that immediately after Caesar was killed, Dolabella entered into the magistracy. So saith Velleius also. And this verily was the year, in which the conspiracy was contrived against Caesar, whereof the chieftains were M. & Decimus both Bruti, C. Trebonius and C. Cassius: and upon the fifteenth day of March, when he sat in counsel together with the Senate in the court of Pompeie, he was stabbed, and received in his body three & twenty wounds: which done, the murderers who had wrought the feat seized the capitol. And C. Octavius his nephew or sister's son, whom Caesar had made in his will his halfe-heire, and adopted to bear his own name, came out of Epitus, whither Caesar had sent him before, minding to make war upon the Parthians, and after all lucky and happy proceedings, took upon him the name of Caesar, according to his last will and testament.   

711  

C. Pansa.  
A. Hirtius.   
DIo, Cassiodorus, and the rest, nominate Consuls for this year, C. Vibius Pansa Capronianus, and A. Hirtius, son of Aulus. Cuspinians book showeth Cretonianus and Hirtius. Whereby it may be understood, that Cretonianus was the surname of Pansa, but peradventure written for Capronianus. In the Colotian table they are named C. Vib●us, son of Caius, and Au. Hirtius son of Hirtius. This Hirtius was one of their sons who were outlawed by Silvius, and whom Caesar (as Dio reporteth) advanced to honourable dignities. Both these, and the Consuls of the year following, were by Caesar elected & destined thereto, before he was slain. Dio, Appian, and others report, that of these two Consuls, Hirtius in the time of the civil war, in a battle before Modenna against Antonius was slain; and Pansa some days after, upon a hurt received in the same fight, died at Bononia. In the room of Pansa, C. Octavius was subelected Consul, the nineteenth of August in the same year, and he in steed of Hirtius, took unto him for his colleague Q. Pedius.   

712  

M. Lepidus.  
L. Plancus.   
CAssiodorus and the Sicilian records put down for Consuls, M. Lepidus & L. Plantus. Dio, M. Aemylius Lepidus the second time, and Lu. Munatius, son of Lucius, surnamed Plancus. Of these Consuls Suetonius speaketh in Tiberius, saying, That Tiberius was borne after the battle of Philippi, when Mar Aemylius Lepidus was the second time Consul with Munatius Plancus. Now had there been before appointed Consuls against this year by Caesar, D. Brutus and Lu. Plancus. But by reason that Brutus the year before was by the law Pedia condemned and after killed, and so the three Triumvirs usurped the rule of the commonweal; agreed it was, that M. Lepidus one of the Triumvirs who beforetime also had been Consul with Caesar in his third Consulship, should together with Plancus, (who also taking part and siding with Antony, had revolted from the Commonweal) administer the Consulate. Moreover, this Brutus was by Plutarch, Appian, Dio, and Zonaras, called also Albinus; I suppose, for that out of the race of the Bruti he was adopted and incorporate into the house of the Albini. In this year, during the civil war, Brutus and Cassius were slain in battle before Philippi, as Dio, Plutarch, Appian, and others write.   

713  

P. Servilius. II.  
L. Antonius.   
THe Colotian tables, Dio, and Cassiodorus match Consuls together for this year, Lu. Antonius son of Marcus, surnamed Pietas, and P. Servilius, son of Publius, Isauricus, the second time. Of these Consuls, Suetonius writeth in Tiberius. This P. Servilius was first Consul with Caesar in his second Consulat; whose father Isauricus died a little before, as Dio and Eusebius report. As for L. Antonius, named he is by Dio Pietas, for that being Consul, he together with Fulvia the wife of his brother Marcus, managed the affairs of state with that mind, as if his whole care had been for his brother the Triumvir, in regard of which brotherly and affectionate kindness, he challenged the surname of Pietas.   

714  

Cn. Domitius.  
C. Asinius.   
A Colotian table, Dio, and Cassiodorus join in the Consulate of this year, Cneus Domitius son of Marcus, Calvinus, the second time; and C. Asinius, son of Cneus, Pollio. Of these, josephus speaketh in his fourteenth book of the jews antiquities and three and twenty chapter. Toward the end of this year, Dio writeth that these Consuls gave up their place, and that other Consuls were substituted for those few days that were to come; and one of them was L. Cornelius Balbus Gaditanius. And therefore in the Colotian table these subordained Consuls stand under these names, L. Cornelius, son of Lucius, and P. Canidius, son of Lucius. Of Pub. Cornelius Balbus Consul, Pliny writeth in his seventh book and three and fortieth chapter, and Velleius in his second book.   

715  

L. Censorinus.  
L. Calvisius.   
CAssiodorus inferreth for the next Consuls, Lucius Censorinus and Caius Calvisius. The Sicilian records have Censorinus and Sabinus. Dio, L. Martius and C. Sabinus. C. Calvisius son of Caius, is named by Dio in the catalogue or table, Sabinus, although it be red there commonly, but amiss, Asinius.   

716  

Ap. Claudius.  
C. Norbanus.   
Consul's that follow, were App. Claudius and C. Norbanus, as Cassiodorus saith. But as the Sicilian registers purport, Censorinus and Sabinus: as Dio writeth, Claudius' son of Caius, Pulcher; and C. Norbanus, son of Caius, Flaccus. As touching Taedius Aser the Consul elect, and substituted in the room of another, who before he entered into government, being terrified with the minatory threats of C. Caesar, threw himself down headlong, and so broke his neck, see T●●nquillus in Augustus.   

717  

M. Agrippa.  
L. Canimus.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls, M. Agrippa and Lu. Caninius. The Sicilian registers Agrippa and Gallus. Dio, M. Vips●nius, son of Lucius, Agrippa: and L. Caninius son of Lucius, Gallus. josephus in his fifteenth book of Antiquities, avoucheth Consuls, Mar. Agripp● and C. Canidius Gallus. Nepos also in the light of Atricus, calleth Vipsanius, Agrippa. In the capitol marbles and in other old monuments of Rome his gentile name is passed over, and namely in the forefront of the temple called Pantheon, where is engraven M. Agrippa son of Lucius, Consul the third time. Tacitus also in his first book mentioneth this Agrippa.   

718  

L. Gellius.  
M. Cocceius.   
CAssiodorus nameth for Consuls this year, L. Gellius and M. Cocceius. The Sicilian records show Publicola and Nerva: Dio hath Lu. Gellius son of Lucius Poplicola, and M. Cocceius Nerva. Out of the capitol fragments it appeareth, that L. Gallius was son of Lucius, and nephew of Lucius. By the report of Dio, this Lu. Gellius was brother to M. Valerius Messala. For it is the same man who was pardoned before by Mar. Brutus: whereby it may be understood, that Poplicola was his surname by way of adoption: for they were not the Gellij but the Valerij, that carried the surname of Publicolae. The same fragments do show, that the said Gellius left his place, and that another was put in his room. And haply it was L. Munatius, son of Lucius, nephew of Lucius, Plancus: whom Pliny in his thirteenth book and third chapter, saith to have been twice Consul: but in what year he was the second time, a man cannot find, unless it were in this.   

719  

Sext. Pompeius.  
L. Cornisicius.   
CAssiodorus and the Sicilian records testify, that this years Consuls were Sex. Pompeius & L. Cornisicius. Dio, L. Cornisicius son of Lucius, & Sextus Pompeius' son of Sextus. This year Sex. Pompeius, son of Cneus, was slain.   

720  

M. Antoninus.  
L. Scribonius Libo.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls, Lu. Scribonius and Lu. Atratinus. The Sicilian catalogue Antonius and Libo. Dio, M. Antonius son of Marcus the second time, and L. Scribonius, son of Lucius, Libo. The same Dio saith moreover, that M. Antonius the Triumvir, presently upon the very Kalends of januarie gave over the magistracy, and substituted in his own steed Lu. Sempronius Atratinus: and therefore many there be that affirm how it was not Antonius but Atratinus that was Consul this year with Libo. That Consuls also were subelected to bear out one part of the year, it is to be found in some authors that have set forth the Municipal Annals. And verily Dio maketh mention of Paulus Aemylius Consul, for one part of the year, and that he built a stately porch or gallery at his own charges, and dedicated it in his Consulship.   

721  

C. Caesar.  
L. Volcatius.   
CAssiodorus exhibiteth unto us for Consuls, C. Caesar and L. Volcatius, Dio, Caesar the second time, and L. Volcatius son of Lucius, Tullus. They who composed and digested the Sicilian registers, very unfitly set down Caesar and Cicero for this years Consuls. Of this Consulship of Caesar, Suetonius and Dio speak, saying that he held it very few hours, as Antonius also before time. In steed of Caesar was Lu. Antonius subrogated, and many other for one part or other of the year, who in the book entitled, Old inscriptions, are reckoned in this manner: Emperor Caesar. II. L. Volcatius. Kal. januarij. L. Antonius. Kal. Maij. L. Flavius. Kal. julij. M. Atilius.  C. Fonteius. Kal. Sept. L. Vinutius. Kal. Octob. L. Laenonius.  
Of L. Flavius made Consul by M. Antonius, and deposed, Dio likewise maketh mention.   

722  

Cn. Domitius.  
C. Sosius.   
CAssiodorus nominateth for Consuls this year, Cn. Domitius and C. Sosius. The Sicilian records, Aenobarbus and Sosius. Dio, Cneus Domitius, son of Cneus, nephew of Cneus, Aenobarbus; & C. Sosius son of C. nephew of Caius. Nepos writeth, that Atticus died, when Cn. Domitius and C. Sosius were Consuls.   

723  

C. Caesar. II.  
M. Messala.   
CAssiodorus avoucheth Consuls this year, C. Caesar the second time, and M. Messala. The Sicilian registers, Octavianus and Corvinus. Dio, Caesar the third time, and M. Valerius, son of Marcus, surnamed Messala Corvinus, and that right truly. For Cassiodorus maketh no reckoning of that consulship of Caesar which he bore with Pedius, because he was subordained in the place of another. But Dio and Appian do witness, that Caesar and Antony were matched together this year, both of them in their second Consulship, at what time as upon peace made with Sextus Pompeius, they were appointed Consuls before hand for eight years next ensuing: howbeit, in the first year the people turned Antony out of his Consulship, and proclaimed war against him and Cleopatra, and so in his place was Mar. Messala declared Consul. As touching the Consuls this year subordained, thus we find written in the ancient inscriptions. Emperor Caesar. four M. Valerius. Kalend. Maij. M. Titius. Kal. Octobris. Cn. Pompeius.   

724  

C. Caesar. III.  
M. Crassus.   
CAssiodorus nameth for this years Consuls, C. Caesar the third time, and M. Crassus. The Sicilian records Octavinus and Crassus. Dio, Caesar the fourth time, and M. Licinius, son of Marcus, Crassus. He addeth moreover and saith, Caesar in the midst of that water crossed the seas out of Macedon into Italy, wherein he was the fourth time Consul with M. Crassus. Orosius likewise noteth, that Caesar called Emperor, was Consul the fourth time with M. Livius Crassus. Of other Consuls substituted after M. Licinius, this we find in the old inscriptions. Emperor Caesar IV. M. Licinius. Kal. jul. C. Antistius. Idib. Septembr. M. Tullius. Kal. Novembr. L. Saenius.  
Of M. Tullius' Consul with Augustus, Dio maketh mention in his story of this years acts. Pliny also in his 22 book and 6 chap. and Plutarch in Cicero. By Velleius and Tacitus it appeareth that Antistius had for addition the surname of Vetus, and Saenius of Saevinus.   

725  

C. Caesar. four  
Sex. Apuleius.   
IN Cassiodorus the Consuls be C. Caesar the fourth time, and Sext. Apulcius. In Dio, Caesar the fifth time, and Sext. Apuleius son of Sext. In the Sicilian records, Octavianus and Apuleius: in the antic inscriptions, Emperor Caesar the fifth time, and Sext. Apuleius. Dio saith this was the year 725 from the foundation of the city. Of Caesar five times Consul, there is to be seen an old epigram or inscription in this manner. Senatus Populusque Romanus, 
 Imp. Caes. Divi julij Fil. Cos. Quint. 
 Cos. Desig. Sext. Imp. Sept. 
 Resp. conservata.  
That is, The Senate and people of Rome. By Emperor Caesar, son of julius of famous memory, Consul five times, elect Consul the sixth time, and emperor the seventh, the Commonwealth saved.   

726  

C. Caesar V.  
M. Agrippa. II.   
CAssiodorus declareth for Consuls this year, Caesar the fifth time, and M. Agrippa the second time. Orosius and the Sicilian records, Caesar the sixth time, and Agrippa the second time. Dio, Caesar the sixth time, and M. Vipsanius Agrippa the third time: but it is to be read the second time, as Sigonius advertiseth, so as the next year it should be written the third time. And this plainly appeareth by the superscription of that temple (which he erected & named Pantheon) in this form, M. AGRIPPASON OF L. THIRD TIME COS. BUILT IT. For Dio saith that this temple was finished two years after that he was Consul with Caesar the seventh time Consul, in which year himself bore his third Consulship, & not the fourth. For otherwise in the front of the said temple, he would have written, CONSUL THE FOURTH TIME.   

727  

C. Caesar. VI  
M. Agrippa. III.   
CAssiodorus saith, that the next Consuls were Caesar the sixth time, and Mar. Agrippa the third time. But Dio, Caesar the seventh time, and Agrippa the fourth time. But what is to be thought of them both, is evident by that which hath been said before. In the Sicilian registers verily it is written, Octavianus the seventh time, and Agrippa the third time.   

728  

C. Augustus Caesar. VII.  
T. Statilius.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls Caesar Augustus the seventh time, and T. Statilius. The Sicilian monuments, Octavianus the eight time, and Taurus. Dio, Caesar Augustus the eight time, and Statilius Taurus the second time. For he had been Consul first, for a part of the year, anno 727, and now is the second time: of whom Suetonius writeth thus in Nero; Nero took to wife Statilia Messalina, daughter (in the fourth descent) of Taurus, one who had been twice Consul, and also triumphant: he writeth also, that Augustus entered upon his eight and ninth Consulate at Tarracon.   

729  

C. Caesar Augustus. VIII.  
M. Silinus.   
CAssiodorus showeth for Consuls next, Caesar Augustus the eight time, and M. Silanus. Dio & the Sicilian records, Augustus the ninth time, and M. Silanus. A fragment of the capitol, Emperor Caesar Augustus the ninth time, and M. junius Silanus. This year Augustus Caesar was called Emperor the eight time, and shut up the temple of janus the fourth time now that ever it was shut: which he had set open before in regard of certain wars, as Dio reporteth.   

730  

C. Caesar Augustus. IX.  
C. Norbanus.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for this years Consuls, Caesar Augustus the ninth time, and C. Norbanus. The Sicilian registers, Augustus the tenth time, and Flaccus. Dio, and a fragment of the capitol marble, Augustus the tenth time, and C. Norbanus Flaccus. This Norbanus seemeth to be the son of C. Norbanus the Consul, anno 716. for he had not the numeral note testifying a second Consulship.   

731  

C. Caesar Augustus. X.  
Cn. Piso.   
CAssiodorus setteth down for Consuls, Caesar Augustus the tenth time, and Cneus Piso. The Sicilian records Augustus the eleventh time, and Piso. And Dio, Augustus the eleventh i'm, with Cn. Calpurnius, son of Cneus, Piso. By a fragment of the capitol stone it appeareth the Augustus entered the Consulship the eleventh time, together with Aulus Terrentius Varro Muraena: also that Muraena died in his magistracy, in whose steed was elected Cn. Calpurnius Piso; and Augustus went out of his government. Of which matter Dio thus writeth; Augustus went to the Alban hill, and there resigned up the Consulship. For whereas both he himself and many others, ever since the time that the C. W. was set in frame & established, had borne the yearly magistrates, he thought that from thence forwards he was to forbear the same, to the end, that the honourable dignity of Consuls should be open to as many as might be. And this did he without the city, because he would not be hindered and letted in the action; and therewith substituted in his place Lucius Sestius, a man that of all others most affected and loved Brutus; who also wrote of his praises and commendable parts.   

732  

M. Marcellus.  
L. Arruntius.   
THis year had for Consuls, as saith Cassiodorus, M. Marcellus and L. Arruntius: as Dio, M. Claudius' son of Marcus, Marcellus; & Aeserninus son of Lucius. In the Capitol stone these Consuls are thus set down, L. Arruntius son of L. nephew of L. and M. Claudius' son of Marcus, nephew of M. Whereby it is given to understand, that in the Sicilian records the Consuls are not well put down to be Octavianus the twelfth time, & Arruntius. In this year, the conspiracy of Fannius Caepio and Varro Muraena against Augustus was discovered: and the temple of thundering jupiter was dedicated, witness Dio.   

733  

M. Lollius.  
Q. Lepidus.   
THe Colotian stone and Cassiodorus show for this year Consuls, Q. Aemilius Lepidus and M. Lollius. Dio writeth, when Augustus was in Sicily, & the people of Rome at the assembly for Consul's election, there arose a sedition and commotion. For M. Lollius only entered upon the government, by reason that the other place was reserved and kept for Augustus: but when he made refusal, Q. Lepidus was created. Of these Consuls Horace in his first book of Epistles writeth thus: 
Me quarter undenos sciat implevise Decembres,  
Colleg am Lepidum quo dixit Lollius anno.  
Know he, that 40 winters old and four, I was that year,  
At Rome when Consul Lallius, chose Lepidus his fear.    

734  

M. Appulcius.  
P. Silius.   
AFter Cassiodorus, the Consuls that followed for this year, were M. Appuleius and P. Silius. But in Dio, M. Appuleius son of Sexius, and Publius Silius son of Publius, Nerva. In the Sicilian records, Appuleius and Nerva.   

735  

C. Sentius.  
Q. Lucretius.   
THe Colotian stone, Eusebius in his treatise of Times, Dio and Cassiodorus set forth as Consuls this year, Caius Sentius, son of Caius, Saturninus; and Quintus Lucretius son of Quintus, Vispillo. Of this years Consuls thus writeth Dio. Caius Sentius was declared Consul: but for that there was to be given him a companion, and Augustus refused the second place of Consulship reserved for him, there arose a sedition, until Augustus pronounced Consul Quintus Lucretius one of the ambassadors, whom the Senate had sent unto him about the appeasing of the foresaid sedition; notwithstanding he was a man in times past proscribed and outlawed. The same writeth Velleius in the second book. In the broken Colotian stone it is to be read, that the Consul elected in steed of Sentius Saturninus, was Mar Vinucius son of Marcus. Velleius, uno Vinucius adjoineth as Colleague, Agrippa. In this year, after the first ten years were expired, for which space Augustus together with Agrippa at the first received the Censorian authority and dignity, he was created a second time by the people over-feere of men's behaviour for the term of five years; and resumed the censors power for the same time, and the Consulare authority for ever. So as, at all times and in all places, he might have twelve lictours go before him with their bundles of rods, and be allowed to take his place and sit with the Consuls.   

736  

Cn. Lentulus.  
P. Lentulus.   
PVblius Cornelius son of Publius, Lentulus Marcellinus: and Cn. Cornelius son of Lucius, are set down for Consuls by the Colotian stone table; by Dio also and Cassiodorus. In this year Marcus Agrippa by the motion and authority of the Emperor Caesar Augustus, obtained of the Senate and people of Rome the Tribunitian power for five years.   

737  

C. Furnius.  
C. Silanus.   
THere succeeded Consuls next, according to Cassiodorus, C. Furnius & C. Silanius. After Dio, C. Furnius son of C: and C. junius son of Caius, Silanus. But in the Colotian fragment, C. Furnius son of Caius, and C. junius. Whiles C. Furnius and C. julius Silanus were Consuls, the solemn plays called Seculares were now the fifth time set out by Augustus, as Censorinus and Dio affirm.   

738  

L. Domitius. P. Scipio.   
CAssiodore nameth for Consuls, Lucius Domitius and P. Scipio. The Sicilian records, AEnobarbus and Cornelius. Dio, L. Domitius son of Lucius, nephew of Lucius, Aenobarbus: and P. Cornelius' son of P. nephew of Publius, Scipio: In like manner the Colotian table, wherein it standeth, that for P. Cornelius there was substituted L. Ta. i. Tarius: of whom Pliny in his eighteenth book and seventh chapter writeth thus, L. Tarius Rufus, a man most base for his parentage, deserved a Consulate under Augustus Caesar of happy memory, only for his military service. In this Consul's year, was the Quinquennale solemnity performed, as writeth Dio, in memorial of the empire of Augustus: and Agrippa one of the Quindecemvirs, had the ordering and setting out thereof.   

739  

M. Drusus. L. Piso.   
THe Consuls next following, were M. Drusus and L. Piso, as Cassiodorus saith. The Sicilian registers name them Libo and Piso. Dio, M. Livius son of Lucius, Drusus Libo; and L. Calpurnius son of Lucius Piso, M. Drusus son of Marcus. L. ****** according to the Colotian fragment.   

740  

Cn. Lentulus M. Crassus.   
THis year next following had for Consuls, after Cassiodorus, and the Sicilian monuments, Cn. Lentulus and M. Crassus: whom Dio calleth M. Licinius son of Marcus, Crassus; and Cn. Cornelius, son of Cneus Lentulus. The Colotian fragment, showeth, Marcus Licinius son of Marcus.   

741  

T. Nero. P. Quintilius.   
Tiberius' Nero, and P. Quintilius were Consuls this year, as Cassiodorus reporteth. They are named Nero and Varus in the Sicilian Catalogue. And Dio calleth them Titus Claudius son of Tiberius, Nero: and P. Quintilius, son of Sextus, Varus. The Colotian fragment, Tiberius Claudius son of T. Suetonius writeth, that Tiberius bore his first Consulship but a few days. For this is that Tiberius Nero, Augustus Caesar's wife's son, who after the death of Augustus, attained to the empire, having been first by him adopted.   

742  

M. Messala. P. Sulpitius.   
CAssiodorus putteth down for Consuls, Messala and P. Sulpitius. The Sicilian records, Messala and Quirinus. Dio, M. Valerius, son of Marcus, Messala Barbatus: and P. Sulpitius' son of Publius, Quirinus: of whom Suetonius in Claudius and Tacitus in his second book write. Moreover, this is that Sulpitius Quritius, who by josephus in the seventeenth book of antiquities and first chapter, is said to have borne the consulare dignity & was lieutenant in Syria; At which time, our Lord jesus Christ the redeemer & Saviour of mankind, was borne: of whom Saint Luke maketh mention saying: This was the first enrolment or taxation which was made by Quirinus' Precedent and governor of Syria. After these Consuls, others were substituted in their place, as the Colotian stone showeth, wherein it is thus read: 

M. Valerius. M. F.  
C. Volgius. C. F.  
Suff. C. Caninius.    
Likewise in Cuspinian his calendar, these Consuls are written with their surnames: 

Messala, Quirinus.  
Rebilus, Saturninus.  
Maximus, Tubero.    
By which it appeareth that Rebulus and Saturninus were the surnames of Caninius and Volgius. By a fragment of the capitol marble, it is evident, that the surnames of Valerius was Aemylianus; of Volgius, Rufus; and Rebulus of Caninius: and that as Rufus was put in the place of Valerius, so Rebulus in stead of Rufus. There remaineth also the memorial of Rebulus and Saturninus in the Sicilian records. In this year, Dio reporteth, that Augustus was a second time made overseer for men's manners and demeanours five years more: and that he resumed still the same authority by times, as also the empire, and therein Agrippa died.   

743  

P. Fabius.  
Q. Aelius.   
CAssiodorus exhibiteth for this years Consuls, Paulus Fabius & Q. Aelius. Dion, Paulus Fabius, son of Quintus Maximus and Tubero. Of Q. Aelius Tubero, and P. Fabius Maximus Consuls, Frontius speaketh of in his book of water conduits: and Pliny in his eight book and seventh chapter, where he writeth that the Theatre of Marcellus was dedicated when Quintus Tubero and Fabius Max. were Consuls.   

744  

julus Antonius.  
Q. Fabius.   
CAssiodorus nameth for Consuls this year, julius Antonius Africanus and Q. Fabius. Dio, jul. Antonius Africanus, and Q. Fabius' son of Quintus Maximus. The Sicilian catalogue & calendar of Cuspinian, show Africanus and Maximus. Dio nameth julus, the son of Antonius. Unto him Horace writeth in this manner: 
Pindarum quisquis studet aemulaei  
jule, ceratis op: Daedalea,  
Nititur pennis, etc.  
With wings devised by Daedalus  
And glued with wax, they fly:  
Who strive (o jule) with Pindarus  
To match his poetry.  And after, 
Tendit (Antoni) quoties in altos  
Nubium tractus.  
— o Antoni, so oft  
As he doth mount the clouds aloft.    

745  

Drusus Nero.  
Titus Quintius.   
THere succeeded Coss. according to Cassiodorus, Drusus Nero, and T. Quintius: but after Dio, Nero Claudius, son of Tiberius, Drusus; and T. Quintius, son of Titus Crispinus. Drusus and Crispinus, by Cuspinians calendar and the Sicilian registers. This Drusus brother of Tiberius Nero, was Augustus Caesar's wife's son: who being Consul, died in Germany, and both he and his children had the surname of Germanicus, as Dio writeth: which addition the Senate gave him first of that province, as Eutropius saith. With the death of this Drusus endeth Livies' histories: for thus it is written in the last Epitome, etc. Look in the said breviary.     

TO THE READER.  
I doubt not but many of them who shall take delight and pleasure in reading the Roman story abovewritten, will presently grwo into a liking of the very place, which hath afforded so worthy persons and rare examples. The love whereof hath moved many a man to undertake a voiyage to Rome, only to see the river Tyberis, those seven hills, and the monuments remaining of that famous city. The journey they have found, for way long and tedious; for expense of money heavy and chargeable; for hazard of religion, conscience and good manners, exceeding dangerous: so far degenerate are the inhabitants now from that ancient people, so devout, so virtuous and uncorrupt, in old time. To satisfy the readers in this behalf, and to avoid the peril of that travail, I thought it not amiss to bring Rome (as it were) home to them, even to represent unto their eye the topography thereof, that is to say, the description of the paces, with the memorable edifices, or rather the ruins of those antic buildings, mentioned in the story aforesaid. And for as much as Bartholomew Marlian hath herein taken pains, and made a treatise thereof, worthy in his conceit to be dedicated unto that noble Prince of famous memory, Francis the French king, the first (I take it) of that name: and for that those learned men, who last set Livy forth in print, have thought good to adjoin thereto, as a necessary dependent, the foresaid treatise; I for my part, having struggled with the difficulties of the Alpes & in some sort overcome them; crossed Rhosne and the Po; passed over the hills Olympus and Aemus, & scrawled through the rough straits of Thermopylae and Tempe, seem now I would not in my return to stick at the pleasant mounts, Palatine, Capitol, Aventine, etc. with the plains and valleys between, or the river Tybre & Mars field underneath them, beautified especially with such stately temples, triumphant arches, glorious palaces, Theatres, Cirques, Columns, & Colossuses; wonders of the world. And albeit I found Marlian far unlike himself, & the book that goeth in his name much corrupt in the print, yet by conference with other authors, I have reform the faults, and endeavoured that our English edition might in some measure be answerable to the Latin.   

A SUMMARIE COLLECTED BY JOHN BARTHOLOMEW MARLIANUS, A GENTLEMAN OF MILAN, TOUCHING THE topography OF ROME IN ANCIENT TIME.  

THE FIRST BOOK.  

CHAP. I. The Situation of the City.  
BEfore we enterprise to show the edifices and buildings of the city of Rome, somewhat would be premised of the site thereof. Begin therefore we will at the very habitation of the immortal gods; with the invocation of whom, the Poets are wont in every hard and difficult work, to lay their first ground and make their entrance.  
The Capitol hill, where it is broadest, exceedeth not 800 foot: in length it lieth out toward the Northwest 1500. It hath a point or wing on either side in fashion of a semicircle, and in compass containeth well-near seven 
* Stadia.  furlongs.  
From this mount as it runneth out in length, the Palatine hill is divided by a valley of the same breadth, or somewhat more; making a square with 4 angles of unequal sides, containing 1200 paces. For, the one of 600 foot boundeth upon the Capitoline hill: a second of 700 foot, bendeth to the North-east: the third, being almost twice as long, looketh toward the Southeast and the mount Coelius: the fourth, which of all others is biggest, and comprehendeth the lists or shewplace called Circus maximus, directly regardeth the Aventine. On the second side thereof there is one plain, reaching from the head and top of the Forum Rom. to the utmost skirt of the hill Quirinalis, which bendeth toward the Suburra, and taketh up in breadth 500 foot: but it lieth out in length almost a mile from both fronts, between the Capitol, the Forum Nervae, and the mount Coelius: in like manner from the said mount Coelius and Palatine, Suburra and the Esquiliae, as far as to the Church of Saint Marcelline. A second plain there is, under the other point and top of the Capitol, near the Theatre of Marcellus, which stretcheth out 500 foot from the mount itself, as far as to the Tiber; and anon over-against the valley, from the crooked reach and course of the river, and the nouke. whereby the Aventine is divided from the Palatine, it spreadeth broader: but afterwards between the said hills it groweth narrow, until ye come to Coeliolus and the very gate Capena, where the Aventine is parted from Coeliolus only by the breadt of the street or high way. The length of this plain is likewise a mile, having on the right hand, Tiber and the Aventine; on the left, the Capitoline mount, the Palatine, and Coelius.  
Then followeth the mount Coelius (separate from the Palatine by a plain) resembling a pyramidal form of a spire, so as the Base thereof containeth 500 foot near to the Amphitheatre. Divided also from the same it is by the street Appia, fast by the grand Cirque, which reaching to the gate Capena, leaveth on the left hand a valley 600 foot broad, between Coelius and Coeliolus, lying out in length 4 Stadia, and within a while to the walls which join close to the mount Coelius, as far as to the gate Asinaria. This hill then from thence lieth along the city wall for 4 Stadia, toward the North-east. From hence the walls meet affront for the space of two Stadia, even to the gate Naevia: from whence as they turn to the North-east, it is parted from the Esquiliae by the street Labicana: and anon showing itself affront near Saint Marcellines, it beareth forward as far as to the Amphitheatre. Thus keeping no certain form, it taketh in circuit about 2500 paces. Moreover, the Coeliolus is enclosed within the said valley, the street Appia, and all along North-east and Southeast, with the city walls; and hath in compass well-near a mile.  
The Aventine seemeth to contain two hills; the broader part whereof toward the Tiber, and in like manner in length from Tiber along the walls, and anon near the gate Hostiensis, is divided and cut with a crooked street-way which leadeth to the angle of the grand Cirque, and the mount Coelius: leaving the other part thereof, divided on the right hand from the mount Coelius by the street Appia, until you come to the gate Capena. It had in compass 18 Stadia, as Dionysius also testifieth; and on the Southeast; a most spacious and large plain of 4 unequal sides: toward the South containing almost six Stadia, Westward five, somewhat less Eastward, but toward the Tiber not above four.  
The Esquiliae on the South part is divided with the street Labicana; on the Northwest, with the valley lying between Coelius, Palatinus, and itself; on the North, the Suburra; and from the viminal hill, the street called Patricius parteth it, until a man come to the bath of Diocletian. In circuit it containeth about four miles, and hath no certain form; in so much as Varro (not without good reason) thinketh it two hills, and cutteth it into many parts.  
The viminal hill on the West side regardeth the quirinal, having about a furlong space the plain Suburralying between: on the North it hath the valley Quirinalis. Between the same hills there lieth as it were 4 jugera in breadth, but about a quarter of a mile in length. And anon it joineth to the quirinal and Esquiliae along the wall of the city, by a continual row of many arches, whereby these mountains are made even. The compass thereof taketh up two miles and an half; the form thereof is longwise, and the breadth not in every part alike, but variable.  
The quirinal mount on the left hand, directly from the tower called [Militiarum] for the space of 4 Stadia, over-looketh the level plot of the city which lieth Westward: but on the right hand (as clearly appeareth by that which we have said) it is opposite to the Viminalis: on the third side Northward, for the space of six Stadia, it lieth to the hill called [Hortulorum]. It hath a valley lying between, in breadth four jugera, reaching near to the gate Salaria: and in the whole compass it taketh almost three miles.  
Next to it is the little hill Hortulorum, although it standeth without the old pomaerie of the city: for the space of 3 Stadia it beareth over the valley Martia, lying between it and Tiber. It carrieth in length along the wall of the city, from the gate Flumentana to Collina, a full mile more than any other sides. The circumference thereof, is much about 18 Stadia.  
There remaineth now the mount janiculus, on the other side of Tiber: the one half thereof and not above, is contained within the walls: from the Vatican Plain, for the space of three Stadia, whereas it stretcheth toward the South, it adjoineth to the river: the other part thereof is enclosed within the walls, for the compass of five Stadia.  
Moreover, above the Vatican plain, there is a little hill of the same name, which putteth forth two points like horns; the one toward janiculum, the other Northward, much like a bow full bend: the convexity or outward compass whereof containeth a mile.  
Now will we run over the plain and base plot of the city: which beginning at the Capitol hill near the gate Flaminia, at this day on the North-east side (or rather the North) comprehendeth a Diameter or race almost of 8 Stadia, environed with the hills Quirinalis and Hortulorum: but on the West side, the Tiber runneth by it, where along the banks thereof it beareth a greater space. Moreover, by a straight and direct line being drawn for two Stadia from the hill Hortulorum, and namely where it over-looketh the Pierce of Domitian called Naumachia: along the bank of Tyberis, over-against the Pile Hadriani, it maketh a quadrangle of four uneven sides, containing within it more than three miles: without which square is left the valley Martia, namely as much as lieth between the hill Hortulorum, the wall of the city, and Tyberis: so as the breadth draweth narrower still unto the gate Flaminia.  
There resteth yet the Transty berme region, which together with the janiculum, taketh in compass about 3 miles. This will be more easily observed and marked by the very channel of Tyberis; which entering into the city, keepeth his course directly on the right hand of the gate Flaminia through the vale Martia, and soon after by little and little turneth from the North, Westward, and representeth the form of a semicircle, in the convexity whereof is the Vatican, and within the concavity, the Mars field. Moreover, beneath the Moles or pile [Hadriani] returning to his former course, as far as to the utmost foot of the Aventine, winding somewhat crooked into the South, not far from the gate Portuensis it runneth forth of the city.  
Thus much concerning the situation and form of Rome, and the plot wherein it standeth, which at this day is so far changed, that hardly a man may find any token or memorial of it, as it was in old time.   

CHAP. II. Of the founders of the city of Rome, the KK. and inhabitants thereof.  
THe region (on which Rome was after built) West of Tiber, a hundred and forty furlongs distant from the sea, the Sicilians (by constant report) first inhabited. Afterwards, the Aborigines leaving Arcadia, by the conduct of Oenotrius the son of Lycaeon, came into the said quarters: and being grown into a liking of the place for the fertility thereof, they expelled the Sicilians, and held it for their own use. In process of time the Pelasgians, a people of Greece, together with the Thessalians, who came to aid the Aborigenes against the nations their neighbour borderers, remained also in these parts (with the good will and contentment of the said Aborigines) until the Trojane war: but they all retained the name of the Aborigines, which prerogative they held because they were the first, that by arms conquered that signory and kingdom. Long time after, Saturn being chased out of Crete by jupiter his son, fled into Italy: where he taught juanus the K. of the Aborigines the skill of planting vineyards, with the use thereof, and likewise the handling of the sickle: in regard of which good turn, he was freely feoffed by jaunus in part of his realm, yea, and after the decease of janus enjoyed the kingdom alone. After this, the Arcadians, who forlooke the city Palantium (as weary of their own native country) and by the leading of Evander, seeking some other place of habitation, arrived at the place where now Rome standeth; received of Faunus the king of the Aborigines, a portion of ground; built a fort upon a little hill not far from Tiber, and named it Palantium, in remembrance of their native city which they had abandoned. After all this, the Pelop●nesians, Phanetians, and Epians, by reason that Elis their native country was wasted before by Hercules, were by him brought away into Italy, & they planted themselves upon the mount Saturnine. These men lived a long time according to their own laws and customs, until they being vanquished and subdued by the Aborigines, were incorporated by them into one Commonalty. Then reigned Latinus the son of Faunus, until such time as AEneas the son of Anthises, after the overthrow and final ruin of Ilium, after many adventures and much variety of fortune, which he had endured together with the trojans his companions, came by the instinct of the destinies to K. Latinus. Whose daughter Lavinia he took to wife, and so was by Latinus admitted into the society and fellowship with him of the kingdom. When the Aborigines and the Trojans were thus linked and joined together, he called both nations by the name of Latins. Then was Aeneas warred upon by Turnus; for that he had married Lavinia, who was espoused & affianced to him before. But Aeneas won the victory, and in single combat slew Turnus. At that time also Latinus died, & left his son in law Aeneas heir to the crown. Certain years after, was Aeneas killed by Mezentius king of the Tuscans; and Ascanius his son succeeded in the kingdom. He built the towns Lavinium and Alba: and when he departed this life, made over the crown to his brother Silvius. After him followed kings, Aeneas Silvius, Latinus Silvius, Alba, Atys, Capys, Capetus, Tyberinus, Agrippa, Romulus, Aventinus, Procas and Amulius. This Amulius usurped the kingdom by fraud, which in right of eldership was due to his brother Numitor. And for fear least there might arise from his brother's offspring, some one to make claim and recover the royal seat, and thereby himselve be thrust out of his place; the consecrated Rhea the daughter of Numitor to Vesta, for to be a professed Nun. She being thus made a votary, and devoted to perpetual virginity, happened to be with child by Mars, and was delivered of two botes, twins, namely Romulus and Remus. Amulius advertised hereon, commanded both the babes to be cast forth to perish. Found they were by Faustulus a shepherd upon the bank of the river Tiber, and by his wife Faustulae fostered and brought up among other shepherds. Remus being grown to man's estate, was taken by certain thieves and robbers, and brought to K. Amulius his great-unckle. Accused he was, for that he used to raise booties and drive away whole droves of Numitor his cattle. Whereupon delivered he was to Numitor for to be punished according to his discretion. But Remus after much discourse of speeches to and fro, was by certain tokens found and known to be Numitor his daughter's son. And at the very time came Romulus also with Faustulus in place, purposing to rescue Remus his brother. Soon they entered into a conspiracy, and at unwares surprised and murdered Amulius: and so restored their grandsire Numitor. In the second year of Numitor his reign, Romulus and Remus built the city of Rome, in the very place where they had been laid forth to perish, which was the 432 year after the winning of Troy, and the twelfth day before the calends of May. Afterwards in a trey that arose between Romulus and Remus striving for the sovereignty, Remus came by his death, and then Romulus gave name both to the city and citizens also of Rome.   

CHAP. III. The form and bigness of the city of Romulus.  
Romulus' set out the city foursquare, as Plutarch witnesseth: whereupon of some it is called Quadrata. Others affirm that the form and compass thereof is uncertain, and by reason of Antiquity unknown at this day. The hill Palatinus was by Romulus first fortified, because therein he was brought up: at the foot whereof began the Pomoerium. Afterwards the Capitol and the Roman Forum were laid to it.  
The city began to be marked and bounded out from the beast-market; from whence in certain places were stones pitched and set between, along the bottom of the mount Palatine, as far as to the altar of Consus: and so within a while to the old Curiae: then, to the chapel of the Lares & the Roman Forum the bounds were extended, until a place was assigned for the walls, and a spacious plot to build the city upon.  
Titus Tatius began the wall from the rock Carmentalis, and brought it to the way, which is not far from Tiber. From thence, Southward unto the farthest part of the grand cirque: and so North-east ward he ranged it into the Forum of Nerva, and in the end joined it to one of the points of the Capitol hill, and within it compassed both the Capitol itself, and also the Palatine. And finally to enlarge the city, he set to it the hills Quirinalis and Coelius.   

CHAP. four The gates of Romulus his city.  
Romulus' when he died, left the city of Rome with three gates, namely Carmentalis, Romana, and Pandana. Others add a fourth thereto, to wit, janualis.  
Carmentalis took the name of Carmentis the mother of Evander, whose chapel Carmentale stood before the gate. This gate stood under the Capitol on the right hand, between the cliff Tarpeius and the Tiber, over-against the church now of S. Katherine, toward the show place Flaminius. This was afterwards named Scelerata, for that without this gate, in the temple of Lanus, the act of Senate passed, for the sending of the three hundred Fab\y to Cremera: who went forth at this gate, and were slain every one at Cremera.  
Romana was so called of Romulus: built it was where now the gardens are belonging to the new church of S. Marry, not far from the angle of the mount Palatine, in the bottom of the cliff of Victoria. Some affirm, that this gate was afterwards called Mugonia, of the loowing of kine and oxen: others name it Trigonia of three corners that it had.  
Pandana was so cleped, because it stood open for things to be brought through it into the city. The same was called Libera or Romulida. The place for it they assigned where the gate Saturnia stood, bearing the name of the old city, so called and after destroyed.  
janualis carried the name of the temple of janus, which is not far off. It stood sometime at the very foot of the hill Viminalis.   

CHAP. V. The variety of the compass and walls of the city.  
WHen the Romans one while made war upon their neighbour nations of Italy, and otherwhiles defended themselves against their violence, it happened for the most part that they got the upper hand, and ever as they vanquished any and subdued them under their subjection, in the end made them citizens of Rome: by which occasion, the city built by Romulus, was not sufficient to receive so great a multitude. Tullus therefore after his conquest of the Sabines and Albans, laid to the city the mountain Coelius and the Esquiliae, & so enlarged it. Afterwards, when Politorium was won, and a number of the inhabitants translated to Rome; Ancus made a second enlargement of the city, and granted these new comers the mount Aventine to inhabit. The old Romans therefore dwelled in Palatine; the Sabines in Capitolium; the Albans in Coelius; and this newcome multitude in Aventine. But after the Latins also were received into the city, they joined janiculus also to the city by a wooden bridge made over the Tiber; and cast a trench called Fossa Quiritium, about the low & level places of the city. So the Trans-tyberine quarter was united to the city, & made it more spacious & stately: last of all, Servius Tullius by adjoining the hills Viminalis and Quirinalis to the five abovenamed, amplified the city. And whereas before it was mounded about with rubbish, and the same rudely laid, Tarquin the proud was the first that enclosed it with a wall of good ashler stone. And the very same walls which stand at this day, were by the posterity that followed, repaired and re-edified upon the old foundations. But the city in old time, when as it flourished in greatest glory, extended far more in bounds and compass. For in Flinies' time the circuit thereof within the wall contained about 20 miles. But in these days hardly 12. And the whole compass of the city, with the suburbs and buildings about and without the walls (which although they spreadfar, were comprehended yet under the name of city) in the said Pliny's time, was 50 miles.   

CHAP. VI The Pomoerie of the city  
THat void space of ground within and without the walls, which might not lawfully be either ploughed or inhabited, is called Pomaerie. And sometime it is put for the circuit of the whole city. This Pomoerie was often times set out farther, and altered by the Roman emperors. But none had power granted so to do, save only they that either conquered somewhat to the Roman dominion, or endowed the city with some singular and especial benefit; as the emperor Claudius and many more. And like as the Romans had no certain limits of their empire, so no set bounds confined either the city or the Pomoerie.   

CHAP. VII. The gates of old Rome, which at this day are not to be seen: those also that are now extant.  
EVen as the bounds of the city and Pomaerium were many times altered, so the gates also; some were left within the city, by occasion that the walls were farther set out and lost their names: others in time were so old, that they fell down; and albeit their name remain, yet the place where they stood is not known. Some again were made new, and took either new names; or else kept their old: others changed the place, and held their old name: and finally, there were some that had two names; and others, more. And these in manner were all the names of the gates: 

Flumentana, or Flaminia.  
Numentana, or Viminalis.  
Esquilina, or Taurina.  
Capena, or Appia.  
Tergemina, or Hostiensis.  
Ratumena, or Vientana.  
Quirinalis, Agonensis, or Collina.  
janualis, or Sabiusa, leading into the Sabines country.  
Noevia, or Labicana.  
Coelimontana, or Asinaria.  
Portuensis, or Navalis.  
Triumphalis, or Vaticana.    
Carmentalis, Magonia, Pandana, QuerquetuIana, Raduscula, Saginalis, Saucualis, Collatina, Interaggeres, Tiburtina, Gabiusa, Latina, Aurelia, Catularia, Laurentia, Fontinalis, Lavernalis, Ferentina, Minutia, Salutaris, Mutia, Piacularis, Prenestina, Libitinesis, Valeria, and Tarpeia.  
Flumentana, took name of the river Tyberis; for it stood at the first upon the bank of that river, not far from the bridge of Xystus, in the end of the Broad street, and at the head of the way or street Flaminia: but afterwards, translated it was to the place where now it standeth. In time following, it was called Flaminia, of the causey of Flaminius: at this day it is named, The people's gate, and is situate in the hill Hortulorum.  
Collatina, bore the name of Collatia, a town not far from Rome: now it is Pinciana, of one Pincius a Senator, whose name it keepeth. This also standeth in the hill Hortulorum: between it and Flumentana is a mile space.  
Quirinalis took name of the chapel of Quirinus: or because in old time the way lay through it, for them that went to the hill Quirinalis. It seemeth to be called Agonensis, quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. without a corner; afterwards, Collina: and at the last, Salaria; for that by it, salt was carried into the city. This name it holdeth still, and standeth 6 Stadia from Collatina.  
Viminalis is from Quirinalis distant 5 Stadia; so eleped as they say, of a wood of osiers, which (as it is supposed) sometime grew thereby: or else, of a chapel of jup. Vunineus: This also men called Figulensis, of the potters works made without it: but now they name it the gate of S. Agues, and Numentana.  
Interaggeres standeth in the Plain Viminalis, between the gate Viminalis and Esquilina: it had the denomination of Tarqvinius his mures and banks, among which it was built.  
Tiburtina, stood between Esquilina and Numentana, so as it was 12 Stadia distant from Esquilina, upon the plain of Esquiliae, in the very place where the conduit is of the Marie water.  
Esquilina, took that name of the hill Esquiliae: the same in ancient time was called Taurina, of a bulls head there found: for many a day after was the said bulls head seen painted in the inner front of the said gate. At this day, S. Laurence gate.  
Noevia drew the name of certain 
* Nemoribus.  groves or woods near adjoining. In times past Labicana, and now Major. An arch there was so called, and erected in the same place by the old Romans.  
Coelimontana, standing from Naevia 8 Stadia, seemeth by affinity of name to be so called of the hill Coelius, in the edge whereof it standeth: and Asinaria it was called, of the Asses which were wont to be sent out to Naples, by that gate. At this time they call it S. john's gate.  
Gabiosa, built close to the mount Coelius, Southeast: which seemeth by all likelihood to take the name of the city Gabijs, which it directly regardeth. It carried the name also Metrodium, of measuring, and is situate from Coelimontana, as it were 5 Stadia.  
Latina is 5 Stadia likewise from Gabiusa, seated not far from the church of S. john Baptist: so called, for that men go forth of it into Latium.  
Capena is so named of the Capenates, a Latin nation, against which it lieth. This also is called still Camoena, of a grove and chapel of the Muses, built just before the same gate. Appia likewise, of the highway Appia; which Appius the Censor paved, and so it bore his name. They call it also Triumphalis, for that in triumph the pomp is that way carried with state. Of some it is named Fontinalis, for the plenty of springs there. At this day S. Sebastian's gate.  
Tergemina took that name of an old gate so called, at which the 3 twins Horatij went forth against their enemies, and gave the first name to it. Some show remaineth yet of this gate to be seen, near the Salinae.  
Hostiensis, was in ancient days so called, for that it led to the city Hostia: now S. Paul's gate: situate it is from Capena weel-neere 8 Stadia.  
Portuensis is a gate beyond the Tiber, within half a Stadium of the said river; so called, for that it leadeth to the haven of Hostia. Now a days men call it, Poria ripae, i. The bank gate.  
Aurelia, looketh toward janiculum; distant from the former almost 7 Stadia. In this age they call it S. Pancras gate.  
Aaelia, was built by Aelius Hadrianus, of whom it took that name.  
Septimiana, bore the name of Septimius the Emperor: and because it standeth under janiculum, is at this day called, Subtus janum. Some affirm, that this is Fontinalis, because out of the mount called Aureus, there issue fountains: for to the said hill this gate standeth close. From it to Aurelia are 5 Stadia; and to the river Tiber 7 jugera or acres.  
Thus much for the gates of the city of Rome, and their names.  
The wall in old time had upon it 360 turrets. Some of these are decayed and gone; others repaired, and many this long time are ready to fall.  
NOw is it time, and the course of the Story doth require, that leaving the towers and walls, we enter into the city, and show the beginning and the place of those edifices, which within the walls, either upon the hills or the plain plot of the city, were built by men in old time. First therefore begin we will at the worthiest earthly habitation of all their gods, to wit, the Capitol.    

THE SECOND BOOK.  

CHAP. I. The sundry names of the Capitol.  
THe Capitol was by the old Romans called Mount Saturnius, either of a city named Saturnia, which under the very hill was built in that place where now Rome standeth: or because Saturn in times past dwelled in that hill: or else (as some think) for that the mount itself had Saturn for the tutelar god and protector thereof. But afterwards it was named the mount Tarpeius, of the virgin Tarpeia, of whom Livy writeth. Last of all, Tarqvinius Prisius going in hand to build upon that hill a temple to jupiter, when he digged for to lay the foundation, chanced to find in the bottom of the trench a man's head; whereupon they called it Capitolium. And the Augurs being sought unto and demanded, What the finding of that head might signify? answered, That this castle should be the See of the empire and the head of the whole world. This hill they divide into the castle and the Capitol. The castle they built Northward, as a stronger and more fortified place: butthe Capitol, toward Tyberis, a place naturally defended.   

CHAP. II. Who first laid the foundation of the Capitol: who finished it: how often it was burnt, and by whom re-edified.  
IN the Sabine war, Tarqvinius Priscus vowed to build the Capitol temple: but after the war was ended, so soon as he had laid the groundwork, he died. After him, Tarqvinius Superbus finished the building, of 4 square stone: and defrayed the charges thereof out of the pillage of Pomaetia, a town that he won. When he for his tyranny was banished Rome, Horatius Pulvillus the Consul, dedicated the said Capitol to jupiter. It stood upright and sound for the space of 415 years, until the Marian wars, and then (in the Consulship of Scipio and Narbo) it was consumed with fire. Sylla re-edified it, and Q. Catulus consecrated it: and so it continued until the Vitellian war. During which troubles, it was a seconnd time burnt, at what time it stood with the doors shut, undefended, and not rifled. Vespasian built it again; and in his life, a third time it was destroyed by fire: and together with the Capitol, Vespasian also himself died. Afterwards, Domitian rebuilded it in more magnificent and stately manner than it had been ever before, and disbursed therein above 12000 talents. Of the Capitol turrets and pinnacles, the statues and images smitten with thunderbolts and blasted oftentimes with lightning, divers writers have made mention.   

CHAP. III. The temple of jup. Feretrius, of Inp. Opt. Max. of juno, and Minerva.  
THe Capitol, Cicero calleth The house and habitation of the gods, because it contained the chapels, statues, and images in manner of all the gods: but the first of all other in Rome was that of jupiter Feretrius, vowed by Romulus in the war against the Cenenians. After which war ended, and he returned to Rome with victory, he reared a temple in the very pitch and top of the capitol hill. But jupiter was by Romulus named Feretrius, as some would have it; for that jupiter assisted him in striking the enemy, in that very place where he vowed the temple. Or else, because the Romans used in making of peace, to swear by his sceptre and the flint. The roof of this church fallen down for very age and through neglect of the Romans, Augustus repaired. This temple first built by Romulus, was afterwards enlarged by Ancus Martius.  
But the temple of jup. Opt. Max. of all other was the greatest and most renowned. This also was called Capitolinum; and Tarqvinius Priscus vowed it. After him, Tarqvinius Superbus expended in the foundation thereof 40000 pound weight of silver: but before that he finished it, he was deprived of his kingdom for his tyranny, and left the work unperfit to be accomplished by the Romans. Built it was upon the hanging of the Capitoline hill toward Tyberis, as hath been showed before. For the form, the greatness and beauty of this temple, read Dionysius and sundry other authors, who have written of the Roman acts and of Rome itself. Upon the top or lantern thereof, stood Summanus the god, made of potter's earth, whose head was smitten with lightning and fell into Tyberis. It had within it besides, a sanctuary or secret chapel, which no Lay person might enter into. Within the said cell or chapel, were two coronets of gold: the one of them the Gauls consecrated to jup. Opt. Maximus: the other, the Carthaginians sent to Rome in the honour of jupiter, in token of joy for their victory over the Samnites. Moreover, in the said temple were other three chapels, to wit, one of jup. Opt. Max. in the mids; a second of Minerva on the right hand; and a third of juno on the left. And because men in old time attributed unto Minerva the invention of numbers, a law was set down in writing, That the chief and highest praetor for the time being, should drive a spike or great nail near unto her image, whereby the computation of the years might be known. This so rich and costly edifice, was burnt all at once in the Vitellian war. Now at this day the place whereas as it stood, is profane: howbeit there remain yet to be seen, some tokens thereof, and the foundations; but all deformed and broken piecemeal.   

CHAP. four The temples of Saturn, jupiter Tonans, jupiter Custos, of Fortune, of Vejovis, mercy, juno Moneta, and of janus. The sepulchre of Orestes, the common Treasury, the house of Manlius, and chapel of Carmenta.  
SInce that we have described the temple of jupiter K. of the gods, in what place it was situate, and by whom built; meet it is to make report also of other gods in order, who had their houses in the Capitol: and first of Saturn, jupiter's father.  
Saturn in old time had an altar erected unto him in the very way as ye go out of the Forum up to the Capitol, as some think. There be, that would have this temple or altar of Saturn, built by the companions of Hercules: others again say, that Tatius reared it. But of this variety in opinion of Writers, this may be the reason, because some affirm, that there were two temples consecrated to Saturn, but reared in divers places and at several times: one at the rock of Carmenta, even before the Capitoline cliff (wherein the bones also of Orestes brought from Aricia were bestowed:) the other in that very place, where now standeth the chapel of S. Saviour: where yet at this day there is a turret to be seen, which they call, the tower in Aerarium: for there first was the common treasure house of Rome. In the temple of Saturn, dedicated by Catulus Luctatius, there stood janus with four faces; signifyingthe four times of the year: of whom the first month januarie took name.  
The temple of jupiter Tonans, Augustus Caesar first built, on the Capitoline cliff or side of the hill, Southeast; upon this occasion: It happened, that in the Cantabrian expedition, as he was carried by night in a litter, the lightning slightly glanced thereupon, and killed the servant that was the guide; and therefore he both vowed this temple, and also finished it to the honour of Thundering jupiter. A temple also to Fortune was built not far from it.  
The temple of Vejovis, stood between the castle and the Capitol, in that part where now the chapels are to be seen of Conservatores. In old time they called this Idoll-devill, Vejovis, because he was deprived of all power to help and do good. To him they sacrificed a she goat: because he held arrows in his hand, most men thought he was Apollo.  
Asylum, that is to say, the temple of Mercy stood likewise upon the Capitol hill, near a shadowy grove, in the very valley amid the Capitol and the castle. Called it is the temple Intermontium, between two oak rows. This, Romulus erected; that what offender soever thither fled, he should be privileged as in a sanctuary. But Tiberius afterwards, supposing that this place ministered occasion of mischief, deprived it of that liberty. This Asylum, by report, the posterity of Hercules first erected.  
The temple (as also the mint-house) of juno Moneta, was built upon that plot of ground, where sometime stood the house of M. Manlius. This chapel, some report that L. Furius vowed; others, that L. Cicereius the Praetor; and Ovid, that Camillus. Now was juno called Moneta, of giving warning; for that from the very place where afterwards the temple was set, there was a voice heard of juno, admonishing them of the future overthrow by the Senones. In this place now standeth a Senator's house of Rome.  
The temple of janus keeper of the Capitoline castle, stood in that place, where at this day is the goal and prison for malefactors and felons, toward the South-west, over-against the Forum Romanum. This janus upon the Capitol, Romulus and Tatius devised to have two faces, representing thereby the two nations. Others would have him to be portrayed a faced, for his cunning and providence: for he was the first that invented the [royal] crown; also boats; the skill of navigation; brazen coin, and many other things. janus took that name ab cundo, of going, for that he turneth about the heaven and all things else. For which cause he is also named Vertumnus: In old time they believed there was but one janus; but the posterity in later age, have imagined more.  
The temple of jupiter Custos, Domitian (after he was invested in the empire) built: and placed his own image in the lap and bosom of that god. It stood where at this day the Salinae or saltpits are, near the temple of janus.   

CHAP. V. The temples of gods which have no certain place now, in the Capitol.  
AMong those gods, whose determinate place assigned to them in the Capitol, is not known where it was, the first was Terminus, as to whom in all the world throughout, there is no proper place appointed. Now this Terminus was a rude & formless stone. Unto him Tatius first vowed a temple: and some say, that Numa dedicated it. How ever it be; no doubt, very ancient it was, as easily may be collected by that which followeth. But why, that in the Capitol was of men in old time reputed for a god, this was the cause: When Tarqvinius Superbus determined to build a temple to jupiter, he consulted with the Augurs about the place, because he would begin nothing without the approbation of the birds. They showed unto him the mount Tarpeius: but this place was already taken up with other gods, whose chapels there, were consecrated and hallowed. These therefore were by certain sacrifices to be conjured out from thence, for to give way unto jupiter, and to be translated into some other quarter. All the gods willingly yielded their places up to jupiter as their K. only Tominus refused to be displaced; and so remained there still. When he had finished the temple, that forepart of the roof which regardeth the said stone, was left naked & open for that god, as who neither ought nor could be enclosed. The augurs therefore being sought unto and demanded, For what reason Terminus alone abode still with jupiter, when all the other gods were gone? made answer, that thereby was signified, that together with religion, their empire also was eternal. To this god they sacrificed not but in open air and publicly abroad, as being the god and keeper of bounds. Saint Augustine witnesseth, that Mars also and juventus together with Terminus, would not agree to give place unto jupiter: for that the dominion of Rome should not be bounded out, ne yet decay with age and continuance of time.  
To Mars and Venus Erycina, Attilius and Q. Fab. Max. being Duumvirs, dedicated chapels upon the Capitol, severed asunder by one vault or cistern.  
To queen juno, Cn. Flaminius in the Ligurian war, vowed a temple.  
To Ops, Tatius the K. consecrated a temple; for that she is called the earth, and is the mother of all things; as bringing forth all, and receiving all again. The same Ops is called Maia, Fauna, and Bona Dea. This temple was blasted with fire from heaven, as Livy testifieth.  
To Mars revenger, Augustus Caesar erected a temple upon the Capitol, within the hill Saturnius.  
To Faith, on the same hill, Attilius Collatinus dedicated another.  
To Health, Concord, Liberty, and Victory, they built temples: and many there were within the city erected to Concord.  
To Fortuna Primigenia and Obsequens, Tullus dedicated a temple.  
To Venus-bald, they set up also a temple in the Capitol, in memorial and everlasting praise of the Roman dames, for willingly parting with the hair from their heads, toward the making of engines that during the Gauls war, were devised and made against the enemies.  
Tarqvinius Superbus built a temple to jupiter Sponsor, and Sp. Posthumius dedicated it. Likewise to jupiter 
* The baket.  Pislor, the old Romans consecrated a temple in the Capitol.   

CHAP. VI Of the statues which either in old time were, or now remain in the Capitol.  
OF statues in old time were sundry sorts, and the same made of divers matter: some of marble, some of brass, some of silver, and others of gold. Many of these were set up in the capitol to the immortal gods for divers causes, and namely, for their benefits bestowed upon mankind; which along time were honoured and worshipped. To noble men likewise and such as had deserved well of the commonweal, the usual manner was in old time to set up statues and images in the temples, to provoke others by their example to do the like.  
To jupiter in the Capitol, Sp. Carvilius erected a statue in his temple, after he had vanquished the Samnites, taking the proportion and form thereof by the pattern of jupiter Latiarius his image. Florus maketh mention, that this statue was smitten with lightning. He also set up another to Thundering jupiter.  
The old Romans set up in the temple of jup. Opt. Max. statues to Victory and Faith, 'to either of them one.  
For Nemesis also, was an image erected in the Capitol, for that this goddess punisheth proud and faithless persons. She is named also Rhanmusia of Rhamnus a village in Attica, where she was worshipped: and Adraste, of Adrastus who was the first that built a temple in the honour of her.  
Unto Hercules, for his notable and famous acts, they erected many statues in the Capitol: and namely, Pub. Sulpitius and Pub. Sempronius one; and Q. Fabius Max. another, which he brought from the Tarentines by him subdued.  
The images of good Event, and good Fortune (the workmanship both of Praxiteles) were within the Capitol.  
The image of Apollo with a diadem, and his Colossus thirty cubits high: in the making whereof were bestowed 140 talents, Lucullus translated out of Apollonia in Pontus, into the Capitol.  
An image there was of janus likewise in the capitol, holding in his right hand the number of 300, and in his left of 65, to signify the days of the year.  
Two golden statues of Castor and Pollux, were by the Emperor Claudius of famous memory, dedicated in the temple of jupiter.  
The counterfeits resembling the rivers, Nilus and Tigris, half naked, were set up in the forefront of the temples of Conservatores: the one carry upon the shoulders, Sphynx; the other a Tiger; two wild beasts: both of them hold in their right hand Cornucopia, which signifieth plenty.  
The parsonage of Hercules portrayed naked, of brass and double guilt, without beard, holding in his right hand a club, and in the left the golden apples of the Hesperides, was found near the Greek school and the beast-market, in the ruins of Ara maxima.  
There be certain portraitures also of the Parthian and Dacian triumphs, enclosed within walls, which were taken out of the church now called S. Martinae.   

CHAP. VII. Statues of famous and noble men set up in the Capitol.  
TO Scipio they erected in the capitol, a statue 
* Cum chiamide & crepundiis: but for [crepundiis] read [crepidis] out of Cicero pro Rabirio: signifying the Greekish and Asian habit: for the Roman statues were Togate.  wearing a soldiers cassock and slippers or pantofles, in regard of his victory over Antiochus, for an everlasting memorial of his worthy deeds.  
To Sylla there was also a statue erected in the Capitol, in habit of a footman.  
For Aemylius Lepidus, when he was but a boy, the people of Rome set up a statue, because he had in battle vanquished an enemy, and saved a citizen.  
The like honour to the rest they did to Metellus, for that he had preserved out of the temple of Vesta being on fire, the image of Pallas.  
They erected an image unto Cornelia the mother of the Gracchis, in recompense of a benefit of hers, for that in a great dearth of corn, she served the people at 3 farthings a Modius. The same they did to Trebius the Aedile.  
Fabius Maximus made for himself a cast or molten image, and erected it just by that of Hercules.  
Unto Brutus, for delivering Rome from the tyranny of Tarqvinius, the Romans erected his image in the mids of the KK. statues.  
Domitian would not suffer any image of his to be erected, unless it were of molten silver or gold, and of a certain weight.  
The emperor Commodus took off the head from the coloss of Nero, and set it upon his own statue which he had in the Capitol. This Colossus is to be seen broken as it was, in the houses of Conservatores.  
In the said houses of Conservatores, is extant yet the brazen portraiture of a she wolf, at whose teats, Romulus and Remus, the first founders of Rome, are to be seen how they hang sucking.  
The images of Romulus and Remus remained in the Capitol, resembling two youths; the one, standing upon the feet in servile habit and attire: the other sitting like a shepherd or herdman, bending forward with his body, plucking a thorn out of the sole of his foot, which rankled and festered withal.  
An infinite number of statues were in the Capitol, of gods especially, brought from other parts to Rome. For the Romans rob the Churches of foreign nations, for to enrich and adorn their own.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Capitol cliff, Tarpeia rock, the stone of Carmenta, and the gate Stercoraria.  
IN old time, they called that place and way whereby men go up to the Capitol, Clivus Capitolinus: but where that place was in times past, sundry opinions there be. Some affirm, that it lay toward that part of the hill which looketh to the Aventine, where now standeth S. Gregory's Church in Velabrum: others, between the temples of Saturnus and Concordia, near to the arch of Severus, and at the stalls or standings, called Senatoris stabula. Now this arch of Severus, was raised at the foot of the Capitol hill, in the very head and top of Forum Romanum: under which they passed, that in triumph ascended up to the Capitol. The Capitol cliff then, was near unto the Roman Forum; which by the Censors was paved with flint: who also set up a gallery from the chapel of Saturn unto the Capitol temple close to the Senaculum, and the Curia over it. Corn. Tacitus writeth, that in former times there were many avenues and ways up to the Capitol, and thereupon arose so many and divers opinions concerning the Clivus Capitolinus. In that place, the feast Floralia was in old time celebrated, whereof some tokens remain at this day to be seen. In it stood Miloes' house, which was full of shields and other armour, as Cicero maketh report.  
That place was called Tarpey rock, which standeth over the Forum Romanum: from whence in times past felonious malefactors found guilty, were pitched down headlong, and wherein at this day offenders are punished.  
Carmentas stone, regardeth Tyberis, just over-against the Senators bridge.  
The Dung-gate called Stercoraria, stood upon the Capitol cliff aforesaid; thither was thrown out all the filth rid out of the temple of Vesta, for to be carried away and soon after to be cast into the Tyberis.   

CHAP. IX. Of tables, of brazen columns or pillars, and of the silver goose.  
IN the Capitol there were two sorts of tables; the one, of pictures, containing the noble acts or battles, with the siege and assault of cities, exploited by valiant martial men. For some of them were so desirous of praise and renown, that they could not be content to behold their own statues erected in the capitol, unless their acts were described also and depeinted in tables set up in public place; and by that means left their glory behind them, recommended likewise to posterity. Another kind there was of tables, wherein were written the most ancient laws, to wit, of Romulus, Numa, and the other KK. Likewise the statutes of the later lawgivers: the public acts and ordinances; the leagues and covenants with other nations; the sacred rites of divine service, and the ancient records and monuments, which were engraven and cut in brazen tables: of which, some at this day are extant; others by continuance of time, by war, fire, and careless negligence are lost and perished. For the keeping of these, there were certain persons appointed, that in so serious and important matters, there should be no forgery and corruption.  
Pillars likewise of brass, were by Domitian set up in the capitol; the which, Augustus the conqueror of Egypt, caused (of many brazen beakeheads of ships molten together) to be made into four huge columns, and brought them to Rome. Sylla likewise took out of jupiter's temple in Athens, certain brazen pillars, brought them to Rome, and there consecrated them to jupiter in the capitol.  
The portraiture of a goose in silver, was set up within the castle by the Romans for perpetual memory, because a goose by gaggling gave warning of the enemies coming, to the warders of the castle, and thereby saved the Capitol. For which cause grief a long time after, were fed and kept in Rome at the cities charges. There are besides, many other antiquities within the Capitol, cut in tables of brass and marble both, and namely Epitaplies, which here for brevity's sake are left out.   

CHAP. X. Of certain edifices and buildings upon the Capitol hill, and of other things in general.  
NOw that we have made declaration of the statues, tables, and columns, worth the noting: something by the way would be said in this place, as touching the ancient houses there.  
The court called Calabra Curia, Romulus built in the Capitol, and covered it with reed: Into this place the king-sacrificer was wont to assemble the Senate and people of Rome, that from him they might learn and know the days of solemn games, plays, and sacrifices.  
Not far from the said Curia, was the cottage of Romulus.  
And almost in the same place stood the stately porch or gallery of Metellus and Constantinus. The Library also called Majorum, built most artificially upon marble pillars: and besides, the public court-yard.  
There was an hallowed place likewise upon the Capitol, from whence they gathered Verbenae, or sacred herbs, to make guirlands for the faeciall heralds and the Paterpatratus: where with they were crowned when they purposed either to make any accord and peace, or to proclaim war.  
The flint stone also was here found, which they held in their hand when they swore by jupiter, pronouncing these words, If I made default with my knowledge, then let Dicspiter cast me out of all that I have Saving the city and the castle) as I burle from me this stone.  
The Capitol had certain vaults like cisterns, into which were thrown all things overworn, or so old, that they were good for nothing. The six steeds drawing in one team, were there to be seen, which Cneus Cornelius set up. The twelve gilded-shields likewise, made of that money wherein the Aediles condemned and fined the corne-mudgins that hourded and kept in their corn. The shield also 
* Toward the end of the 25 book.  Martius, set out with the image of Asdrubal; and the column garnished with ship beake-heads of brass, whereof Livy speaketh, were here to be seen. Within the temple of jupiter Capitolinus there was a short cloak or mantle of purple woollen, to which, if other purple garments were laid, they showed the colour of ashes in regard of the excellent bright gloss and lustre that it carried. A present this was (by report) given to Aurelianus by a Persian king, who had it from the farthest Indians. The lintel, cheeks and sill of the Capitol door, were made all of brass. The brazen tiles likewise upon the roof, Q. Catulus gilded all over. The place where Numa took his auguries was on the Capitol; but Tatius used rather the castle cliff: where also stood sometime the house of Manlius, but afterward, thereupon was built the chapel of I●mo Moneta. The books also of Stbylla were kept in the temple of jupiter Capitolinus, by ten Wardens, in a stone coffer under the ground. Over and besides so many edifices were there, so beautiful was the Capitol, and the riches thereof so great, so many goodly ornaments & shrines of the gods most artificially wrought, that right worthily of men in old time, it was called the earthly habitation of the gods and of jupiter himself. For during the upright and flourishing state of Rome; so curiously built and richly beautified it was: that as heaven surpasseth the earth, so far this edifice went beyond all other works and wonders whatsoever of the world; in so much as it seemed to have been built by the gods: so far surmounted it all the devise and reach of man's wit. But as excellent as these things sometimes were, now at this day they are to be seen, all naked, forlorn, and desolate.   

CHAP. XI. The temples of Concord, and jupiter Stator: moreover what the Curia is.  
Between the Capitol hill and mount Palatine, there lieth a valley, whereof we have spoken before. The temples and buildings whereof, as also the places behind the Capitol, by order and course we are now to describe. In this valley therefore the temple of Concord deserveth to be visited first: which word, being derived (as it were) from the unity and agreement of heart, maintaineth, augmenteth, and preserveth alone, all things in the world whatsoever.  
A temple to this Concord, Camillus vowed, in case he could reconcile the Commons to the Nobles. When as therefore the people was brought into grace and favour again with the nobility, he built the church of Concord, beginning above the Comitium and so forward unto the Forum. The porches belonging to this temple, are yet to be seen at the foot of the Capitol. From it, there was an ascent of an hundred steps up to the chapel of juno Moneta. That temple of Concord, fallen in long time to decay, was afterwards by the Senate re-edified. Therein many, a time the Senate met and sat in counceli, and crations were made unto the people. In this also there was a yault or shroud under the ground, wherein oftentimes thieves, armed men, cutters and hackster's were kept as in a prison, until the assemblies of the people were dismissed. This house had many statues and images, curiously and cunningly wrought, namely, of juno, Apollo, and of Latona, bearing and holding her two babes Apollo and Diana. Likewise of Aesculapius and 
* i. Health.  Hygia, the handiwork of Niceratus. Also of jupiter, Ceres, and Minerva: likewise of the Dames weeping and adoring the said images; all made by Stenes. Moreover, the images of Mars and Mercury; the workmanship of Pisicrates. Also of Maefyas-bound, made by Zeuxis the painter. Likewise father Liber and Cassandra, painted by Theodorus. As for the image of Victory in the porch and entrance of the said temple, it is to be seen how it was smitten with a thunderbolt.  
To jupiter Stator, Romulus in the Sabine war vowed a temple, that he might stay the flight of the Romans: whereupon he was called, The upholder of the Roman state. Therefore after victory obtained, he built a temple at the foot of the Palatine hill, just over-against the church of Concordia, where at this day be most high battlements of walls. In this house also, like as in that other of Concord, the Senate assembled oft. Likewise in other temples. The courts, wherein the Senate gathered together in counsel, were temples all, and therein were there acts made: but in the sacred churches of the gods, neither met the Senate, nor any orations were made to the people. This temple of Stator was burnt to the ground in that fire of Nero's making, and never after re-edified.   

CHAP. XII. The temple and grove of Vesta: the temple of Faith and of Romulus.  
THe temple of Vesta was built by Romulus, between the Capitol and the Palatine hills, not far from the Forum Romanum; where at this day is to be seen, the church of S. Marry of graces. near unto it the palace of Numa was built. The Roman Pontifies, when they would consul of great matters concerning religion, met in the court-yard of Vesta; like as the Senate and people of Rome, debated in counsel of their weightiest affairs within the temple of Faith. Now this was a most ancient temple built in Palatium by Romulus, or as some will have it, by Numa.  
There was a grove also consecrated to Vesta, which reached from the root of the Palatine, as far as to the large street called Nova via. Out of that grove (before Rome was taken by the Gauls) a voice was heard, giving warning, That the city should be lost, unless the walls and gates were repaired.  
The temple of Romulus was seated at the foot of mount Palatine, in the mids of that side which regardeth the Capitol, in that very place where now the church is of S. Theodore. In this said temple there is a most ancient monument, The portraiture of the she wolf, yielding her teats unto the founders of the city, to be sucked.   

CHAP. XIII. Lupercal, and the figtree Ruminalis.  
THis Lupercal was a cave at the bottom of the Palatine hill, overspread and covered with trees; having springs deep beneath under the rock. In the most inward and secret place of this cave, there was an altar consecrated to Pan. But as touching the etymology and derivation of the name, as also of the situation thereof, there go divers opinions: For as in times past the place was close hidden and unfrequented, so now it is inhabited on every side; in so much as there remaineth no mark and token at all where Lupercal was. How beit the greater part of writers affirm, that it was in that quarter of the city, where at this day S. Theodors' church is seen. For to this place upon a time the Tybre overflowing, made a creak thither: and hard by it was, where the two infants were cast forth. In the Lupercal therefore, certain authors confidently avouch, that Romulus and Remus were laid to perish, and so carried by water to the place called afterwards Ruminalis, were under a figtree there, nourished by a she wolf. This wolf haunted and kept in the den called Lupercal, and from thence ran to the bank side under the figtree Ruminalis, for to suckle the said babes, and so gave the name unto the cave to be called Lupercal, as it were the lurking hole and den of the wolf. There be again that would have Evander to give the name to the same hollow cave: for he, as is before declared, was decended from Arcadia, where the people after most ancient rites and ceremonies, do right devoutly worship Pan, the god of herdmen. Unto whom also a mountain in Arcadia to him dedicated, was called Lycaeus, for that he keepeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i wolves from the sheep, and preserveth the flocks and herds. This Evander therefore coming upon a time into Italy, and resting in these parts, consecrated both this grove and cave to Pan, and according to the manner of his country, there honoured him. In the said cave therefore reared was an altar, and a goat thereupon sacrificed unto him, as to the god and preserver of the flocks: and seeing that he chaseth wolves from them, therefore the place where in he was worshipped took the name 
* Quasi lupos arceus.  lupercal.  
Now the feast Lupercalia was by Romulus and Remus instituted. For they having obtained of Numitor a plot of ground to build them a city on, in that very place where they had been cast forth; called all their companions to a feast and merry meeting: where, after they had killed sacrifices, and refreshed themselves with meat, and withal taken their wine liberally to the full, they grew to disport, and in that merry fit clad themselves in the skins of the goats which they had sacrificed, and then fell to hopping and dancing full jocundly. Hereupon their posterity, celebrating the memorial thereof, held a festival solemnity called Lupercalia, which retained the name of the place where first they began. Hereof see more in Valerius Maximus, Servius, and Plutarch in the life of Antonius. As for the figtree Ruminalis, it was so cleped of the river Tiber, called at the first Rumon. Some would have it take the name of Romulus. Others of the milk given to the said infants, for that part of the throat which draweth milk, is called Ruma in Latin. This place was over against the house of the two lords, Cosinus and Damianus, on the side of the mount Palatine, opposite against the grand race or shewplace, called Circus Maximus. Romulus and Remus thus laid forth about lupercal, and carried by the water to this place, were fostered for a while under the figtree Ruminalis, in the place where the Comitium after was. The tokens of this tree remained unto the time of Augustus Caesar, as Ovid testifieth.   

CHAP. XIIII. Of the New way, the streets Ingarius, and Tuscan.  
THe street called the New way overagainst the temple of jupiter Stator, goeth along the valley between the Capitol hill and the Palatine, and reacheth to the Forum Romanum. This, howsoever it be called New, was well known to be most ancient, and is different from that, which Caracalla repaired under his baines.  
The street jugarius, otherwise called Thurarius, leadeth from the gate Carmentalis, along the foot of the Capitol hill, to the Forum Romanum. In it was the altar of juno juga, who was thought to make marriages, and to couple folk in matrimonies, and she it was that gave the name to Vicus jurius.  
Vicus Thuscus beginneth at the Forum, and along the foot of the Palatine showeth the way to Velabrum. The reason of the name is this. The Tuscans upon a time fight against the Aricians, were by them overcome; and after many thousands of them slain in battle, the rest being few in number fled to Rome: who taking delight in the pleasant seat of the city, and the commodiousness of the place, determined there to remain. Whereupon having a plot of four stadia granted them by the Senate, between the Capitol and Palatine, they inhabited the same. Hereupon the street was called by them Thuscus Vicus, and many a hundred year after retained that name. In it afterwards there kept bawds and such kind of people, whereupon it grew out of credit, and lost also the first name.   

CHAP. XV. The Arches of Romulus, the Senaculum, and the dwelling house of Ovid.  
THe old arches (which some think Romulus erected) continued a long time built of brick, neither would the Romans suffer that any man should make them of marble: to the end, that the memorial of their city founder, should remain more firmly in the minds of men. But in continuance of time long after, they decayed and fell down, in that very place where now is the church of Saint Marie of Grace, and were never afterwards re-edified. The Romans named that place Senaculum, between the Capitol and the Forum, wherein the Senate kept a consistory for counsel and consultation.  
That Ovid's mansion house stood under the Capitol, himself witnesseth, even where as now the church is of S. Marry of Consolation.  
Thus much of the buildings of the Capitol and the valley to it. Now followeth the mount Palatine.    

THE THIRD BOOK.  

CHAP. I. The divers etymologies of Palatine.  
ALbeit the hill Palatine were a long time inhabited before the city was built, and namely, first by Valentia the daughter of Italus; then, by Evander, who also therein set up a castle: whom there succeeded after the city was founded, KK. and Emperors; insomuch as scarcely any one place of Rome is more renowned by writing, than this hill: yet the certain reason of the name why it should be so called, & which a man may be bold to follow, can hardly be set down. Some would have it so called, because the Arcadians wandering with Evander disorderly, and the Palatines out of the Rheatine territory (called likewise Palatium) came to that mount and it inhabited: others of Palas the great grandfather of Evander-Livie thought, that of Palanteum a city of Arcadia, it was first called Palantium, and afterward Palatine. There are besides, who of Palatia the wife of Latinus, fetch the original of the denomination: or of Palath●, the daughter of Hyperboreus, who bare Latinuses unto Hercules, and inhabited this mountain: or of Palantia the daughter of Evander, who there was buried: or of Palas, who was himself interred in it. Some there are also, who of the bleating of sheep, which pastured there in times past, before the hill was by men frequented and peopled, imagine it was so named: or else because flocks were wont there palare, that is, to wander and graze up and down. And hereupon it is, that Nevius called it Balantium, of Balatus; or Palantium, of 
* Beletus, i. Bleating.  palaree. Tremellius calleth it the mount Rumuleus, of Romulus his image, found at the very foot of the said hill. This may suffice for the derivation of the name.   

CHAP. II. The temple of Victory, Ceres, juno Sospita, and the mother of the gods: the temple of Liberty and the porch thereof, as also the house of Cassius.  
NOw that we have declared the reason of the name of Palatium; we will go forward to show the temples and houses of the said mountain, like as we have done in the description of the Capitol hill.  
When the Romans had performed fortunately many martial exploits, and oftentimes returned with victory over their enemies, because they would not be found unthankful to the gods, unto whom they were beholden for their happy achievements, and thereby afterwards miss of the like fortunate success; they consecrated unto the goddess Victory a temple in that part of the Palatine, which looketh toward the hortyards and gardens of Maria Nova, in the very bottom of the descent, hard at the gate Romana. L. Posthumius an Aedile Curule took order for the building there of, out of certain money raised by fines and penalties; and when it was finished, he dedicated it to the goddess Victoria.  
near thereto was a chapel, consecrated to virgin Victoria, which M. Porcius Cato vowed.  
Besides, in the same place was the temple of juno Sospita.  
The Arcadians, which with Evander came to the Palatine hill, built a temple also in Palatium to Victory, but as different from this abovenamed, as far more ancient: and to the honour of that goddess, solemnised yearly sacrifices.  
They built a temple to Ceres also in the Palatine.  
In the fatal books of Sibylla there was a prophesy found, That the foreign enemy and strange borne should be chased out of Italy, in case the mother of the gods might be brought to Rome from Pessinus. Now a stone it was, which the inhabitants of that country so called. Sent therefore were ambassadors into Asia as far as to Pessinus a town of Phrygia: who brought with them that Great mother of the gods into Italy. Then P. Cornelius carried it from the sea into the Palatine, and bestowed it in the temple of Victory, until such time as one was built of purpose for her. Afterward, M. Livius and C. Claudius the Censors, took order for a temple to be made, to this great mother of the gods, and the same set out with statues, pillars, and pavements of divers stones of great price. And junius Brutus dedicated it. The plays also and games called Megalesia, where of Cicero speaketh, were first instituted at the dedication thereof.  
Unto Liberty, P. Clodius built a temple and a stately gallery, in part of Cassius his house, near the temple of jupiter Stator.   

CHAP. III. Of the chapel and altar of 
* The fever.  Febris: the temple of the Lares: the chapel of the goddess Viriplaca, of Faith, and jupiter Victor.  
NOt to those gods only that did good to mankind the Romans consecrated temples, but dedicated chapels to those also that did them hurt; to the end, that they should do less harm, and punish them more gently. For certain it is, that on the hill Palatine there was a temple and altar both, consecrated to the Fever: likewise to Nemesis the goddess of vengeance; whereof before in the second book.  
Besides, they erected a chapel of the Lares in the Palatine.  
In like manner, there was a chapel in the Palatine, consecrated to the goddess 
* Not much unlike, but somewhat a better saint, than S. Vocumbre of Paul's.  Viriplaca; into which, if man and wife came together, although they disagreed and were fallen out before, they returned home again good friends from thence, and all was well.  
After that Aeneas with his son Ascanius and daughter Roma came into Italy, they reared a temple to Faith, in Palatine: the which was dedicated notwithstanding in the name of the daughter, and the same was written in the forefront of the temple: and therefore many years after, when Romulus and Remus strove who should give name to the city, the Senate and people of Rome reading the name of Aeneas his daughter in the frontispiece of the said temple, resolved to name the city after her, Roma.  
Q. Fabius in the Sabine war, vowed a temple to jupiter conqueror: and afterwards built it on the Palatine hill, and there dedicated it.   

CHAP. four The temples of Heliogabalus, Apollo, and the Penates: the house of Orcus; the place of the Palladium or image of Minerva; and the temple of Augustus.  
Antonius' Heliogabalus consecrated a god in the mount Palatine, which he called Heliogabalus, and built a temple in the very place, where before stood that of Orcus or Pluto. But to win credit and name to this new & counterfeit god with great reverence and worship; he endeavoured to translate into this temple of his, the 
* Scyphum, or rather, typum, i. the figure.  sacred cup of that great mother of the gods, the fire of Vesta, the image of Minerva called Palladium, the heavenly scutcheons, and all things else which the Romans honoured above the rest. The Christian and jewish religion also he there counterfeited, to the end, that no man in the religious worship of that temple and god, might allege any pretence why he should not with good conscience so do.  
Moreover, in the Palatine, there was built a most ancient temple of Apollo. This chanced to be overthrown by thunder and lightning; and when the soothsayers gave out, that the god miss it and required another, Augustus Caesar adjoined a porch to the ruins thereof, and re-edified the temple anew that there stood: wherein himself when he grew aged, many a time sat in counsel with the Senate, and empanelled the decuries of judges. In it likewise were pendant candlesticks, branched with arms like trees, whereon the approved poets bestowed their writings. Certain marks and tokens of this temple are to be seen (although obscurely) near to the vineyard of Fedra, where the house of Tiberius stood. Unto him were instituted the Apollinare games, whereof read Cicero.  
The temple of the citie-protectours, called Penates, stood in that part of the Palatine which looketh into the North, even on Velia not far from the Forum. In it were the images of the Trojane gods. In the same are portrayed two young men sitting together, and holding a ball in their hand. In like manner, the crooked Augurs staves called Litui, of iron and brass. Besides, an earthen Trojane vessel of potter's work. Apollo also and Neptune were there to be seen.  
When the temple of Vesta was on a light burning fire, the image of Pallas being saved out thereof, was translated into Velia, and gave the name unto the temple of Palaca, now S. Andrew's church, standing in the same place.  
Some report, that there was a temple built in Palatium to Augustus Caesar of famous memory, by his daughter Livia.   

CHAP. V. The Palatine houses, and the court of the Salijs.  
THat Romulus and Remus being shepherds abode sometime in these parts, the sheds and cottages, which long time after were found here, made of slight wood and reed, do testify: which as any of them in continuance of time decayed and fell down, the shepherds repaired with the like matter to their ancient form, that the perpetual memorial of Romulus and Remus the city founders, what kind of persons they were, and what manner of houses they woned in, might be delivered to posterity. In that corner of the Palatine hill, which leadeth into the grand cirque or shewplace, there stood (many ages) the cottage which they called Casa Romuli.  
Tullus Hustilius, before he built his court dwelled upon Velia, in that very place where afterwards the chapel of the Penates stood.  
Not far from thence, even in that part of the Palatine which regardeth the Forum, Catiline (by report) had his house built.  
Moreover, between M. Scaurus his house and Catilines, there was but a small step over.  
Cicero's house purchased of Crassus, was in the most frequent and conspicuous place of the mount Palatine, above the church of jup. Stator, near the Palatium.  
Pliny testifieth, how the houses of Crassus the orator, and Viterbius, in the Palatium, were in old time overturned.  
One captain Vanas likewise had an house in the Palatium.  
Also Tiberius, where of we have written in the former chapter.  
Augustus (borne in the region about Palatium, in a place called Capita bubula, i. the ox heads; and where after his death, they erected a chapel unto him) dwelled first near the Roman Forum, above the round stairs called Scalae annulariae, in the house sometime of Calvus the orator. Afterwards he built the stately Palatine at his own charges and gave it to the city, and himself dwelled on the Palatine hill in the small house of Hortensius.  
The Guild, or religious court of the Salijs, built in the mount Palatine, chanced to be burnt; and in the ashes thereof, the staff of Romulus called Lituus was found, without any hurt.  
Publicola dwelled in an house standing over the Forum, which was called Subvelia.  
That the dwelling house of Tarqvinius Priscus was near unto the temple of jup. Stator, may soon be proved out of Livy.   

CHAP. VI Of the top of Velia; the statues in Palatine, and other things in general.  
THe pitch of the hill called Summa Velia, was in that higher part of Palatium, which looketh into the Southeast, whereas now is the temple of Marie the new. Called Velia it was, because in old time before the devise of shearing sheep, the shepherds were there wont to pluck the wool from the sheep's back.  
Augustus' set up a Library of Latin and Greek books in Palatine, and adorned it with the money raised of the most excellent brass of that huge colossus of Thuscane Apollo. He adjoined thereto a porch or gallery, which they called Palatium.  
In it was erected by the Senate, a statue unto Numerianus the Emperor, and a singular oratory. In the same porch, the Romans also set up a statue unto M. Varo, whiles he lived.  
The Auguratorium, which was a place where they used to take auguries, was upon mount Palatin. Apollo Palatinus likewise, the workmanship of Scopas, was Palatium. Latona's in the same was placed.  
Titus the Emperor set up a golden statue in Palatine to Britannicus.  
Moreover, the tree which grew out of Romulus his spear, was in the Palatium. For he, after he had taken his auguries in the mount Aventine, lanced his spear from him into the Palatine, which sticking in the earth, budded forth leaves and grew to be a tree.  
Likewise the bay tree, which the same day that Augustus was borne, sprung with him and suddenly appeared, was in Palatium. Of this laurel tree, they that afterwards triumphed, were wont to wear their wreathed guirlands.  
The Palatine baines, whereof Cicero maketh mention in his oration for Roscius, were in the same Palatium; and of them there remain yet some tokens, above the Circus max. not far from the vineyard of Fedra.  
In the same mountain also there was a place called Sicilia, and jupiter's parlour.  
The most beautiful streets called Antonianae, paved with Lacedaemonian and Porphyret stones, were in Palatium. The streets also of Padus, and Fortuna respiciens, were to be seen in Palatine. And there were the games and pastimes celebrated, which they call Palatual.   

CHAP. VII. The Palatium now called the Greater: the court-yard of the Palatium: and the old gate of the very Palatium itself.  
HOw great a compass the Palatium took up in old time, how gorgeously it was built, how rich, how frequent and full of houses, the huge ruins, the pictures, statues, and most precious pillars there found, do easily declare. For no man ever hath left in writing, who first built so great and stately edifices; who afterwards enlarged the same, and in so conspicuous a place erected those houses. By little and little it grew to so great an height, as if all writers should be ignorant of those antiquities: neither was any thing at one time done at once, which seemed worth the memorial. For, Historiographers are wont to deliver unto posterity those things only which are rare and worthy of admiration. The mount Palatine at this day is called Palatium majus, and setting aside the Church of Saint Andrew, hath scarce two houses inhabited. The rest being either replenished with vines or fit for pasture, yieldeth grass and food, for sheep, caples, and goats. So as it seemeth it may be called Balantium of the bleating that sheep make, rather than Palantium.  
This Palatium had also a place therein called Atrium, built in old time and hallowed by Augury: in it the Senate sat in counsel, because they might not assemble in any place unaugurate or unhallowed. Therein also rams were sacrificed.  
The old gate of the Palatium was near the Rostra, over-against S. Laurence church in Miranda. Some would have this to be called the gate of Romulus, in old time.   

CHAP. VIII. The temples of janus, Augustus, and Faustina.  
AFter the description of the temples and edifices of Palatium the third part of the city, now followeth a fourth; namely the Roman Forum. Therein is the most stately temple of janus, (for me thinks we do well to begin at janus, who is counted the door and entrance as it were of all things) having four gates. For janus himself, who was therein worshipped, had four faces; & from Faliscia a city in Tuscan forced by the Romans, he was translated to Rome into the Forum, named after Transitorium. His temple was built in that part of the said Forum which looked toward the Roman Forum. Procopius saith, that in his days it was built in the mids of the Forum over-against the Capitol, a little above the place which the Romans called, The three Destinies. Other temples there were besides of janus, and namely in the Capitol near the theatre of Marcellus, with two fronts all of brass, and had two brazen doors, which in time of peace were shut; and against war, were set open.  
The temple of Augustus was builded in the Roman Forum. This was begun in the time of Tiberius the Emperor, but left-unperfect. Caligula finished it. Above it, he made a bridge which joined the Capitol and Palatine together.  
There remain yet to be seen certain monuments and marks of the temple of Faustina. Hadrianus the emperor her husband founded it at the foot of the Palatine hill (where the brazen image of a bull standeth) for her sake, that she might be honoured as a goddess. The same, his son Antonius Heliogabalus afterwards would have to be a temple for himself, or jupiter Syrius, or else the Sun. At this day it is the Church of S. Laurence in Miranda.   

CHAP. IX. The temple of Castor and Pollux, and the Rostra.  
NO man doubteth but that the temple of Castor and Pollux was sometime in the Roman Forum before the Rostra, near to that abovesaid of Faustina. This sacred house A. Posthumius the dictator dedicated; and L. Metellus afterwards repaired and beautified it, with the Dalmatian spoils. In it, as in many other, the Senate used to sit in council, and therein were public orations made to the people. Cacilius Metellus adorned the same with statues, pillars, and excellent painting: where in also he set up the portraiture and resemblance of Flora, a picture of singular beauty. A table besides, which contain the records and monuments, touching the free burgeoisie granted to the horsemen of Capua. The steps and greeces going up to this temple, Clodius afterwards plucked up, as witnesseth Cicero.  
There was a temple or consecrate place called Rostra, at the foot of the hill Palatium, over-against that beforenamed of Castor and Pollux, whereas now is the little chapel of S. Marry de Inferno. From these Rostra, were the sentences and acts of the Senate, brought and propounded to the people.   

CHAP. X. The temple of Caesar, Venus Genetrix, and Mars revenger: and the court of Venus.  
CAesar of famous memory had a temple near his own Forum, at the broad street called Sacra, behind the temple of Faustina. In it were set up as Saints, Victory and Castor.  
In the same Caesar's Forum, there stood a chapel of Venus Genetrix, behind the said temple of Faustina. This, Caesar vowed in the Pharsalian war, and dedicated it. After victory in the war against Pompey, Caesar enclosed the temple of the said Venus, within a court-yard and a cloister, which Hadrian afterwards repaired and built new.  
Augustus Caesar in the battle of Philippi, vowed a temple to Mars the avenger, which afterwards he edified in his own Forum, wherein were certain iron pots dedicated to Mars: and two statues, bearing up the tabernacle of Alexander the Great. This is thought to be at this day the church of saint Martina.   

CHAP. XI. The temples of Vulcan, Concord, Peace, Romulus, and Venus Cloacina.  
THe temple of Vulcan, Romulus founded, above the Comitium and Forum Romanum, at the bottom of the Palatine hill: but Tatius dedicated the temple of Vulcan, as also of the Sun and Moon, of Saturn, Rhea, Vesta, Diana, and Quirinus. In the temple of Vulcan there was dedicated unto Vulcan, the brazen chariot of Romulus, wherein he road in triumph a second time. Therein remained also the statue of Cocles there erected. Many a time were orations made to the people in this temple.  
In the yard belonging to Vulcan's temple, Fulvius, the son of a Libertine or enfranchised citizen, 303 years after the building of the Capitol, vowed the temple of Concord, if he could reconcile the States of Senators and gentlemen to the people. Afterwards he built it of the amercements and penalties that he took of Usurers condemned, at the foot of the mount Palatine. Opimius' the Consul afterwards repaired it a new. In it, Pliny testifieth that an altar ran blood for two days.  
Livia Drusilla in her open gallery, erected a chapel of Concord, in regard of the mutual and loving agreement between her husband and her: which afterwards Tiberius dedicated.  
In that place where Drusilla first founded the said chapel of Concord, Vespasian afterwards with wonderful celerity and speed, (after the civil wars ended) finished the temple of Peace, begun before by Claudian. A large building this was and four square, set out with most stately and fair columns, and of all other temples the richest. In it Vespasian bestowed the holy vessels and precious ornaments of the temple in Jerusalem, which T. had showed in triumph. It had also the statue of Ganymedes, and an infinite number of other ornaments wherewith it was decked and beautified. This temple caught a fire, and at once suddenly was consumed whole: and never was it known to this day how this fire came; unless it were (as some imagine) by reason of an earthquake which happened the same hour, the stones rubbed together and struck fire.  
An altar of Peace was by Augustus first reared; but in what place, the posterity knoweth not. The same, Agrippa afterwards enlarged and adorned. Between the temple of Peace and Faustina, there is at this day a most ancient temple, and two pillars of the porch to it, which now is dedicated to the two brethren Saint Cosines and Damians. Some think it was the temple of Romulus and Remus, the same that Carvilius the Consul, after he had subdued the Samnites, dedicated, and of the infinite mass of spoils adorned it.  
That the temple of Venus Cloacina stood near the broad street Sacra, Ovid testifieth. Now the image of this Cloacina was found in a privy or draft, called Maxima, and Tatius consecrated it. And because it was not known whose resemblance it was, it took the name of the place wherein it was found.   

CHAP. XII. The temples of Tellus, Salus, Victoria, the Sun and Moon, the house of Cassius, and the armory.  
WHere the temple of Tellus stood, some say it is uncertein; others think it was not far from the Esquailiae, near the rising of the hill that leadeth to S. Peter's church in Vinculis, where as now standeth the temple of Pantaleon. Sempronius vowed it: for whiles he fought a battle with his enemy, at Asculum the head town of the Picentines, the earth quaked: and because he would pacify the goddess Tellus (i. the earth) which he thought was angry, he vowed this temple unto her. Built it was in the same plot of void ground, where the house of Spinius Cassius (who sought to be a king) was overthrown. near unto this temple of Tellus, there was an armory; where of Cicero also maketh mention in a certain place. Within the said compass, C. junius Bibaculus the Consul, vowed a chapel to the godpesse Salus, in the time of the Samnites war. The same was by him put forth to building when he was Censor, and dedicated by him dictator.  
L. Volumnius an Aedile, caused the temple of Victoria near the Roman Forum to be made, of the penalties and fines taken.  
In this place also was the altar of Apollo.  
Some would have, that the temples of Concord and Aeculapius, were near the Amphitheatre, in the place where the gardens be of S. Marry the new.  
The temple of Mercury also was in the Forum.  
The temples likewise of Isis and Serapis were in the Burse called Emporium. And some think, that these were the Chapels of the Sun and Moon, dedicated by Tatius.   

CHAP. XIII. The Forum of Trajanus: the things now therein, or that have been heretofore.  
THus much of temples, of holy and religious places, which seemed worth the noting, hath been briefly written. Now from hence forward we will speak of those things, which shall concern the honour and memorial of mortal men, and first begin we will with that excellent prince Trajanus.  
Forum Trajani was built (with wonderful Art and industry of man) by Apollodorus, between the Forum of Nerva, the Capitol hill, and the mount Quirinall. The same workman built also (at the commandment of Trajanus) Metodeum and Gymnasium. The roof of that Forum or Hall was of brass, within round about in every place the forms and images of horses, and military ensign all guilt. Now were these foresaid images erected there at the cities charges in memorial of them that had deserved well of the commonweal, or otherwise of some notable act.  
The triumphant arch in like manners with many other monuments reared to the praise of Trajanus, adorned this Forum or hall of his.  
The porch of this Forum, built upon most mighty and high pillars, and resting upon large chapters, yielded so great admiration to the beholders, that they seemed rather the works of giants than men. Into this, Alexander Severus in the honour of Trajanus, translated most beautiful statues of singular men.  
Trajans' horse in like manner stood in the mids, bearing upon high columns.  
In a coin also there is found the image of Trajane, with this inscription: S.P.Q.R. OPTIMO PRINCIPI, THE SENATE AND PEOPLE OF ROME TO THE BEST PRINCE. But hereof Lampridius writeth much.  
He likewise is reported, to have adorned the palace, made of sundry marbles, with pictures and statues within.  
In the mids of the Forum, there stood the Column of Trajane, built with winding stairs. This had round about it the summary of the acts of Trajane engraven and chased most cunningly; but above all the Dakes war: within-forth there be 185 steps up to the top; and it hath 40 little windows to let in light unto them that shall go up: 120 foot high it was, or (as Eutopius writeth) 140. In the louvre or lantern thereof were the bones of Trajane kept within a golden ball. This pillar, Trajane himself never saw: for whiles he warred against the Parthians, the Senate dedicated it unto him in his absence. But he in his return from the Persians, died by the way at Seleucia a city in Syria, of a flux of blood. His dead corpse was brought to Rome: and of all the Emperors, he alone (as Eutropius writeth) was interred within the city. The reason why his bones are left in that Column is this: The manner in old-time was, for princes and noble men to be buried under hills: but there being not mountains enough whereupon to raise sepulchers in every place, it happened that such steeples and high pillars were set over their dead bodies in steed thereof.   

CHAP. XIIII. The Forum, the palace, and porch of Nerva.  
NExt to our sight cometh the Forum of Nerva, & it is behind the Church of S. Hachian. In the mids of it there stood a Column of brass of an huge bigness; covered with place of latten or copper, and hath within it, light every way. This Forum was garnished with divers statues and columns, containing the whole order of all the acts of Nerva. This was afterwards called Forum Transitorium, for that from it there was the way to the Forum of Augustus, and the Roman.  
There appeareth as yet some part of the porch or gallery belonging to that Forum: for being consumed by fire, yet it left certain obscure tokens, witnessing, that in the same place was the Forum of Nerva.  
Part also of the palace of Nerva, built of 4 square stones and pillars, together with the Church of S. Blaze, are yet seen enclosed between the Comitium and the tower of Militia.   

CHAP. XV. The Roman Forum, the Comitium, the prison Tullianum, and the image of Marforius.  
THe Roman Forum, which also is called Latinum, began at the foot of the Capitol, and reached in length to the Church now of Saint Marie the new, which is in Velia. But at the first, the circuit and bounds thereof were much narrower. For from the head thereof abovenamed; it went no farther than the nearest foot of the mount Palatine. Many a year after, Augustus Caesar enlarged it.  
The Comitium joined to the Forum, or rather it was a part thereof: for it beginneth at the gate of Palatium, and endeth at the church of S. Marry the new.  
At the foot of the Capitol hill, South-east-ward, Ancus Martius built a prison for malefactors to be laid up in. After him king Tullius adjoined to it that part which is under the ground, and called that dungeon, Tullianum. Made it was of huge & mighty big stones, with narrow long holes, for to receive the shadow as it were and resemblance of a sight. The dungeon within was vaulted with stone, ugly for darkness, and loathsome by reason of a strong and s●●king sent. This whole prison was divided into two parts, the upper room and the nether. Carcer it was called in Latin a coercendo, because it kept them there enclosed from coming forth. 〈…〉.  
Just before this prison there lieth a huge marble-idoll which they call Marforie Some think it was the image of the bakers god, others, of jupiter surnamed Panatius; of the tumors that bear out, like to loaves of bread. For the Romans in times past, when they were besieged by the Gauls in the Capitol, had warning by jupiter in a dream, to make bread of all the corn that they had left, and to throw it into the enemy's camp. Where by the Gauls despairing that the Romans could possibly be tamed with hunger, broke up the siege. Whereupon the Romans in perpetual memorial of this benefit, erected an altar and a statue to jupiter Pistor.  
This image is thought to be the resemblance of the river Rhenus in Germany; because it is upon a rock. But why it should be called Marforium, I know not, unless it be because it standeth in the Forum of Augustus.   

CHAP. XVI. The Secretary of the people of Rome; the arch of Septimius; the temple of Saturn. Of the Treasury, and the mint-house where they coined money.  
BEhind the image of Marforius, overagainst the arch of Septimius, is the church of S. Martina: where, as it appeareth by an evidence engraven in marble, was sometime the place called the Secretary of the people of Rome.  
Right against the said church of S. Martina at the bottom of the rock Tarpeia, standeth the arch of Septimius, which in both the fronts thereof containeth the deeds of that emperor both by land and sea.  
Directly there followeth the temple, sometime of Saturn, now, S. Hadrians' church. The said temple was of great antiquity. Some report L. Largius for the builder thereof; others L. Tarqvinius: albeit more likely it is that Largius dedicated it. Livy writeth, that when A. Sempronius and M. Minutius were Consuls, Numantius Plancus re-edified it. The treasury of the people of Rome, no writer denieth, but that it was translated out of the Capitol into this temple. But why men in old time would have the treasure to be within Satur's temple, there be divers opinions. Some say, because in Saturn's days there was no theft committed: for under him all things were common; no covetous miser nor lewd person laid wait for his neighbour, but all things were administered with righteousness, faith, and love. Cyprian allegeth this cause, because Saturn was the first that in Italy ordained money to be coined. Moreover, in this treasurehouse were kept the public ordinances. Also the books called Elephantini, containing the five and thirty tribes of the people of Rome. Moreover, all the books of the cities accounts: also the ancient writings and records of the old Aerarium & of the city debts. Furthermore, the standards and ensigns of war. Over and besides, whatsoever was by the Generals and captains after the conquest of provinces carried in triumph, was thither brought. Lastly, whatsoever was expedient and profitable for the Commonweal to be reserved, as laws, letters, and other common registers of a city. The Censors likewise were put to take their oath in the temple of Saturn.  
Between the church now of S. Hadrian, and that which sometime was the temple of Castor & Pollux, stood in old time the workhouse wherein they coined money.   

CHAP. XVII. The golden Miliarium, the bridge of Caligula, the Rostra and the Curia.  
MIliarium aureum stood in times passed at the head of the Roman Forum, under the temple of Saturn, near to the arch of Septimius. A pillar it was, so called, wherein all the high ways of Italy were cut and engraven, and there ended, and from which the measures began and went on to every gate of all quarters.  
Caligula brought a bridge of marble through the Roman Forum, from the mount Palatine to the Capitol. A more stately and curious piece of work there never was throughout all the city: for the bridge was sustained with fourscore mighty pillars of most white marble: whereof at this day three are to be seen at the foot of the one hill, and as many at the other, in such manner as they were in times passed by Caligula built for the bridge. In the mids of the Forum, over-against S. Hadrians' church there standeth a pillar, which is verily thought to be one of them that supported the brazen horse of Domitian gilded all over. At the foot of this horse was the resemblance of Rhine, a river in Germany; for that Domitian the emperor had triumphed over that province. And this is the image which afterwards they called Marforius.  
Of the beakeheads of the Antiate ships, a pulpit was built in the Roman Forum by the Romans at the foot of the mount Palatine, which temple they called Rostra, that therein the acts of the Senate should be made. Now of this Rostra there were twain, the new at the bottom of the Palatine as is beforesaid, and the old, near the Curia in the Comitium. In this Rostra were laws published, causes pleaded, and Orations made to the people. On the same the manner was also to erect the Statues for most famous and noble men.  
In the most conspicuous place of the Forum Romanum, before Rostra, upon a lion of stone was the portrait set of Faustulus the fosterfather of Romulus & Remus. For he, whiles he was desirous to part the fray between Romulus and Remus the founders of the city, was there slain, where, afterwards they erected unto him his statue. Behind the Rostra was the sepulchre also of Romulus. Moreover, before the Rostra stood the statue of Hercules, clad in a coat after the Eleans habit, with a grim and stern countenance. Three statues also of Sibylla in the same place. The manner of the Romans besides, was to set up the heads of those that were put to death, there to be seen.  
Two Curiae or Counsell-honses at Rome there were: one near the Forum, fast by the temple of Peace named Hostilia; the other in the mount Coelius, whereof we will speak hereafter.   

CHAP. XVIII. The lake Curtius, the great sink or town ditch, and the Doliola.  
THe lake Curtius was in the midst of the Rom. Forum, near Domitian his horse. This lake took that name of M. Curtius, who to save the Commonweal, willingly of his own accord cast himself headlong, armed as he was, together with his horse into a chink of the ground in the midst of the Roman Forum. Some would have it so called of Metius Curtius a Sabine, who through this lake escaped safe to his own company.  
The vault or sink called Cloaca Maxima, was made by the commandment of Tarquin: for by reason that the hills were digged under, and the city stood hollow upon arches, it received and carried away all the filth thereof. At the temple of jup. Stator, divided it was into three conveyances or channels, whereof two of them are now stopped up, the third runneth with most clear water by the lake Curtius, under the Roman Forum, along the foot of the mount Palatine into Velabrum, and from thence in a sink made of four square stone, it dischargeth itself into Tiber. In old time there were many such vaults, & those for public use. But after the city was won by the Gauls & burned, whiles every man made haste to rebuild his house, where he could meet first with a convenient place; they took no heed to the streets as they were before: so as neither the city was divided as aforetime into quarters, nor yet the sinks which in times past went under the streets, were marked where they lay: but afterwards were conveyed under private men's houses, whereby it came to pass, that each house almost at this day hath a sink or privy belonging to it. Hereupon also it is, that this author, whose epitome or abridgement we write, hath not divided the regions of the city, agreeable to the old wrirers. But to the end that those things which he setteth down, might be sooner understood, and better remembered, he hath parted it into those quarters as now it standeth: and when he showeth in what part of the city any place in times past was, he declareth them in those coasts which at this day are known to the inhabitants. But as at first these sinks were common (as I have said) so there were appointed public overseers to look unto them.  
near the foresaid great sink there was a place, which of certain barrels under the ground was called Doliola. This place was reputed so holy, that a man might not spit thereupon. In it were supposed to have been certain secret mysteries of Numa. And yet, there be that think verily the ashes of the French Senones were there bestowed.   

CHAP. XIX. The Comitium, the temple of Venus Genitrix. The statues and images that were in the Comitium and Roman Forum. Caesar's statue and pillar.  
WHere the Comitium was, from what place it began, & in what part of the city it ended, we have showed before, in the 15 chapter of this book. Called it was Comitium, as Plutarch saith for that Romulus and Tatius were wont to meet together in this place, to make covenants between them. In which place afterwards, the Senate and people of Rome assembled, when they would decree any thing for the good of the C.W. and namely, when Consuls, Tribunes Consular, and such magistrates were created, and other affairs concluded, where of authors make mention in all their writings. That place was near the Senaculuin, at the very foot of the mount Palatine. This Comitium was open abovehead for many years: whereupon oftentimes, albeit assemblies were summoned, yet they were impeached holding for them, fearing some tempestuous weather toward. Long time after, when Hannibal came into Italy, they set a rouse over it: and afterwards Caesar repaired it again. In this Comitium the plays were many times exhibited. In the same (as Livie-reporteth) the books of Sibylla were burnt. In like manner many lewd and outrageous acts were committed in the assemblies there, whereof elsewhere we will speak.  
In the Comitium stood the statue of Cocles; which being afterwards strucken with fire from heaven, was translated into the court-yard of Vulcan. In the cantons & angles of the Comitium, were the statues likewise of Pythagoras and Alcibiades: Also in the ascent and stairs thereof, on the left hand of the Curia, stood the image of 〈◊〉, together with his wherstone and razor.  
The image resembling the Mother goddess, was set up in the Forum. They that worshipped this goddess were of this opinion, that the stone whereof she was made, could not possibly be consumed with fire: which they guessed hereby, for that albeit many fires were made, in the night especially at her image, yet it took no hurt thereby; and therefore gave they out, that there was such virtue herein, as I have said. And from hence it came, that in all streets almost they began to worship her, and to erect altars and little chapels unto her.  
The temple of Venus Genetrix, as is showed before, was in the Forum. Just before this temple stood the statue of Caesar, carrying a blazing star upon the head. In like manner a Column of Caesar made of Numidian marble 20 foot high, there remained. Before the temple of Castor, there was the statue of Q. Martius in horsmans' habit; of Tremellius clad in a side gown; of M. Atticus covered with a vail.   

CHAP. XX. The column called Mania: the pillar Horatia: the houses of Caesar, Constantine, and Domitian. The temple and court-yard of the said Caesar.  
IN that part of the Forum was the column Moenia, where stood the palace of Portius. Called Moenia it was, of Moenius the Censor: for he (when as he sold unto Cato his house, and when Flaccus the other Censor gave order, that the palace aforesaid should there be built) reserved in the sale so much space for himself, as a pillar or column would take up: upon the which he might put out a fit to juttie forth, made of joists and bourds upon them: from which place both he and his posterity might behold the sport of sword-fencers. And this privilege he obtained: whereupon, others also, as many as might be allowed, were as industrious, and built them columns in the Forum.  
There stood a rock of stone also in the Forum, whereupon the spoils of the three twins Curiatij were hanged.  
In like manner, the pillar called Horatia.  
The houses of Caesar, Constantine, and Domitian beautified the Forum.  
Likewise the court and cloister of Minerva; and the shops [of Bankers] as well old as new.  
The dead corpse of Caesar was brought out of the Curia into the Forum, and interred in that place, where afterwards they built unto him an altar and temple.  
Likewise in the Forum the manner of the Romans was, to lay down their magistracy.   

CHAP. XXI. Caesar's Forum: the palace of Paulus, and his Library.  
BEsides the temple of Saturn, or the common treasury (whereof we have written before in the 16 chapter of this book) in the Roman Forum toward the North-east, was Caesar's Forum, even in that very place which seemeth lower than the rest, behind the temple of Faustina. There, was the temple of Venus Genitrix, about which, Caesar made a cloister and a Forum, not of wares and merchandise to be sold, but for them that repaired thither for justice in law matters. In this Forum, among other statues (whereof there were many and those most fair and beautiful) he suffered his own to be made, all armed. The Forum itself contained but a small compass, but it was most excellently set out. The very level of the plot stood him in an hundred millions of Asses and above.  
Caesar purchased with 1500 talents, Paulus Aemilius the colleague of C. Marcellus in his Conshulship, to be his friend and to stand with him. Paulus having received this sum of money, built in the mids of the Forum near to the temple of Castor and Pollux, a most excellent and wonderful palace, of Phrygian columns, which afterwards they named, Basilici Pauli.  
A Library also the same Paulus erected, near unto his own Basilici.   

CHAP. XXII. The Forum of Augustus: the galleries of Antonius, Faustina, and Livia: Caesar's house.  
THe Roman Forum, those also of [julius] Caesar and Augustus, were (as it is well known) near one to another. That of Augustus, they affirm to have been at the image of Marforius, in the most frequented place of the city: it was but little in compass, as the other of Caesar's, but excellently well adorned with brave statues and other things. For it had the statues of Castor and Pollux, with the victory of Alexander the Great: the image also of Corvinus, and of the raven that upon his helmet fought. Also Apollo in ivory: and besides these, other ensigns and ornaments of virtue and valour.  
In this Hall or Forum, public justice was administered: and the judges from thence were empanelled: herein they debated in council, of wars, of triumphs, and other weighty affairs. From hence they used to go when they took journey into their provinces with sovereign command. Hither, they that returned victors, brought the ensigns and tokens of their victory. This Forum being by time decayed, Hadrian re-edified.  
This Forum had two porches, wherein were the statues set out and decked in triumphant manner.  
Augustus' dwelled in the street Sacra, in a house not so large and stately, but marvelously furnished by his niece Livia. And Augustus not able to abide this wasteful superfluity of riches, pulled it down and laid it even with the ground: in the void plot and court-yard whereof, was afterwards built the gallery of Livia; which also was called Claudia. Nero cast it down, but Domitian built it up again under the old name.  
The goodly galleries of Antonine and Faustina, adorned with divers and sundry marbles well built in old time, were whereas at this day standeth the church of S. Laurence in Miranda.   

CHAP. XXIII. The rafter or beam called Sororium Tigillum: the street Syprius, Sceleratus, and Patrius: the house of M. Antonius.  
SOrorium Tigillum was a place hallowed for the expiation and assoiling of Horatius for killing his sister, set up near the street Carinae, to the honour of jupiter.  
The street Cyprius is near to the cliff or rising of the Capitol, which leadeth to the church of S. Peter in Vinculis, so called of Cyprus. In it dwelled the Sabines first, when they were afranchised and made freedenisons. Surnamed afterwards it was Sceleratus, upon the wicked and devilish act of Tullia, whereof Livy speaketh. Some think this was all one with the former: others say it was divers from it.  
The street Patritius, was so called, because of the Patritij, who were by K. Tullus commanded there to dwell. For this was a place raised somewhat higher than others; from whence as from the upper ground, they might easily defend themselves against the sudden violence of others, if it should be offered.  
M. Antonius dwelled in that house, where sometimes stood the temple of Tellus. After Antony, the church of S. Pantalion was in the same place built.   

CHAP. XXIIII. Busta Gallica, and Aequimelium.  
BVsta Gallica, was a place in the heart of the city, where the dead bodies of the Frenchmen that held Rome, were burnt and buried. It was in that part of the city where at this day standeth the Church of S. Andrew (in Busta Gallica.) Now they call it by an awke name, Portugallo: and it is not far from the Amphitheatre. Varro setteth the Busta Gallica near the Aequimelium. As for Aequimelium, it was so called, because the house of Melius who sought to be K. was there laid level with the ground.   

CHAP. XXV. The street called Via Sacra: the arch Fabian and Vespasian.  
THis street beginneth at the old Curia, in the angle of Palatium near the arch of [Great] Constantine. Varro supposeth that it began at the Carinae and the chapel of Sterniae. Whereby a man may gather, that the Via Sacra sometimes went through the gardens now of S. Marry the new, to the temple of Peace, the Forum of Caesar, and so directly up to the castle of the Capitol. The name of Sacra it took, for that the Augurs when they came from the Capitol hill, went through it as they took their Augury: or because monthly, they went in procession with sacred relics along that way: or last of all, in regard that in it there was a league and covenant made between Romulus and Tatius. At the head and top of it, Ancus Martius in times past dwelled, near the chapel of the Lares.  
In this street was the famous statue set up of Cloelia.  
The arch Fabian likewise, near the king's palace, fast by the Basilica of Paulus, was reared by Fabius the Censor, who subdued the Allobroges. In which arch was the scutcheon with his arms, and other tokens of the victory engraven. Fast by it, Scribonius Libo erected a seat and Tribunal for the praetor, named Puteal.  
In the same street-way, was the marble arch of Vespasian, (the ancientest of all others that are now to be seen) erected by Vespasian after he had won Jerusalem. In it were his victories cut and engraven, with the ark of the covenant of one side; and on the other, his triumphs and spoils; and namely, the golden candlestick; the seven other lights, the two tables of Moses, the vessels of the temple of Jerusalem; the golden table, weighing one great talon; and many things else, whereof josephus writeth.     

THE FOURTH BOOK.  

CHAP. I. The temple of janus and Piety: of the public goal of Rom. Commons.  
SEeing that four parts of the city are described, the fifth ensueth; which includeth those places that comprehend Tybre, part of the Aventine on the right hand, and the rock Tarpeia on the left: the valley also which lieth between those very hills. Wherhfore begin we will at the memorable places, which are next after the theatre of Marcellus, and so run through the plain and level plot of the city. And with janus first, whom men in old time believed to be the very door and as it were the entrance of all things. Unto janus, Numa built a temple at the gate Carmentalis, (afterwards the chapel of Saint Katherine) at the bottom of Argiletus, close unto the theatre of Marcellus. This temple had two doors: In time of peace they were shut, but in war opened by that Consul, who, as the worthier person was created first. It is found in records, that this temple was shut but only thrice. First, by Numa himself: secondly, by T. Manlius the Consul: and a third time by Augustus, after the battle of Actium. But why in time of war it stood open, many reasons are given: and this is thought the chiefest, namely, an accident that befell when Romulus warred against the Sabines: for when the Sabines were now possessed of the gate Carmentalis, and about to rush violently into the city, all on a sudden unlooked for, there issued forth upon the enemies a plenteous river and stream of hot scalding water out of the temple of janus, which stood near to the gate: whereupon they were driven to flee, and so the city was saved. From hence it is, that posterity coming after, open the doors for janus that he might be at liberty, when he is called forth as it were, to help in time of war.  
Others report, that Tatius and Romulus both, were the founders of that temple: as who, when the covenant was made betwixt them, agreed together of that two-faced god, as an indifferent and common witness to them both of the accord contracted between two kings and two nations; and so erected unto him this temple in that very place where now the ruins of S. Katherine's church are to be seen.  
Moreover there be who affirm, that Cn. Duilius vowed it, and Tiberius built it: but the variety of these opinions seemeth hereupon to arise; for that it is received and held for certain, that there were many jani worshipped as gods by the posterity; whereas they in old time believed but one: so as that which is spoken of divers, is falsely supposed, as said of one. Which may be seen before, whereas we wrote of janus with four fronts or faces, whose temple was erected in the Forum. For it is said, that janus was the first who erected temples and ordained divine service and ceremonies for the gods; and therefore in sacrifices deserved the first place.  
Portrayed he is with a key and a wand; as who is the porter to keep the gates, and the guide to direct the ways.  
Augustus besides, brought his image out of Egypt to Rome, and in the hearb-market built a temple in the honour of him.  
To Piety in the said hearb-market, M. Attilius Glabris dedicated a temple in that very place where at this day standeth the Church of S. Nicholas in the prison: for even there Ap. Claudius the Decemvir by a decree of the Senate, built a prison, for that the common goal (whereof we have written before) was not sufficient; and called it. The prison for the Commons of Rome: wherein himself afterwards being found guilty, wrought his own death. In which also many years after, a certain silly poor woman of base and obscure parentage [being newly brought a bed] being apprehended for an heinous offence, was condemned to be starved to death. Her daughter, being a milk woman, and delivered lately of a child, made humble request to the gaoler, that she might have leave to go to her mother: and when he had made straight search before, whether she brought with her any food; and saw her have nothing about her, let her in: and so she went and came, many times. At the last, known it was that the prisoner within was nourished by the breast-milk of her daughter: whereupon the mother was delivered and set free; and both mother and daughter were allowed their food ever after by virtue of a decree, at the cities charges: and in regard of that kindness and affection of the child to the mother, they consecrated this place to the goddess Pietas. Lavie supposeth, that it was not the mother but the father, that in this manner was by the daughter nourished.   

CHAP. II. The hearb-market: the temple of juno Matuta, and of Hope: the oratory or chapel of Numa: the column called Lactaria: the altar and chapel of Carmenta.  
THis place hath the name of Forum Holitorium, for that therein is great store of woorts and potherbs, without the gate Carmentalis, where, in times past was the old market kept: and at this day called it is, the street Montanaria.  
Within the compass of the said market place, C. Cornelius the Consul, in the time of the Gauls war, vowed a temple to juno Matuta: which afterward being Censor, he put out to building, in that very place where afterwards stood the church of S. Andrew surnamed in Mentuza.  
The same C. Cornelius built in the Forum Holitorium, the temple of Hope, and the same adorned with divers and sundry marbles: which afterwards Collatinus consecrated. Many a day after, it was smitten with lightning; and in the end set on fire and burnt.  
A column also there was in the same market place named Lactaria: unto which the sucking babes that were to be nourished with milk, were presented.  
The oratory of Numa, stood in the bottom of Argiletum, near the theatre of Marcellus.  
The altar Carmentalis, consecrated by Evander to his mother Carmenta, stood before the gate Carmentalis.  
In the same place also was the chapel of Carmenta built by the matrons of Rome. At the first, she was called Nicostrata: but for that she delivered Oracles in verse, she took the name of Carmenta.   

CHAP. III. The fish market, and temple of Fortuna Virilis.  
THe fish market standeth along the Tybre, near to the [Forum] junium, between the Churches of Saint Marie in Porticu and Aegyptiaca, within the gate Carmentalis, not far from the Forum Boarium, i. the ox market.  
The Church of S. Marie Aegyptiaca is at this day near the Tybre, and a bridge of the said name. Some go about to affirm and prove, that this was sometime the temple of Mercy; others, of Fortune and Chastity; but all in vain: for those temples were not in this place, but in the ox market: as for this temple of Fortuna Virilis, whereof we now speak, it was near Tybre. In it stood the statue of Serv. Tullius made of wood and guilt all over, which in a great skarefire when all things else were burnt, remained only safe and sound.   

CHAP. four The temple of Vesta, the Saline, and the arch of Cocles.  
near the church of Marie surnamed Aegyptiaca, there remaineth at this day a most ancient temple, now dedicated to S. Stephen, the frame whereof is circular, and the pillars are set round about and bear up the roof; which being one entire piece of work, carrieth the whole temple. Consecrated it was in old time to Vesta: and Numa taking that circular platform, from the temple which was at Alba, made it with a louvre in the top, having a hole to give light.  
Howbeit of this goddess herself there is no image nor resemblance; for that fire, whereof she is the goddess, can have no certain and permanent form: As for Vesta, the Latins call her so, because she is arrayed with divers and sundry things. Of the greeks she is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for that her force and power appertaineth to altars and lierthes where fire is kept. This is not the temple wherein the sacred fire is preserved: but that whereof we spoke before, which Romulus built between the Capitol and Palatium.  
Salinae, were the storehouses of the salt which served the city; and they stood upon that bankside of Tybre, which from the foresaid temple of Vesta reacheth into the Aventine.  
The arch of Horatius Cocles stood at the very foot of the Aventine hill, where the rising thereof beginneth, between the mount and the Tybre.   

CHAP. V. The Forum Boarium.  
HItherto from the beginning of this fourth book, are described those things which on the right hand of Tybre were worth the noting. Now forward we will after our manner, run through all the memorable things which are on the left side of that river: and first as concerning the beast-market.  
The beast-market was near to Velabrum and janus, between the mount Palatine and the Greek school, close to the temple, now called S. Gregory's church. In it there was a most ancient image in brass of a bull, whereupon some think it took the name Boarium. Others, for that oxen were there sold: or because they used in old time to sacrifice those kind of beasts there: or else, for that Evander in that place killed an ox in sacrifice to Hercules, for killing Cacus and recovering again his kine and oxen. In the same place were kept the instruments wherewith the ministers belonging to sacrifices, the sacrificers also themselves, were furnished when they went about their sacrifice. In this marketplace was the first sight exhibited of sword-fencers.   

CHAP. VI The temple of Hercules Victor, and the altar called Maxima.  
THe round temple of jupiter Victor was built in the beast-market, near the Greek school: where sometime Evander reared unto Hercules the altar called Maxima. This temple (as they say) was so religious and venerable, that neither fly nor dog would enter into it. For Hercules at what time as he distributed a dole of flesh to his followers and ministers in his sacrifice, prayed unto Myiagirus [the god that gathereth flies.] He it is therefore that driveth away all flies from this temple: and at the door thereof he left his club behind, which so soon as the dogs see, they run away far off: and thus unto the days wherein Pliny lived, it was free from flies and dogs. At the sacrifice and divine service of this Hercules, neither women nor bondslaves, ne yet freed men that had been in villeinage, might be present. At the last, this temple was consumed in that fire which Nero the emperor made.  
Over and besides, Evander erected unto Hercules a statue, which was called Hercules Triumphant, because so often as there was any triumph in the city, it was clad with the mantle, and other habiliments of triumph.  
All the time that Evander reigned, Hercules had no more but an altar which they called Maxima: and this Evander reared unto him for killing of Cacus, and restoring his kine and oxen again. Upon this altar he sacrificed the tenth part of the fruit of his kine: for Hercules had given out and promised, That they should live an happ● life, who dedicated unto him the tenth part of their goods. Hereupon cometh the name of Decimae Herculaneae i. Hercules Tithes.   

CHAP. VII. The temples of Chastity, Prosperous Fortune, Matuta, and for'rs fortuna: of the place called Vicus Publicus, Velabrum: and the sepulchre also of Acca Laurentia.  
near to the temple of Hercules, well known it is that a chapel was built by Aemylius to Pudicitia Patritia, i gentlewomen's chastity. Now the image that represented this Saint, stood in the beast-market. To the service and sacrifices celebrated unto this goddess, virgins that were Commoners daughters might not come. And therefore a certain maiden of Commoners degree, reared a chapel also to Pudicitia Plebeia. From the service and sacrifices thereof, the Patrician virgins were likewise debarred. Many other places & temples besides, were consecrated to Pudicitia.  
The temples of Prosperous Fortune and of Matuta, Servius Tullius consecrated in the beasts market: And that Fortune he called Prospera, which was not blind. In that place (they say) an Olive tree sometimes stood, and upon a time when honey dropped & flowed from it, the Soothsayers gave order, that a little coffer or box should be made of the wood thereof; wherein those lots were put and laid up, which by the direction of Fortune were either handled or shuffled together by the hands of young boys: as if such should prove happy, fortunate, and excellent. Servius Tullius ascribed all his acts whatsoever to Fortune, who being borne of a bondwoman, had many times found good by her, and was in the end advanced to princely dignity. And hereupon he dedicated temples to Fortuna Primigenia, Mascola, Convertens, Bene sperans, and Videns, as who would say, she ruled and did all. Likewise, a temple he consecrated to little Fortune, signifying thereby, that nothing can happen unto us, be it never so small, but we must attribute it, as coming from the gods.  
A temple to Matuta, Camillus vowed in the Veientian war and dedicated it; which long before that time Servius Tullius had erected. To Matuta and Fortuna Primigenia the Romans did sacrifice upon one and the self same day: and likewise in one and the same day both their chapels were burned and consumed with fire together. Carvilius the Consul caused a temple to be made unto for'rs Fortuna, or [Fortis Fortuna] near unto that of Matuta, of the money raised out of the spoil gotten from the Tuscans.  
The street called Vicus Publicus, began at the Forum Boarium, and went from thence unto the Aventine, as far as to the temple of juno. In this street near the said Forum was the chapel of Velabrum, in that very place where now standeth the church of Saint Gregory in Velabrum, so called.  
Aventine hill was sometime separated from the other mountains by the Tiber between: for before that Tarqvinius Priscus turned the channel of Tiber, it broke out many times, and having found a frith or creak, it beat upon the foot of the Aventine. And therefore of necessity, whosoever would go to the Aventine, was to make a fare, that is to say, by paying his quadrant, ferry over thither in a whirrey. Hereupon that place is at this day called Velabrum, a vehendo, i. ferrying over, where sometimes the Tiber had wrought out a frith.  
Antias hath left in writing, that the sepulchre of Acca Laurentia was in Velabrum.   

CHAP. VIII. Vertumnus and his temple; janus with four faces; the house of Africanus; the court or palace Sempronia, and the wool shops.  
MEn in old time called Vertumnus, not only the god of buying selling, and of fruits; but also him that ruled men's minds, so named a Vertendo, for that oftentimes he turned and changed at his will & pleasure the purposes & thoughts of men another way far divers. His temple & image they erected in the Tuscan street, near to the altars of Ops and Ceres. The festival days of this god, celebrated in the month October, are called Vertumnalia. Some there be that would have Vertumnus and janus with four faces to be all one; upon this reason, for that they affirm the temple of janus aforesaid to be in Velabrum, whereas they built that of Vertumnus. But now that temple, where of we have before spoken, upon four pillars beareth up one roof, and hath four gates besides, and in each forefront twelve little windows, which signify the four quarters of the year and the twelve months. In old time they put janus before, in all sacrifices, and gave him that name ab cundo, i. going, and hereupon the entries and doors of houses be called januae.  
near the image of Vertumnus, Pub. Affricanus had an house, which Sempronius afterwards bought together with the wool shops, and built the palace which they call Sempronia, near the temple of S. Gregory in Velabrum.   

CHAP. IX. Argiletus: the house of Cornelius: Aequimelium: the chapel of Surquedry or sloth.  
THe Argiletus beginneth at the bottom of the Tuscan street, and endeth at the Theatre of Marcellus. But Fabius Pictor saith, it began at the head of the said Tuscan street, under Coeholus, between it and the great Lists, and so reacheth to the Aventine. The name it taketh of a kind of clay or lome, where of there is plenty in that place: or else of one Argus, who being entertained as a guest by Evander, laid await for his life, intending after he had murdered him, to be king and reign himself. But the friends and company about Evander discovered his trains, and so he was by them slain. Unto him therefore Evander reared a tomb even there, and consecrated the place.  
Now Imus Argiletus is just by the Theatre of Marcellus. In this street were divers shops of artisanes or artificers, & especially of stationer's or bookseller's, & those they commonly called the Argiletane shops.  
Cornelius Domitianus is said to have dwelled in Velabrum.  
Aequimelium is between Velabrum and the Capitol, near to the staplers wool shops. The name arose hereupon, for that Sp. Melius a Roman citizen who aspired to be king, sometime there dwelled: who being detected of that crime, was killed, his goods confiscate, and his house laid level with the ground, and the plot where it stood, by the Romans was made a void yard.  
The temple of Murtiae, goddess of Idleness, was under the Aventine, upon the ascent of the hill called Clivus Publicus, in that part whereas folk go up to the church of Saint Prisca. Hereupon the mount Aventine was sometime called Murtius.  
Moreover, some there be that in this place would have the Asylum to stand: but we have showed before that the Asylum was first built by Romulus upon the Capitol. But in process of time, after that so great riches and wealth was gathered and laid up there in the Capitol, and that otherwhiles the Senate used there to meet and sit in counsel; the Romans thought it not with the safest for them that thieves, felons, and other lewd infamous persons of all sorts, should come for refuge thither, and there abide: and therefore they supposed it better for their security to translate this privileged sanctuary to some other place. Whereupon not there alone, but in many other parts afterward there began sanctuaries to be set up, not at Rome only, but also in other quarters of the world.   

CHAP. X. Circus what it is, why it was so called, and for what cause ordained.  
THe place where games and exercises of disport were performed, was called the Cirque: so named for that scaffolds were built in circuit round about to behold the pastimes; and within that compass the said solemnities were exhibited: also for that the pomp was carried in show, and the horses ran about the goles there. Built it was round, but longwise like an arch or bow, having in the circuit about it steps one above another, with apt seats for the beholders, that one should not hinder the prospect of another: in the mids were two marks or goles distant alike one from the other. Also the barriers or carceres, so called, because the horses stood there penned and kept in until the magistrate gave the signal to begin the course.  
Now these solemnities of games and plays, are feastivals in the honour of their gods: for ordained they were first and still are observed and kept, either for their birth-days and nativities, or dedications of temples. And at the first verily were hunting and baiting of beasts, which they called (Munera) to the honour of Saturn. But the stage plays were due to Liber: the Circensian games to Neptune and Ceres. Thus these pastimes were assigned, some to these gods, and others to those; and in honour and memorial of them yearly solemnised. As for the games Circenses, they were so called, because when they were performed, they had the bank of the river of one side, and swords set to flank the other. But of these games, plays, and solemn sights, Sisinius hath written at large.   

CHAP. XI. The great shewplace called Circus Maximus.  
TArquinius Priscus instituted first this large circuit for running of races, and laid the foundation thereof between the two mounts Aventine and Palatine. But Caesar was he that enlarged it, and made it more magnificent and stately. For being (as it was) three furlongs and an half in length, and four acres broad; it is thought that it was Caesar and not Tarquin, who set it out to that largeness: and this soundeth like to a truth, considering that in Tarquin's days the city was not so populous, neither given so much to these shows and sights, as in the time of Caesar, and therefore the place required not so great a compass of ground. Now this Cirque for three parts thereof, to wit, the two sides and one of the ends, had a ditch digged ten foot deep, and as many broad: behind that ditch were galleries built, three stories high; & these had seats made beneath with stone, and above of timber: all which galleries had one and the same bases, for they closed together round like a globe. Able they were to receive a hundred and fifty thousand men. See more hereof in Dionysius, Pliny, Livy, and others who have written of the Roman edifices. This Cirque, Augustus adorned and beautified afterwards: for he made the barriers of marble, and guilded the goals, and many other ornaments he set it out withal. Lastly, when it was decayed and fallen down, Trajane re-edified it, made it more ample, and trimmed it up. Yea, and after him, Heliogabalus set thereto besides most fair and goodly Columns, and garnished them with gold, and paved the very floor with Chrysocolla. But as touching the beauty of this Cirque, Nazarius writeth much. For, by report, so elegant it was, that men resorted to it, not so much to behold the exercises and masteries there, as the pleasant and defectable beauty of the place. Maximus therefore it was called, either because consecrated it was to Vortumnus the greatest of the gods, or for the excellency and sumptuousness of the games: or else because in comparison of other Cirques, to wit, Flaminius, and the other called Intimus, i. the inmost, this was the biggest. For Pliny hath left in writing, that it lay out in length three furlongs, and one in breadth, so as it would well serve for two hundred and sixty thousand men to sit within it.   

CHAP. XII. The temples and altars which we read to have been in the Circus Maximus, or about it.  
COnsus is reported to be the god of Counsel, either for that he concealeth men's counsels, or openeth them unto men. This god had an altar in the great shewplace covered over: which betokeneth, that counsel ought to be close and couvert. For which cause, this altar as we read, was by the old Romans to him consecrated. For they, at what time as they consulted about the ravishing of the Sabine maidens, fearing lest they should have been detected before the time, dedicated this altar to this god, and erected the portraiture and image of him thereon. Which altar verily, either by some injury of the times, or through men's neglect of the gods, continued so forlet, as in the end it was altogether unknown where it stood. At length found it was again, and at all other times remained covered, but in the time of horse-running, and then it was uncovered and set open. To this god was the feast also instituted, called Consualia. And those disports and pastimes which they devised for the ravishment of the Sabine virgins, were celebrated at this altar by certain priests belonging to that god.  
In like manner Neptune, surnamed the Chevalier, had a temple in this Circus Max. which in the year of our Lord 1526 was found behind the temple of S. Anastasia, at the foot of the mount Palatine, in the very foundations of the Circus: for such marks and tokens were there to be seen, that by good evidences it appeared that this was the very temple of Neptune. For the honour of this Neptune, the games Circenses, were by men in old time solemnised.  
Also to Genius the guide & director of secret plots, they erected an altar in the great Cirque. Over and besides these, this Cirque contained three other altars: one to the Great gods; a second to the Penates; and a third to those gods of heaven & earth, from whom all things arise and have their beginning. These gods abovesaid, the Romans called Genij, Penates, Presidents, and keepers of the city.  
Liber, Libera, Ceres, and Proserpina, had their temples about this place called Circus Max. which Posthumius when he warred against the Latins, vowed: and the same man upon his return with happy victory, built and dedicated them accordingly.  
To conclude, in the same compass were the temples of the Sun, and of Flora.  
Moreover, a temple there stood near this Circus, unto Venus: which Q. Fabius Gurges the Consul, caused to be made of the money raised upon the fines of certain wives that were condemned for playing false with their husbands.  
Lucinus dedicated a temple to juventus without the great cirque, not far from that place.  
In like sort, Mercury had a temple near this Circus Max.  
In Pliny's days there was seen in the Cirque Max the image of Fortuna Scia.   

CHAP. XIII. The naumachy of the great Cirque.  
NAumachie is a place so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. for that in it they used to skirmish with ships. For there were places digged deep like ponds, where were represented some shows of naval fight, for the exercise of the Roman youth, that they might know how to charge and annoy the enemy at sea also. And these kind of sports were exhibited and practised not in the Cirques only, but also in the Amphitheatres.   

CHAP. XIIII. The two Obelisks of the Cirque Max.  
THe Obeliske (as Marcellinus testifieth) was a very huge & rough stone rising like a spire or broach, by little and little to a mighty height: and that it might resemble a rain or sunbeam, it groweth smaller and smaller in fashion of a steeple, with four sides or edges, and in the top it is very narrow, and there made plain and smooth right artificially. In most of them are engraven and cut certain Hieroglyphic notes, and namely such as testified either the founder thereof, or else other memorable matters. Of these figures and characters, the same Marcellinus speaketh in this wise: Moreover the infinite variety of forms and characters, called Hieroglyphics which all about we see engraven, the ancient authority of the first learning did set forth and mark so. Thus much saith he. Now they drew and portrayed therein divers and sundry forms and shapes of living beasts and birds, and oftentimes devised new and strange resemblances, whereby they reserved and kept for their posterity whatsoever was memorable and worth remembrance. This manner continued not in Egypt only, but also in other parts of the world, until such time as letters were found: and then this was given over. At the first one letter emplied a whole word, and one word stood for a whole sentence. But hereof ye shall find much in authors that have written of these characters. Moreover, as Pliny witnesseth, these Obelisks were made of the stone Simithes. Them they erected & consecrated to the gods, and principally to the Sun: and therefore in hewing and cutting them, they resembled the sunbeams, as we said before. The first that ever devised these Obelisks, was king Methres. At Rome were none of these Obelisks wrought and cut out, but brought thither from other parts, and so for beautiful show and to wonder at were erected. Therefore in the Cirque aforesaid, called Maximus, two Obelisks were seen, one standing upright aloft, fourscore foot high: the other lying along in the naumachy; it carried in length a hundred and thirty foot and eight inches, besides the base or footstall, which Augustus translated to Rome out of Hicropolis, a city of Egypt: but when he would have set it up on end, it fell down and brake in twain. This was hewn out of the quarry, by king Samnefreteus, in whose reign Pythagoras was in Egypt.   

CHAP. XV. The arch of Sertinius in the Cirque. The place of the Tuberoes in the Cirque. The stews, the house of Pompey, and the fountain of juturna.  
SErtinius having made conquest of Spain, brought great store of money into the city chamber: and of the spoils taken from enemies, he reared two arches; the one in the beast-marker, called Forum boarium; the other in the great shewplace, named Circus maximus. Upon these arches he set golden images, and other ornaments to beautify them.  
The house and family of the Helij was none of the wealthiest, but yet of great credit and estimation with the Romans. Among whom there was so great concord and unity, that 16 of them at one time dwelled and agreed well together in one and the same house. For their singular prowess and worthy acts, they were allowed by the Senate and people of Rome a scaffold by themselves in all the show places and Theatres, to behold all sights and masteries of activity.  
About the Circus Maximus stood the stews and brothelhouses, where sometimes harlots and naughtic packs kept, such as made profession of whoredom. But this place was afterwards laid even with the ground, and is now a void place.  
The house of Pompeius was near the Circus Maximus, and therein was the statue of Hercules erected.  
The fountain or well of the nymph juturna, is yet (as some think) to be seen, boiling up in the Velabrum near the common sink or vault called Maxima.   

CHAP. XVI. The Septizonium of Severus.  
THere should follow by course after the great Cirque, the sixth part of the city, namely, the mount Coelius. But because we meet with the Septizonium of Severus, and the arch of Constantine (before we come to Coelius) between it and the mount Palatine, some thing would first be spoken of them, especially being so excellent building as they are. The Septizonium therefore is a mighty mount or terrace raised from the plain ground four square, compassed about with seven circles, that is to say, courses or rues of pillars one above another, yielding as it were as many porches or galleries: and in this order they are disposed, that the higher the pillars stand, the lesser and shorter they be. In the mids hereof, four walls arise, containing within them certain hollow places like cabinets. In the top thereof were bestowed and laid the ashes of kings and emperors deceased. julius Capitolinus nameth this mount Septodium, for the greeks call places much frequented, whereunto many ways lead, Heptodia of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i seven, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. a way. Pliny calleth it Septisolium, of seven losts or solars. For in every course thereof the columns meet together in the head with marbles transomes. Other beams there be besides, reaching within forth from them to the mount itself, so as every such course yielded a stage like a gallery or walking place. Two of these Septizonia we read there were at Rome, to wit, the one of Titus in the street called Via nova, of right great antiquity, not far from this of Severus: of which at this day there is to be seen no show or token at all. The other of Severus, whereof there remain still, overagainst S. Gregory's church three Zones or girdles (as it were) of curious work; for the beauty and stateliness of the pillars worth the seeing, and pleasant to behold. Reared it was in the broad street called Appia, and built by Severus himself. That which now is left thereof, leaneth out so, as it seemeth ever and anon ready to fall.   

CHAP. XVII. The triumphant arch of Constantine the emperor.  
THese triumphant arches were erected for them only, who having subdued whole provinces or conquered foreign nations, and obtained brave and fortunate victories, seemed worthy of triumph, and thereupon they were called Triumphant arches. Upon these arches for the perpetual and everlasting memorial of acts achieved, were cut and engraven the portraitures of the very places where the war was performed; the resemblances of fabrics and ranged battles, if the service was on land; and of ships, if it were at sea. Howbeit, until the time of the emperors, no man raised any arches, and in Pliny's days they began first to be built: so as, that of Titus is of all others most ancient. For before their age, only statues and trophies were set up. But in process of time following, many of these arches were raised: among which, that of Constantine is to be seen above the rest, at the corner of the mount Palatine, near the Theatre, beautified with triumphal ornaments, and remaineth at this day in a manner sound and whole without any hurt. This arch Constantine erected for himself, upon the victory which he obtained over Maxentius at the bridge Milvius.   

CHAP. XVIII. Coelius the mount, and Coeliolus.  
THe mount Coelius in old time was named Querquetulanus, for the number of oaks there growing: but afterwards it was so called of one Coelius Vibennus, a duke of the Tuscan nation, unto whom the Romans granted a place in that mountain to inhabit. For when as the Tuscan people, by reason of their multitude, and the strong fenced places which they held, were suspected, commanded they were to remove into a street which of themselves was named Thuscus. But such as were without suspicion, kept the hill Coeliolus or Coelicolus, i. the little Coelius; a place where sometime the goddess Diana was worshipped: and at this day there standeth the church consecrated to S. Evangelista the virgin. This mountain afterwards by Tiberius was named Augustus.   

CHAP. XIX. The temples of Faunus, Venus, and Cupid: the court Hostilia: the foreign camp: the house of the Lateranes: the palace of Constantine, and Casorianus: the horseman statue of L. Verius.  
Upon the ridge or side of the mount Coelius there standeth a round church, now patronised by S. Stephen, but hallowed and consecrated in times passed to Faunus. Faunus he was called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. for that he foretold things to come, by voice and not by signs. The Albans in old time inhabited that part of the hill, where at this day the church stands of S. Marie Dominicke.  
In the hill Coelius stood sometimes the temples of Venus and Cupid, not far from the gate Naevia, where now is the church of the holy cross in Jerusalem.  
The court Hostilia was in two places of Rome, the one in the common Forum, hard by the temple of Peace, where K. Hostilius first dwelled, the other in that place, where afterwards the church of Saint john and Saint Paul was built.  
A place there was in the mount Coelius called Castra Peregrina, toward the North-east and the Esquiliae, where at this time the church of the four crowned Saints, is frequented.  
The house of the Lateranes also was built upon the same mount, at the palace or stately hall of the Lateranes.  
The palace of Flavius Constantinus, near the house of the Lateranes, stood between the gates Caelimontana and Gabiusa.  
The palace of Caesorianus was built at the gate Naevia, and the church of S. Holy-crosse in Jerusalem.  
In the street called Lateranensis, stood the statue on horseback of L. Verius. Some say it was made for M. Aurelius Antonius, others, for Septimius Severus.   

CHAP. XX. Of the Amphitheatres, and first of that of Statilius Taurus.  
NOw it followeth to speak of the Amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus, but before we write thereof, it would be briefly showed what an Amphitheatre is. Now this word Amphitheatrum cometh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. of looking round about: for two prospects joined in one, make the form of an hemisphere or half circle. Some think, that Titus devised the Amphitheatre first, but some avow and prove, that C. Caesar built the first that ever was in Mars field: but by the authority of Suetonius it is proved, that Statilius reared one Amphitheatre before Titus.  
In these Amphitheatres were prizes and rewards propounded to them that would fight with beasts. Condemned persons likewise yielded there to the eyes of men a horrible and fearful sight to behold, for thither were those prisoners brought by the Lictours, within that enclosure to wrestle and maintain conflict with wild beasts.  
Moreover, the emperors before they took their journey to any war or expedition, exhibited unto the people in these Amphitheatres shows of sword-fencers at the sharp for life and death, to the end, that the soldiers should be acquainted with fight, and learn not to be afraid of weapons, of wounds, no nor of blood shed, nor to draw back and avoid the perils of war to come, for the novelty and strangeness thereof. A great part of Statilius his Amphitheatrum, is yet to be seen near the walls, at S. Crosses church in Jerusalem. And at the same time he built it, when Augustus Caesar encouraged and exhorted the citizens of Rome, every man according to his ability to beautify and adorn the city.   

CHAP. XXI. The water conduits why they were devised, by what means waters were conveyed into the city, to what purpose, by whom first, and how many.  
THe city of Rome in the beginning, as hath been said in the first book, was but narrow of compass, and contained within small bounds: and the people for commodity and store of water, settled upon the river Tiber. But as the city daily more and more increased, necessary it was that some should build them houses and habitation in one place, some in another, farther from the river: whereupon distressed it was for want of water, which was to be fetched so far off, and that with great pain and labour: besides, those places which had no current of running waters to wash away the filth, and carry it into Tiber, became (by the noisome air which was infected with their loathsome and stinking smells) unwholesome, and subject many times to the pestilence. Prince Nerva therefore (the emperor) undertook to redress and remedy this mischief (and others after him by his example) & devised by the wit and subtle invention of men, conduit pipes, to bring water into those parts of the city which otherwise had none. And this verily they did two ways, the one by arched work, when by digging certain rills or riverets, the water was carried level above ground, forced by certain weights, ballases, and counterpeises: the other by vaults under the ground, bringing water into the city by secret under-ways, through pipes, spouts, and rocks. By which means it came to pass, that in the city every where, such store there was of water, that each house almost had a well in it. But especially at the bottom and foot of the hill Quirinalis, and all the side thereof, in the street Patricius, Suburra, the Latin way, the Aventine, the jews street, and in many other places: so as in this our age full it is of such waterworkes under the ground. Now were these waters conveyed from divers places, & some conduits especially, such as were devised by arches, were higher or lower than other. In the beginning and all the former times, there were (by report) five heights or depths: The highest of all was new Anio; next, the waters Claudiae; in the third place the water julia; Tepula in the fourth; then Martia, and after it old Anio, the level or current whereof, Virgo followeth and Appia, and the lowest of all others, Alsietina, which serves that quarter of the city beyond Tiber, & other low places built upon the plain. These waters were first brought into certain great conduit-heads, and from thence they were by a certain measure distributed by the conduit officer, and so ran into places appointed. Now that great conduit-head was called Castellum, which receiveth first the common water, and afterwards sendeth it out into divers and sundry parts: and the keeper or officer that overseeth it, is named Castellarius. There were besides level or above ground, certain cisterns or receptacles of water, which kept water to serve curriers, fullers, and other such artificers for their necessary use. Over these waters were appointed certain wardens and keepers, and a set number of labourers and workmen to see thereto. Finally, a grievous punishment was to be inflicted upon them that either marred and hurt the conduit-heads, or derived and conveyed water to other places than the laws and public ordinances, or the Censors or Aediles permitted; or took more water than at the first was allowed them. Appius Claudius (by report) was the first man that brought water into the city by arched work. But of the Roman waters, of the conduits, and other matters ordained thereabout, of the manner of conveyance, the instruments, measures, and weights thereto belonging, read Frontinus, who of these things hath written truly and at large. Also have recourse to Sext. Ruffus, who of the same argument hath made a good treatise. In the time of Frontinus there were but nine waters and no more brought into the city, namely, Appia, old Anio, Martia, Tepula, julia, Virgo, Alsietana, called also Augusta, Claudia, and new Anio. Ruffus reckoneth ten more, whereby it appeareth, that he wrote long after Frontinus.   

CHAP. XXII. The conduit or conveyance of Aqua Claudia.  
CAligula began two conduits, but left them unfinished when he died, Claudius the emperor of famous memory, took them in hand again, and in most magnificent manner made an end. To the one of them, namely which beginning at the sources or springs called Caeruleius and Curtius, was drawn to the city, he gave the name Aqua Claudia: the other, for difference fake of the two conduits of Anio, he called his own, or the new Anio; and distinct it was from that which is named old Anio. The water Claudia therefore was brought from the gate Naevia, along the side of the mount Coelius into the Aventine. A part also thereof Caracalla derived into the Capitol hill.   

CHAP. XXIII. Of those things which now in mount Coelius are not known where they stood.  
Brutus' the Consul having expelled Tarquin, built a temple to the goddess Carna in mount Coelius, to which goddess also, upon the accomplishment of his prayer and vow, he offered sacrifice. They in old time supposed that she had power over the vital members of the body, and to her tuition they committed those parts, and that she should preserve them safe, they did sacrifice upon her altars, and presented oblations.  
Agrippina likewise began to build a temple to Claudius Caesar, which after her death Vespasian finished, and Nero utterly destroyed to the very foundation: this also was erected in the same hill.  
Mamurra Formianus, master of Caesar's Carpenters in France, was the first Roman that adorned and set out his house which he had in Coelius hill, with marble rough-cast. Moreover, the house of Claudius Centimales stood upon the said hill. Also the house of the Tetritici, who were two of the thirty tyrants. Likewise the house of junius Senator, wherein, when as all other edifices and buildings upon that mountain were consumed with fire, the image of Tiberius remained unhurt. There also it is said of Titus Claudius Clyptus, the maker of hymns. In this hill was the great Macellum, the cave or den of Cyclops, the Spoliarium, and the armory.   

CHAP. XXIIII. The ways Appia, and Nova. The temples of Isis, Virtue, Honour, Quirinus or Mars, and the river Almo.  
NOw follow those places which are worth the remembrance upon the hill Coelius toward the Aventine. And therefore the way or street called Appia we meet with first, which taking the beginning from the arch of Constantine, reacheth as far as Brundisium: and because afterwards it was paved and repaired by Cavacalla, it took the name of Nova, i. the new causey. But that which properly is called Nova, beginneth at the gate of Palatine, and along the foot of the Palatine hill, over the great Cirque called Maximus, stretcheth out as far as to the lowest fish-poole, where now standeth the church of S. Sixtus. Many other streets there were, called Nova. Take heed therefore that in their names you be not deceived, and lest ye think that to be spoken of one, which oftentimes was meant of many.  
Between the church of Sixtus, the Fishpools, and the ruins of the Antonian baines, there was the church of Isis Antenodorica, built by Antonius Bassianus.  
The temple of Honour and Virtue, not far from the street Appia, was vowed by the father of Marcus Marcellus at Clastidium in Gaul, and seventeen years after, dedicated by his son Marcellus.  
Two temples there were of Mars, one called the temple of Quirinus within the city, near to the gate of that name, the other upon the way Appia without the city.  
The river Almo runneth along the way Appia, under the foot of the Aventine into the Tiber. It beginneth ten miles from the city in the territory Marinum; which commonly afterwards they called the river of Appius. In this river the goddess named the mother of the gods, was every year wont to be washed by her priests called Galli.   

CHAP. XXV Of baths and baines in general.  
THermae properly hath the signification from a Greek word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which betokeneth hot. But we use to call those places which either having hot waters, or without them are heat with a stuph, appointed either to wash and bath, or to sweat, by the Greek name Thermae. That the Romans used in old to bathe & wash themselves oftener, than we now adays; is testified by many and divers authorities of writers: and for sundry causes they were wont so to do [as yet the manner is amongst us] namely to scour away sweat, or to wash dust off, in like sort for health & pleasure: whereby it came to pass, that every man, if he were but of mean wealth, had in manner a private bath or hot house by himself: but the same were devised and contrived after divers and sundry sorts. For many public baths there were ordained for the common people to use at their pleasure. Serv. Orata invented first and made the pendant or hanging baths. But after that roiot & superfluity abounded in excess, the bathing houses were built with wonderful cost and magnificence, so as they seemed to keep no mean nor measure: as appeareth by the very relics and ruins thereof at this day. And those places where they built these baines and hot houses, they called Thermae; which contained within them divers places, and an infinite number of rooms, bearing sundry names, and serving to as many uses. For some were appointed to heat water (& those were round built) from whence hot water was let into the baines, not to them only that were on the ground beneath, but also to those which were pendant and hanging aloft: which water after they had done washing, being foul and good for nothing, was conveyed by certain pipes and spouts into sinks. They had other rooms also called Apodyteria, wherein they that were to go into the bath, put off their clothes and laid them by. In the same places were court-yards, having about them most spacious porches or cloisters, built with arched and embowed roufes most stately; wherein were marble pillars, garnished with divers and sundry colours. In like manner pavements of stone, and walls seeled and hung with marble tables. Also close walking galleries, groves, and swimming places, all for the pleasure and contentment of the people, where they might refresh and solace themselves. These delights so drew and alured men's minds, as that they would wash oftentimes in one day, yea, and in these bains the princes were wont to sup and bathe with other persons whosoever, as it fell out. They had besides private baths to themselves most sumptuously built, and gorgeously set out. And namely Antoninus Cavacalla, at his own charges edified certain baths, which by his name were called Thermae Antoninae. The huge ruins thereof are yet to be seen: some of the pillars still stand, others are thrown down. Some say, they were begun only by Antoninus, but finished & adorned by Severus. They stood about the foot of the Aventine, near the streetway leading to Ardea, where now is the church of S. Balbina. Under these baths there stood a most goodly palace, built by the same Antoninus, but at this day there is scarce any example or show thereof.    

THE FIFTH BOOK.  

CHAP. I. The aetymologie of the mount Aventine.  
THe Aventine is of the Roman hills the fourth in order. The compass and form whereof, because we have already described in the first book, needless here it is to repeat. But it remaineth to declare, how it came so called, what temples of the gods, and what other edifices be therein. The Aventine therefore, some think, took the name of birds which were wont to fly unto this hill, there to nestle: others, of a 
* Aventinus.  king of the Albans, slain and buried there. There be again who suppose, that the Sabines, who being by the Romans enfranchised citizens, there settled and made abode, gave the name to this hill, of Avantes, a river in their province. Varro affirmeth that it was so called of a ferriage: For as it hath been said a little before, this mount was divided from the rest, and from the city by certain lakes and the Tiber, whereupon, they that would go to it, used to ferry over in small punts or whirries. Some guess, that it came to have that name of resort unto it, for that the Latines used in great frequency to repair unto the holy temple of Diana there. Remurius also it was named of Remus who chose a place in the top thereof to sit, for to take the flight of birds for Augury, and in the end was there interred: Romulus therefore commanded that it should not be inhabited, because he would have had it wholly consecrated to his brother. This hill, Ancus Martius afterward compassed with a wall, and granted leave to as many as would, there to dwell: howsoever there be some that think it stood void until the time of Claudius the emperor of happy memory, as being an ominous place and unfortunat, by reason of foul birds that haunted it, and therefore not to be received within the walls. But the truth is, when the Romans grew populous, they joined this mountain also to the rest of the city.   

CHAP. II. The temples of Diana, Dea bona, Hercules Victor, queen juno, Moneta, Luna, Victory, Minerva, and Liberty. The altar of jupiter Elicius.  
IN the top of mount Aventine toward the Tiber, there standeth the church of S. Sabina, that very place where aforetime was the holy chapel of Diana. The feast and holiday of bondslaves was wont to be kept at Rome the thirteenth day of August, for upon that day, Servius Tullius, whose mother was a bondwoman, consecrated a temple to Diana in Aventine, and ordained it to be a festival day for bondservants, as who were patronised by Diana. Some think that this chapel was built by K. Ancus of that money which the citizens conferred and contributed, who lately had been translated thither from Politorium. This temple was common unto all the Latins, whereupon oftentimes they resorted thereunto.  
Very near unto that place stood the church of Saint Marie, called Aventina. But in times past the place was consecrated to the goddess Bona, i good. For Claudia a vestal virgin or Nun, built a chapel pell unto her in the honour of Fatua, 
* or rather daughter.  sister of Faunus, a most chaste maid.  
Upon the same bank and brow of the hill, where at this day S. Alexius church standeth, was sometime time the temple of Hercules Conqueror. And near unto it, another of juno Regina, built by Camillus with the pillage gotten in Veij. In the ruinated place of Decius the emperors baines, there was a temple also of Hercules, where the Christians afterwards consecrated a church to Saint Prisca.  
On the side of the Aventine hill, stood the chapel likewise of the Moon, as Ovid doth witness.  
Thus much of those buildings in the Aventine, which had a certain place thereupon in our knowledge: the rest following were doubtless in the Aventine, but in what part there of they stood, it is unknown after so long time, and namely the temple of Victory built by the Arcadians, and in honour of whom they offer sacrifice yearly. Minerva and juno had their temples there in the same hill, by the testimony of approved authors. To Liberty a temple was built and dedicated by the father of Tib. Gracchus, with the money taken for fines and forfeitures. The cloister belonging to that temple, was by Aelius Patus and Cornelius Cethegus Censors, repaired and enlarged, and last of all by Pollio also re-edified. Now this Saint Liberty the Romans honoured above all others, and in defence and maintenance thereof, they ever showed themselves most resolute and constant.  
Upon the same hill, Numa reared the altar of jupiter Elicius, so called ab eliciendo, i. of fetching out secrets and hidden mysteries.  
In like manner there stood an old altar of Murcea in that hill. Now they named Venus Murcea, of the Myrtle tree consecrated unto her: or as some interpret, because Venus, immoderate and excessive, maketh a man to be Murcus or Murcidus, i sluggish, slothful, idle, and good for nothing.  
The temple of juno Moneta was likewise built and dedicated upon that hill.  
Camillus in the same mount consecrated a chapel to dame Matuta.  
The wood or grove also called Laurentum or Laurentina, consecrated unto jupiter, was there: in which, emperor Valentinian [the second] son of Constantine, & Galla Placidia was slain, as Pliny witnesseth.   

CHAP. III. Cacus, and his hole or cave.  
C Acus, by report of the poets, was the son of Vulcan, whom they believed in old time to breath out of his mouth fire and smoke. This Cacus infelted the places near unto him with robbing and spoiling. But more probable it is, that he was a most lewd and the evish servant of Evander, and therefore the Arcadians called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. nought. A cave he haunted, as by very good conjectures is certainly gathered, in Aventine toward Tiber, overagainst the church of S. Marie Aventine, whereas the river runneth nearest to the hill, and whereas there hangeth over, a vast and huge craggy rock, as fit a place as might be, to make a starting hole and cave for such an one, and near it is to the gate Trigemina. Him when Hercules had killed and sacrificed, he reared an altar unto jupiter Inventor, near to the said cave or den.   

CHAP. four The Armilustrium, and some other things in general.  
ARmilustrium was a place where soldiers showed themselves and their armour, and where they used to muster; where also in their arms they sacrificed and did service to their gods, with resounding loud trumpets. Some would have it to be in the Aventine, others in the Cirque Maximus: but that matters not much. Hither the soldiers used to repair when they were returned from war, and here they laid up their harnish and weapons. For armour of their own and in their private custody the Romans had not, to use in the wars: but delivered all up to be kept safe either in the Armilustrium, or the tower and castle upon the rock Tarpcia.  
In Aventine, near the temple of juno Regina, were the Scalae Gemoniae, that is to say, a steep place with a downfall; where wicked malefactors, drawn with a crook, were most miserably executed and killed.  
There stood sometime upon this hill, near the temple of Diana, the house of Phyllis.  
A part of this mountain was called Remuria; which Remus chose to dwell in: and being there by his brother Romulus committed to earth, he gave it his name.  
The Senate and people of Rome built in this mountain, to the honour of Decius the emperor, the baths called Decianae, and others also near them, named Varianae. Moreover, the baines of Trajane were in this place, where now the vineyard of Francis Albertinus is.  
The caves of Faunus and Picus also, were in the Aventine, as fables report. Italus likewise dwelled in the Aventine, as M. Cato recordeth.  
The temples and edifices of this hill all in general, were (by report) burnt in the days of Tiberius, sometime emperor.   

CHAP. V. The sheared hill, and other things within that compass.  
THe plain and level ground between Aventine, Tiber, and the city wall, hath four sides, but uneven; in which there riseth a little hill, commonly called Testaceus. The whole compass hereof will hardly be measured with two thousand pases; the height is about 160 foot. It resembleth in show the form of a gourd; and the one side of it which regardeth the Tiber, is broader than the other. near to this hill, was the glassemakers' street (and the potters) also the carpenters habitation. And no man doubteth, but hereupon arose and grew the mount called Testaceus. For in old time, at Rome and elsewhere, as also in some places now adays, much use there was commonly of earthen vessels made by potters: which even by this may be certainly collected, for that in Numaes' days, there were four colleges or societies of potters: and these made of clay, not only vessels, but also the images of the gods, and ornaments to beautify and set out their temples: pillars and walls were by potter's work seeled in the outside, nay, the very dead bodies were bestowed in cophins of baked clay. Since then, in so great store of earthen vessels and potters work, much of necessity must needs be broken, which if they had been cast abroad in the corn field and pasture grounds, would have made all barren and unfruitful; again, if they had been thrown into the water, would in time have choked up the channel of the current, and forced the river to swell and overflow the banks: Numa therefore commanded this kind of workmen to dwell in one place, and gave order to sling all that was good for nothing, as filth, riff-raff, and broken shards, into one place: whereupon, in process of time arose a mount which they called Testaceus. Among these potters there was a place hallowed to Venus Myrtea, as we find in some records.   

CHAP. VI The Pyramids: the sepulchre of C. Ceslius, and the garners of the people of Rome.  
THe Pyramids were huge towers four square, rising up in height, sharp like to a flame, whereof they have the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. of fire. But Stephanus supposeth they were so called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. of wheat, because into that place where they were erected, wheat was brought out of all Egypt, which made a great dearth of corn. These at the beginning were reared by the kings of Egypt, thereby to spend and consume their superfluous wealth and substance, whereof they had no use; for fear lest if they had gathered good, and heaped up a deal of gold, silver, and other riches, they should thereby have given occasion unto some for to lie in await to take their lives away: also, that the common people should not live in idleness. Afterwards, at Rome likewise they bestowed their money thereupon, for to make the world wonder, and to show their vainglory. There is yet one of them to be seen, standing upright at the gate Hostiensis, enclosed within a wall. And commonly it is said, that it was the monument or sepulchre of C. Cestius, one of the seven Septemvirs, called Epulones. But Blondus would seem to prove, that it was the place for burial of the whole college and society of those Septemvirs Epulones. Now were they called Epulones, who had the power to ordain and make feasts and solemn banquets to the gods.  
It is written, that there were 140 garners of the people of R. between the mount Testaceus & Tybre.  
In the same compass of ground near Tiber, was the lake or pool Hylerna.  
Some also affirm that there stood sometime in that quarter a little town called Capena.   

CHAP. VII. The sweeting steeple, and the image of jupiter.  
BY course, the Esquiliae should next follow: but because it lieth between the way Labicana on the Southeast side, and the valley (which for the breath of 400 foot encloseth that way) on the West; we will rehearse what memorable things soever there be in the Labicane way and the valley aforesaid, before we come to the mount Esquiliae. In our return therefore to the triumphal arch of Constantine, whereof we spoke before, we will as we go, discourse of the rest. Near then unto this arch, there appeareth the half rundle or circumference, of an old steeple made of brick, which Victor calleth the sweeting steeple: for that the report goeth, how sometime there gushed water out of it; whereby the common people standing to behold the games and plays in the next seaffolds of the Theatre until they were a thirst, quenched their drought.  
In the top hereof stood the brazen image of jupiter, because their ancestors in old time were wont when they made solemn leagues to use the image of jupiter. But for that it was a trouble either to carry with them or to send for the said image, especially if they were to contract and establish any accords in far remote countries, therefore in steed of the complete image they took the seepter only; which might betoken jupiter the K. of the gods, as well as if he had been there present fall & whole.   

CHAP. VIII. The Amphitheatre of Titus Vespasianus. The temples of Fortune and Quies.  
BEtween the two hills Coelius and Esquilioe was there an Amphitheatre. This, Vespasian built first, and afterward Titus his son dedicated and beautified it with the baines, built near unto it with right great celerity and speed. This Amphitheatre was commonly called Colosseum, of Nero's Colossus, which was set up in the porch of Nero's house. In the same place of the Theatre were the pools beforetime of Nero, whereof we will speak hereafter in this very book. This Amphitheatrum they called also Arena, i. the Sand-floore, because the ground was spread over and laid with sand, that the wrestlers might fall softer & take less hurt, also that the blood should be drunk up, to the end that the sword-fencers in combat might not be afraid upon the sight thereof, and so with less cheerfulness and courage set upon their concurrent: and last of all, that the champions, whose bodies were anointed with oil, being bestrewed with the sand, might with more case take hold one of another. The whole Theatre and place itself within, (which during those days of the games was covered over with tent cloth) would receive eighty thousand men. But here of see more in Pliny, Pomponius Latus, and other writers of the Roman acts.  
Fulrius Flaccus built unto Fortune (fast by this Amphitheatre) so goodly a temple, as for state and magnificence there was hardly another in all Rome comparable unto it. Besides it, there were many other chapels at Rome consecrated to Fortune.  
Likewise a chapel of Quietness and rest, was built in the broad street Labicana.   

CHAP. IX. Of Esquiliae.  
THe mount Esquiliae, as well by Vairo as others, is divided into many parts, and each part thereof took name of those captains who in times passed before the city of Rome was built, there inhabited. For one was called Cispius, another Opius, and a third, Septius. But hereof Vairo writeth at large. The posterity following changed those names, as we shall hereafter hear. Some think that Esquiliae took the name of Excubiae, i. watch and ward. For when Romulus had no very great trust in Tatius, he used to have a standing watch by night, for fear he should be secretly forlaied and killed, or else turned out of his kingdom. Others suppose it was so named of fowlers, who there used to cast forth chaff and such refuse of light corn, to beguile and catch the poor birds.  
The side of the hill toward the broad way Labicana, which now lieth between the churches of the forty martyrs, of S. Clement, S. Peter in Vinculis, and S. Martin, was called by the name of Carinae, as Livy seemeth to testify. From that part therefore, because it was first inhabited, we shall do well to begin our treatise.   

CHAP. X. The Carinae, the old Curia and the new.  
THese Carinae, according to their model and form were houses like to keels of ships, standing within the temple of Tellus. Their ruins are yet to be seen near the church of S. Peter in Vinculis, i. in bonds.  
near to that place was the old Curia built by Romulus: but the new was erected near to Compitum Fabricium, i. the Quarrefour or cross way of Fabricius.   

CHAP. XI. The baines of Titus and Philip: the statue of Laocoon: the palace of Vespasian: the houses of B●lbinus and Pompey.  
THere remain yet to be seen the tokens and prints (as it were) of Titus the emperors baines, not far from the church of S. Martin in the hills: for there be great cisterns to receive water, which at this day be called Septem Salae, according to the number of those cisterns: and so far reached the house of Nero, called Au●ea, i golden.  
Not far from thence, in the year of our Lord 1506, one Foelix a citizen of Rome, chanced to find in his vineyard the statue of Laocoon, made by those excellent workmen, Agesander, Polydorus and Athenodorus, Rhodians, who with wonderful cunning portrayed and cut most artificially in one entire stone, Laocoon himself, his children, and the admirable winding and fold of the serpents about them. And now at this day it is to be seen at the Vatican, in the palace of Vespasian, near the said baines of Titus. See more of this you may in Pliny. As for the story itself, most learnedly and lively it is set out by Virgil, and there to be read. Behind these baines of Titus, between East and North, the ruins of others besides, are thought verily to be those of Philip the emperor.  
Above the baines of Titus, some set Hadrians' baines; for that this place is yet called Hadrianelus.  
By the testimony of Lampridius it appeareth that Balbinus his house was in Carinae. There also was Pompey's house, in which Lenaus his freed-servant taught grammar.   

CHAP. XII. The cliff Virbius, the house of Servius Tullius, the golden one of Nero, and that of Virgil. Maecenas his tower and hortyards: the temples of Fortune and Felicity.  
THat part of the Esquiliae which overlooketh the church of Saint Laurence in Fontana, is named Clivus Virbius: there also is the grove Fagutalis, wherein stood the mansion house of Servius Tullius.  
Nero's house, called Golden, took up all that space, which from that quarter wherein now Saint Gregory's church standeth, lay between Constantine's arch, the Colosseum, the Carinae, Esquiliae, and Maecenas hortyards. His house before was in his own fire where with he burned the city, consumed also: and when he re-edified it anew, he called it Aurea. The spacious largeness whereof was such, that it had about it, three porches of a mile compass apiece. It contained also a pool like another sea: walled it was about, and resembled a very city. There were to it belonging, holts and hamlets countrey-like, vineyards, pastures, woods, and beasts both tame and wild, of all sorts. The house and the porches were double guilded all over, and set out with precious stones. And in one word there was nothing wanting, that might serve for pleasure or prodigal riot.  
In the entry of this house there stood an huge image giant like, called a Colossus, 120 foot high. After Nero's death, dedicated it was to the Sun, and then changed the name. Now men think it was called Colossus, after his name who was the first deviser of all such statues.  
Within the same house, Nero included also the chapel of Fortune. This goddess being made of the stone Phengites, when all the doors were shut, gave light to the whole house within; such rays of radiant brightness casteth this kind of stone from it. This goddess, Servius Tullus first consecrated, and of Segetes, i. standing corn, called her Seia.  
At the baines of Diocletian, there is a street-way leading up to S. Antony's church in Esquiliae, where stood sometime a most noble town of Maecenas, within his own hortyards: for those most pleasant hortyards were in the plain of Esquiliae. Here-within was Priapus worshipped: upon which ill favoured idol, Virgil hath played much in verse.  
near the hortyards of Mecanas stood the said Virgil's house.  
The temple of Felicity, which took up a part of that plot where Nero's Gold-house should stand, was by him burnt.  
Above those gardens or hortyards of Mecanas, was raised a wonderful piece of work, called Aggeres Tarquinij Superbi, i. Tarqvinius bulwarks.   

CHAP. XIII. The palace of Sisiminus: the plain and market place of Esquiliae: the grove Querquetulanus: also that of juno Lacinia, and of Mars: the chapel and altar of ill fortune.  
THe palace of Sisiminus in Esquiliae, stood (as they say) where the church of Saint Marie the greater now is.  
The plain or field Esquilius, near the tower of Maecenas (called Intermontes) i. among the hills, is between the foresaid bulwarks and the city wall. This plot of ground was in times past called Foculus; because dead bodies were therein burnt. But when the stinking steam thereof was noisome to the city, the citizens and Augustus Caesar by a general consent, gave the said field unto Maecenas, where he made his goodly hortyards and most dainty gardens. Of which, Cicero with other, speaketh much.  
In like mauner, the market place Esquilinum, was in the same hill.  
That side of the Esquiliae which looketh toward the grove Querquetulanus, had in it the grove of juno Lacinia.  
In the same Esquiliae, was the chapel and altar of Ill fortune.  
In the way which goeth to the gate Interaggeres, even in the very bulwarks or rampires of Tarquinus, stood the arch of Gordian made of marble, garnished also and set out with ornaments of triumph. Of the ruins thereof, was S. Gregory's church in Damasus built.   

CHAP. XIIII. The cliff Suburranus: the arch of Galienus: the shambles or flesh market of Livia, or as some would have it, Livianum: the Praenestine way, and the Trophies of Marius.  
AT the top or upper end of Suburra, was the Clivus Suburranus, so called of Suburra, yielding an easy ascent from thence up into the Esquiliae.  
Anon you meet with the triumphal arch of Galen the emperor (where now standeth the church of S. Vitus) making a goodly show of the Tiburtine stone, whereof it was made. near unto it was the shambles or market place called Marcellum Livia●, or Livianum. This, as some think, took the name of one Macellus; who being a notorious thief, and practising much to steal in the city, was in the end apprehended, and by the Censors condemned: and his house being seized as confiscate to the city, was converted to a place wherein they sold meat and all other victuals; and so it kept still the name (as is said) of Macellum. Some are of opinion, that the said house was pulled down, and another built in the ruins thereof, which retained the name still of the former.  
From hence beginneth the port-way Praenestina, and leadeth to the gate Esquilina.  
In this way you shall meet on the right hand with a huge bank of brick, half ruinat; upon which were erected two Trophies of marble; that is to say, certain posts [like Quintin's] standing upright with spoils of enemies hanging thereupon; and they resembled men that were taken prisoners. It is said, that these Trophies were set up by Marius in his triumph for the Cimbrian war: which when Sylla had cast down and overthrown, C. Caesar (afterwards Dictator) erected again. The place of the inhabitants thereabout, is at this day called Cimbrum. As touching Trophies, look to read more in Plutarch, Valerius Max. and others.   

CHAP. XV. The house of the Aelijs: the chapel Marianum: the region or quarter called Tabernola: the baines and dwelling house of Gordian: the palace of Caius and Lucius: also the palace Licinianum.  
THe house of the Aelijs stood in that place, where now be the monuments Mariana and the chapel of that name.  
The plain part of the Esquiliae, between it and the mount Caelius, and the Basilica Lateranensis, is at this day called Merulana, for Mariana; and in old time, the region of Tabernola.  
near the Church of S. Eusebius in the way Praenestina, was built the baines and habitation of Gordianus. The ruins of those hothouses are yet to be seen, whereby a man may soon give an estimate, how fair, how stately, and large they were at first.  
Between the gates Esquilina and Naevia, not far from the walls, there be to be seen certain notable ruins: this they commonly call, the baines of Galutius. But in that place stood in old time, that beautiful and famous palace which Caesar erected under the name of Caius and Lucius his nephews. Hard by the church of S. Balbina, whereas now is the Bear called Pileatus, stood sometime the palace Licinianum.   

CHAP. XVI. The water Martia or Trajana: and the temple of Isis.  
THe current of the water Martia, passing by the gate Trajana through the plain of Esquiliae, went as far as to the baines of Diocletian, unto the hills next adjoining. This in old time was called Aufera. It ariseth out of the spring Piconia in the mountains of the Peligni, and passeth by the Martians country and the lake Fucinus, and so runneth to Rome; the coldest and most wholesome of all other waters that run into Rome. This water, Ancus Martius began first to bring into the city: afterward, Q. Martius surnamed Rex, took it in hand; and a long time after, Agrippa repaired the conduit thereof. Of it, read more in Pliny and Frontinus.  
The temple of Isis, is by P. Victor placed in the quarter Esquilina.   

CHAP. XVII. Of Suburra: the house of Caesar and Lalia; and the street Patricius.  
SVburra is a street of all other most frequented: it beginneth at the Forum Romanum, and goeth on forward directly by the Forum Nervae, up to the hanging or rising of the hill called Clivus Suburranus, whereof we have written before in this book; and it endeth where the way Praenestina beginneth. Called it was Suburra, either for that it sustained and bore up the Carinae and the wall under it: or because it lay under the old city; or as Varro thinketh, of the burrow or street Succusanus. In this street Suburra, was the house of Caesar, so long as he contented himself with a mean estate.  
In it were sometimes certain stews and brothell-houses, as Martial writeth.  
The street Patritius windeth crooked from the hill Viminalis, and endeth at the bains of Diocletian. Of it, more hath been said in the former book.  
The house of Laelia likewise was in the same street, as Martial witnesseth.   

CHAP. XVIII. Suburra in the plain; and the temple of Sylvanus.  
THe mount Viminalis on the West side of it, hath part of the Quirinalis opposite against it: and the vale lying between, was named Suburra the plain.  
In the same valley in times past, were the ten Tabernae; so called of the number.  
The pit also of Saint Proba was in the same hill; which Proba herself made near to the Church of S. Mary's in the field.  
At the foot in manner of the hill Viminalis, over-against S. Agathaes' church, there stood the temple of Sylvanus, as appeareth by many good tokens.   

CHAP. XIX. Of the hill Viminalis: the palace of Decius: the laver of Agrippina: the baines of Olympias and Novatus: the dwelling houses of Q. Catulus, Crassus, and C. Aquilius.  
V Arro reckoneth the hill Viminalis among the Esquiliae. Viminalis it was cleped, of jupiter Vimineus, whose altars were in that hill: or else of plenty of osiers there growing.  
In the highest rising and ascent of that hill, there stood in old time, (where now is the church of S. Laurence in Panis-perna) the palace of Decius the Emperor, as may be showed by the ruins thereof.  
Not far from the same place, toward the church of S. Vitalis, were the lavers or washing places of Agrippina mother to Nero.  
The baines of Olympias were situate toward Suburra; the tokens whereof are now found in the brow of the hill.  
Likewise the baines of Novatus, were built upon the hill Viminalis, where the church of S. Prudence standeth.  
The hill Viminalis, had also three goodly houses of most noble personages, to wit, of M. Crassus, Quintus Catulus, and Caius Aquilius: the marks whereof are evident to be seen in the side of the said hill.  
Upon the same hill in times past, a certain festival sacrifice was solemnised, which the dwellers and inhabitants there, call Fagutall.   

CHAP. XX. The baines of Diocletianus: the Library Vlpia: the plain Viminalis: the gate Interaggeres: and the vale Quirinalis.  
THe baines of Diocletian are to be seen all ruinated on the side of the hill Viminalis: and by their ruins, a man may easily gather how stately and magnificent they were sometime. These were begun by Diocletian and Maximian Herculanus: in the building whereof 40000 Christians were held to work many years together in most slavish manner.  
These were afterwards finished and dedicated by Constantine and Maximian, new emperors. Of the vain and superfluous expenses which the Romans laid out upon Baines, read Seneca, who depainteth out their wastfulnesse most excellently.  
In the same baines was the Library Vlpia, which by Hadrian, or (as some think) by trajan, was thither translated; wherein were the linen records, and those huge volumes called the Elephantine books: in which the acts of the Emperors, and all the sanctions and ordinances of Senate, were, as Pollio witnesseth.  
Behind these baines, from above the rampire or bulwark of Tarqvinius Superbus, was the plain field Viminalis, which spreadeth out as far as to the city wall. There is seen as yet the gate Interaggeres shut; albeit it seemeth more probable and like to a truth, that it stood in the plain Esquilinus.  
In that very place there was a pit or well of spring running water, which the neighbours dwelling thereby, called the pit of the Vivarium, or the park pit, within which park they kept enclosed divers and sundry kinds of wild beasts. The harbours and dens of these wild beasts are yet to be seen: whereupon it cometh, that those places or parks which are set out and appointed for feeding of Deer, we use to call Vivaria.  
The space between Diocletians baths and Constantine's arch, is named the vale Quirinalis: in which they say, that Romulus met with Proculus.  
In the same was the sacred chapel of Fortuna Publica.   

CHAP. XXI. The means Caballus: the etymology of Quirinalis: the tower Militiarum: the baines of Paulus: the chapel of Neptune: the baines of Constantine. the house and street of the Cornelijs.  
THe hill which at this day they name Caballus, was in old time called Quirinalis, as by many signs and reasons may be proved; so as no man skilful in the Roman story, need to doubt thereof.  
This quirinal hill, the sixth in order of the mountains of Rome, (as Varro testifieth) taketh that name of the temple of Quirinus: after others, of the Quirites, who coming with Tatius from Cures, there pitched their tents and lodged. This mountain is shaped long, for it comprehendeth that little hill which is between the gate Collina and Collatina. Upon it standeth the Obeliske of the Moon, engraven with Egyptian hierogly phick characters. In breadth, from the North Southward, it reacheth to a tower, now called Comitium.  
In the pitch and top of the hill, above the Forum of Trajanus, you shall see the tower called Militiarum; where, in old time the soldiers of Trajane kept their standing guard, and gave the tower that name.  
On the sameridge were the baines of Paulus built: which place at this day by a corrupt name, is called Bagnana-Poli.  
In the descent and hanging of the quirinal hill toward Suburra, stood sometime the chapel of Neptune, which appeareth by the pictures and other relics there found.  
From hence toward the North, were the hothouses of Constantine, as the ruins of the place do testify.  
The house of the Cornelijs was built in the street so called, and at this day the name it keepeth still. But more hereof elsewhere.   

CHAP. XXII. The temples of Saturn, the Sun, and Bacchus: Quirinus his temple and porch: the old Capitol: the chapels of jupiter, juno, and Minerva: the house of Pomponius Atticus.  
IN the Cornelian street (whereof a little before we made mention) were two giantlike images, called Colossi, resembling two old men, naked, and holding Cornucopia in their hand. It is commonly received, that these were the statues of Saturn and Mars; for that certain it is how their temples stood hard by: and many evidences there are, besides the very ruins thereof, which testify so much.  
Over-against the hothouses of Constantine, upon the very brow of the hill, there standeth to be seen one half of a marble tower, which the people dwelling thereby, call * Mesa. This, men think, was the tower of the Sun, by the ornaments there reared and set up by Aurelian: for this Emperor worshipped the Sun above all other gods; and therefore you shall see stamped in his come this inscription; SOLI INVICTO, TO THE INVINCIBLE SUN. His mother also, a priest of the Sun, thereupon reared a temple unto the Sun.  
In the side of the hill near the foresaid baths, are two horses seen standing; the handiwork of Praxiteles and Phidias. These were (by report) Tivid●●● the kings, and translated to Rome.  
That part of the Quirinalis which boundeth upon Vallis Martia, was called the mount and temple of Clatra and Apollo.  
Not far from thence, behind this hill, there is another rising and ascent; where, by antic letters it is evident, that the old Capitol stood, together with the chapel of jupiter, juno, and Minerva.  
Over-against these places, inclining toward the right hand, where now standeth the church of Saint Vestalis, Pomponius Atticus dwelled in an house which came to him by inheritance from his grandsire, and was called Pamphiliana. They write, that this was a most sweet and pleasant seat, by reason of a wood near unto it.  
In the same place was built afterwards the temple of Quirinus, kept always shut, to signify that it was an unknown secret; whether Romulus were interred and lay in the earth, or were translated into the number of the gods in heaven.  
There was a porch or walking place there of that name; where folk used commonly to meet, to dispatch businesses and contract espousals.   

CHAP. XXIII. The path way or causey called Alta; the house of Sabinus: the street and statue of Mamurrus: the court and gardens of Sallust, and the field or plain Sceleratus.  
THe high causey reaching from the baths of Constantine to the gate Viminalis along the side of Quirinalis, was paved with four esquare stone.  
Upon that causey, at a place called the Pomegranate, Flavius Sabinus had an house, wherein by report Domitian was borne.  
It is avouched that in old time there was a street of Mamurrus: and that his statue there stood, where now is S. Susan's church.  
Not far from that church, was the court of Sallust, and his most neat and fine hortyards, where the field called Sceleratus lay, and reached near the gate Collina. Of those hort-yards, as also of the hamlet Tiburtina, there yet continue some marks and remnants in the bottom of the valley, between the very hill and the way which bringeth to the gate Salaria. On that little hill is seen the very house of Sallust, which the people there inhabiting call Salustrium. Of this matter, see more in Cicero and others.  
Beyond the hort-yards of Sallust, near the gate Collina, there is an high place like a mount: where in times past the vestal votary Nuns, such as were condemned for incontinency and incest, were buried quick; and thereupon all the plain about it was called Sceleratus, together with the way that leadeth thereto.   

CHAP. XXIIII. The temples of Salus, of Dius, Fidius, of Fortuna Primeginia, of Honour, Hercules, and Quirinus: also the Senate house of women.  
THe mount Quirinalis had very many temples and chapels, although the certain place where they stood is not so well known at this day, namely, one of Apis. That of Salus was painted by Fabius Pictor, and burnt in the time of Claudius. By junius Bubulcus Dictator when he triumphed over the Aequians, it was vowed: by him (Censor) put out to making, and in his second Dictatourship dedicated.  

* Deus Trinominis Sabinorum.  Sanctus, Dius, and Fidius, were the Sabines gods, which, when they left their native country and home, with all their other household gods, they carried with them into mount Quirinalis. This god (forsooth) was in words and name three, in deed and truth but one, as they said. These three therefore had one temple built them upon this hill, and were called by one name Sanctus. The opinion received of which godhead, was such, that an oath was thought to carry a great power of sanctity and holiness, whereby a man in that threefold name and one Deity, avowed and swore thus, Me-Dius-Fidius.  
Domitianus a praetor or lord chief justice within the city of Rome, built a temple upon that hill, to Fortuna Primigenia.  
Besides, in that mount were the temples of Honour and Hercules.  
Likewise the counsel house of women was in the mount Quirinalis, at which in former times the wives and dames of the city met yearly upon certain solemn set days.  
Moreover it is recorded that the feast Agonalia was celebrated in Quirinalis.   

CHAP. XXV. The court or Forum Archimonium: the pillar Tiburtina: the house of Martial: the Cirque of Floralia: the temple of Flora: the shops of Minium, and the common ascent called Clivus Publicus.  
Between the hill Hortulorum (where of ye may read before in the first book and the chapter next following) and Quirinalis, there is a valley foursquare, but lying out somewhat in length. In that part thereof which lieth under the mount of Clatra and Apollo, was the court called Archimonium. For the very church of S. Nicholas, which at this day standeth upon that place, is named De Archimonijs.  
Not far from it there is another place, to wit, Pila Tiburtina: There stood the house of martial, as he himself witnesseth.  
Next to it followeth the round Cirque (Floralium) where yearly to the honour of the goddess Flora, the festival Floralia is celebrated. Now this Flora was a famous courtesan or strumpet at Rome, who having by her whorish trade gathered a mighty deal of goods together, in her last will made the people of Rome her heir, with this condition, That every year they should celebrate the memorial of her birth day. But the Senate thinking this a ridiculous mockery, to honour and dignify so filthy a thing with such a remembrance, they devised a goddess of flowers forsooth, called Flora, and her upon those holidays they seemed to please and content, that she would be good to the growth of trees and corn, and that they might do well in their flowering and blouming time. To this goddess, we read that a temple likewise was consecrated. Anon you meet with the workehouses where they make Minium, i. Vermilion. near unto which was the Clivus Publicus.   

CHAP. XXVI The hill Hortulorum, the temple of the Sun, and the sepulchre of Nero.  
THis little hill (Hortulorum) containeth but a few things worth the writing. Among which is the house of Pincius a Senator, who gave the name both to a gate and a mountain, which in these days are called, Mount Pincius, and gate Pinciana.  
The relics and marks of his house are seen in that very place, near the old wall. And about the same walls we meet with an huge building in form of an hemisphere or half circle, which men imagine, was the temple of the Sun.  
Upon the same hill over-against the tomb of Marcellus in the very port way Flaminia, fast by the monument of Domitian, stood Nero's sepulchre also.  
Now this hill Hortulorum took the name of certain hortyards and gardens under it, which in old time, by reason they were continually so well watered, were most fruitful. down this hill, all they were wont (in times past) to descend into Campus Martius, who meant to sue and stand for any magistracy.    

THE six BOOK.  

CHAP. I Of the flat plot of the city, and the Theatre in general.  
THat it may be understood more certainly, in what place of the plain and level part of the city every thing stood, let there be a straight and right line drawn from the Capitol, through Pantheon to Tybre, near the church of Saint Roch. So shall the city be in manner divided into two equal parts. The one shall lie from the front and side of the Tiber, the other from the Forum of Trajanus to the gate Flumentana, along the foot of the two hills Quirinalis and Hortulorum.  
Begin we will therefore at the Theatre of Marcellus, and recount the places in order, as hitherto we have done. As for Theatrum, a Greek word it is, and in Latin may be aptly translated Visorium. The first Theatres were appointed among the Athenians, and those in regard of husbandmen, who on festival days visited the temples of the gods: afterwards, at Rome they began to be taken up. The first, and that the greatest of all others, was built of timber by M. Scaurus: for, the concavity within would receive fourscore thousand men. After it, were Theatres made to turn about and show their front one while this way, another while that. But as touching Theatres, see more in Cassiodorus and Vitruvius, who have written plenteously thereof, and namely by whom they were first ordained, and in what manner built.   

CHAP. II. The Theatre of Marcellus and the Library: the gallery and court of Octavia.  
A Vgustus built many things under the name of others, as we find it written by authors in many sundry. And among the rest was the Theatre of Marcellus his nephew or cousin by his sister Octavia. A part hereof is yet to be seen between the Capitol and Tiber, where now standeth the palace of the Sabelli. It was able to contain eighty thousand men. See more thereof in Asconius.  
Hard by the very same Theatre was the gallery of Octavia, reared by the said Augustus for his sister Octavia's sake. Therein were certain curious pieces of work wrought by Praxiteles, and namely the ravishing of Proserpina. The portraiture of Bacchus and Satyrus. Also Apollo, Diana, and the nine muses, the workmanship of Timarchides. Within this gallery or walking place, Pliny saith there stood a chapel of juno, and the image of the said goddess. Fast by the said gallery stood the court or pallaee of Octavia, and in it Cupid portrayed with lightning in his hand. It took up in times past as great a space, as at this day the churches of S. Nicholas in Carcere, and S. Marry in Porticu.  
After the death of Marcellus, Octavia his mother set up a library near his Theatre. Now the first that ever ordained, That books of all learning should be in some public places bestowed for to be read of all that would come; was at Athens Pisistratus the tyrant, and at Rome Asinius Pollio.   

CHAP. III. The Cirque or show place Flaminius, and the temple of Apollo.  
THat this Cirque Flaminius stood in that place where at this day the dark store houses and sellars be, hard by S. Katharins' church, the marks yet remaining testify. Flaminius' it was called, either because it was built about the plain called Campus Flaminius, or else by Flaminius the Consul, who was slain at the battle of the lake Thrasymenus. In it were the plays and games exhibited, which they call Apollinares: and therein the horse-running were performed. To it the Senate used oftentimes to come down from the Capitol to sit in counsel. Neptune also had a chapel there.  
Apollo's temple was in that very place, as it evidently appeareth, where now S. Mary's church is under the Capitol, between the liearbe-market and the Cirque Flaminius, near to the gate Carmentalis.   

CHAP. four The temples of Vulcan, Mars, Bellona, Hercules, and jupiter Stator: the column or pillar Bellica: the altar of Neptune: the gallery Corinthia: and the coloss of Mars.  
WIthin the Cirque Flaminius stood most famous temples of the gods, to wit, of Vulcan, Mars, and Bellona, to wit that which was toward the gate Carmentalis. Before the said gate there stood a marble pillar, which the Romans called Bellica, for it showed when war was to be made. The Romans in old time used and retained this manner in proclaiming war: The public beadle, or one of the heralds called Faecials, lanced a spear with some other ensigns of war, into that land upon which they meant to levy arms. But when after many conquests they had enlarged their empire and dominion, and that they were oftentimes to give defiance to nations far remote and distant, because they should not need to fling a spear or javelin, as I said before, into that land, they did but stick one in the pillar abovenamed, on that side which regardeth that part whether they were to make their expedition.  
To Hercules the Great, protector and keeper of the cirque Flaminius, they built a temple in the same place: for his statue was there erected in the very entrance thereof, on that side where now standeth the church of S. Lucy in the dark Apothecae.  
M. Fulvius built another temple of the allowance that he had of the censors stock, to Hercules Musarum: for he had heard in Greece how Hercules was Musagetes, i. the leader and companion of the Muses. The same Fulvius translated the images of all the Muses out of the town Ambracia to Rome, and consecrated them under the protection and safeguard of that most potent and mighty deity, to the end that they might have mutual help one of the other: namely, the quietness of Muses by the defence of Hercules; and the valour of Hercules, by the sweet voice of the Muses. This church much decayed and disfigured by time, Martius Philippus, Augustus his father in law, i. his mother's husband, repaired.  
In the same Cirque they would have the temple of jupiter Stator to stand.  
There also (as they gather by certain presumptions) was the altar of Neptune, which in old time ran blood.  
Octavius reared a porch or gallery, built & born up with brazen pillars, and thereupon named Corinthia. This stood between the Cirque and S. Nicholas church, and was also called Chalcaria, i brazen or copper.  
The Colosse or stately image of Mars, at the cirque Flaminius, was in the temple of Brutus Callaicus.   

CHAP. V. The porch or gallery of Mercury: the Theatre of Octavius: his house, cloister, and gallery: and the temple of Venus' Victress.  
Between the Cirque Flaminius and the Tiber, in the very entry of the church of S. Angel in Piscina, there is a porch or gallery, consecrated sometime to Mercury, or as some would have it, to juno. This being consumed with fire, L. Septimius Severus re-edified. But the porch which standeth in the jews street called Ceura, they say was builded by the emperor Severus.  
Between the gallery of Marcellus and the mount reared by Hadrian, Pompey was the first that built a Theatre to continue. For all others before were taken down when the games and shows were once done and passed: and when need required, new were set up. A great part of this Theatre when Pompey had finished, comes Caligula and made an end of the rest. Afterward, Theodorick king of the Ostragoths re-edified it. This also received eighty thousand men.  
near unto this Theatrum there was a court or stately hall called Atrium, the same which at this day they name Satrium; also the house of Pompey, and a porch before it. These edifices of Pompey, at what time as Philip exhibited the stageplays, were consumed with fire. near to the same Theatre, the emperor Claudius of famous memory, reared an arch of marble for memorial of Tiberius Caesar.  
In the foresaid Theatre (men say) was the temple of Venus the Victress.   

CHAP. VI The baines Agrippinae: Pantheon, and the porch thereof: also the temple of good speed.  
FRom the arch of Pompey as you go, northward, you shall meet with the baths Agrippinae, the marks whereof are seen in that place which now of the inhabitants there, is called Cyambella. Now, Agrippinae they were named of Agrippa who built them: See Pliny hereof in his Discourses of Nature.  
near unto the foresaid baines, there is a temple of greatest antiquity, and among other old temples of the city, the noblest of all the rest, which at this day remaineth in manner whole and sound. Because it was dedicated almost to all the gods, they thought good to name it Pantheon. Inform it was like the world, representing a sphere or globe. At this day they call it S. Mary's the round. Of this temple Pliny and others have made mention, unto whom I refer the readers. In the very porch and entry of this temple, were the statues of Augustus and Agrippa. The images also of Mars and Venus. At the lappet of Venus' care, there hung as a pendant that most costly and precious pearl of Cleopatra. Likewise there stood the image of Minerva, the handieworke of Phidias. Moreover, Hercules; at whose statue the Carthaginians in old time used yearly to sacrifice mankind. They ascended up into this temple as into the rest, by many steps: for men in times past used to rear their temples on high, and made but one way to go into them. A porch to this temple Agrippa joined: a piece of work worth all admiration, which of some was called Prothyron. For this word Porticus, betokeneth nothing else but an ornament or porch, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. before the door. Hereof also have authors written much. This temple first Hadrian the emperor of happy memory, and afterwards Antonius Pius, re-edified.  
Certain relics and remnants four angled and somewhat long, of Good-speeds temple, are evidently seen in the streets of Minerva and S. Eustachius. This god was long ago worshipped, that all things might fall out happily in the end. Portrayed he was in habit of a poor man, holding in his right hand a charger, and in his left an ear of corn.   

CHAP. VII. The baines of Nero and Alexander: the Cirque named Agon.  
BEhind S. Eustachius church, between Pantheon and Lombard's street, the remnants are seen of the baines and vaults of Nero.  
near unto these, Alexander built others new (by conveyance of water into them, which they call Alexandrina) and those very fair and delectable: Whereof Lampridius hath written much.  
near unto them (some think) were the baths of Hadrian: and they would have them to stand in that very place, where now is S. Aloisius church.  
In the plain part of the city there appear most evident tokens of a long and spacious Cirque, which they call at this day Agon. It took that name, either of the games Agonalia instituted by king Numa in the honour of janus, which in that shewplace are represented, the ninth day of januarie: or because all manner of such shows and disports, called by the Greeks, Agones, were wont there to be exhibited. Some would have it to be built by Nero or Alexander, upon this reason, that other ornaments of theirs were to be showed there. For the manner of their princes and Emperors was, ordinarily to bestow their monuments and memorial in one place.   

CHAP. IX. The temple of Neptune: Terentus: the altar of Dis or Pluto: the marish Caprea.  
ON the strand of Tybre, where now S. Blazes Church standeth, sometimes Neptune's temple stood. The same was rebuilt by Hadrian. Therein were the painted tables hung, which represented the shipwrecks.  
Terentus is a place in Mars field, so called, for that in it the altar of Dis was hidden: or because the water of the Tybre running thereby, eat away and wore the banks of that side: or lastly, by occasion of Evander, who arrived with a fleet in that place, and there abode. There also in time of the Alban war, they hid the altar of Proserpina under the ground, that they only might have knowledge thereof, where it was.  
In the same Mars field (some think) was the fen or marish Caprea, where Romulus in a tempest which suddenly arose, was taken away. Of which matter Livy writeth.   

CHAP. X. The house Corvina: the broad way or gate: and the temple of Isis.  
THe second part of the flat city, reacheth along the foot of Quirinalis, from the Forum of Trajanus to the gate Flaminia. In which part near the Capitol, was the house Corvina, built by that name and family; and to this day keepeth still the old name; for commonly called it is Macellum Corvorum.  
From that house unto the bars or rails in Mars field, extendeth the way Lata, retaining yet the antic name: and there standeth the church, named S. Mary's in the broad way.  
In the same way, stood sometime by report, the temple of Isis near the rails abovesaid, where now is the church of S. Marcellus. Now this Isis was a goddess of the Egyptians. She was honoured and worshipped also at Rome, together with Osiris surnamed Serapis: of whom the public plays in the quarter Flaminia, Iseum-Serapeum bare the name. It happened in the temple of Isis that incest was committed; whereupon the Emperor Tiberius caused the priests of that temple to be crucified, and the place itself to be demolished. Other temples of this goddess there were at Rome: for Caracalla translated all her sacred rites and ceremonies to Rome, and daily with exceeding great reverence observed the same.   

CHAP. XI. The arch of Camillus: the temple of Minerva: and the swine market.  
AS a man goeth down from the broad-gate aforesaid toward the Pantheon, he shall see a most ancient arch. Some think (but untruly) that erected it was for Camillus: for many a fair day after his time, these arches were in no request and use: and therefore it belonged to some other L. General. Between this arch and Pantheon, Cn. Pompeius built a temple to Minerva, wherein he comprised in a compendious sum, the memorial of all his acts and exploits. Other ensigns also in the honour of the city of Rome, he there set up, and those he garnished and adorned. Whereof read Pliny.  
At the foot of the mount Quirinalis, in the hortyards of the Columnenses, near the ascent and rising of the hill which leadeth now into the mount Caballus, there was sometime the marketplace Sunrium, so called of selling swine there. For Varro witnesseth, that in old time they had certain set and appointed places for the selling of several things, and thereof the markets took the name. Thus of oxen, the market Boarium; of fish, Piscarium; of swine, Suarium; of woorts or herbs, Holitorium, was called. &.   

CHAP. XII. Of the field called Martius, or Tyberinus.  
FOrasmuch as in the former book it hath been sufficiently declared as touching Mars field where it lay, it shall be needless to make any repetition thereof in this place: but why it was called Martius, would be here in brief considered. Named so it was, because it was consecrated to Mars: for when the Tarquin's were expelled out of their kingdom, what ground soever or standing corn they were possessed of, they divided amongst those citizens who were not landed at all, reserving only this field Martius: which because it was consecrated to Mars, that in it their games and plays should be solemnised and the youth exercised, they thought that the fruit also there growing should likewise be counted sacred and accursed, and so deemed it unlawful that any distribution thereof should be made, but threw it all into the Tybre, whereof arose the island called Tyberina; of which we will speak in the last book. In this field therefore (besides the native beauty of the place and the delectable sight of the meadows) were erected the ornaments and statues of brave and renowned persons: yea out of the very Capitol (when the place began to be pestered and over-streight by reason of so many ornaments which thither were daily brought) many of them were from thence translated into Campus Martius. This field was called of men in old time, Tyberinus; like as Tybre also was named Martius.   

CHAP. XIII. The porch, the Temple, Column, and Palace of Antoninus Pius: the rails or enclosure, called Ovilia.  
Between the Sciarra and Pantheon streets, near to Saint Stephen's Church in Trullio, there showeth a stately porch, which most men suppose was that of Antoninus Pius, for that his temple standeth so near. The Column also of Antoninus is not far off. This he raised of an exceeding height with winding and turning stairs, like that of Trajanus, whereof we have spoken before. Between this Column and the porch or gallery, the said emperor had (by report) a goodly palace. Between the said Column and the water Virgo, they say, the rails or enclosure within Mars field stood, called Septa. Now this place was enclosed within wooden rails, and strongly fenced with posts on every side, wherein the people of Rome when at the creation and election of magistrates they were to pass their voices, were kept close: and for the resemblance of sheep pens, Ovilia of some they were called. By Livy they are set down, near the ways Fornicata and Flaminia.   

CHAP. XIIII. The hill Citatorum: the Villa Publica, temple of Neptune, and the bridge in Mars field.  
Between antonine Column and S. Laurences church in Lucina, there is raised a mount, called now Citorius, for Citatorum; not that it was a mount in deed, but because the people of Rome when in the choosing of magistrates they were to give their voices, as they were cited went thither as it were into some hill. Some say it was called Acceptorum, of taking the people's suffrages: others, Septorum, for the vicinite of those Septa beforesaid. This little mount, there be that would have to rise and increase by the ruins of some porch or stately gallery: or else, of the common hostelry, called Villa Publica. For there was in time past a place called Villa Publica, a large building in manner of a court or hall; wherein were received and entertained all ambassadors of enemies, who might not be allowed either to enter into the city, or to go into the public lodging or Hospital called Graecostasis.  
near to the Septa, M. Agrippa (as Denis writeth) built a goodly temple with a most beautiful porch to it, in the honour of Neptune.  
At this foresaid hillock called Citatorum, and the Column of Antonius, there was a bridge fast by the Septa, whereupon they that were cited when they had given their voices, passed by and went their wai●s: and so were severed from the rest that were to give their suffrages, because they should not be intermingled amongst them, nor be able to show unto them, on whose side they had passed their voices.   

CHAP. XV. The water Virgo: the lake and chapel of juturna, as also that of Piety.  
THe water Virgo, which retaineth still the pleasant sweetness to the taste in drinking, & keepeth yet the old name, beginneth to gather to an head near the bridge Salarius; and being carried in a most deep gutter, entereth into the city at the gate Collina, and so is raised to the hill Hortulorum: where, by arched work it is conveyed through Mars field, and yieldeth all the way to the inhabitants, water for their use; and endeth at the length in the hortyards of Lucullus.  
Moreover in Mars field, there was (as men say) a fountain and well or cistern of juturna, sister of K. Turnus, yielding most wholesome water. This water-Nymph, they avouch (and that right well) to have been called juturna, a juvando, i. of helping; because she was thought to help the sick. The very place is at this day by a corrupt word, named Lotreglio.  
In the same Mars field, it is recorded, that in times past stood the temple of Piety, even whereas now the church of S. saviour is.   

CHAP. XVI. The arch of Domitian: the obeliske of Mars field: the Amphitheatre of Claudius the Emperor.  
THe triumphant arch, so dismembered (as it were) and bearest of all the ornaments, standing between the churches of S. Sylvestre and Laurence in Lucium, and taketh up a piece of the way or street Flaminia, is attributed unto Domitian the Emperor. And hereupon (besides other presumptions) they appropriate it to him, for that this emperor reared many such arches in every place.  
The Obeliske also there is in this Mars field, which Augustus transported from Hieropolis a city in Egypt, to Rome. Besides, the native ensigns and wonderful hieroglyphic inscriptions which it brought with it of the own, therein to be seen, Augustus adjoined other ornaments no less admirable. But hereof it is better to read Pliny.  
Claudius' the emperor, built near the Septa in Mars field an Amphitheatre, which he decked and adorned with fair statues and most beautiful columns.   

CHAP. XVII. The vale Martia: the palace: the porch of Augustus: the naumachy of Domitian: and the temple of the family Flavia.  
THe vale Martia taketh the name of Campus Martius: it lieth between Tybre and the hill Hortulorum: within which, in a place lower than all the rest about it, appear the Naumachies' of Domitian; where, in old time he exhibited shows of naval fights. In which place beforetime likely it is, that Augustus had his naumachy; which being cleansed and scoured by Domitian, retained afterwards his name. Read Suetonius.  
near to this naumachy, was the temple (as it is thought) of the kindred Flavia.  
In this place, julius Capitolinus proveth, that the porch and palace of Augustus was built.   

CHAP. XVIII. The Mausoleum of Augustus; and the two obelisks near it: also the tomb or sepulchre of Marcellus.  
IN the vale Martia, between the way Flaminia and the bank of Tybre, hard by S. Roches church, Augustus made a Mausoleum, to serve for a sepulchre as well to himself and all the Emperors, as also for his whole house and name. This building is like unto a turret standing at the gate called Populi, which showeth itself spoiled now of all the ornaments that set it out. Men would have it to be the sepulchre of Marcellus. And Augustus named this sepulchre of his, Mausoleum, for the resemblance it had of that of Mausolus K. of Caria, which Artemisia his wife built for him. Read Cassiodore, Strabo, and others thereof.  
Close unto the Mausoleum of Augustus, were two obelisks, as the ruinated remnants thereof do testify.   

CHAP. XIX. The way Flaminia: the Trophies of Marius; and other goodly ornaments of the field Martius in general.  
C Neus Flaminius the colleague of M. Lepidus, having vanquished the Ligurians, paved the causey or street Flaminia. This way led from Placence, through Narnia, Fuligneum, Nuceria, Callium, to Fortune's temple, to Pisaurum, and so forward to Ariminum. See Livy and Suetonius.  
Between the Mausoleum of Augustus, and the hill called Hortulorum, were the Trophies of Marius over jugurtha. Trophies, as Varro witnesseth, were so called of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Greek word, which signifieth, flight; for that the manner was, to hang up the spoils and disrobing of enemies put to flight and slain, upon trunks and posts.  
In Mars field, were the sepulchers of Sylla, Hirtius, and Pansa, of julia, Britannicus, Drusus, the Emperor Claudius, and other right hardy and valiant knights, beside infinite ornaments more, whereof we have written before in this book.    

THE SEVENTH BOOK.  

CHAP. I. Of the river Tybre.  
IT should follow by due course and order, to treat of janiculum and all that quarter of the city on the other side of Tybre: but because these parts are separate from the rest of the city by the river Tybre between; thereof also it is meet to say somewhat briefly. And first verily the reason of that name would be showed. Some think therefore, that the river was called Tyberis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For the Sicilians when as in old time they had overcome the 
* Or as some say, the As●●niens.  Carthaginians in battle, and taken a number of them prisoners, enjoined them, for the better fortification of their own city, to cast a trench about it, and to let water thereinto: and this ditch in reproach of their enemies, they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And the same men upon a time afterwards, when as they encamped near Rome, gave this very name unto this river also, whereas before it was called Albula. Some think it was named so of Tyberis a king of the Tuscans, slain upon the banks thereof. Varro is of opinion, that it took the name of Tiberius, a neighbour prince of the Vejentians. In holy writings we read it Tyberinus. In vulgar speech they call it Tyberis: in poetry, Tiber. In old time it was termed Rumon, as it were, gnawing and eating the banks thereof. Also at one side of the city it was cleped Terentus, as a man would say, wearing the banks. It springeth from the Apennine, above Arnus. At the first it is but small and shallow, but before it entereth into Rome, it (having received 40 other rivers) is increased to such bigness, that ships of burden and the greatest hulks, may come up in it as far as Rome. This river divideth Tuscan from Vmbria, the Sabines country and the Latins, entereth at the North part of the city, and so passeth through it Southward, between the gates Hostiensis and Portuensis, leaving janiculum on the right hand and the city on the left, and so near unto Hostia is discharged into one main broad Stream, and falleth into the Tyrrhene sea. Upon the banks thereof, as if they were consecrate to some divine power, it was not lawful to set up any building. Certain warders and keepers there were appointed, for the channel and the banks. But of this river, Pliny and others have left much in writing.   

CHAP. II. Of the bridges built upon Tybre.  
THe Tybre, as is abovesaid, being so deep as that it is navigable, and beareth the greatest ships, hath no fourd in any place that can be waded through; and therefore necessary it was to make bridges over it, and so to join that part on the farther side of Tybre, to the rest of the city. Hercules, after he had killed Geryon, built a bridge, where afterwards stood that which they called Sublicius. Also before the foundation of the city, there was a bridge over Tybre, called Sacer; upon which they sacrificed men to Saturn by throwing them down into the river. But when Hercules afterward had put down that manner of sacrificing, he gave order, that men's images made of reeds and bulrushes (which they called Argeos) should be cast down instead of them. But after the city was built, there were other bridges made to the number of eight; to wit, Milvius, Aelius, Vaticanus, janiculensis, Cestius, Fabricius, Palatinus, and Sublicius. And all these, save the Sublician only, Totilas overthrew.   

CHAP. III. The bridge Milvius.  
THe bridge Milvius, which men now call Molvius, standeth upon the way Flaminia, a mile and more from the city. Built it was in the troublesome times of Sylla, by Scaurus when he was Censor. Many a time they say it was cast down, and as often set up again.   

CHAP. four The bridge Aelius, now S. Angel, the Vatican or Triumphal, the janiculensis or Aurelianus.  
THe bridge at this day called S. Angel, in times past Aelius, took that name of Aelius Hadrianus, for he built that bridge, and near unto it a sepulchre, which they call Moles Hadriani.  
Beneath this there is another which giveth passage into the mount Vatican and the plain thereof, and thereupon they named it Vaticanus; also Triumphalis, for that over it they went up in triumph to the Capitol, to give thanks to jupiter and rejoice. The piles are yet to be seen in Tiber, overagainst the spittle or hospital of S. Spirit. The third bore the name janiculensis of janiculum near unto it, and Aurelianus of the port-way Aurelia, or the gate so called. Antonius Pius paved it over with marble, and being demolished in the civil wars, was called the broken bridge. Afterwards Pope Xystus the fourth re-edified it, and gave unto it his own name.   

CHAP. V. The bridges Fabricius and Cestius.  
BEneath the bridge Aurelius one furlong, over-against the Theatre of Marcellus, in the very midst of the channel of Tiber, there appeareth a shelf or Island, this was united to the city by the bridge Tarpeius, so called first of the rock Tarpeia near unto it, afterwards Fabricius, of L. Fabricius, who by the bridge conjoined the city and Island together. The same at this day is called the bridge of four heads, taking the name of four marble images with four faces apiece, standing at the entry of the bridge, but that bridge which closeth the said Island with the parts beyond Tiber, was called Esquilinus or Cestius in times past, but now S. Bartholomew's bridge.   

CHAP. VI Of the Island Tyberina.  
OF this Islands beginning, we have treated before in the description of Mars field, Livy and Dionysius also set down this story at large. It resembleth the form of a biremo galley, & where it is broadest, it is not above a dart shoot over, in length it containeth about two stadia or a quarter of a mile. This was in times past called Lycaonia, and was hallowed to the honour of Aesculapius, whose image from out of Epidaurus was thither brought. Of Aesculapius and his temple, read Pliny.  
A temple also of jupiter standeth in it, dedicated by C. Servilius the Duumvir, which had been vowed by L. Furius six years before in the Gauls war.  
In the same Island were sick folk presented unto Aesculapius (in the field.) And near unto the temple of the said god, was a lazar-house, for that this god was the inventor and maintainer of Physic.  
In it also stood the chapel of Faunus, near to the very river: but scarcely remain there any tokens thereof. This Faunus (as men say) was reported to have been the first that consecrated chapels and temples to the gods, and for this cause, all such places consecrated to the gods, were called Fana. By the testimony of Cornelius Tacitus and Suetonius, the statue of the emperor julius stood there.   

CHAP. VII. The Senators bridge called also Palatine, and that which is named Sublicius.  
BEneath the abovenamed Island, as it were a darts cast off, was the seventh bridge, called Senatorum pons, of the Senators: also Palatinus, of the mount Palatine near adjoining: and at this day named it is the bridge of S. Marry in Egypt, by reason of S. Mary's church near by.  
Now followeth the last bridge Sublicius, and which also is counted the most ancient of all others. This was first made of timber by Ancus Martius, at the very foot of the Aventine mount: framed only with a flower of planks without any iron spikes and nails or props to shore against it, so as in time of war and trouble it might be taken in pieces one from another. Now Sublicius it was called a Sublicis, i great strong posts. But afterwards Aemilius Lepidus made it of stone, and called it by his own name Aemilius. Some say it was paved with marble stone, and thereupon named the marble bridge. Upon it in old time fat beggars craving alms of the passengers by. From it also lewd and wicked malefactors, were thrown down headlong into Tiber. This bridge as well as others, was often demolished, and built up again by one or other.   

CHAP. VIII. Of that side of the city which is beyond Tiber. The city and temple of the Ravenates and for'rs Fortuna: the baths of Severus: the hortyards of Caesar: The water Alsietina, and the meadows of Mutius.  
THe region beyond Tiber in old time had the name of janiculum, the hill which overlooketh and commandeth the greatest part thereof. We find it also called of men in those days, the city of the Ravenates, who with a fleet having aided the Romans, were permitted to dwell in the janiculum, for fear least at any time that mountain and hold should be seized and kept by the enemies. Now for as much as this quarter was inhabited by ●ase people, such as followed vile occupations, there were in it but few things worthy of any remembrance. Severus therein built certain baines: Caesar made Hort-yards, and prepared also a fair pool called the naumachy for ship-fight there. Also the temple of for'rs fortuna, was (in Tib. Caesar's days) dedicated in that quarter.  
The water called Alsietina, was derived out of the pool Alsietinus, by the high way or causey Claudia into the foresaid naumachy, and served all those parts. This water was also called by some Augusta. See Frontinus, who hath written much of the Roman waters.  
Mutius, who willingly had exposed and offered himself to die for the love of his country, was for that good service endowed by the people of Rome with land on the other side of Tiber. The place at this day is yet called Prata Mutia. near unto the Arsenal and shipdockes on that side of Tiber, were the plays and games of Fishermen in times past celebrated.   

CHAP. IX. The sepulchre of Numa, and Cacilius the Poet. The Tribunal of Aurelius, the janiculum, and the hort-yards of Marcellus.  
THat the sepulchre of king Numa was under the hill janiculus, a chest of his, with his books long time after digged up there, do sufficiently prove. See Livy, Solinus, and others.  
The Tribunal Aurelia, & the Arsenal was on that side of the Tiber, as appeareth by those authors.  
The hill janiculus took the name of janus who there dwelled, and therein was afterwards buried. He also built a town or city there, as they say, so called. This janiculus was also called Antipolis, as Rome Saturnia.  
Commonly also it is received, that Caecilius the poet was under the same hill janiculus buried. Martial the poet, as himself witnesseth in his first book, had most pleasant and delectable hort-yards in the same janiculus.   

CHAP. X. The hill and field Vatican, the temple of Apollo and Mars, the naumachy, the cirque, hort-yards, and Obelisk of Caesar.  
THe mount Vatican and the plain thereto, were without the city, in the parts beyond the Tiber, and in that very place, where at this day is the church of S. Peter, and the Pope's palace: Called it was Vaticanus, of the god Vaticanus, by whose instinct and inspiration it was believed in old time that prophecies were delivered. And this god they called Vaticanus, for that in his power was the beginning of man's voice, for as much as infants, so soon as ever they come into the world, presently pronounce and utter the first syllable of this god's name, i. 
* Va, from hence cometh vagite in Latin.   
The temple of Apollo was in Vatican, in that very place, as men think, whereon at this day is S. Petronels or Parnels church, also another of Mars, where standeth S. Mary's in Febribus, upon the portway called sometime Triumphalis. Gellius writeth, that julius Paulus the poet had hort-yards in the Vatican.  
The vale Vatican is there also to be seen, wherein Nero enclosed a compass of ground like a ring for to ride and break horses in. The conventicles also and wine-tavernes there he adorned. Moreover, Nero had Hort-yards in that place, which he set forth for divers and sundry punishments and tortures of Christians. All this space thus enclosed, he called the Cirque. Also the pools made for ship fight, called Naumachia were there, and the Obeliske 〈…〉 is yet to be seen standing upright.   

CHAP. XI. The way or 〈◊〉 Triumphalis, the water Sabbatina, the sepulchre of Scipio.  
OF the Triumphal way, there hath been some mention made before. Called so it was, for that the solemn pomp of triumph. Used to 〈◊〉 that way up into the Capitol. This as well as others was paved with flint stone. It went on still to the back porch of S. Celsus, toward the plain field of 〈…〉 thence to S. George's church in Velabrum. In the pontifical 〈◊〉 there be many antiquities found, brought thither from other places: and namely the portraiture and counterfeit of Nilus, also of all sorts of 〈…〉.   

CHAP. XII. The mount of Hadrianus, and the meadows called Quintia.  
AElius Hadrianus reared a huge and mighty mount for his own sepulchre near the bridge Aelius, 〈…〉 ashes, & afterwards the relics of all the 〈◊〉. This is at this day the fort of the Popes. The same also is called the tower of Crescentius, because one Crescentius, a factious captain, held it a long time. See more in 〈…〉.  
The meadows 〈◊〉 in the plain 〈◊〉, took the name of Quinti●● Ci●cinnatus. Read P●●nie hereof. Now they be called Aprar● 〈…〉.   

CHAP. XIII. Of those things which either have been, or remain now without the gate Flumentana.  
THe first thing presented to our sight when we are out of the gate Flumentana is the port-way or causey Flaminia: which, as we have before showed, was by C●. Flaminius' brought along as far as Arininum. Within the city he paid it with flint or pebble without he laid it with gravel. And in that order be all the port-ways laid about Rome. Upon this way Augustus made four bridges, whereof at this day there remain scarcely any tokens. near unto this causey Caesar had a farm or manor house, which he called ad Gallinas. The reason of that name levy showeth. To the way Flaminia, another named Claudia joined, upon which were the Hortyards of Ovid.  
The way AEmylia, made and paved by Lepidus the colleague of Flaminius, leadeth from Ariminum as far as to Bononia. Now, two causeys there were of that name, the one which met with Flaminia: the other which Scaurus laid and made, which went through Pisae and Luna to the Sabatij. In like manner there was a way called Tyberina and Cassia, without the gate now called Viridaria, which passed along by Sutrium, Vetrella, and Viterbium into the way Vulsinensis.  
Certain places there be in the way Flaminia somewhat hollow and flat like saddles, called therefore Clitellae.  
Without the gate Collatina there is a causey of the same name.   

CHAP. XIIII.  
THe port-way from the gate Collina is called Salaria, because of the Sabines at it brought salt into the city. Thereupon stood the bridge. Salaritis. And it reacheth to Numentana. In it was the temple of Venuis Erycina, vowed by, Fabius the dictator, and dedicated by L. Portius. There, stood the image of Venus' temple of Honour, and an altar in it. Finally the monument or tomb of Licinius the barber of Augustus.   

CHAP. XV.  
and lamentable moans, is reported to have had a temple without this gate. In like, 
〈…〉 〈…〉.  to Nemesis and such other. Upon this way 〈…〉 Nero's freedman, in which Nero killed himself. Without the gate Interaggeres, was a tower or castle called Custodiae, where the soldiers of Dioclesian, kept a corpse de guard. There also is a park called Vivarium (now Vivariolum) to be seen 〈…〉 wild beasts were kept, more pleasure and delight, than profit and use.   

CHAP. XVI.  
FRom the gate Tiburtina, there goeth a way of the same name, leading to the city Tybur. Upon it there is the bridge 〈◊〉, commonly called 〈…〉 Alexander the emperors mother, who repaired it. A place there is by 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉, of ●multitude of pits there. Also the bridge Lucanus, without the said gate, standeth over the river Anio. And without the same gate, the two riverets called Anio the old and the new do gather a current, and run to Rome.  
Without the gate Esquilina, are the ways Labicana and Praenestina. In this way the water Appia hath his head and beginneth, which by Appius Claudius was brought into the city.  
The water Virgo likewise, which in times past was showed by a maid to the soldiers, is that way, and from thence is conveyed to the city.  
But of Roman waters see Frontinus, who describeth right excellently, the source and beginning, the conveyance and carriage, the end also and use of every one of them.  
At the end of the way Cael●montana, begnineth anaother called Campana, which 〈…〉 Latina. Between the gates Caelimontana and Latina, standeth the gate 〈◊〉. From which there went a way sometime called Gabina, leading to Gabi (but it 〈◊〉 soorie into Praenestina) for that the Gabians dwell upon it.   

CHAP. XVII.  
THe gate Latina gave both name and beginning to the 〈◊〉 Latina; which through Levicanum, now called Val-montone, and Latium reacheth to Campaine. In it there stood in old time, the temple of Woments' fortune, and the image of the same goddess. Of this writeth Valerius Max. In the said way the water Tepula gathereth to an head & current. From the gate Appia, beginneth a causey of that name, paved by Ap. Claudius' as far as to Capua, whereof look in Strabo.  
At the gate Capena, was the temple of Mars the warrior, or Gradivus; and therein the scutcheon of Mars. Hard by the same temple was the stone Manalis brought into the city of Rome in time of a great drought, and presently there arose a shower of rain; whereupon it was called Manalis. In the way Capena, stood the oratory or chapel of Deabona: and near to it, they say, that Clodius and Papirius were slain. near to the gate Capena, was the altar of Apollo, the sacred grove of Honour; 
Two miles without the gate.  and the temples of Hope and Minerva. Likewise of Tempest, built by Marcellus. Moreover, another of Ridiculum: because Hannibal having there encamped, was enforced to depart from thence mocked and scorned. Upon the way Appia was the bridge Valentinus, built by the Emperor Valens, and thereupon, near the hill Massica, standeth the town Sinuessa.  
This way had certain notable sepulchers, namely of Collatinus, the Scipios, the Servilij, Metelli, Tullij, of Eunius, Pompeius, the Horatij, and others. And in that part is to be seen the plain, whereupon the Horatij fought that famous combat to the utterance. In it also there is a water and wellspring, consectated to Mercury. To it upon a time when the people of Rome ran, every man dipped therein his branch of laurel, and therewith besprinkled them that were next, with an invocation to Mercury; that as many as had this aspersion and sprinkling, might be assoiled of their sins, and of perjury especially. The grove also of Egeria was without this gate. The way Laurentina fell into Appia: wherein S. Sebastian (by report) suffered; even in the very place where they used to solemnise the feast Terminalia, to the god of Mere and Bounds Terminus.   

CHAP. XVIII. Of those things that be without the gate Hostiensis, and others in general.  
FRom the gate Hostiensis beginneth the way Hostiensis, which leadeth to Hostia, built by Ancus. This was called in old time, the gate of the three twins brethren, or Trigeminorum: and without it, Livy setteth the Burse or merchant's hall, Emporium.  
In that part of the city on the other side of the water, were three gates, Portnensis, Aurelia, and Fontinalis. At Portuensis, beginneth a way of that name, and leadeth to the port town Ostia: where there was a temple of Portunus, the god of havens: and where in the feast Portunalia was celebrated to the honour of that god.  
From the gate Aurelia, the way also Aurelia taketh beginning; which along the sea coasts of Thuscia, leadeth to Pisae. The same was called Trajana of Trajanus who repaired it: wherein were the hort-yards of Galba the Emperor; and there also was his sepulchre.  
[At the gate Fontinalis, was the feast Fontinalia celebrated at Rome, namely to the goddess of Fountains, as saiih Sext. Pompeius.]    

TO THE READER.  
FOr as much as Titus Livius is prolix and full of variety: and howsoever otherwise willing enough to speak our language, yet most loath to for bear and forget certain Roman words, wherewith so long time he hath been acquainted: also for that now and then he saith one thing in his English tongue, and in his French and Italian another; whereby he may be thought either to trip, or to have forgotten himself, and the fault imputed to his teacher: In these regards (me thought) I owed thus much for their sake that converse with English Livy, as to satisfy them in that behalf. A twofold Index therefore I have digested: the one directing and leading readily to the most material & principal matters contained in the whole body of the History: the other, expounding those things that may seem at first strange to the most: and withal, showing here and there the reason of the foresaid disagreement, hoping that as use will make them more familiar in those strange phrases: so deeper and farther conference with him in his primitive Latin (the only touchstone of his true speech) shall excuse and acquit me of just blame, who have endeavoured that he might deliver his mind in English, if not so eloquently by many degrees, yet as truly, as in Latin.   

AN INDEX POINTING TO THE PRINCIPAL MATTERS CONTAINED IN THE HISTORY OF T. LIVIUS.  

A  ABderites complaint of Halensis. 
1158 k  Abydenes besieged by Philip. 
782 m  Acedux his subtle practice with Bostar. 
443 e  Acarnanians invaded by Scopas the Aetolian. 
603. c.  their memorable resolution to fight and die for their country. ibid.d. they are put to death by the Athenians for entering the temple of Ceres. 781.e. they ware with the Athenians. 
ibid. i  Accensi. 
286k  Acerianes made dinizens of Rome. 
294g  Accius Tullius. 
67 c  Acilius investeth Lamia. 947.a. forcethit. ibid.c.assaulteth Amphissa. 
ibidem  Acilius Glabrio triumpheth. 972.g. his stratagem in forcing Heraclea. 
933 b  M. Acilius Glabrio called in question for embezelling king Antiochus treasure. 98●. k. he taketh his io●●●ney against Antiochus. 920.m. his oration to his sould●●●s. 
929. c.  Acbaea solicited to side with the Romans. 820.h. they revolt from Philip. 
824 c  Achaeans hard impositions upon the Lacedæmonians. 1003e and they rule over them. 
1004 b  Adultery fined. 
374 g  Aediles ●●●e first chosen. 
242 c  Aemilia law. 
338 g  Aemilia law for abridging the Censureship. 
154 l  Aemilius Mamercus disgraced by the censors. 155.his valour. 
164 m  Aemilius Q. Caretanus slain. 
329 d  L. Aenulius Paulus his singular forecast. 1181.d. his oration to the people when he took his voyage against Perseus. 1183. d.how he findeth water. 1191.b. his good order in the army. 1191. c.d. his speech to his army 1192. g.his speech to young Nasica. 1194.k. his oration to ●is souldiovis. 1195.d. be weary for Perseus. 1203.c. ●●s entertainment of Perseus' prisoner. 1215.d. his progress through Greece. 1219. d.hiss magnificent port at Amphipolis. 1223. b. he raseth and ransacketh the cities of Illyricum. 1224. b. his return to Rome. ibid.l. be is denied triumph. 1223. a his triumph. 1229.d.bis oration to the people after his triumph. 1230. g.●is oration to his soldiers. 1077. ●. he vanquisheth the Ligurians. 1078.h. he triumpheth over the Ingaum Ligurians. 
1081. a  L. Aemilius Propretour vanquished by the Portugals in Spain. 
972 g  L. Aemilius Regillus road in a naval triumph. 980. m. he leadeth against Patara. 
954 b  Aeneas his coming into Italy. 3.c.he espouseth Lavinia. e died. 4.g.enterred. 
ibid. h.  Aenna in danger to be betrayed to Himilco. 
534 l  Aepulo a king of the Istrians killeth himself. 
1103 a  Aequians destroyed. 
349 d.  Aequimelium. 
150i  Aerarij. 
320 l  Ae●ceulapius his image brought to Rome. 388. i.his temple. 
ibid.  Aetolians enraged deadly one against another. 
1113 a  Aetolians first solicited to side with the Romans. 602. g the capitulations between them. ibid. k. they overrun the marches of Thessalonica. 816.l. they profess enmity with Rome. 895.a. they solicit Nabis, Philip, and Antiochus, against the Romans. ibid.l. they manfully defend Heraclea. 932.m. they make means for peace with Rome by the Rhodians and Athenians. 984. i. refuse no condition of peace with the Romans. 987. e. they accept peace with hard conditions. 988. i. articles of peace between them and the Romans. 989.a. they send ambassadors to Antiochus. 934. b. also to the Roman Consul. ibid.l. they obtain truce of the Romans. 948. i. they crave pardon of the Romans. 
944m  Agatyrna a receptacle of rogues and thieves. 
618 g  Agema. 
968 g  Agesip●lis the right inheritor of Lacedeman. 
869 a  Aglaspides. 
1197 e  Agraria law first published. 
71 c  Agracia law. 
167. a. 170 g  Agrigentum surprised by Laevinus, & betrayed by Mutines. 
615 e  Alariae coh●tes 
383 a  Alaesacrae equitum. 
1149 f  Alba long a built. 
4i  Albarased. 
22 g  Alban pool overfloweth strangely 190. g. Oracle of Delphi as touching the Alban lake. 
191 b  Alcon and Alorcus mediators for peace between Hannibal and the Saguntines. 400. k. Alorcus his oration to the Saguntines. 
ibid.  Hannibal his capitulations for peace with the Saguntines ibid. his speech to the Spanish soldiers. 405 a his vision. ibidem. f. passeth Iberus. 406. b. transporteth his army over the Rhosne. 407. f. his oration to his soldiers. 409. he composeth the discord of Allobroges at variance. 410. k. approacheth the Alpes. 411 c entereth into Italy. 414. i. his oration to his● soldiers before he encountered P. Scipio. 417. c. promiseth them rewards, and bound it with an oath, 419. a. be discomfiteth the Romans at Ticinus. 
ibid. d  Alexandria in Egypt found. 
298 k  Alexander the great companied with the Romans. 
323 a  Alexander king of Epirus his unfortunate death. 
299 b  Alexander king of Epirus arrived in Italy. 
282 b  Alexander the great. 
ibidem  Alexander the Aetolians speech in the parley between Philip & Quintius. 850. h. his words in the Diet of Corinth. 
867 a  Alexander a politician entertained by Antiochus. 898 l his oration. 
ibid. a  Alexander killeth Nabis. 910. and seizeth Lacedaemon, ibid. murdered. 
ibid. k  Alexander the Acaernanian died of his hurt at Thermopyla. 
931 d  Allia battle. 
204 l  Allensis dies. 
217 b  Allutius honourably rewarded by Scipio. 
623 e  Altinius offereth to betray Arpi 540. g. his case debated in council, ibid. committed to prison and miss in Arpi. ibid.k.his wife and children cruelly burnt quick by Hannibal. 
540 m  Ambition or suing for dignities restrained by a law. 
155 c  de Ambitùlex. 
1073 b  Ambracia, the situation thereof, 984.l. valiantly defended against M. Fulvius the Roman Consul, 985 c their stratagem against the pioneers that undermined, 986. m. their complaints of M. Fulvius, 
1010 b  Ambracia yielded by composition. 
988 g  Amilcar Annibals' father died, 394. b. Amilcar the son of Gisgorendreth Melita to the Rom. 
422 b  Amilcar seizeth on Placentia, and besiegeth Cremona. 778.l, slain before Cremona. 
785 d  Aminander recovereth the crown again of Athaniania, 983. b.excuseth himself to the Romans, 984. b.invadeth Thessalonica. 
817 a  Amulius usunpeth the kingdom of Alba,4. l.killed, 
5 e  Ancilia. 
15. a.964 i  Ancus Martius king of Rome. 
23 c  Andronodorus seizeth (insula) part of Syracuse to his own use. 523.b. his oration to the people. 324. i.he is chosen Praetor of Syracuse. 254.l. plotteth to be king, 525 c slain with Themistheus for treason. 
ibidem e  L. Anicius hath trumph granted. 
1223 a  L. Anicius triumpheth. 
1231 d  Hannibal disappointed of his cunning plots at Salapia, 649. e.hee delivereth his speech to king Antiochus in counsel. 922.i.his words to Antiochus. 941.e.his saying for the loss of Tarentum. 640.m. his cunning practice by the Metapontines. ibid.i. he victualleth Capua. 556.h. vanquished before Capua. 587.d. he marcheth towards Rome. 588.k.removeth from Rome. 591. b.sweareth to be an enemy to Rome. 394. ●. sent into Spain, his virtues and vices. 395. b, c, d, e. forceth Carteia, Hermandica, Arbacula, and subdueth the carpetans. 396.g. he besiegeth Saguntum. 397 a wounded, ibid. e.his policy and crafty devises at Trebia. 424.g. another of his stratagems. 438.h.his impositions upon the Roman prisoners at Cannae. 664.i. he is entertained at Capua. 477.c.discomfited by Marcellus before Nola. 484.m. wounded near Placentia. 426. h.be forceth Vicumme, & his cruelty there. 426.i distressed for cold in Apenninus. 426.k. well entertained by the Ligurians. 427.d. his apothegue of Fabius. 451.c. forelaid by the Gauls. 431.c. marcheth into Hetruria with great danger. 432.i.lost one● of his eyes. 433.a. his treachery and falsehood. 435.f. he hangetbsa guide for mistaking one word. 440.h.his stratagem at Callicula. 442.h. he bringeth Fabius unto suspicion of treason. 446.k.winneth Acerra. 483.c. besiegeth Casilinun. 486.g.he is repulsed from thence. ib. assaileth Cumes. 499.e.hiss sharp words to his soldiers before Nola. 505.b.discomfited there by Marcellus. ibid.d.hiss rare gift of keeping his armies without mutiny. 676.wounded before Locri. 774.l.his furious words when he was sent for out of Italy. 754.h.he massacreth the Italians insanctuarie. ibid.i. he departeth out of Italy. ibid.k.be and Scipio's interview together, his Oration to Scipio. ibid.they embattle their soldiers. 763.b. vanquished by Scipio. 765.b. his blunt usage of Gisgoin the Senate-house of Carthage. 766.l. complained of by the Carthaginians. 849. ●. he seeking to be popular at Carthage, incurreth the malice of the no bless. 850.g.h. he flieth secretly from Carthage into Africa. 851.e. entertained at Tyrus. ibid.commeth to Ephesus. ibid.g. entertained by Antiochus. 886.h. his counsel to Antiochus is suspected of him: he cleareth himself to him. 899.b. be drinketh poison and dieth. 
1056 i  Annaria lex. 
1087 d  L. Annius his speech in the Counsel of Latium. 282.k. his oration in the Sen. of Rome. 283. c. he contemneth the divine power and falleth down the stairs. 
284 g  Antepilani. 
286 k  Antiates live under Rom. government. 
328 l  Antibyra won by Valerius Levinus. 
1074 g  Antigonus his lesson to his sons, a faithful friend toking Philip. 
1092 k  Antiochus his fleet overthrown at Myoncsus. 
962 b  Antiochus sendeth P. Scipio his son unto him, lying sick. 966. i. he encampeth strongly near Sypulum. ibid.k. his manner of embattailing against the Rom. 967.f vanquished and put to flight. 970. g. his embassage unto the Senate of Rome. 978.m. he sueth to Aemilius for peace. 755.b. sendeth ambassadors to Prusias. 958. m. hercedifieth Lysimachia 
846 k  Antiochus son of Antiochus dieth. 
897 a  Antiochus received at Lamia by the Aetolians. 914 g. his speech to the Aetolians. ibid. h. his ambassadors glorious speech to the Achaeans in the counsel of Aegium, 916. h.hee gathereth together the Macedonians bones slain at Cynocephalae: 923. a. he winneth Pharae and Scotusa. 924.k.falleth in love with a maiden of Chalcis. 925.c. giveth himself to pleasure. ibid. surpriseth Medio by treason. 926.i. vanquished by Acilius Glabrio at Thermopyia. 930.l.gapeth after the kingdom of Egypt. 1207.d.his ambassadors courteously entertertained at Rome. 
1119 c  Antiun won. 
87 c  〈◊〉 besieged. 
177 b  Colony at Anxia. 
296 m  〈◊〉. 
908 ●  Apollinar games and plays. 555.f.to be exhibited yearly for ever. 
60● d  Apollonia besieged by Philip. 
537 a  Apollonides his speech to the Syracusians, for maintenance of the Roman league. 
528 ●  Appia Via. 
277 ●  Appia via & aqua Claudia. 
334 m  Act of appealing to the people. 
49 b  Appius Caecus his Censorship 
334 m  Appius 〈…〉 
84 g  Appius 〈…〉 reigned. 85. b.died. 
91 d  Appius Claudius 〈…〉 popular 
109 f  Appius Claudius his son 〈◊〉 to the commons. 170h his 〈…〉 to Virginia 〈…〉 by Virginius. 
●●5 f  Appius Claudius killeth himself. 
128 g  C. Appius slain by the 〈◊〉. 
774 l  Appius Claudius his oration against 〈…〉 
245 d  L. Apustius slain by the Ligurians. 
954 g  Aquilonia burnt. 
384 m  Aquilae or Aeglerin the Roman army. 
622 i  Arae Maxinia reared. 
7 a  Arches triumphant set up by 〈…〉 at Rome. 
840 g  Archimedes 〈◊〉 killed. 
572 l  Archimedes honoured by Marcellus after his death. 
ibid.  Arco his Oration in the counsel of Achaea for Perseus. 
1111. e.  Ardeates and Aricines at controversy about land. 
137 b  Ardea made a colony 
147 b  Areus and Alcibiades condemned to die in the Aechaean counsel. 
1046 g  Argives expel the garrison. 
877 b  Argos besieged by T. Quintius Flaminius. 
867 f  Argos robbed as well by Nabis as his wise. 
834 g  Argos betrayed into the hands of Philocles. 
825 b  Argyraspides. 
969 h  Ariaerates sendeth his young son to be brought up at Rome. 
1126 i  Aristhenus his speech in the counsel at Corinth. 
867 c  Aristhenus the Praetor his speech, in the Diet of the Achaeans. 
820.l.  Aristomachus betrayeth Croton to Hannibal. 
510 k  Aristo revealeth the plot of Andronodorus. 
325 d  Aristo a messenger of credence sent from Hannibal to Carthage. 
886 k  〈◊〉 saved from revolt. 
646 i  Articles of peace exhibited to Zeuxis for Antioch●●●: 
971 d  Aruspices. 
516 g  Ascaenius borne. 
43 e  Asdrubal A●●●ar his minion and son in law slain. 
394. k.  Asdrubal brother to Hannibal passeth over Ebre. 
428 g  Asdrubal over thrown by Cn. Scipio at sea. 
444 g  Asdrubal son of Amilcar, overcome in fight by the Scipios. 
494.l.  Asdrubal Calvius 496.l. taken prisoner with Hanno and Mago. 
502 g  Asdrubal brother to Hannibal, deceiveth 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Spain, and escapeth his hands. 
596 l  Asdrubal put afflight by Scipio. 
642 ●  Astruball brother to Hannibal slain. 
605 b  Asdrubal son of 〈◊〉 put to flight by P. Scipio Africanus. 
699 b  Hannibal Haedus 〈…〉 in the Senate of Rome 〈…〉. peace. 
770 ●  Asdrubal Haedus laughed when other 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 of Carthage. 
771 f  〈◊〉 effeminate nation. 1023.e. Corrupteth the Roman 〈◊〉 
1026 m  〈◊〉 
〈◊〉  〈◊〉 besinged by the Romans. 
〈◊〉  〈◊〉 their 〈…〉 
〈◊〉  Asylium erected. 
〈◊〉  Athenian embassado●● 〈…〉 
〈◊〉  the Aetolians, against Philip. 791.a. Processed 〈◊〉 〈…〉. 
〈◊〉  〈◊〉 draw upon them war with Philip. 
781 ●  〈◊〉 speech in the 〈…〉 
907 d  〈◊〉 Umber and Albius Calenus, capt. 〈◊〉 of the mutinous soldiers at Suero. 
686 l  〈◊〉 brother of 〈◊〉, his good parts. 
998 g  〈◊〉 brother of 〈…〉 honourably entertained 〈◊〉 Rome. 
901 d  〈◊〉 bountiful to Sicyone. 
834 g  Attalus sendeth a 〈◊〉 of gold to Rome. 
826 ●  Attalus his ambassadors speech in the 〈◊〉 of Rome. 
8●3 d  〈◊〉 royally received 〈…〉 
782 g  
ibidem.  Attalis a tribe at Athens. 
782 i  〈◊〉 Regulus taken prisoner. 
〈◊〉  Attilius Regulus his opinion of the Capuans. 609.e.his faithfulness and death. 
391 a  Aventine the hill. 
4 l  Augury regarded. 
27 d  〈◊〉 number ad. 
355 b  〈◊〉 chosen out of the commons. 
357 a  〈…〉, lost by treason in one 〈◊〉. 
332 g  〈◊〉 war against the Romans. 
292 m  Axylos. 
994 ●   

B  BAcchanales how they began at Rome. 
1208 h  Bacchanales overthrown and the offenders executed. 
1034 k  Badius a Capuan challengeth Crispinus his host at Rome to a combat. 
561 c  Baiting of wild beasts at Rome. 
1182 f  Balists. 
537 c  Bacillas' the Baeotarche murdered. 
840 k  Barruts called Cerceres made in the Cirque. 
295 e  Bastarnians surprised with a terrible 〈◊〉. 
1094 l  Battle between L. Scipio, Astaticus, and 〈◊〉. 
969. a.  Bā●●●●te between Perseus and the Romans 
1150 g  Battle between Hannibal and Perseus 
1197 c  Battle at sea between Romans and Carthaginians befor● Lilibaeum. 
42●●  battles doubtsull between Saninites and Romans 
34●●●.  Battles between Asdriaball and Romans 
664●  Battle between Hannibal and Scipio. 
763 f  Battle at T●●rbi● 
424●  Battle at Thrasymenus. 
434 l  Be●tona 
364●  Be●eventines entertain Gracchus and his army 
519 d  Temple of Bendis. i. Diana. 
1008 k  Bi●●ti 
484 g  Bi●ict●ig●● his embassy to 〈◊〉. 
860●  Bishops chosen out of the commons. 
957●  B●tt●● 〈…〉 
●3●●  Baeotians untbankfull to Quintius. 
804 b  Borotians and The●●●●● fall up r●bbing the Romans. 
841 ●●  B●●●●● slain by the Ligurians. 
980 g  B●●●●●ches● 
ibid.  B●iorix assaileth the Roman camp. 
879 e  Baleare islands. 
696 ●  Boians defeated by the Romans. 
845 f  Blasous and Das●v●●●●●● Salapia. 
623 ●  Brennus' dis●●ns●tes●●●ths Romans. 
●04l  B●●tulus Papius a Samnite killeth himself. 
31● m  I. B●iaus putteth to ●●ath his o●●●te. ●●●●n. 
47 l  In 〈◊〉 killeth●● fight. 
48 g  Bud●●cs General of the Spaniards taken prison's. 
849 b  Be●●genes rewarded by the 〈◊〉. 
600 b  Bufae●noble Lady rehev●th the Raomnes at Cami●●sii●●. 
464.l.  Busta Gallica. 
210 k   

C  QVintus Caecilius Metellus persuadeth to leave ●●●lie. 
520 ●  Q. Caecilius Metell●s his oration to reconcile the two Censor, Aemilius Lepidus and Fulvius Nobilior. 
1088 k  Caeso Quintius an adversary of the Commons accused and banished. 
95 f  Cales won by the Romans. 
293 c  Callicrates the Acaean his oration against Philip in the maintenance of the Romanesleague. 
1110l  M.F. Camillus his vow and prayer. 
193 f  Camillus his triumph. 
19●●  Camillus recovereth Rome. 
21●  Camillus dissuadeth the transmigration to Ve●. 
212 h  Camillus his nation in the Senate. 
291 b  M.F. Camillus, his death and praises. 
250. ●. i.  Cannian souldious confined into Sicily, some to Marcellus to be employed. 548, i One of them maketh in oration to him. 
ibid. l.  Carma battle. 
460 k  Campane embessadours to the Senate of Rome. 
269 ●  Campane ambassadors solicit Cumes to revolt● 
498 g  Campane ambassadors their subtle practice. 
ibid. k.  Campane ambassadors overtaken in their own guile. 
499. b.  Campane horsemen enfr. ●chised Romans. 
495 e.  C●●●deii \`a la●● proposed. 
139 d.  Casuleiia la impugned by the nobles. 
140 g  Canuleia law maintained by C●●●drius. 
141 ●  Capitol saved by ge●se. 
210 g.  Capitol temple founded. 
●38l  Capitol built of square stone. 
219 ●  Capitolini ludi. 
211 f  Capua whereof it is so called. 
163 ●  Cap●●●●● dissolute cittic and 〈◊〉. 
4●5 b.  Capuans' revolt to Hannibal and capitulate peace. 
476 m.  Capuans' cruelty to the Romans among them. 
477 a  Capua marreth Annibals soldiers. 
486 i  Capua besieged by the Roman armies. 
564 k  Capua delivered to the Roman. 
894 i.  Capu●u noble committed toward its Coals and Thea●●m. 
394 k  Capuan nobles exempted. 
595 a, b.  Capuan commonwealth abolished. 
596 b  Capuans complain of Fulvius. 
609 b.  Capuans and other Campanes have orders set down for them. 
610 g  Capuans courteous hospitality to the Romans. 
316 h.  Capuans receive laws and pro●●sts from the Romans. 
328. i.  Capua su●●●dred in the Romans. 
270 k.  Capusa king of the Massesyli slain by M●●getulus. 
731e.  A capt●●● of the Romans cou●e●●●● avoideth his faithful promise or ●●th. 
471 d  Carpatians' defeated by Asdrubal son of Amilcar. 
492 ●  Carthaginians and Gulussa contending are against another in the Senate of Rome. 112 ●. h. they arrive out of Spain. 
680i  Carthage and Masanissa at strifefa lands. 
1071 f.  Carthaginians aid the Romans against Antiochus. 
●21 a  Carthaginians congratulation with the Romans. 
276 b  Carthaginians treas for peace with Scipio. 
751 a  Carthaginians accept of war denounced against them. 
403 ●.  Carthaginians better horsemen that the Romans. 
419 f  New Carthagehorp iit is Viated. 
618i  New Carthage besieged and assaulted by Scipio. 
619 d  New Carthage forced by Scipio. 
620 l  Cathalo sent to Rome with Roman captives. 
468 ●  Carvilius his triumph. 
387 b  Carystus yielded to the Romans. 
818 l  Casdig●um beleaguered by Hannibal, and driven to extremity of famine. 
486 m  Casilinum relieved scantly by Gracchus. 
487 b  Casilinum yielded to Hannibal. 
ibid. d  Cassandraea the site thereof. 
1177 d  Cassadra● valiantly defended against the Romans and E\`umenes. 
ibid.  Cassignatus slain in a skirmith with Perseus. 
1149 b.  Spu. Cassius seeketh to be king. 71 e. ●● dieth. 
ibid.  Castor his temple. 
72 b.  Castulo betrayed to the Romans. 
683 d  Castulo acitie in Spain revolteth to the Romans. 
538 g.  Cataphracti equites. 
968 g  Catapults 
337. c.  Marcus Forcius Cato his oration to his soldiers and gallants. 
861 f  M. Por. Cato discomfiteth the Spaniards. 864.a.his praises for martial feats. 
864 k  M.P. Cato subdueth the Lacetanes. 
865 e  M.P. Cato forceth Vergium. 
866 g  M.P. Cato triumpheth over Spain. 
879 c  M.P. Cato his praise. 
826 m  M.P. Cato his commendation. 
1049 e  M.P. Cato created Censor against the will of the nobility. 
1050 i  Causies made about Rome. 
348 g  Celeres. 
12 h  Celtiberians leave Scipio in the plain field. 
373 f  Censi first instituted 
30 i  Censor chosen out of the commons. 
264 i  censors first created at Rome. 
145 b  censors call to account all that had trespassed in manners. 
320. i.  Centenius Penula for his overboldnesse slain. 
563 a  Centuries first appointed. 
11 a  Cereales ludi. 
768 i  Ceres. 
123 e  Ceres sacrifices overlet at Rome upon the overthrow at Cannae. 
466 k  Ces●●osphendon●. 
1154 i  Cetrati. 
1145 b  Charilaus yieldeth Palaepolis unto the Romans. 
300 h  Chaelcis besieged. 
671 e  Chalcis forced and sacked by the Romans. 
786 h  Chalceis yielded to Antiochus. 
918 b  Chalcaeicos 
910 i  Charopus the Epirot friend to the Romans. 
815 b  Cl●●lius General of the Volscians taken prisoner. 
146 h  Circus Maximus. 
26 l  Cis●●phori nummi. 
972 g  Cloelia her rare adventure. 
53 a  Clastidium betrayed to Hannibal for money. 
420 m  Claudia law. 
429 c  Clondicus captain of the Gauls. 
1187 a  Claudius Censor would not at the time give over his place. 
337 f  Claudius Nero checked by Marcellus. 
520 b  Claudius hurt before Capua. 
587 c  Claudius suborned to lay claim to Virginia. 
117 b  Claudius condemned and confined. 
128 h  Claudius Marcellus winneth the third Opima spolia. 
329. g.  Claudius' Asellus provoked to single fight by jubellius Taurea. 
506 h  Claudius' pulcher his irreligion. 391. b. He goeth into his province disorderly. 1102. h. He triumpheth. 
1104 g  Claudia his sister fined for her intemperate tongue. 
ibid. c.  Cleomenes first tyrant of Lacedaemon. 
869 a  Cleonymus vanquished by Aemilius. 352.k. He forraieth the coasts of Italy. 
ibidem.  Cluvia delivered to the Samnites. 
336 g  Horatius Cocles his valour. 
50 b  Cohorts of four hundred men. 
254 g  Colcas and Luscinus rebel in Spain. 
837 d  Colonels for legions chosen by the people. 
335 c  Colophon assaulted by Antiochus. 
959 ●  Colony planted at Cales. 
293 c  Colonies placed at Alba and Sora. 
351 d  Collinae gate. 
122 i  Combat between Corbis and Orsua. 
684 g  Combat between a Gaul and Valerius Corvinus. 
266. k.  Cominium won. 384. i. burnt. 
ibid. m  Pontius Cominius his valour. 
209 d  Comitium covered over head. 
655 d  Commons lost their bold in the Consulship. 
261 e  Commons of Rome take the mount Sacer. 
65 a  Commotion in Area by occasion of a marriage. 
145 e  Temple of Concord dedicated. 
350 g  Conference between king Perseus, Martius, and Philip. 
1137. f.  Conference between Nabis and T. Quintius. 
833. c. 871. e.  Conference between Hannibal and Scipio at Ephesus. 
896. k.  Conference between Antiochus and the Roman delegate. 
846. m.  Congiaries. 
980 i  Consa delivered unto Hannibal. 
473 b  Consentia rendered to Hannibal. 
494 k  Conspiracy of Brutus the Consul's sons and others. 
45. e.  Conspiracy of bondslaves detected. 
168 i  Conspiracy detected at Syracuse, and the conspiratour●s put to death. 
565 e  Conspiracy of slaves detected at Setia. 
826 h  Conspiracy at Capua. 
332 h  Conspiracy of nobles detected at Rome. 
ibid. k  Cooks begin to be in request at Rome. 
1027 a  Consultations in Perseus' Counsel, whether to war, or accept peace. 
1144 i  Consualia first instituted. 
8 g  Consuls first created. 
42 l  Corbio razed. 
108 k  C. Martius Coriolanus 66. l. accused before the people. 67 e banished. 
ibid. c.  C.M. Coriolanus leadeth an army against Rome. 69. c. reclaimed by his mother and wife. 70. m. his end. 
ibid.  Cn. Cornelius allowed to triumph. 
838 h  Cn. Cornelius Lentulus triumpheth. 
840 g  Pub. Cornelius Ruffinus displaced from the Senat. 
380 d  L. Cornelius Merula wasteth the Boians country. 891. i. he fought with them near Modennae. ibidem. l. he is secretly accused by his lieutenant M. Claudius. 
892 g  Pub. Cornelius Scipio Nasica discomfiteth the Boians. 440. i. pleadeth for his triumph. 941, a. triumpheth. 
ibidem.  L. Cornelius Scipio setteth forward against Antiochus. 
946. l.  Aulus Cornelius Cossus killeth Lar Tolumnius king of the Veientians. 152. h. offereth the second opima spolia. 
ibidem. k.  M. Cornelius executeth justice in Tuscan. 
797 c  Cornelius rideth ovant into Rome. 
784 l  C. Cornelius fell into a palsy and died. 
1105 d  Corolamus defeiteth the Romans. 
845 g  Corona Civica. 
386 k  Corinth besieged by T. Quintius, king Attalus, and the Achaeans. 824. h. the siege raised by Philocles. 
825 b  Cornmudgions fined at Rome. 
1004 k  Cossanes receive new colonies 
838 m  K. Cotis his embassage to Rome. 
1231 a  Crispinus performeth his devoir upon Badius the challenger. 
526 g  Croton won by the Carthaginians. 494. k. assaulted by the Brutij. 509. d. won all but the castle. 
510 i  Crotoniates translated to Locri. 
ibid. l.  Curia. 
113 a  Curiatij and Horatij enter combat. 
18 g  Curia Romana first ordained. 
11 a  Curia Max. 
630. m  Curtius his lake. 
10 m  Curtius Lacus why so called. 
253 a  Curtius his valorous resolution. 
ibidem.  Cybele brought from Pessinus to Rome. 
717 c  Cycliades (Praetor to the Athaeans) a politic man. 
788. h  Cynosarges burned by Philip. 
787 d   

D  Dame's of Rome part with their gold and jewels for an holy use. 
196 l  Damocles & other conspirators killed in Argos by the garrison. 
868 g  Damocritus praetor of the Aetolians. 792. l. imprisoned at Rome. 
946 i  Damocritus delivered to Acilius Glabrio. 933. f. his proud answer to Quintius. 908. h. he killeth himself. 
972 h  Debate between Decius & Fabius, Consuls, for their province. 
368 k  Debate between the Aegians & Lacedæmonians 
1002 c  Debts at Rome the occasion of sedition. 
239 b  Debtor privileged against his creditor. 
301 c  Debts cleared at Rome. 
263 f  Debts or privy seals duly paid by the state of Rome. 
721. a.  Debts for lone-money how discharged. 
781 a  Decemvirs agris dividundis. 
775 b  Decemvirs created for making of laws. 109. d. sovereign and only magistrates. ibid. their form of good government. ibid. f. they affect tyranny. 
111 d  Decemvirs for the books of Sibylla. 
267. c. 429 a  Decia law for wardens of the ports chosen 
335 c  P. Decius his valour and policy. 273. b. his speech to the soldiers. ibid. f. he is praised and rewarded. 
275 b  P. Decius devoweth himself for the safety of the army. 
287. c.  P. Decius the son, deieth for his army. 372. l. solemnly burned. 
373 f  Oration of P. Decius Mus. 
355 d  Decrees for Illiricum. 1219. a. for Macedon. 
1220 m  Decumana gate in the camp. 
375 c  Delegates appointed for Macedon and Illiricum. 
1211 d  Delium. 
917 e  Extraordinary Deluge of Tiberis. 
1000 k  Demarata wife of Andronodorus her unhappy counsel. 524. g. she is murdered. 
526 l  Demetrius rendered to Philip. 
937 e  Demetrius the son of king Philip an hostage at Rome, delivered and sent home. 
939 c  Demetrius sent in embassage from his father Philip to Rome. 
1045 d  Demetrius by a wile surprised by Diocles the Aeto●ian. 
908. m.  Demetrius' better beloved of the Macedonians than his brother Perseus, but suspected of his father. 
1057 a  Demetrius poisoned and strangled. 
1076 h  Demiurgi chief magistrates of the Achaeans. 
823 e  Dexagoridas a traitor killed in Sytheum. 
870 l  Diana Tauropolos. 
1199 a  Diana's temple built at Rome. 
32 g  Diana Amarynthis. 
911 a  dictator first created. 
55 d  dictator nominated in the night. 
298. i. 343. a.  dictator at Rome mounteth on horseback by special grace and grant from the people. 
482 i  dictator first of commons. M. Rutilius. 
260 m  Didas a chief conspirator against Demetrius. 
1072 k  Diophanes his brave service before Pergamus. 
956 i  Diodorus a governor of Amphipholis his policy. 
1199 a  Discipline. 
860 g  Dismal days. 
217 a. b  Dium a four town. 
1174 m  Dromedaries. 
968 i  Drought at Rome. 
1078. k. 258. l.  Druentia the river. 
410 m  C. Duillius triumpheth first for a naval victory. 
390 ●  Duumvirsiudge Horatij. 
19 b  Duumvirs for church-matters, buildings, dedication of the temple of Concord, and others. 
452. l. 495 a  Duumvirs sacris Faciundis. 153. c. chosen ten. 245. d. 
247. f.  Duumvirs wardens of the ports chosen. 
335 e   

E  PVblius Ebutius revealeth the Bacchanales to the Consul Posthunius. 1029. d. rewarded for his labour. 
1035. a.  Eclipse of the moon and the reason thereof. 
1195 a  Egerius son of Tarqvinius Priscus. 25. d. Eclipse of the sun. 
940 l  Egnatius Gellius taken prisoner. 
366 g  Egnatius Gellius slain. 
373 e  Elatia besieged by the Romans. 824. m. forced. 
825 b  Elephants of India pass them of Africa. 
967 e  Elephants how they passed over the river Rhosne. 
408 m  Elephants used in fight with the Romans. 
795 a  Elephants how soon killed. 664. l. how they passed the craggy straits. 
1173 c  Elicius jupiter. 
15 c  Ambassadors scent from Rome to Carthage and to Masanissa with presents. 
779 b c  Ambassadors Roman scent to Hannibal to Carthage. 
398. i.  ambassadors Roman put on arms against the law of arms. 
203 c  Ambassadors from king Philip to Hannibal light upon the Romans. 
497 a  The rude and uncivil ambassadors of certain Cehiberians. 
1089 d  Ambassadors of Aetolians foolishly demean themselves in the Senate of Rome. 
973 c  Embassage from Ptolemy & Cleopatra, their pitiful words in the Senate of Rome. 
1182 i  Emporia and their description. 
859 f  Enipeus the river. 
1175 e  Battle at Enipeus the river, between Romans and king Perseus. 
1193 d  Epicides his subtle practice against the peace of the Syracusians with the Romans. 
529 c  Epirotes submit to Quintius. 817. b. they play with both hands between Romans and Antiochus. 
921 c  Epirotes make suit to renew amity with the Romans. 
939. c.  Eretria besieged by Attalus, and forced by Lucius Quintius. 
818 k  Earthquake. 133. c. at Rome. 
902 h  Esquilina gate. 
133 d  Evander inventor of Latin letters. 
6 b  Evander murdered by the procurement of Perseus. 
1024 i  Eumenes a good prince. 1118. k. he cometh to Rome. 1121. f. his oration in the Senate. 
ibid.  Eumenes' wounded by the practice of Perseus, 1124. l. discontented with the Roman Consul, and so departed. 
1179 a  Eumenes and Perseus seek one to overthrow another. 
1186. i.  King Eumenes his modesty. 975. b. his oration in the Senate of Rome. 
ibid. d  Eumenes ambassadors speech. 
1039 f  Eumenes kindleth war between Romans and Antiochus. 
896 h  Eumenes disliketh the counsel of Livius for choking the haven. 953. b. he dissuadeth peace with Antiochus. 
955. e.  Eurylochus his inconsiderate speech in the Diet of Demetrias. 906. k. he killeth himself. 
937 f  Eurypus near Chalcis. 
677 e   

F  Fabius' dictator his prudent w●●re with Hannibal 439. c. his sage counsel to Minutius. 443. c. suspected of the Romans. 446. k. he keepeth his credit with Annibal. ibid. l. he reskueth Minutius distressed. 450. k. his grave oration to Pau. Aemilius for his last farewell. 
456 g  Fabius the son taketh upon him as Consul and challengeth duty of his father. 
539 f  M. Fabius his apothegm of the Statues in Tarentum. 640 h indited for fight with the Gauls when he was ambassador. Q. Fabius his death. 
216 l  M. Fabius Ambustus plotteth to bring the Consulship to Commoners. 
241 b  Q. Fabius his oration against Scipio's going into Africa. 
699. d.  Q. Fabius inveigheth against Scipio in the case of Pleminius. 724. h. his praise and death. 
757 e  Q. Fabius his nation in the Senate for choosing a General to match Hannibal. 
513 d  Q. Fabius slain. 
75 e  Q. Fabius his apothegm of M. Livius. 
647 b  Q. Fabius triumpheth over the Gauls. 
374 h  The Fabiuses undertake the war with the Veientians. 77. c. they are all slain. 
79 h  Fabius Dorsuo his devotion. 
209 b  Fabius Rutilianus his worthy exploit against the Samnites. 303. a. his oration to his soldiers. ibid. convented and examined before the dictator. 
304 h  M. Fabius his exploit in the forest Ciminia. 
340 l  Q. Fabius Maximus refuseth to be Consul. 356. e. 
361. e  Fabius ruleth his affections. 
343 a  Fabricius sendeth back a traitor to Pyrrhus. 
389 c  Faecialis. 
385 f  Temple of faith. 
15 d  Falarica what weapon. 
398 b  Falcati Currus. 
968 i  The Faliscians' treacherous schoolmaster punished. 
198 h  Famine at Rome. 
147 e  Fanum what it is. 
379 e  Faucia the Tribe or ward unlucky. 
343 a  Fa●nus temple. 
882 m  Ferentina grove. 
266 h  Ferentinum won & ransacked. 363. a. abandoned by the inhabitants. 
376 h  Feronia goddess. 
432 h  Feronia grove or chapel spoiled by Hannibal. 
391 b  Fidena won by a stratagem of Ebutius dictator. 
154. g.  Scare-fire at Rome. 
542. h. 757. d. 912. i. 604. k.  An act for fines and penalties. 
178 k  Flamyn Dialis. 
14 l  Flaminia causey paved. 
329 g  Flamina high way. 
438 l  Flaminius cast from his horse back and killed. 
435 e  Flaminius (Consul) odious to the Senate, beloved of the commons. 424. c. his pride, rashness and want of religion. 
433. b.  Flaminius Circus. 
392 g  M. Flavius bribeth the people. 
297 a  C. Flavius a notary. 349 e. his contumacy against the nobles. 
350 g  Flavius a Lucan practiseth to betray his guest & friend Gracchus the Roman General. 
559 e  Formians and Fundanes enfranchised full citizens of Rome. 
1005 b  Fornicata street. 
454 k  for'rs Fortuna her chapel. 
387 b  Fortuna primigenia. 
737 b  Fortune of women. 
71 a  Fortuna primigenia her temple. 
883 a  Fortuna Equestris her temple. 
1085 e  Forum Olitorium. 928. l. Boarium. 
ibid.  Forum of Rome openeth. 
252 l  Fregellae a colony of Rome. 
297 a  Fregella surprised by the Samnites. 
321 a  Frenchmen first enter into Italy. 201. e. they besiege Clusium. 202 m. they besiege Ardea. 
207 f  Frusinates fined and punished. 
351 d  C. Fulvius called in question for ill managing the war. 583. c. he defendeth himself. 584. i. departeth into exile. 585. f. he executeth the Cap●ans with all rigour. 595 a. b accused by the Capuans. 
605 d  Cn. Fulvius slain at Herdonea. 
226 k  M. Fulvius the Consul besiegeth Ambracia. 
984 l  M. Fulvius Nobilior entereth ovant into Rome. 
932 h  M. Fulvius defended by C. Flaminius the Consul. 
1010 k  M. Fulvius the Pro-c●nsull such for triumph. 
1025. a. his  oration against Aburius a Tribune. 
ibid. b  Q. Fulvius Flaccus vanquisheth the Celtiberians. 
1080 ay  M. Fulvius the Consul triumpheth over Cephalenia and the Aetolians. 
1026 ay  Q. Fulvius triumpheth over the Ligurians. 1095, b he un 〈◊〉 the temple of juno Lacinia in the Brutian country. 1117. b. he bangeth himself. 
1131 c  Fun●● 〈◊〉 submit to the Romans. 
295 e  Fincule Candina. 
513 a  L. Furius triumpheth, 
803 c  L. Furius his rash enterprise controlled by M. Furius Camillus. 
234 b   

G  Gabinus Cinctus. 
287. c. 355 d  Servius Galba crosseth the triumph of L. Aemilius Paulus. 
1223 e  Gall●● priests of Cybele. 
945 e  Gallogrecians. 9●7. b. their beginning. 
994 g  Gallogrecians discomfited and put to flight. 
997 c  Games called Roman or Magni. 
26 m  Gauls complain to the Senate of Rome. 
1086 k  Gauls impatient of long labour. 
372. g. 432 k  Gauls greedy of gold. 404. l. they deny to aid the Romans, and come armed into counsel. 409. i. they kill the wanders in the Roman camp, and revolt to Annibal. 420. i neuter between Carthaginians and Romans. 
422 l  Gauls consen the Tuscans of their money. 
358 g  M. Geganius the Consul relieveth Ardea. 146. h. he defeateth the Vo●cians. 
ibid. k  G●la● king of the Massesyli bandeth with the Romans. 
543. c.  Gelo 〈◊〉 of king Hiers turneth to the Carthaginians. 
494. m.  Genius. 
429 b  Genutius a 〈◊〉 of the commons murdered. 
81 c  Genutius a Consular tri●●ne honourably slain. 
192 b  G●nutius first commoner Consul. 253. c. he is slain. 
ibid.  〈◊〉 entereth into an association with Perseus for a piece of money. 
1185 b  Gentius k●leth his brother Plator. 1189. c. submitteth to Anicius. 1190. k. his wife, children, and brother taken prisoners. 
ibid. l  King Gentius complained of at Rome. 
1086 k  The Goal or common prison in Rome built. 
25 b  Gordium a great town of traffic. 
994 l  Governors Roman in Spain called to their answer for wronging the province. 
1157 c  Gracchus his speech to the slaves, voluntary soldiers expecting liberty. 
518 g  Gracch. Cluilius abuseth the Roman ambassadors. 
105 b  Gracchus discomsiteth Hanno especially by the prowess and valour of the voluntary slaves. 410. a. his discipline. 
519 d  Gracchus betrayed by his friend and host killed. 
560 ●  Unkind Greeting between Appius Claudius and Volumnius Consuls. 
363 e  Gulussa cometh in embassage to Rome. 
1159 g  Gytheum assaulted by the Romans. 870. k. surrendered to Quintius. ibid. m. won by Nabis. 
903 e   

H  Haliartus besieged by the Romans, and valiantly defended. 1152 k. forced, peeled, and razed to the ground. 
ibid. b  Hanno his answer to Himilco. 
493 a  Hanno against Annibal and the Barchine faction 
396 m  Hanno his oration in the Senate of Carthage. 
391 l  Hanno slain. 
735 e  Hasta. 
1165 b  Hastati. 
286 i  Hasta Fublicanorum. 
520 m  Hegeas slain by Hannibal. 
473 c  Hegesianax ambassador from Antiochus, his speech in the Senate of Rome. 
885 b  M. Helvius entereth ovant into Rome. 
860 b  Hemerodromi. 
786 l  Heraclea the site thereof. 932. k. assaulted by Acilius Glabrio. ibid. won. 933. d. besieged by the Romans and won. 
1176 a  Heraclea Daughter of Hiero with her daughters cruelly murdered. 
527 c  Heraclides a Bizantine treateth for a peace between L. Scipio and Antiochus. 964. k. his oration to that effect 
965. a.  Heraclides committed by Philip to please the Macedonians. 
811 d  Hercules killeth Geryon. 6. i. killeth Cacus. 
ibid. l  Ap. Herdonius a captain of outlaws possessed of the capitol. 98. i. killed. 
100 l.  The oration of Bibius Herennius a tribune of the commons. 
453. b.  Hernicksrebell. 
346 k  Herodotus friend to Demetrius put to the rack. 
1075 d. f  Hersicoras killeth himself. 
501 b  Hiero leaveth the crown to Hieronymus a child. 
511 b  Hiero his ambassadors oration in the Senate. 
454 b  Hiero welcommeth the Romans. 421.f. his ambassadors with presents and succours. 
454 l  Hiero dieth. 
511 b  Hieronymus a proud young prince. ibid.d. a conspiracy against him. ibid. f. detected by Calo. ibid.contracteth a league with anniball. 512.1. murdered by the means of judigemenes one of his own squires. 
513 a  Hieronymus his body left above ground unburied. 
623 a  Hiostus slain. 
502 b  Highpriest. 
15 a  A Hind and a wolf presented before two armies. 
371 d  Hypocrates and Epicides make peace with Hannibal in Hieronymus behalf. 
312 c  Hypocrates and Epicides chosen Pretours of Syracuse. 
527. f.531.e.  Hypocrates counterfeiteth letters. 
330 l  Hirpine & Samnite ambassadors speech to Annibal. 
502 l  Hispala Fecenia a courtesan of Rome. 
1028 k  Enamoured of Ebutius a youth, ibid. k. she revealeth the secret enormities of the Bacchanals to him. 1029. a she uttereth all to the Consul Posthumius. 1030.l. rewarded for her information. 
1035 a  Histriones. 
250 l  Honour and virtues temple. 
647 c  Horatias tomb. 
19 f  Horatius killeth his sister. 19 a. his judgement. 
ibid. c.  M. Horatius Barbatus against the Decemvirs. 
112 f  Horatius Cocles his valour. 
50 h  Hostilia Curia built. 
22 g   

I  janus temple. 
34 l  janus. 
287 c  jani. 
1114 k  Dame idea mother of the gods. 
719 c  Icilius his oration against Appius Claudius in the behalf of his spouse Icilia. 
118 i  Ilians entertain L. Scipio and the Romans courteously. 
966. b.  Illiturgum valiantly defended against Scipio. 682.l. won. 
683 b  Illiturgum inhabitants piteously massacred. 
ibid. c  Indigetes dij. 
287 c  Indas the river why so called. 
990 k  Insurrection of the commons. 
121 e  In●enegnum. 
13 b  ●nventa goddess. 
429 a  Isthmian games. 
843 a  Istrians foil the Romans. 1097. ●. they win the Roman camp. ibid. vanquished in the e●d. 
1098 l  I●bellius Taurea a brave Capuan horseman. 
506 g  jubellius Taurea killeth himself. 
465 d  Indibilis and Mandonius range with Scipio. 
641 b  Indibilis his speech to him. 
ibid.  Indibilis killed. 
711 b  jugarius vicus a street in Rome. 
342 b  M. junius his oration in the Senate of Rome in the behalf of himself and other Roman captives to be ransomed. 
468. i.  juno Lacinias temple. 
510 b  juno Sospita. 
291 e  juno Regina. 
432 g  junoher temple. 
195 d  juno translated from Vei● to Rome. 
ibid. a  juno Regina had solemn oblations offered her with divers ceremonies. 
656 i. k  jupiter. 
287 c  jupiter victor's temple. 
373 d  jupiter imperator. 
238 g  jupiter stator his temple. 
379 e  jupiter Tryphon. 
1220 d   

K  A King sacrificer. 
44 l  Kings of foreign countries how they ●anded with Perseus and the Romans. 
1131 f  Kings might not rule at Rome. 
450 b   

L  Lacedæmonians spoiled by Patavines conducted by Cleomenes. 
352 l  Lacedaemon ransacked by Alexam●nus and the AEtolians. 
910. h.  Lacedæmonians kill the AEtolians that surprised the city. 
ibid. l,  Laconicus set up for king at Lacedaemon. 
 Lavinus his speech in the Senate for a benevolence of the city. 
611. c.  Lamia besieged by Philip. 
934 g  Lares. 
286 c  Latin high way. 
439 a  Latin●●●●ria. 
429 a  T. Latinius. 
68 g  Latina. 
1135 d  Latins and other allies discontented and do● mutter and mutiny. 
633 c  King Latinus slain. 
3 f  Latium subdued. 
291 b  Latumiae. 
604 l  Law Ic●lia. 
109 c  laws Duillia. 
124. m. 125 e  Laws of Athens sent for to Rome. 
109 a  Laws of the ten tables. 
110 h  Battle at Lautul●. 
319 l  Law Licinia. C. Licinius stolo condemned in his own law. 
260. k.  Lavici peopled with Coloners'. 
169 f  Lavinium built. 3. c. governed by Lavinia. 
4 ●  League concluded between Antiochus and Romans upon conditions. 
1006 g  Legates sent from Rome into Africa. 
780 b  Legati, Lieutenants, and messengers. 
666 g  Legio quadrata. 
454 l  Legio linteata. 
380 k  Lectisterne first instituted. 
188. m. 429 a  Lectisterne at Rome 299. d. the solemnity thereof. 
438 i  Lentulus his oration to the Consuls at Caudium. 
314 l  Leon the Athenien entreat●th in the behalf of the AEtolians. 
988.l.  Leucaspides. 
1197 c  Leucas the situation thereof. 
834 l  Seppius Lesius the fatal and last governor of Capua. 
587. c.  Libera. 
839 a  Libertines enroled in the tribes at Rome. 
1210 l  Liber and Libera. 
125 c  Libertines placed in four tribes. 
392 g  Porch of Liberty. 
878 m  Locrian ambassadors complain of Pleminius. 
721 c  Liberty of Greece solemnly proclaimed by sound of trumpets at Istmian games by Cor●nth. 
843 b  Libertatis Atrium. 
1166 g  Libitina. 
1109 a  P. Licinius his expedition against Perseus. 
1147 b  P. 〈◊〉 Crassus chosen Archbishop before he had been AEdile Curule. 
548 h  P. Licini●s Calvus the first Commoner created Consular tribune. 
138 h  Licinius and Sextius laws. 
241 d  Lictours first orde●ned. 
7 c  〈◊〉 a hard and warlike nation. 
1023 c  Ligurians rebel. 883. c. discomfited. 940 i. they invade the territories about Pisa. 
890. ay  Spu. Lagustinus his oration in contention about chase Centurians. 
1144. h  Ling● the mountains. 
 Liv●us and Nero return to Rome. 674. h. their triumph. 
ibid. k.  C. 〈◊〉 the Admiral arriveth at Pyr●eum. 942. i. he quitteth the siege of Abyd●s. 
951 d  C. Livius the old Admiral his counsel to L. AEmilius Regillus. 
952 m  M. Liviu● lived in discontentment. 653. f. he is chosen Consul. 654. k. he and Claudius Nero reconciled. 
655 a  L●crians revolt to Carthage. 494.l. they make peace with Hannibal. 
509 c  Locri castle taken by the Romans. 
714 h  Locusts swarm in Apulia. 
1127 b  Aius Locutius. 
212 g  Lua, the goddess. 
281. a. 1123 d  Lucanes practise to revolt from the Romans. 
301 b  Luciuno, alias L. Tarqvinius Priscus, cometh to Rome. 
25 e  Luceres 
27 a  Luc●us Bantius his thankful heart to Hannibal. 483. e won to Marcellus by his gracious speech. 
ibid.  Lucretia her story. 
40 i  Ludi Plebeij. 
495 b  Lupercals instituted. 
5 g  Lustrum what it is. 
31 c  Lycians complain of the Rhodians. 
1100 g   

M  MAcedonian first war beginneth. 774. g. their monarchy. 
1026 e  Macedonians affrighted at the sight of the wounds whereof their men died. 
744 g  Macedonians manner of reviewing the army. 
1063 a  Macedonian ambassadors speech against the Romans in the Panetolian diet. 
289 f  Macedonian second war with Perseus, whereupon it began. 
1031 ●.  Macedonia garrisons dispossessed of Athamania all in a day. 
983 b  C. Manius the dictator to the people of Rome. 
332 m  M●enium Atrium. 
1025 h  Magna mat●r. 
737 e  Magn●tarches. 
906 k  Decius Magius a Capuan fast friend to the Romans. 477. c. delivered to Hannibal. 
419 d  Mago brother to Hannibal bringeth news to Carthage of Canna victory. 478 k. he defended new Carthage against Scipio. 
619 b  Magosor● wounded and his host discomfited by the Romans. 
753 b  Mago dieth. 
bid. c  Maha●ball his words to Hannibal after the Canna battle. 
463. f.  Maleventum the son of that Beneventum. 
334 b  Mancinus Hostilius sla●ne by Cartalo. 
441 e  Manes. 
287 c  Mandonius yielded to the Romans. 711. d. defeated by Scipio. 
444 l  Mandonius and Indibili● sue for pardon to Scipio. 
694 k  C. Manilius Atilius the first commoner chosen Curio Maximus. 
632 h  Manilius his statue in Praneste. 
487 f  T. Manlius the son his piety to his father. 
252 h  T. Manlius the son executed by his father. 
285 e  T. Manlius the father hated of the youths of Rome. 
289 f  T. Manlius Torquatus against the Roman captives at Cannae. 
467 e  T. Manlius killeth Geminus Metius a hardy knight of the Latins. 
285 c  T. Manlius Torquatus refuseth Consulship. 
600 m  T. Manlius his combats with a Gaul. 
255 d  M. Manlius saveth the Capitol 223. c. his discontentment and ambition. ibid. soweth seeds of sedition. 226. h. i Committed to prison. 297. c. proiecteth to be king. 229 c judicially accused. 230. k. condemned and executed. 
231. c.  Cn. Manlius the Consul slain. 
76 ay  T. Manlius killed with a fall from his horse. 
358 ay  L. Manlius Imperiosus. 231. e. his hard dealing with his son. 
252 g  Cn. Manlius maketh an expedition against the Gallogracians. 989. f● he handleth Moagetes a tyrant in his kind. 991. h. his oration to his soldiers in his expedition against the Gallogrecians. 992. m. he advanceth up to the hill Olympus against the Gallogrekes. 994. e. he setteth down orders and giveth laws to the states in Asia and Greece. 
1097 a  Cn. Manlius Volso crossed in his suit for a triumph, by Furius Furpurio, and Paulus Aemilius. 1011. e. his answer to them. 1013. a. he obtaineth triumph. 1015 e he triumpheth. 1026. k. his soldiers corrupted with the delights of Asia. 
ibid. l  Mannus a slave detecteth a conspiracy of the Calavij in Rome. 
604 m  Manliana Imperia. 
158 h  Manliana Imperia. 
286 g  Marcellus grown into an obloquy at Rome. 
644 i  Marcellus his defence against the Syracusians. 
607 c  M. Marcellus willing to have his innocency tried. 604 h accused by the Syracusians. 605. d. 606. m. his soldiers fled before Hannibal. 636. l. his bitter oration to those soldiers. 637. a. he recovereth that loss the next day. 
ibid. k  Marcellus executeth traitors within Nola. 
485 a  Cl. Marcellus his speech to his soldiers at Nola. 
505 a  Marcellus entereth ovant into Rome. 599. f. his pompous cheer. 
600 g  Marriage of commoners with nobles granted. 
143 d  Murgantia won. 
326 d  Mariners maintained at the charge of private men. 
516 k  Maritimus Circus. 
346 k  Mars field. 
46 l  Mars Pater. 
287 c  C. Martius Rutilius first commoner dictator, triumpheth with consent of the Senate. 
261 a  Martius Rutilius his prophecies. 
554 l  Martius triumpheth. 347. e. his statue on horseback. 
ibid.  Q. Martius defeated by the Ligurians. 
1035 d  Martius Philip his oration to king Perseus in a parley. 1138. g. he and Attilius deal fraudulently with Perseus. 1142. k. his oration to his soldiers. 
1171 b  Martius saltus. 
1035 d  Marsyas the river. 
990 h  Masanissa a forward warrior. 
574 g  Masanissa inclineth to the Romans. 
680 i  Masanissa parleth with Scipio. 
695 d  Masanissa conferreth with Laelius. 712. k. his story by way of digression. 731. d. put to flight by Syphax. 733. b. hardly escapeth drowning. 734. g. recovereth his father's kingdom the second time. ibid. h. discomfited by Syphax & Vermina. ib. k. seizeth upon Cirthae. 747. d. enamoured on Sophonisha wife of Syphax, and weddeth her. 748. h. presenteth his wife Sophonisha with a cup of poison. 750. h. honoured by Scipio with titles and gifts. 
ibid. k  Masanissa invadeth Emporia and layeth claim thereto. 
887. e.  Masgaba son of Masanissa his speech in the Senate of Rome. 
1209 c  Massyva a captive his speech to Scipio. 643. c. he is honourably dismissed by Scipio. 
ibid. d  Matuta. 
267 l  Matuta her temple. 
195 d  Fabius why first surnamed Maximus. 
350 k  Meander the river. 
990 h  Megalesia games or plays. 
939 e  Megalesia plays first instituted. 
719 f  Megara razed by Marcellus. 
437 e  Sp. Melius affecteth to be king at Rome. 
148 h  Sp. Melius slain by C. Servilius Hala. 
149 d  Menipus ambassador from Antiochus his speech in the Senate of Rome. 
884 k  Menipus the ambassador of Antiochus his speech in the Panatolia Campaea. 
907 c  Menenius Agrippa reclaimeth the commons. 65. c. buried at the city charges. 66. e. goddess men's. 
437 c  Mensarij sive Quinqui viri instituted. 
263 d  Mericus the Spaniard rewarded. 
690 h  M. Metellus his speech against Fabius. 
447 e  L. Metellus for a private grudge arresteth the censors. 
538.l.  Metius Suffetius his falsehood. 20. h. his execution. 
21 c  Mezetulus and Lacumax the young prince discomfited by Masanissa. 
732 k  Miccio the Chalcidian speech in the Senate of R. 
1160 a  Miccio the Chalcidian to the Aetolians. 
915 b  Military tribunes in Consular authority chosen first three. 143. f. 144. h. resigned. i. chosen four. 
154 e  Milionius the praetor of Lavinium his speech. 
289 a  Minerva Alcida. 
1145 a  Minutia a vestal votary buried quick. 
292 k  Minstrels go all out of Rome. 
335 d  Minutius being denied triumph, triumpheth in the mount Alban. 
838 h  Minutius Rufus his rashness. 439. d. his mutinous oration. 
440 k  L. Minutius purveyor for corn in time of dearth. 
147 f  Made equal in authority with the dictator Fabius. 448. m. honoured for detecting the treason of Melius. 
150. i.  Minutius his speech to his soldiers. 450. l. his words to Fabius the dictator. 451. a. he yieldeth up his commission unto him. 
ibid.  L. Minutius Consul deposed by Q. Cincinnatus, and made a lieutenant. 
107 d  Mimo his oration to the Roman delegates as touching Antiochus at Ephesus. 
897 d  Moagetes a tyrant handled in his kind by Cn. Manlius. 
991. a.  juno Monetas' temple. 
268 i  Mortality at Rome. 
158 m  Two mothers die for joy. 
436 k  Mountain Sacer, and Mountain Aventine. 
122 a  Mundus Muliebris. 
859 b  Muralis Corona. 
386 l  Musters straightly taken. 
1164 h  Mutnie of the garrison in Capua. 216. i. their conspiracy. 
ib.  Mutines a good warrior. 580. l. envied and disgraced by Hanno. ibid. he is made free denizen of Rome. 
629 b  Mutiny of the Roman garrison at Sucro. 686. h. they go from their col●●o●s. 
ibid.  Mutiny of the soldiers in Macedon. 
810 k  Myonisus the form thereof. 
960 k  Mutius Scaevola his valour and resolution. 
51i.   

N  NAbis entereth upon Argos. 
832 m  Nabis tyrant of Lacedaemon provideth to withstand the forces of T. Quintius 869. a. his tyranny. ibid. c. his oration to T. Quintius Flaminius. 
871. b.  Nabis assaulteth Gytheun. 902. g. he prepareth a fleet. 
ib. k.  A nail or spike driven. 
251 c  Narnia a colony 
357 e  Narnia stored with new coloners. 
810 k  Naupactum besieged by Acilius Glabrio. 
636 k  A Naval fight with Romans and Tarentines. 
614 g  A Naval fight before Utica. 
745 f  Naval battle between Polyxenus & the Romans. 
943 c  Naval fight between the Rhodian fleet and king Antiochus. 
957 f  Accius Navius a famous Augior. 
27 b  Q. Naevius a valiant and skilful warrior. 
586 g  Neapolita ambassadors present an oration to the Senate of Rome. 
452 h  Nemaean games at Argos. 
877 c  Nepet won by Camillus. 
201 c  Neptunia aquae. 
1052 b  Nequinium taken by a stratagem. 
357 e  Claudius Nero his audacious attempt. 661. a. his words to his soldiers. ibid. he joineth in camp with his colleague Livius against Asdrubal. 
662 l  Nesatium assaulted. 1102. m. the bloody mind of the Inhabitants. 
1103 i  News of the victory in Macedon at Rome. 
1021 g  Nicander fe●●●● to the hands of king Philip, and was let go. 
936 k  Nicatores. 
1168 g  Nico and Philomenes practise to betray Tarentum to Hannibal. 551. a. their capitulation with Hannibal. 
ibidem. e.  Nortia a Tuscan goddess. 
251 d  Nova Via. 
201 c  Nova. 
604 k  Nova tabulae. 
833 a  Novendiall. 
22 m  Novensiles dij. 
287 c  Nuceria forced by Hannibal through famine. 
483 b  Numa Pompilius. 13. d. inaugurate king. 
14 g  Numa Pompilius books found buried in the earth. 1078 l they were burned. 
1079 b  Numidian horsemen's policy to pass by their enemies. 
894. a.  Numidian vaulters. 
493 f  Numidians and Spaniards revolt to Marcellus. 
505 e  Numisius again raiseth war upon the Romans. 
289 b  Numitor recovereth the kingdom of Alba. 
6 g  Nymphius betrayeth the Samnites in Palepolis by a wile. 
300. i.   

O  OBsidionalis Corona. 
275 b  Octavius solemnizeth his naval triumph. 
1230 m  Ocneum forced by Perseus. 
1168 h  Offi●ius Calavius his saying of the Romans disgrace at Candium. 
316 l  Ogulnia law for sacerdotal dignities to be conferred upon commons. 
2554 a  Onesemus a counsellor to king Perseus for peace. 1180 i revolteth to the Romans. 
ibid. k.  Oppia law. 852. l. Maintained by M. Porcius Cato. 853. b. impugned by L. Valerius. 856 h. repealed. 
859 c  Oppia and Cluvia rewarded for their kindness to Romans. 
610. g.  Sp. Opius an usurping Decemvir dieth in prison. 
128. h.  Opuntians troubled with sedition. 
829 b  Orrandes beguileth Perseus. 
1204 l  Oreum besieged by the Romans and Attalus. 671. c. gained by treason. ibidem. besieged again by them. 801 d forced. 
802 g  Ortiagon his wife her memorable deed 
988 g  Oracle of Delphes delivered to the Romans. 
478 g  Orphans and widows stocks put into the city of Rome's hands to help the city chamber. 
521 b  Ordinance of battle common to Latins and Romans. 
286. h.  Orynx assailed by L. Scipio, 669. b. taken. 
ibidem. e.  Oscane silver. 
860 l  [Ovales] 
1114 b  Ovile, the rails in Mars field. 
602 b  Ovius and Novius, Calavij kill themselves. 
3321  Ovius Pacuvius a priest of the Samnites. 
380 g   

P  PAcuvius Calavius his policy. 473. e. his Oration to the commons of Capua. 
474 h  Palepolis or Naples infesteth the Roman allies. 
297 b  Pallor and Pavor their temples. 
20 i  Panaetolia Counsel. 
907 e  Pausistratus Admiral of the Rhodians. 947.f. he is slain. 
951. b.  L. Papyrius a filthy usurer. 
301 d  Sp. Papyrius a religious youth. 
382 h  Variance between Papyrius Cursor dictator, and Fabius Rutilianus General of his horse. 
302 l  Papyrius uncle to Spu. Papyrius an excellent warrior defeateth the Samnites at Aquilonia. 383.f. his triumph. 
386. k.  Papyrius pardoneth Fabius. 307. c. his singular good parts. ibid. f. he triumpheth over the Samnites. 
308 i  Papyrius Cursor his praises. 
324 k  Patres and Patritij. 
7 e  P. Aemilius his sober speech to his colleague Terentius Varro. 455. e. he and his colleague are at a jar before Cannae. 462.l. his words at his death being slain before Cannae. ib. 
 Peace made with Philip by the ten Roman delegates. 
842. g.  Peace confirmed between Romans and Antiochus. 
979 a  Penninum. 
414 l  Perolla son of Calavius his singular love to his country, and faithfulness to the Romans. 474. h. he is reclaimed by his father Pacuvius. 
479 b  Perseus soliciteth Eumenes and Antiochus against the Romans. 
1185 e  Perseus in great fear looseth his opportunities. 
1174 g  Perseus his nigardise was his overthrow. 1186. k. he couseneth king Gentius. 
1187 d  Perseus plotteth the overthrow of his brother Demetrius. 1062. h. he complaineth to his father of him. 1064. g. 
 his accusatory oration against Demetrius. 
1065 b  Perseus his demeanour described. 1108. i. his answer to Martius Philip's challenges at a parley. 1138. l. he plotteth to murder Eumenes. 
1124 i  Perseus has murder. 1118. i. beloved of the Greeks. 
ibid.  Perseus' his forces. 1145. b. his oration to his army. ibid. f. his setting forth and progress to the war. 1146. l. he embattaileth. 1149. e. discomfiteth the Romans. 1150. i. he braggeth of his victory. 1151. c. invested into the kingdom of Macedon, he putteth to death his father's friend Antigonus. 
1095 a  Perseus put to flight and vanquished by Aemilius. 1198. g. he yieldeth to Cn. Octavius & is brought before Aemilius. 
1205. a.  Perseus' cruel, to cloak his own folly. 
1177 a  Pestilence and mortality. 
1109 c  Pestilence at Syracuse. 
568 i  Pestilence at Rome. 
155. b.230.b.387.e.109.b. 188.l.  painted table in the temple of Matuta. 
1115 a  Petelines true to the Romans. 488. g. their city forced by Himilco. 
ibid.  Petelinus' grove. 
279 a  Law Petilia and Martia for choosing Colonels. 
335 c  Q. Petilius slain. 
1107 b  Phalangitae. 
967 f  Phanias submitteth to Acilius Glabrio in the name of the Aetolians. 935. b. he obtaineth a cessation of arms. 
ibid. d.  K. Philip offereth aid to the Romans against Antiochus. 
920. m.  Philomenes offereth aid to them against Antiochus. 
ibid.  Philip the Megapolitane scoffed at by king Philip. 
927 b  K. Philip sendeth a present to Rome. 939. c. he enterteineth the Roman army. 
948 l  Philip contracteth a league with the Carthaginians. 
497 d  King Philip discontented with the Romans and proiecteth war. 1037.d. he is accused by the states of Greece in the diet held at Thermopilae. 1038. b. he answereth his accusers with complaints. 1039. b. his defence against the complaints. 1040. k. wherein he contesteth with the Romans. 
ibid.  Philip causeth the Maronites to be massacred. 1045 a charged therewith by the Roman ambassadors. ibid. his excuse. 
ibid.  Philip complained of at Rome's and excused by his son Demetrius, there ledger. 
1055 d  Philip tyrannizeth. 1061. a. his speech before his two sons. 
1064 i.  Philip his communication with his son Demetrius. 1074 g he mounteth up the hill Aemus. 1074. k. spoileth his own confederates. 
1075 a  King Philip surprised his camp by Naevius Crispus a Roman captain. 
537 c  Philip put to flight by T. Quintius the Roman. 816. g. he maketh havoc and spoil in Thessaly. 
ibid. k  Philip assaileth Athens. 786. a. his valour. ibid. unhorsed and in danger to be killed. 796. g. cunningly would catch the Achaeans. 788. he raseth the temple of the gods. 
ibid. m  Philip given to scoffing. 830. k. his oration in the parley between him and T. Quintius. ibid. l. he & T. Quintius imparly in secret together. 831.d. he sendeth ambassadors to Rome. 832. i. he maketh over Argos upon trust to Nabis. 
832 l  Philippei aurei. 
882 k  Philip casteth off Perseus, and purposeth to make over the crown to Antigonus his friend. 1093.d. he repenteth the murdering of Demetrius. ibid. he dicth. 
ibid. f  Philocles and Apellos forge letters against Demetrius. 
1075. e.  Philomenes sendeth ambassadors to Rome. 
778 g  Philopamen taken prisoner by the Messenians. 1054. i. he is forced by them to drink poison. 
1055 d  Philopaemen Praetor of the Achaeans his speech. 902i. a good land-souldiour but no seaman. ibid. l. discomfiteth the forces of Nabis. 903. c. his singular dexterity in leading an army. 904. g. he discomfiteth Nabis. 
ibid. l  Phocaeans at dissension. 
949 c  Phocaea the site thereof. 963. a. rendered to the Romans by composition. ibid. e. sacked not withstanding. 
ibid. f.  Pinarij and Potitij first erected. 
7 b  Piscina publica 
496 i  Pisistratus detected for murdering Barcillas'. 841. b. put to death. 
ibid.  Plays grew to be chargeable at Rome. 
1088 g  Pleminius killed in prison. 
879 a  Pleminius captain of the garrison at Locri, his outrages committed upon the townsmen, he robbeth Proserpinas treasure. 715. c. mangled by the soldiers. 716 g his cruelty against the Tribunes marshal. ibid. b. he with others sent bound to Rome. 
726. i.  Paetelia law ambitu. 
259 e  Poetilius the Consul triumpheth. 
256 k  Poisoning detected. 
1250 k  Poisoning practised in Rome, and detected. 
295 i  Polineus his oration to the Syracusians. 
523 d  Politorium destroyed and vased. 
24 m.  Polyxenidas counseleth Antiochus to a naval fight with the Romans. 942. l. he is put to flight at sea by Livius and Eumenes. 
943 e  Polyxenidas Admiral of Antiochus his plot against Pausistratus. 499.f. he lieth in wait for the Roman fleet. 
960. m.  Pomerie what it is. 
31 d  M. Popilius Laenas dealeth cruelly with the Ligurians. 1120. g. he is checked of the Senate for it. 
ibid. h.  L. Pomponius a Veicntane defeated by Hanno. 544. m. A false bailie or farmer. 
ibid. a  Pomplina and Publica tribes. 
259 e  Pontifex Maximus. 
645 e  Pontifices Minores. 
467 b  Herennius Pontius his wisdom. 
513 f  C. Pontius his oration to the Samnites in his expedition against the Romans. 312. h. his stratagem, 
ibid. l.  M. Popilius Laenas a commoner Consul triumpheth 
265. e.  M. Portius Cato against the bravery of women. 853. b. his policy. 
861 d  M. Po. Cato his praise. 
1217 f  Porsena besiegeth Rome. 
49 e  Law Portia. 
357 a  Portia Basilica built. 
1052 b  M. Posthumius fined. 
165 e  Posthumius Consul triumpheth against the will of the Senate. 
379 g  L. Posthumius his army slain by the Gauls. 
490 k  Spu. Posthumius his oration in the Senate of Rome after the unfortunate iosanie at Caudium. 317.d. he is delivered bound to the Samnites by the facial her aults. 
319.f.  Posthumius declareth the abuses of the Bacchanales to the Senate. 1031. c. his oration to the people of Rome. 
1032. g.  Prenestines cruelty. 232. k. they invade the territories of Rome. 237. a. defeated by the Romans. 
ibid.  Praenestines treacherously surprise and massacre the Casilines. 
485 d  Pretours at Rome chosen six. 
827 a  praetor first of commons. 
292 l  Pretours two first created at Rome. 
391 d  praetor first chosen at Rome. 
249 e  Chief Praetor who he is. 
251 c  Praetorium. 
321 d  Pretorium what it is. 
274 l  Praetextati. 
467 d  A Present for Apollo sent to Delphi. 
198 l  The gate Principalis dextra. 
152 i  Martius a brave soldier his speech to his soldiers. 577. e. he vanquisheth the Carthaginians and forceth 
579 d  Principalis Via in Castris. 
375 d  Principes. 
286 i  Principia. 
686 i  Privernates enfranchised Romans. Their free speech to the Senate. 
296 k  Proclaiming war in what form. 
24 b  A Pro-dictatour chosen at Rome. 
437 a  Prodigies. 419. c. 428. l. 431. d. 454. k. 496. g. 515.d. 539.d. 550. k. 601. a.e. 628. k. 631. a. 656. g. 646. a. 675. c. 719. b. 740. m. 767.d. 780. i. 809.f 814. g. 827. e. 839. e. 879. b. 893. b. 900. i. 
 Prodigies. 939.f. 946. b. 1036. k. 1053. a. 1059. b. 1060. i. 1072. a. 
 Prodigies are to be regarded. 
1163 d  Prodigies. 1101.d. 1103. e. 1109. e. 1116. m. 1127. a. 1211. c. 
 Prophesy of Sibylla. 
716 l  prophesy of the destruction of Veij. 
190 l  Proserpinas treasure robbed at Locri. 
780 b  Proxenus poisoned by his own wife. 
1113 e  Provinces charged with Pretours expenses. 
1116 k  Prytanis, the sovereign magistrate of the Rhodians. 
1141.d.  Prusias a mediator between Rome and Perseus, his oration. 
1179 c  Prusias solicited at one time by the Romans & king Antiochus. 
959 a  King Prusias cometh to Rome. 1232. b. his unprincelike behaviour. 
1233 b  Publicans supply the need of the city. 
507 c. d  Publicola the surname of Valerius. 
49 b  Publicus Clivus. 
757 d  Leges Publica. 
290 k  Pudicitia patritia, and Pudicitia Plebeia. 
397 d  Pullarius. 
381 e  Punic war beginneth. 
395 e  First Punic war ended by Lucius Luctatius. 
391 d  Pyra. 
936 i  Pylaicum Consilium. 
844 k  Pythagoras his policy to save Lacedaemon. 
876 l  Pyrrhus escapeth poisoning. 
389 e   

Q  QVadrigate pieces. 
464 i  Quarta Hostilia suspected to have poisoned her own husband C. Calpurnius Consul. 
1083 e  Quastoria porta. 
880 g  Quaestorium. 
375 e  Quies temple. 
165 d  Quintia prata. 
105 f  Quinquatrus. 
604. k. 1182 l  Quinqueviri Mensarij. 
263 d  Quinquevirs for division of lands. 
232 g  Quinquevirs created. 
550. i.1031.f.  D. Quintius slain in sea-fight by Perro a Tarentine. 
614. i.  L. Quintius Cincinnatus nominated dictator of Rome. 105.f. his praises. 147. a. found busy in husbandry, and honourably received into the city. 106. h. his valour, victory, and triumph. 107. c. his conquests. 
238. g.  T. Quintius his oration in the counsel of Corinth. 
880 m  T. Quintius Cincinnatus made captain of the rebels against his will. 
227 d  T. Quintius Flaminius his oration in the Counsel of Corinth. 866. i. invadeth Phocis. 819, f. his preparative against Argos. 868. k. layeth siege to Elatia. 820 g his oration to the tyrant Nabis. 827. h. his policy. 874. g. he tendereth conditions of peace to Nabis. 
ibid. b.  T. Quintius his sage counsel to the states of Greece. 880. m. his speech to Diophanes & the Achaeans. 397 c his courtesy to the Achaeans besieged in Naupactu. 938.l. he reformeth the state of Thessaly. 882. g. he rideth in triumph. ibid. ay. his answer to Menippus' oration. 885. a. his answer to Hegesianax. ibid. d. he besiegeth Rhages. 818. m. the garrison repulseth him. 
819. a.  T. Quintius Flaminius called in question by the Censors for his loose life and cruelty. 
1051 b  T. Quintius Crispinus dieth of his hurt. 
655 e  Quirinus his temple. 
386 m  Quirites 
10. m.115 d   

R  Rain of earth. 
374 k  Ramnius informeth against king Perseus. 
1125 c  Regilia battle. 
37 b  Religion regarded before matters of state. 
438 k  Religion much corrupted at Rome. 
545 b  Report out of Macedon. 
1182 l  Rhamnenses. 
27 a  Rhea Sylvia a vestal virgin. 4.l. mother to Romulus and Rhemus. 
ibid.  Rhegines true to the Romans. 
494 l  Rhemus and Romulus borne. 4. m. Foundlings. 
5 b  Rhemus slain. 
6 ay  Rome founded. 
ibid.  Romulus defeiteth the Ceninians. 9. a. erecteth the temple of jupiter Feretrius. ibid. b. offereth royal spoils. ibid. discomfiteth the Antemnates. 9. c, winneth Fidena. 11 e discomfiteth the Veientians. 12. g. canonised a god. 
12 i  Rhisiolus threateneth to kill his son Memnon in the Achaean counsel. 
823 e  Rhodians in proud terms deal for pacification between Perseus and Romans. 
1129 d  Rhodian ambassadors oration in the Senate of Rome. 1214.l. they are sollicitied by king Perseus to revolt from the Romans. 
1142 g  Rhodian ambassadors oration in the Senate of Rome. 
977. c.  Rhodians put the Macedonians to flight. 
835 e  Roiot at Locri between Pleminius soldiers and other captains. 
715 e  Romans lay siege to Syracuse. 
532 i  Roman ambassadors oration in the Panatolium. 
791 d  Romans make preparation for war against Antiochus. 919. c. they embattle against Antiochus. ibid. they make preparation against Perseus. 
1130 l  Rome made a goddess by the Alabandians. 
1159 e  Rome taken by Brennus and the French. 206. k. re-edified. 
215.d.  Rome in great fear of Annibals coming. 
589 d  Romulia won. 
363 a  Romulius Consul fined by the people. 
108 m  Rorarij. 
286 k  Rostra the pulpit erected first, and why so called. 
292 i  Ruffuli who they be. 
252 l  M. Rutilius the Consul his policy. 
276 l  Rutilius Atribune of the commons beareth a side against the censors, Q. Fulvius and Aulus Posthumius. 
1165. c.   

S  SAbine maidens ravished by the Romans. 8.i. they stay the battle between Romans and Sabines. 
10.l.  Sacred spring. 
849. a. 437. e  Sacrifices of men and women. 
467 c  Saguntum assaulted, the site thereof. 397. b. won by Hannibal. 401. b. they burn their goods and themselves. 
ibid. c.  Saguntum recovered from the Carthaginians. 
538 l  Saguntian ambassadors to the Senate of Rome. 
698 g  Salaria via. 
255 a  Salijs. 
15 a  Salinae in Rome. 
842 h  Selina, a place in Tuscan where salt is made. Ortelius the author. 
260 l  Selina Romana, salt pits, about Ostia. 
262 i  Salinator the surname of Livius, whereupon it came. 
737.f.  Salus temple at Rome. 
347.f. 352 a  Saluting of gods. 
751 f  Samaeans besieged by the Romans. 1001. a. they manfully defend their city. ibid. c. forced. 
ibid. d.  Samnites preparation for war. 380. g. their strange ceremonies therein. ibid. vanquished at Aquilonia. 
363. c.  Samnites defeated by the Romans. 
322. m.334 h  Samnites defeated by Fabius. 
361 c  Samnites war beginneth. 
268 k  Samnites shields. 344. g. their glorious armour. 
ibid.  Samnite fencers what they be. 
ibid. l  Samnites defeated by the Romans. ibid. k. 347. c. they solicit the Tuscans to war. 
362 h  Sangarius the river. 
994 k  Sanqualis. 
1103 e  Satricum and the Samnites destroyed. 
324 i  Satricum destroyed and burnt. 
267 f  Satricum won. 222. h. burnt by the Latins. 
240 g  P. Scipio Africanus stayeth the young nobility at Rome, from abandoning Italy. 465. b. he sweareth them to defend the common wealth. 
ibid.  P. Cor. Scipio his oration to his soldiers, when he approached Hannibal first. 415. c. he is hurt. 410. c. he reskieth his young son Scipio, surnamed after Africanus. 
ibid.  Cn. Scipio defeiteth Hanno in Spain. 
427 f  L. Scipio passeth over Hellesponte. 
964 h  P. Scipio Africanus his son prisoner with Antiochus: 964.l. honourably used by him. ibid. m. his good counsel to Heraclides. 
965 e  L. Scipio surnamed Asiaticus. 981. a. he triumpheth. 
981. e.  P. Scipio Africanus called in questions by the two Petilij. 
1015.f.  P. Scipio Africanus his speech to the people of Rome. 1016 l he retireth out of the way to Liternum, and avoideth his trial. 1017. b. he is friended by his adversary Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, 
1017. c.  Lu. Scipio condemned with others for purloining the city treasure. 1019.d. his youngest daughter espoused to Tiberius Gracchus. 1021.l. he is awarded to prison. ibid. released. 1022.l. his goods confiscate. 
ib.  P. Scipio Nasica pleadeth in the behalf of the house and family of the Cornelijs. 
1022. b.  Cneus Scipio wounded before Munda. 
538. b.  P. Scipio (Affricanus) chosen Aedile, 546. g. his fair language and demcanour. 681. d. he besiegeth Illiturgum. 
682. h.  P. Cornelius Scipio slain. 574. k. his brother Cneus slain. 
576. h.  P. Scipio Affricanus chosen lord deputy of Spain, 597.f. sick. 685.f. his oration to his mutinous and rebellious soldiers. 688.l. he executeth the cheefetaines of that rebellion. 691. e. his oration to his soldiers in his expedition against the Ilergetes. 697. b. he returneth to Rome. ib. his disposition and qualities. 598. g. his answer to Fabius his oration. 703. b. be was furnished into Africa by his friends and allies. 
706. k.  P. Scipio Affricanus his oration to the old soldiers whom be found in Spain. 616. h. be passeth over Iberus with his army. ibid. g. his oration to his soldiers before new Carthage. 618.l. his singular discretion in giving a mural coronet. 622. k. his rare providence for the prisoners taken at new Carthage, & especially the gentlewomen. 623. c. slandered behind his back. 724.l. his passing continency and courtesy. 623. e. heresafeth the name of king. 643. a. he giveth battle to Aschuball son of Gisgo. 
678 ay  P. Scipio Nasica son of Cneus judged the best man of the city. 719.d. he transporteth Cybele to Rome. 
ibid. e  Scipio defeated by the Gauls at Clusium. 
370 l  Scipio Afr. his voyage into Africa. 729. c. his prayer when he took sea for Africa. 
ibid. f.  Scipio answer to Annibals' oration. 761.f. he returneth with glory to Rome. 772. k. his triumph. ibid. surnamed africanus. 772.l. his stratagem in firing the wintering harbours of Syphax and Asdrubal. 741. d. his private conference with Masanissa. 749.d. be imposeth conditions of peace to the Carthaginians. 751. b. his answer to Zeusis. 
971 b.  P. Scipio Africanus dieth at Liternun. 1018. i. he would not be interred at Rome. ibid. ay. his commendation. 
ibid.  Scodra, the site thereof. 
1190 g  Scorpions. 
553 a  Sella Curulis. 
7 e  Pub. Sempronius his Oration against Appius Claudius. 
338. h.  Sempronius Blesus accuseth Cn. Fulvius. 583. e. he stayeth 
940 m  Sempronia Basilica. 
1181 a  P. Sempronius his commendable parts. 
749 g  C. Sempronius Tuditanus slain in Spain. 
839 c  C. Sempronius Atratinus the Consul accused by julius the Tribune. 164. m. beloved of his soldiers. 166. h. condemned and fined. 
ibid.  Sempronius the Consul overbold and proud of his good fortune. 
423 a  Sempronius Tuditanus his valour. 
463 c  Senate erected. 
7 e  Supplied by Patres Minorum gentium. 
26 l  Supplied by Fabius Butco. 
489 f  Senator as of Rome behold the games and plays apart from others. 
878 l  C. Servilius Hala killeth Spu. Melius 
149 d  Q. Servilius Abala dictator defeiteth the Gauls & Tiburtines. 
256 i  Servius Tullius his head on a light fire. 28. i. he taketh upon him the crown. 30. g. he is killed by Tarqvinius Superbus. 
34 i  Sextilia a Nun buried quick. 
389 e  L. Sextius the first commoner chosen Consul. 
248 i  Sibyls books. 
428 a  Lu. Siccius murdered by treachery of the Decemvirs. 
116. k.  Silver coined in Rome. 
390 g  Sinu●ssa the son of Arunca. 
249 k  Slaves serve in war. 
467 e  Slingers Achaeans of rare cunning. 
1001 b  Sora surprised by treason. 
331 b  Sopater his speech to the Syracusians. 
526 h  Sophonisha drinketh poison sent her from her husband. 750. i. her speech to Masanissa the conqueror. 
747 e  Sosis the Syracusian rewarded by the Romans. 
600 b  juno Sospita her temple. 
882 l  Soldiers first sworn solemnly to serve. 
465 e  Soldiers disobedient to their captain wilfully loss the field. 
116 g  Spain generally revolt to Scipio. 
640 l  Sparta 444. i. the site and building thereof. 875.f. invested by T. Quintius and the Romans. 
876 g  The woeful Spectacle of the Romans overthrow at Cannae. 
464. g.  Temple of Spes. 
428 l  Spike or nail driven in regard of witchcraft. 
294 b  stageplays first devised at Rome. 
250 i  Statutes made by soldiers in camp. 
219 a  Stratagem of Tarqvinius Priscus. 
27 d  Stratagem of Quintius. 
86 k  Stratagem of C. Sulpitius' dictator. 258. m. his victory, triumph, and gold consecrated. 
259 d  Stratagem of the Faliscians' and Tarquinians. 
260 k  A street way from Bononia to Arctium made by C. Flaminius called Flaminia. 1024. i. another from Placentia to Aretium, made by M. Aemilius. 
ibid. k  Streets first paved in Rome. 
1103 e  Sublician bridge made over Tiber. 
25 b  Pub. Sulpitius the Consul's Oration to the people of Rome. 
776 k  Sumamus. 
827 c  Superstition at Rome. 
159 a  Sutrium besieged by the Tuscans. 337. b. twice won in one day. 218. i. recovered again by Camillus. 
222 a  Surrender of a city, the form thereof. 
26 g  Sword-fencers exhibited by P. Scipio Africannus. 
683 e  Syllanus putteth Mago to flight and taketh Hanno prisoner. 
668 l  Synedri. 
1222 m  Syphax taketh part with the Romans. 680.l. he is mediator for peace between Romans and Carthaginians. 
681. c.  Syphax king of the Numidians solicited to side with the Romans. 541. i. his request to the Roman ambassadors. ibid. k. defeated by young Masanissa. 543. e. he espouseth the daughter of Asdrubalson of Gisgn. 727. c taken prisoner. 747. b. presented captive to Scipio. 748.l. he dieth. 772. k. his words to Scipio Africanus. 
748. m.  Syracuse taken by Marcellus. 566. i. ransacked. 
572 k  Syracusian Orators treat with Marcellus for peace. 
570. k.  Syracusian complain of Marcellus. 
606 m  Syracusians in an uproar kill the Pretours. 
532 e   

T  TAnaquill wife of Tarqvinius Priscus. 
25 d  Talent Attic of eighty pound. 
906 l  Tarentini equites. 
904 i  Tarentines deluded by Papyrius. 
322 i  Tarentum taken in the night by Hannibal. 552. i. the castle won by treason. 
639 b  Tarqvinius Superbus created king of Rome. 34.l. his tyranny and cruelty. 
ibid. m  Sextus Tarqvinius his falsehood to the Gavines. 
34 l  Tarqvinius Colatinus Consul giveth over his place. 
45 d  Tarqvinius Priscus is murdered. 
29 d  Tarquinien gentlemen beheaded in Rome. 
261 g  L. Tarqvinius General of the cavalry, his poverty 
106. b.  T. Tatius reigneth with Romulus. 
11 a  Taurilia plays. 
1036 i  Taxation or review taken of twelve colonies. 
731 g  Tectosages Gallogretians their treachery. 998. m. rewarded for their villainy. 
999 c  Tempest extraordinary at Rome. 
1088 b  Dame Tullus or mother-earth. 
284 ay  Sext. Tempanius a valiant knight. 163. c. his modesty towards his General. 
165 h  Terentius Varro his parent age, behaviour, & rising. 444 k. chosen Consul. 453.f. his bragging in the Senat. 
455 e  Terentius Varro received with thanksgiving after the battle at Cannae. 
472 b  C. Terentius Varro his base mind showed to the ambassadors of Capua in his oration. 
475 d  Strange tempest at Rome. 
1060 i  Tempe the description thereof. 
1174 b  Terentilla law proposed. 
93 e  Q. Terentius culeo honoureth the triumph of Scipio in his cap of liberty. 
772 l  Thalassio. 
8 ay  Thaumaci besieged by Philip. 811. a. the site thereof. 
ibid. b.  Theatines enter into league with the Romans. 
328 k  Theodorus a conspirator against Hicronymus executed. 512. g. he appeacheth Thraso untruly. 
ibid.  Theodorus and Sosis enter Syracuse and incite the citizens to liberty. 
523 b  Theoxena marrieth her sister's husband. 1061. b. her resolution and manlike fact. 
ibid. f  Thessalonians complaints of king Philip. 
1038 k  Thracians set upon the army of Cncus Manlius and rob them. 
1008.l.  Thraso innocent put to death with others. 
512 b  Thoas his report of Antiochus forees. 
907 a  Thoas disappointed of his plot for Chalcis. 911. c. he leadeth Antiochus with his leasings. 913. b. suggesteth against Hannibal. 
ibd.  Thurus sideth to the Romans. 
109 k  Thuines yield the city to the Carthaginians. 
558 l  Terminus god of bounds 
38 l  Terminalia. 
1162 l  Timasitheus his religion, justice, and courtesy. 
190 l  Titienses. 
27.  Toga Virilis. 
467 d  Toga praetexta. 
7 c  Treaty of peace between T. Quintius and Philip at the river Aous. 814. k. it turneth to a stay. 
815 b  Treaty of peace between Philip and the Aetolians. 
651 b  Trebius betraicth Consa to Hannibal. 
473 a  Tribes four adjoined to Rome. 
219. f  Two tribes added to the rest. 
294 g  Tribes added, Aniensis and Tarentines. 
357 d  Tribes 35 in all. 
219 f  Tributes first devised. 
31 b  Tributa Comitia. 
88 i  Tribunes of commons created first. 
65 e  Tribunes of commons created ten. 
108 i  Tribunes military twenty chosen in an insurrection by soldiers. 
122 h  Tribunes military chosen eight. 
119 f  Tribunes of commons created again. 
124 l  Tribunes chosen out of Patritij. 
186 k  Tribunes of commons continue five years. 
242 g  Law Trebonia. 
187 f  L. Trebonius surnamed Asper. 
132 l  Tribunes military six in a legion chosen by the soldiers. 
232.l.  Trinundinum. 
110 k.  Tripudium Solistimum. 
〈◊〉  Triumph granted without the consent of the Senate. 
131. e.  Triumvirs for planting colonies. 
232 ●  Triumvirs Capitales first ordained. 
388 ●  Triumvirs for the night. 
349 e  Triumvirs mensarij. 
488 l  Triumvirs Epulones instituted at Rome. 
848 g  Trientius and Tributus ager. 
787 e  Triumvirs Capital. 
1032 f  Triumvirs sacris faciundis. 
1080 l  Lar Tolumnius king of the Veientians killeth the Roman ambassadors. 150. 〈◊〉 slain by Aulus Cornelius Cossus. 
152 b  Truce between Rome and Carthage broken by Asdrubal. 
757 b  Truce between Nabis and T. Quintius. 
877 b  Truce between T. Quintius and Philip. 
832 h  Tuccia a vestal Nun executed. 
391 e  Tullia the wife of Tarqvinius Superbus. 33. b. she compasseth the kingdom for her husband. ib. c. rideth with her coach over her father's dead corpse. 
34 k  Tullianum. 
727 a  Tunes surprised by Scipio Africanus. 
745 b  Tullus Hostilius created king of Rome. 
15 f  Tumultus gallicus. 
255 a  Turnus Herdonius put to death. 
36 k  Tusculans policy to avoid the Roman war. 
235 a  Tuscans defeated by the Romans at Sutrium. 340. h.242.g. 
337.d.  Their language learned by the Romans children. 
340 k  Tyherinus drowned in Tiber. 
4 k  Two tables of laws added to the former ten. 
112 h  Two fraternities of Triumvirs chosen. 
550 i  Two Ternions of Triumvirs chosen to levy soldiers. 
548. i.   

V  VAcci prata. 
295 a  Vadimon mere. 343.d. the battle there. 
ibid.  Valeria law for appealing. 
357 b  P. Valerius interred at the cities charges 
34 m  Valerius Pulvillus and Horatius Barbatus, mediators between nobles and commons. 
122 g  M. Valerius Corninus (Consul) at three and twenty years of age. 267. b. his oration to the soldiers. 271. c. his good parts described. 
272 g  Vanquisheth the Samnites. ibid. l. his speech to the rebels. 
278. g.  L. Valerius his oration in maintenance of women's bravery. 
856. i.  M. Valerius Corvinus triumpheth. 
293 c  M. Valerius Maximus his policy. 
353 f  C. Valerius Flaccus installed Flamen Dialis against his will, and why. 632. b. upon his priesthood he became a new man. 
ibid. i  M. Valerius Levinus his speech to solicit the Aetolians to take part with the Romans. 
602 g  Valerius Flaccus his hardy exploit. 557. b. he and Vibius for their good service rewarded. 
ibid. e  Va●●●● amongst the captains in Campe. 
169. a.  ●●●iance about lands between Masanissa and Carthaginians. 
887 e  Vaults in Rome made by Tarqvinius Priscus. 
27  Vectius Metius his valour. 
157 e  Veij first besieged. 178. k. won by M. Furius Camillus. 
194. i.  Velites. 
532 k  Venetians their beginning. 
3 b  Venus Erycina. 437. e. her temple. 
1081 c  Venus Cloacina. 
120 h  Venusines courtesy to the relics at Cannae. 
463 e  Ver sacrum. 
849 a  Vermina sendeth ambassadors to Rome, two. 
779 e  Vestal virgins scourged for the fire going out. 
676g  Vestines spoiled by the Romans. 
328k  Via Nomentana or Ficulenta. 
122l  Vibius the Pelignian his valorous service. 
357b  Vicessimaria gold. 
634m  A Vicessime tribute of manumised persons. 
260i  Goddess Victoria her temple. 376. g. her image sent to Rome from king Hieronymus. 
454m  The pitiful story of Virginia. .117.a.killed by her father. 
120. h.  Viridomarus slain. 
391f  Virius soliciteth the Campanes to revolt. 
476i  Vibius Virius author of the Capuans revolt from the Romans. 529. k. his oration ibid. l.be with other principal nobles prison themselves. 
594b  Visceration or dole of flesh. 
297A  Visions appear to the Consuls. 
284i  Vit●uvius Vaccus discomfited. 295.b.taken prisoner. 
296g  Vmbrians discomfited by Fabius' Consul. 
346g  Vmbrians destroyed by Romans. 
351e  Volones abandon their colonies. 
563c  Voluntary slaves for their good service made free by Gracchus. 
519b  Volscians finally subdued by Camillus. 
218g  Volscians in Spain deny aid to Rome. 
404b  Voltumnas temple. 
154i  M. Volscius convicted for bearing false witness, and banished. 
107f  Vrbanae tribes four. 
350i  Vltro tributa. 
1052b  Vssorie the occasion of an insurrection in Rome. 58.b. repressed by a law. 
259f  Vscana valiantly defended against Perseus. 
1167b  Usurers fined at Rome. 
9121  Vsuarie repressed, but cunningly practised 
892h  Utica besieged by Scipio Africanus. 736.i. siege raised. 
ibid. k.  War decreed at Rome against Macedon. 
777c  Winter extraordinary cold. 
1088g. 188k.   

X  XEnophanes a lying ambassador. 
497c   

Y  YOke of servitude what it is. 
107e   

Z  ZAcynthus given to Aminander by Philip. 917.a. betrayed by Hierodes to the Achaeans. ibid. b. restored to the Romans. 
ibid. d  Zeno his speech in the Counsel of Demetrias. 
906l  Zeusippus murdereth Barcillas'. 
840. k.  appeached therefore, he fled. 
ibid. m.  Zeusis treateth with L. Scipio for a peace between Antiochus and Romans. 
971a.    

A SECOND INDEX, CONTAINING THE EXPOSITION OF THOSE TERMS IN LIVY WHICH ARE NOT YET FAMILIAR IN ENGLISH, AND OF SOME PLACES, OMITTED BEFORE IN THE MARGINAL NOTES:  
Whereunto the Reader may have recourse, when he meeteth with any such difficulty in the History.  

A  
Aulus, the forename to divers families in Rome.  
Aediles, certain inferior magistrates in Rome: who were of two sorts; Plebey, and Curules. Plebey, of the Commons only, two in number, more ancient than the other, chosen by the people alone to second and assist the Tribunes of the Commons as their right hands. This name they took of the charge they had of temples, chapels, and oratory's; albeit they registered the Sanctions and acts of the people called Plebiscita, and kept the same in their own custody; and were clerks of the market: also they exhibited the games and plays called Plebeij. Curules, were likewise twain, elected out of the order and degree of the Patrity: so called, of the Ivory chair wherein they were allowed to sit, as officers of greater state. They set forth the great solemnities called Ludi magni, or Romani; were overseers of the buildings throughout the city as well public as private, in manner of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Athens; they had regard to the public vaults, sinks, conveyances, and conduits of the city waters; looked to the Arsenal; etc. Moreover, they had power to attach the bodies of great persons; and were charged to see unto the provision of corn and victuals. At the first, none but Patrity might be advanced to this place: but in process of time, Commoners also attained thereunto, These as well as the Plebey were Sacrusancti, ●unviolable.  
Aenery, they were, who being citizens of Rome, were by the censors deprived of giving their voices in their century or Tribe; paid all tribute with citizens according to the valuation of their goods; and served in the wars of their own charges: and either because aera pendebant, or, aera non merchant, it seemeth they took that name.  
Agmen quadratum: Agmine quadrato ducere, is taken in a threefold sense. First, The same that infesto exercitu, infesto agmine, or, infestis signis: which signifieth the ordinary manner of enemies marching with banners displayed, either to a battle, or to the siege and assault of a fort: and this manner of phrase addeth a grace only to the sentence. Secondly, To march or fight in a four square battaillon, thougli not always with equal sides & right angles: and the same not charged with the carriages at all. Thirdly, When an army is spread and displayed at large, enclosing the impedimenta or baggage in the mids, for safety and security.  
Agrariae, were laws preferred by the Tribunes of the Commons, as well for division of lands (conquered from the enemies) among the Commons; as to restrain the possessions of the Nobles within a certain limit and compass.  
Ambitus, The inordinate and excessive desire to be in office of state, appearing by indirect and unlawful means; either to their friends and kinsfolks, or to the people: against which, many laws in Rome were provided; namely, Acilia, Baebia, AEmilia, Licimia, and others.  
Ancilia: Ancite was a buckler or scutcheon, that (as they say) fell from heaven into the hands of K. Numa in time of a plague: and he being advertised by Egeria, That it was for the health of the city, and aught to be kept safe; caused 11 more to be made unto it, so like, as they could not be known from the pattern which hereby was preserved. The keeping here of was committed to the twelve Stilij.  
Annals, were brief memorial, Chronicles, or commentaries, containing the Anames of Consuls every year, the date of ●imes, and all memorable occurrents happening therein. The high priests, called Pontifices maximi, had the charge by their place to gather the same into tables, and to set them up in their houses for to be seen: and hereupon they were called annal maximi, à Maximis Pontisicibus; and not of their greatness, as those huge volumes, named Libri Elephantini.  
Ap. Appius, a forename appropriate to the House of the Claudij in Rome.  
Appia via, A notable street or highway; begun by Ap. Claudius, reaching fró Rome, as far as Capua: and afterwards by julius Caesar and Trajane, it was extended to Brindis in Calabria. Of all other it seemeth to be the principal, by the testimony of Papinius the Poet, who writeth thus of it, Appia cunctarum sertur Regina viarum. Called it was Triumphalis (as also the gate Capena;) because through it the triumphs ordinarily passed at the said gate.  
Aramaxima, The great altar reared by Hercules, and took the name of a great heap of stones about it.  
Arbour insaelix, Is commonly taken for a tree that naturally beareth no fruit.  
Argiletus imus, Is the base or low part of a street in Rome; in regard of the upper end thereof, called Summus: in like sort as janus summus & imus.  
Area, is taken for some void place, whereupon nothing groweth, quia art: as Forum boarium in Rome, Areaqueposit de 'bove nonem habet, and differeth from Campus, for that it is less. Also a plot of ground made level and clean for to build upon: as in Suetonius 26. Forum Caesar de manubus inchoavit, the Area whereof, (id est, the trimming and leveling of the plot) cost HIS. millies, id est, an hundred millions of Sestertij. Last of all, the broad yards before temples, not covered but compassed about with columns, like a cloister with an altar in the mids, be called Area.  
Aruspices, were wizards or soothsayers, directed by the bowels & inwards of beasts killed for sacrifice, called also Extispices, & in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who prying into them, had especial regard of the liver; whereupon their whole Art and learning was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, albeit they observed also the heart, lungs, spleen, and kidneys.  
As, or Assis, usually in Livy is taken for a Roman poise, or coin in brass, the tenth part in value of their silver Denarius. At first it was a pound weight of twelve ounces; but afterwards, the Sextans, id est, the sixth part thereof, was valued worth the whole: and howsoever otherwise it altered in poise, it went always for 3 farthings or thereabout of our english money.  
Augurium, See AUSPICIA.  
Aurei Romani, Pieces of gold coin currant in Rome: in round reckoning equivalent to our spur-roiall of 15 sh. For 100 Sestertij made aureum, which amount to 15 sh. 7 d. ob. the 4 part of mina, i. a lib. in silver, and of an ounce of angel gold.  
Auspicia: Auspexes were properly the observation of the birds, either by their singing and flying in the air; or by their gesture and manner of feeding in their cavea or coop: whereby their Augurs and Pullarij knew in their learning, the pleasure and will of the gods, whether they favoured their enterprises or no. The birds that gave sign by their voice and singing, they called Ossines, quasi ore canentes, as the crow, raven, and owl; and thereof came Augurium, quasi avium garritus. Those that showed aught by their flight & wings, were named Alites or Praepetes, as the buzzard, eagle, crane, gripe, swan, and broad-winged souls, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The good signs were called Sinistra auspicia, quasi sinistima, quod sinant fieri, whether they came from the left hand or the right. In pullets or chickens kept in cages, they observed whether they came forth willingly to their meat (for to abstain from it was thought unlucky:) whereas their feeding heartily, was a good sign, and called solistimum tripudium, quas terripavium & terraepudium, when some of the meat falleth out of the mouth, & terram pavit, i. beateth upon the ground; as it must needs do, when they pecked either corn, or gobbets called offae.   

B  
BAlists, were certain warlike engines for to send out and level mighty stones, to batter & shake city walls, made with ropes of sinews and women's hair especially twined together: as appeareth by Venus Calva at Rome, unto whom, by occasion that the women of the city parted with their hair for that purpose, a temple was dedicated. According to the weight of stones or bullets that this engine would carry, they were called Centenariae, or Talentariae balistae.  
Basilicae, were stately edifiees or halls at Rome; at first serving to plead in under couvert, wherein they differed from Forae: and also to minister justice, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth a judge, as well as a King: but afterwards they used to meet there in consultation; also to negotiate and trassique: and these had not only benches and bars like law-courts, but shops also for the better sort of wares and merchandise.  
Bellona, The goddess of war; whose temple stood before the gate Carmentalis, & near adjoining thereunto was a column named Bellica: from which the Romans were wont to lance a dart or javelin towards those parts where they intended to make war: whereas in former times they sent their heralds to the very confines of their enemies, to perform that ceremony.  
Bigati, were the Roman Denarij, having the stamp of a chariot drawn with two horses, called Biga.  
Baeotrcha, The chief magistrates of the Boeotians.   

C  
Caius. Cn. Cneus. The forenames of sundry families in Rome.  
Calends, was among the Romans, the day of the new Moon, which fell out with them ordinarily the first of every month: so named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, a calando, because the petty Pontisie used then to call the people to the court Calabra, and there to pronounce unto them how many days were to the Nones of each month, etc.  
Candidati, were they that stood in election and sued for dignities of magistracy: during which time, they wore whiter and brighter gowns than ordinary, that they might be the more easily seen and discerned a far off among others.  
Cataphracti, as well horse as foot, were they that were armed at all pieces with complete harness: and such horsemen were named Defensores.  
Cataphrati, were engines of war to shoot arrows or such like offensive weapons, far off: and by that name was called not only the instrument itself, but the arrow or whatsoever was shot out of it: as Turneb. writeth in his 15 Adversar. cap. I.  
censors, Magistrates of State in Rome: whose charge was to value and estimate men's goods, and enrol them accordingly in their several ranges. Also to demise unto certain Fermars, called Publicans, the public profits of the city for a rent, and to put forth the city works unto them, to be undertaken at a price. Likewise to oversee men's manners, whereby oftentimes they would deprive Senators of their dignity, take from gentlemen their horses of service and their rings; displace Commoners out of their own tribe, disable them for giving voices, and make them Aerarij.  
Centuries, were ranges and degrees of men according to their worth, as they were assessed and enroled by the Censors.  
Centuriasa comitia, were those assemblies and elections, wherein the people of Rome gave their voices and suffrages, according to their behaviour and wealth, by Centuries. And such were at all times most favourable to the nobles.  
Circenses ludi (as one would say) Circu-enses. For in the beginning before the great lists and shew-places (called Cirques) were built, the plot of ground wherein were performed the horse-running and other masteries, was slanked of the one side with the river, and environed on the other with swords. Vide Turneb. Adversar. lib. 3. cap.5.  
Cistophorus, A piece of silver coin in Greece and those parts near adjoining, less than Drachma or Denarius: so called of the stamp, representing a man carrying a panier or casket with holy relics, in Cybeles' mysterijs, in Bacchi orgijs, or Cereris initijs. If it be true, that 7500 of them go to the Euboicke talon, which containeth 4000 Denarij, it is just our groat sterling: but if Denarius have proportionem sesquiquartam to it, and that 4 Denarij are 5 Cistophores, (as Glarean collecteth out of Budaeus) it cometh to our teston of 6 pence.  
Cloacina, supposed to be the image of Venus, found by K. Tatius in the great vault or sink conveyed under the city, called Cloaca maxima. And for that it was not known what goddess it resembled, he gave it the name of that place. Others say, it is written Cluacina, of the old word Cluo (to fight:) for that the Romans and Sabines (ready to strike a battle) were by means of myrtle branches consecrated unto Venus, pacified and reconciled, in that very place where afterwards the said goddess was by that name worshipped.  
Coemptionalis senex, Paulus Manutius upon the familiar Epistles of Cicero, giveth this attribute to Scaptius in the end of the third book of Livy, whereas in all editions it is, Concionalis. Now these Coemptionales senes (saith he) were those old men, in whose tuition and authority, men by their last will and testament left their widows or daughters; and without whom they might not pass in Dominium virorum per coemptionem, i. be married according to the ceremony called Coemption, whereby the husband and wife seemed to buy one another.  
Cohort, was ordinarily a band of 500 soldiers; although once or twice in Livy we read of Quadragenaria cohortes.  
Comitium, was a public place or Hall within the Forum Romanum, where the people used to assemble for audience of justice, pleading of causes, and other occasions: whereupon Comitiales dies, were such days upon the which they might so assemble and meet together.  
Comitia, or Comices, were the solemn assemblies of the people at Rome, summoned by the magistrates lawfully; to choose officers, to enact new laws or cancel old, by their voices: whereof were three sorts.  
Curiata, instituted by Romulus, Centuriata, by Serv. Tullius. Tributa, brought in by the Tribunes of the people: and the first author thereof was P. Volero.  
Curiata and Centuriata, were Auspicata, i. performed with the solemnity of observing the approbation of the birds, and the Senators.  
Tributa, were held by the Commons only, penes quos non erant auspicia, and required neither Auspicia nor authoritatem, i. the allowance of the Patres. And as in Comitiis Centuriatis, the richer and greater men had the vantage; so in Curiata and Tributa, the poorer sort (for their number) went away with the better.  
In the Curiata comitia, at the first (until Serv. Tullius his reign) passed the election of KK. and other magistrates, judgements in capital matters, and laws. But in latter times, they served only for two laws: i. de imperio, or, de re militarium; in which the Consul or others (chosen to their magistracy in Centuriatis comitijs) had authority of command in the army: the other, de adoption; and these laws were called Curiatae.  
In the Centuriata comitia, from the time of Servius Tullius, passed the elections of Consuls, Decemvirs, Tribunes consular, censors, Pretours, and such greater magistrates; and confirmed they were by Curiata. Also, judgement of capital matters, and the laws named Centuriatae. In this, there was one Centuria drawn forth by lot out of all the rest, to give their voices first, and that was called Praerogativa. After which, were called to their suffrages, the Centuries of the first and second Classis, and they were named Primo-vicata: the rest which followed, were called jurevocatae.  
Tributa, served for the creation of Tribunes, Aediles of the Commons, and other inferior magistrates. Also the laws as touching peace, or enfranchising allies, judgements penal and fines, and those ordinances concerning the good of the Commons, called Plebiscita.  
Some have thought amiss, that Curiata and Tributa comitia, were both one: but Curiata were more ancient, and of greater state as being Auspicata, and ex authoritate Patrum. Herein only they agreed together and differed from the Centuriata, that in delivering their voices, the Tribes and Curiae were intermingled: whereas the Centuries were sorted and gave their voice according to their degree, age, and ability in the Censors book.  
Congius, or Chus, A measure among the Romans containing 6 Sextarij, and every Sextarius about 20 ounces: so that Congius receiveth X. librales mensuras; as appeareth by the old portrait thereof in brass, with these two characters, X.P. 1. ten pound. Whereby in round reckoning it may go for our wine gallon or somewhat better. And for that great persons were wont at first to give dole unto the common people, of wine or oil by the Congij; all other donatives and largesses of that kind, were afterwards called Congia is.  
Consul, one of the sovereign yearly magistrates in Rome, succeeding in the place of KK. so named, a Consulendo, either of ask counsel of the people and Senate in State matters, and withal giving his own advice, and providing for the good of the weale-publicke: or else, of judging, for so Consulere signifieth; as when we say, boni consulere. And Livy saith, that Praetores, consuls, and judices, may be taken one for another. Two of them were usually chosen every year, as appeareth by the law of the 12 tables: RECIO IMPERIO DUO SUNTO: JIQUE PREAEUNDO, JUDICANDO, CONSULENDO, PRAETORES, JUDICES, consuls, APPELLANTOR, etc.  
Corona, hath divers significations in Livy. Corona urbem cingere, i. to invest a city round about with armed men, and to give the assault from all parts at once. Sub corona vendere servos, i. to set slaves in open market, either having guirlands on their heads, as the manner was; or environed about with a guard of soldiers, which also is called Corona militum. Sundry guirlands or chaplets there were moreover, called Corona, wherewith soldiers were rewarded by their captains, or they honoured by their soldiers; (besides those that were presented to Generals by their friends and well-willers, or offered to the honour of the gods:) as Obsidionalis or Graminca, which was a wreath of a cuich grass called Gramen, given to him that delivered an army from straight sieges, and was by the whole army bestowed upon that saviour. Civica, made of oak branches, for him that in battle saved the life of his fellow citizen. Muralis, resembled the battlements of walls; which he received of his captain, that first scaled the walls and mounted over, in the assault of cities. Castrensis, in form of a pallaisade or rampire made with pales or strong stakes; the honour of him who first entered the enemy's camp. Navalis or Rostrata, portrayed with the stems or breake-heads of shippers, called Rostra; his reward that first bourded the enemy's ship, and gave the first means of a naval victory: These were the principal. For, others there were not so ordinary, as namely, Explorateria, garnished and set out with the sun, moon, and other stars; bestowed upon them that did special service in espial and discovery of the enemy's quarters.  
Cunia, were parishes in Rome, 30 in number, instituted by Romulus, Certain halls besides, appointed for assemblies & convocations about church matters and religion: whereof some were old, called simply Veteres; others new, named Novae. As for Curia Hostilia, it was the ordinary ancient place of public counsel within Rome.  
Curio, the priest belonging to each Curia or parish aforesaid: and Curio Max. the chief superintendant over them all.   

D  
D. Decius, a forename: for Decius, although it were the gentile name of a house, grew afterwards to be a forename, as Paulus: and likewise forenames at the first, came to name families, as Posthumius.  
D. Decimus, a forename likewise, as of that Brutus surnamed Albinus, who killed Caesar.  
Decemvirs, were magistrates, officers, or fellowships, ten in number.  
Decemvirs legibus scribendis, were ten men chosen, to make laws in Rome: who afterwards usurped the sovereign authority, and tyrannised.  
Decemviri sacrorum, were certain priests, who had the keeping and perusing of Sibyls books of destinies, and thereout gave order for sacrifices and expiation of prodigies.  
Decemvirs; ten judges or ministers of justice, selected out of the great court or counsel of the hundred Centumvirs, and they were called, Decemviri Sclitibus indicandus: assistant they were to the Preteour of L. chief justice.  
dictator, a sovereign magistrate above all others in Rome, from whom no appeal was granted, mere absolute and kinglike: but that his time of rule was limited within six months ordinarily: so named, either because he only said the word and it was done, or because he was Dictus. i. nominated only by one of the Consuls, and not otherwise chosen. usually in some time of great danger of the state. He was called also praetor Maximus: and namely when he was made for the ceremony of striking up or driving a nail: also Magister Populi, as Cicero 3 defin. Moreover he was sometimes appointed to ordain and hold solemn feasts, in regard that it had reigned stones.  
Duumvirs, magistrates two in number, of divers sorts.  
Duumvirs capitales, judges to sit upon life and death: from whom it was lawful to appeal to the people.  
Duumviri sacrorum, out of the patricians, ordained for dedication of temples, preparing the sacred beds for the gods, called Lectisternia; and for the books of Sibylla: these afterwards were increased to five; and so to ten. See DECEMVIRI.  
Duumviri Navales, two wardens of the navy, ports, and seacoasts.   

E  
EPulones, were certain priests whose office was to prepare and set out the solemn feast for jupiter called Epulum, and for other gods: Of them were three, called Triumvirs Epulones, and after seven; Septemviri Epulones.   

F  
FAeciales were the Heralds: of whom there was a college of 20, the principal of them was Paterpatratus, as it were their Dean. And according to Plutarch, he ought to be a man that had children of his own, and his father living: for having the charge of making peace and alliances, it behoved that he should be a person accomplished, & as well to look before as behind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to regard what is past and what is to come: the one was signified by his father, the other by his children.  
Fasti signifieth sometimes festos dies. i. holidays: and in that sense Ovid entitleth his books Fasti, wherein he setteth down the ordinary feasts of every month. Otherwhiles they are put for law-days, wherein the L. chief justice of praetor might use these three words, Do, Dico, Addico, which betoken to give leave to the party for to plead, to minister law and justice between plaintiff and defendant, and to pronounce the sentence and award.  
Flamines, certain priests among the Romans: they took that name of Filamen, a filet of woollen yarn, that they used to wear upon their heads. Three of them there were Patritij, and those were called Majores, namely Dialis, for the service of jupiter, 2. Martialis, of Mars. 3. Quirinalis, of Romulus deified. Of Commoners were twelve more, called Minores, deputed to inferior charges, and the meanest of them all attended the service of Pomona the goddess of appuls and such fruits.  
Fortune a great goddess in Rome, entitled with many and sundry surnames.  
for'rs Fortuna, a goddess of Rome, whose temple was in Transtyberina region, where she was honoured and worshipped of idle persons, such as professed nothing, but lived of their rents only, and namely for that she came unlooked for and undeserved.  
Fortis Fortuna. i. strong fortune, so called for her power, especially in battle: Publica, when she favoured the common wealth. Mascula, good to the male kind, & Muliebris, to the female. Virilis, kind to folk of ripe years. Primigenia, gracioús to the first begotten or the eldest. Equestris, either for running to help with great speed, or assistant in horse-service. Obsequens, pliable and easily entreated to accomplish: all their vows: and desires. Parva, for advancing mean and obscure persons to wealth and worship. Seta, for the kind and seasonable ripening of corn and fruit. Prospera, which was always present and vouchsafed her helping hand. Mala, when chose she was backward and evermore crossed their designs. Viscata, for that many a one hath been by her enticements snared and entangled. Redux, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Bene Sperans, Respiciens, Propria, Virgo, Calva, Convertens, graces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi astuans, caca, Vitrea, etc. See Alexander ab alexander. Marlian.  
Forum Romanum, or Latium, The great common place at Rome, wherein causes were pleaded, and audience given to public Orations. Under the name of Forum were other places also and courts, as also markets, distinguished by their proper adjuncts, as Forum Boarium, Olitorium, etc.  
Furca, Whereof slaves were called Furciseri, was a kind of fork or gibbet which slaves carried upon their shoulders when they were scourged by their masters, either about the Forum or Cirque: whereupon afterwards they were crucified and executed: howbeit, some think they bore it only for a public shame.   

G  
GAbinus cinctus was a kind of habit and wearing of a gown after the Gavines fashion, when it was cast over the shoulder so backward, that it seemed to compass and gird round the whole body. In that manner the Consul clad, used solemnly to see open the doors of janus temple, before he went to the wars.  
Genius, Geny were supposed to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and pararij, brokers (as it were) between men and the gods, or rather interpreters and Salutigeruli, messengers between, of a middle nature betwixt the one and the other, Calius Rhodigin, lib. 2. cap. 3. But according to Empedocles, each one was thought to have his angel from the very day of nativity, unto whom they used to sacrifice upon their birth day, as to their protector. Also every place had their peculiar Genij, and then were they called Lar, as Rurales, and Permarini in Livy.  
Galli, Priests of Cybele that gelded themselves in a frantic fury, and used in their service to her, for to strike and beat upon tabor and drums.   

H  
HAsta, Besides the ordinary signification, signifieth the Centumvirall or Decemvirall jurisdiction in supply or assistance of the Praetorian, for that they set up a spear to be seen at the place of judgement. Also it betokeneth port-sale, when they sold either goods or slaves to him that would bid most at such a spear. Moreover, the putting forth of the cities works, called 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Vliro tributa, to certain Publicans or undertakers by the great, at a price, and it was called Subbastatio.   

I  
janus is a god in Rome, sometime represented Bifrons with two faces, signifying the time passed, and that to come: otherwhiles Quadrifrons, and betokeneth the four times of the year; having in his right hand a character resembling three hundred, in the left another, showing three score and five, according to the days of the year. But in the plural number jani, betoken certain hals or great four square buildings, with four prospects and cross thorough fares, whereof were divers in Rome.  
Ides, Eight days in every month; of an old word Iduo, to divide: for that they commonly fall about the midst of the month, namely upon the thirteenth or fifteenth days, according to Horace, Idus tibisuns agenda, quidies mensem Veneris marina, findit Aprilem.  
Interdicted of water and fire, were they who for some crime were banished. Which judgement, although it was not by express sentence pronounced, yet by giving order, that no man should receive such an one into his house, but deny him fire and water (the two necessary elements of life) he was condemned (as it were) to a civil death: and this was called Legitimum exilium. But voluntary exile was, when a man to avoid the payment of a grievous fine, or imprisonment, went out of the way of his own accord, and left his native country.  
jugerum, which commonly I translate Acre, seemeth among the Romans, to be in measuring of land the Basis, ground, and foundation of all other measures in that kind; like as, the Ass or Assis, of weights: of which it borroweth the terms in subdivision and multiplication, whereof the least is Semiscrupulum. Now is the Scrupulum in land measure fifteen foot square, according to which, it may soon be gathered, how much jugerum containeth, considering it hath that name, a duobius actibus junctis: by which reckoning it beareth 28800 foot of ground within the square. But for that, others think that jugerum is as much as uno jugo boum uno die exarast potest, i one days work of a yoke or teem of oxen: for want of another fitter word (except I would call it a journell) I have expressed it by our familiar term of an acre, which is not much under or over a days work in ploughing of oxen here in England.  
Interregnum, or interregency, is properly the time between the former king deceased, and the creation of a new: and he that ruled in the mean space, was called Interrex. Which terms contained afterwards in the free state when there were no kings, in the case of vacancy of head magistrates.  
HIS. This Character compounded of two capital H, and the letter S. Thus coupled together, is Sestertius, that is to say, a silver coin among the Romans, consisting of two Asses and an half, and thereupon it hath the name Sestertius, as a man would say, Semistercius, i two, and half the third: and therefore you see the numeral note of two, and S. for semis, which is half. It is the fourth part of the Roman Denarius, and in value among us is three half pence farthing cue. But Sestertium in the neuter gender, betokeneth as much as mill Sestersios, i. a thousand Sesterces, so that decem Sestertia signifieth ten thousand Sestertij, and decem Sestertium is as much: for you must in this manner of speech understand millia for the regimen of the Genitive case. But if you add unto Sestertium the numeral adverb, it showeth the same Sestertium in the neutre abovesaid, multiplied a hundred times so much as the said numeral beareth. For example, decies Sestertium, is decem Sestertium, a hundred times told, and as much to say as decies centena millia Sestertium, which is a million of Sesterces in the primitive signification: whereby a man may soon reckon how much is millies Sestertium and the rest, either under or over decies. The same is to be said of Numus and Numum, for it is the same that Sestertius and Sestertium. Moreover, decies, millies, and such like adverbes, whether you put Numum or Sestertium thereto, or no, is all one: so that by this form of speaking, ejus bona fuerant vicies, is meant thus, his goods amounted unto two millions of Sesterce pieces. Thus much for Livy and other Historians and writers in prose: for I am not ignorant that Poets for the verse sake confound these two words many times, and put Sestertij for Sestertia, as Georgius Agricola hath well observed.  
jupiter Indiges, Indigetes were these called, aut quia nullius vie indigeant, because they need nothing, or quasi in this agentes, i. conversing among the gods, having been sometimes men; or by reason that they might not indigetari, i. be named; or rather for that they were easy to be entreated; and last of all, quasi in loco degentes, & ideo propitij, i. the tutelar gods and protectors of this or that place: which I rather incline unto.  
justitium was the stay of civil jurisdiction and pleas for the time, upon some sudden troubles, as Tumultus Gallicus, etc. Which vacation, if we will be somewhat bold, may be called not unfitly a Lawsteed, as Solstitium the Sunne-steed.   

K  
K. Kaius. The forename of many Romans.   

L  
L. Lucius. The forename of many Romans.  
Latina, sc. seria, Certain holy days Conceptiva, i: appointed by the Priest or magistrate, as occasion required, and not set feasts. The solemnity was published and held by the Roman Consuls newly created, upon the mount Albanus to jupiter Latialis: and a sacrifice was there offered which they call Latar, for the health of the Latin people: at which, the manner was to give a dole of flesh called Visceratio to the Latin States.  
Lestisterne, is in some sort declared in the fifth and two and twenty books of T. Livius, and is as much to say, as the solemn ceremony of trimming and setting out a bed, not for repose but repast, according to the ancient manner: wherein they laid the images of their gods, reared upon boulters and pillows: the principal whereof was that in the honour of jupiter at the Epulum sovis, whereupon jupiter was laid, juno and Minerva sitting of either side by him.  
Lectus is usually to be understood in Livy for the bed whereupon they laid themselves at ease when they took their refection, and Triclinium is taken for Conclave, i. the parlour where they were won to sup, because the usual manner was to set three such beds or pallets together: (whereof the room had the name) and a table raised somewhat higher from the floor, & placed so, as it served all three pallets, and was open at one side for the servitors to come unto it, and either set meat thereupon, or to minister what was called for. Upon each of these beds there sat or leaned ordinarily three persons: so as nine was the fulnumber of guests at the board, according to the rule, NO FEWER THAN THE GRACES, NOR MORE THAN THE MUSES. FOR Horace in this verse, Sape tribus lectis vide as canare quaternos, seemeth to glance at the nigardise of him that would rather want meat than guests, and so set twelve at the table which was but for nine, whereby also they were penned up together too straight.  
Legati, are usually taken for Ambassadors sent from one prince or State to another. Also for Lieutenants in an army, having the charge of a legion under the General, and in his absence, the charge and command of all. Who likewise were sent as Nuntios or messengers of credence from the Generals in the field, to make true report unto the Senate, of the success of their affairs. Moreover, they are oftentimes put for deputed-delegates, or commissioners assistant to the Cos. or L. General, in matters of state; having their principal directions from the Senate, but commission to deal in the particulars after their own discretion: much like to those that be called Legati a latere.  
Libitina, the goddess of funerals; and after a sort, the superintendant over sepultures; supposed to be Venus Epitymbia. In whose temple were all things to be sold necessary for the interring and burial of the dead. Whereupon they also who were employed to carry forth and bury corpses, were called Libitinarij as well as Vespillones; in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and It is put for death in Horace when he saith, Non omnis moviar, magnaque pars mei, Vitabit Libitinam: and in Livy, as well for the ministers as furniture to sepultures belonging. The chapel to this goddess stood without the city, and a gate there was Libitinensis, at which they carried forth their dead. For at Rome they might not commonly bury or burn a dead corpse within the city, unless it were upon a special privilege: & the law of 12 tables provided therefore in these express words, IN URBE NON SEPELITO NEVE URITO: but in some barren part of their land, each man bestowed the ashes or bodies of their dead. The practice whereof is evident by many examples in histories; and at this day are monuments standing of their tombs reared near the great causey Appia, and elsewhere about Rome. The consideration hereof; with some other circumstances of a place in the 3 book of Livy, gave me occasion haply to translate amiss. There happened to be a great mortality in Rome and the territory about it, not only of men but of cattlel also; at what time as the Volscians and Aequians were encamped within three miles of Rome, with a purpose to give the assault to the city; but they were suddenly stricken with a fear that they durst not approach near, testaque procul visa arque imminentes tumuli avertere mentem corum, etc. where I have englished imminentes tumuli, tombs and graves near at hand, in opposition of testa urbis [Romena] procul visa: and the rather, because it presently followeth, In deserio agro, inter tabem perorum atque bominum: where tumuli, may well be put for tombs and monuments; and [imminentes] near at hand: as Livy and others do take those words. But if any man would have it meant rather of the 7 hills of Rome commanding and overlooking those houses aforesaid, I will not be against it, but rather my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall go with him: and pardon me I hope he will, if either there or elsewhere I have seemed to nod and take a little nap, Namque opere in longo fas est obrepere somnum: seeing that I have taken myself in the manner, and not slept until my neighbour awaked me.  
Lictours, in Livy, are ministers or sergeants attending upon the magistrates of Rome; namely, dictators, Consuls, Pretours: for those only were called sometime magistrates 〈◊〉, as superior to the rest: so called (as Fectus thinketh) quod fasces virgarum ligatos serant, for that they carried rods tied up in bundles; which rods were of birch, willow, hazel, or the Carpine tree, [a kind of Plane or Maple] and within them stuck an axe, all to signify whipping & death. These officers made way before those magistrates, and were ministers also of the execution.  
Lituus, was the Augurs staff, much like a bishops croisier, crooked at the end.   

M  
MAgister Equitum, Master or General of the horsemen. This was an office or dignity among the Romans, incorporate as it were in the dictator alone, who ever had the absolute naming and choosing of him: and ordinarily he was subject to him, howsoever Minutius was by strong hand and a violent course of the people, made equal to Q. Fabius his dictator. Commander he was under him of the cavalry: also his lieutenant-general and coadjutour with him in all execution. The same that Tribunus celerum in the time of the KK.  
M. Marcus. MY. with the note of Apostrophes, Manius. The forenames of certain Romans.  
Manipulus, in an army, was at the first a petty company often soldiers following one javelin, having a wisp of herbs or hay fastened to the upper end, as a man would say, an handful of men: used after, for a small band or squadron of soldiers: and Manipulares were they termed, who served in one such Manipulus.  
Matuta, otherwise called Leutothea or Ino, the daughter of Cadmus. Into her temple, at the time of her solemn feast, might no maid servant enter: and if any did, they were sure to be beaten forth by the dames or wives there assembled; in remembrance of one Antigera, the chambermaid of Ino, with whom her husband Athamas, as she thought, was more familiar than she liked well of.  
Megalesia, were plays or games at Rome, not (as the letter seemeth to import) Magni, which were Romani, but in the honour of Cybele the goddess, named also Idea, Magna matter, i. the great mother of the gods.  
Mulsta decem millium aris gravis, etc. was no doubt, a fine of brazen money set upon a man's head, after the weight of so much: every As weighing a lib. of 12 ounces. For before that silver was cast and stamped for coin, Aes grave plaustris ad aetarium convehebant (as Livy saith) when they paid tribute or subsidy to the city chamber, as they were assessed.  
Mundus Muliebris, the Elegancy of women. Nam quem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Graci nomine ornamenti appelaverunt, cum nos perfecta absolutag; elegantia mundum. i. the world. Plin. first book fourth chapter.  
Murcea or Murtia, one of the names attributed to Venus, quia prater modum, non moveret sed saceret hominem murcidum. i. nimis desidiosum & inactuosum: contrary to that other goddess Agenoria, qua ad agendum excitaret. And hereupon it is that Murtea is put for the goddess of sloth and lithernesse.   

N  
NOra tabula, was an easement proposed in favour of debtor at Rome, whereby the old debt-books and obligations were canceled, or the Nomina dashed out. Among the Athenians this practice was called Sisachia. i. an easing of burden, or Chreocopia, a cutting off or striking out of debts.  
N. Numerius, a forename to some houses of Rome.  
Nundina, were the market days appointed every ninth day at Rome, for the paisants of the country to repair unto the city, to sell commodities or to buy their necessities. And hereupon Trinundinun, is the space of 27. days, comprehending three market days.  
Nones, were days in the month so called, because they began the ninth day ever before the Ides: honoured by the Romans both for the birthday of king Servius, and also for the chase out of the KK. for otherwise it was not festival (as Ovid saith) Nonarum tutela Deocaret.   

O  
OVales or Ova, were eggs set upon the goles in the solemnity of the hors-running, at the plays Circenses, to reckon or score up (as it seemeth by Livy) the races, which were performed with 24 courses, to represent four and twenty hours of the day. Neither was it for nought, that choice was made of eggs, rather than other things: for as eggs are laid by birds (the swiftest of all other living creatures) so they also were to contend and strive to be most active, etc. or else because Castor and Pollux (those renowned horsemen) came of an egg, as Poet's fable.   

P  
P. Publius, a forname to some Roman families.  
Panatolium or Panatolaik, was a solemn diet or counsel, wherein all the states of Aetolia assembled to consult of public affairs.  
Patres, were at Rome an hundred Senators or noblemen, counsellors of state; chosen in this manner: three out of every one of the 30 Curio; & those make 90; three more out of each tribe, (which then were but three) & one by Romulus himself: and as this number made the body of the Nobility or Senate at the first; so, out of every Curia, he chose ten of the most personable and active young men, to the number of 300, (which he called Celcres) to guard his person. From whence came the order of the knights or gentlemen of Rome; a mean degree between the two estates of Nobles and Commons, as it were the seminary, to replenish the Senate, when the places were void, and to augment the number of them. These were called Patres Conscripti, Ascripti, and Selecti. And like as the former were named Patres Majorum gentium; so the latter sort, Minorum gentium; alluding to the several ranges of the gods, who were some of them, Majorum gentium, such as ever were counted in heaven; termed also Selecti: others, Minorum gentium, who had been men, and were after cannonized gods. The offspring and progeny of the Patres, were Patrity, in opposition evermore of Ptebei, i Commoners.  
Porticus, were either the porches and other stately buildings before temples, as belonging unto them: or else goodly galleries & walking places apart by themselves; under which men retired in the rain, and where they used to walk to cool themselves in summer.  
Prada, booty, pillage, or saccage in the own kind, as it was gotten from the enemy, to wit, slaves, prisoners, beasts, goods, armour, etc. Manubia, the money raised of such pillage or prey, sold.  
Pratour, one of the superior magistrates of Rome. In the city he ruled as L. chief justice: in the province he commanded as L. governor and deputy; and was General in the field as well as the Consul. At first, the name of Consul, praetor, and judges, was all one.  
Prerogative centuria, were those centuries in Comitijs Centuriatis, which by lot had the first place in giving their voices: the rest that followed, were called Primo-vocatae & jure-vocatae, & delivered their suffrages in their course.  
Praetexta toga, a rob embroidered of purple, common to men and women, Ingenuitatis insignt, & ornamentum. Cicero in Verrem. 3. Whereby it appeareth, that it was allowed but to certain persons; and as P. Manutius writeth, to 6 sorts. 1. The children of the Patrity, until 17 years age. 2. All Senators upon festival days. 3. Wardens at the games or plays called Compitality. 4. All magistrates, as well in the city, as in the colonies or bourrough towns incorporate, called Municipia, and Masters of Confraternites. 5. All priests, and among them, the Augurs. 6. They that triumph. And this differed from the rest rest, being wrought with gold and damask work.  
It seemeth that these differed likewise one from the other, in the manner of the guarding; laid broader or narrower: as also in the rich or deep colour, whereupon they were called Dibaptra: or that some of these robes were alone purple, other but parcel. And whereas the gentlemen of Rome are said Purpuram endure, it is to be understood either of angusti-clavus, or else of some lighter colour, as the violet, and not of that rich red purple, which is scarlet. For that rob which was done upon our Saviour Christ, 
* Math. 27.  one of the Evangelittes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and other two, 
* Marc. 15. John 19  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Fullarius, the Chickmaster or pullitier; one that had the charge and overseeing of the sacred chickens, kept in a pen or coop for auspicia: who by observing their gesture or feeding betimes every morning, related what was foretokned thereby good or bad. See more in AUSPICIA.  

Proconsull.  
Propretour.  
Pro-questor.  
Proconsule.  
Pro-pretore.  
Proquestore.   
Some have thought, that they should be writt\e otherwise thus, but they are in mine opinion out of the way: for in deed Proconsull is he, who having been Consul, went out of his magistracy at the years end, and nathlesse was sent forth into his province again with full Consular authority: whereas Proconsule (to speak precisely) is the Vizconsull, namely one that having never been Consul created, but some private person, yet upon an urgent occasion, might for the while supply the place of the Consul. The same is to be said of the rest. And hereof you may read in the Oration of Cicero, prolege Manilia. Howbeit in my translation of Livy, I have sometime used Viz-pretour and Vizconsull, for Propretour and Proconsull: because that manner of composition frameth well with our terms in English. Moreover we read once in Livy of a Pro-dictatour, in the proportionable signification to the other.   

Q  
Vadrigati, were the Denari Romani, having the stamp of a chariot drawn with four horses, called Quadriga.  
Quadrants, a piece of base brass coin or poise at Rome, the fourth part of As, which is a cue and a c.  
Quaestors, were inferior officers in Rome, as treasurers to receive and lay out the citie-monie, where of there were Vrbani, Provinciales, and Castrenses.  
Quastorium, a plot or quarter in the Roman camp, where the treasurer lodged and other officers of the camp.  
Q. Quintus, the forename of sundry Romans.  
Quindecemviri, the same that Duumviri first, and Decemviri sacris faciundis. Their number was fifteen: and albeit they were increased by Sylla Dictator to sixty, yet they retained still the name of Quindecemviri.  
Quintana was a gate in the Roman camp, at which, provision was brought into serve the market. Read the annotation in the end of English TACITUS.  
Quinqueviri Mensarij, were certain men, five in number, appointed upon occasino to discharge the debts of the commons, so called of Mensa, a table set out in public place; upon which they either counted or weighed their money.  
Quinqueviri muris reficiendis, were five officers at Rome chosen extraordinarily for repairing of the walls and turrets of the city.  
Quinquatrus or Quinquatria, were certain feasts and games at Rome in the honour of Minerva. They continued five days, and began the fifth day after the Ides of march. i. the twentieth of March: and these were called Quinquatrus Majores. For others named Minores, fell about the Ides of june, & that was the minstrels holiday, as appeareth in the ninth of Livy.  
Qiantilis, the month of july, before julius Caesar's time.  
Quirinalia, was a festival day to Quirinus, appointed for them to sacrifice, who had neglected or miss to do divine service in their parish at the feast Fornacalia: and it was called the fools holiday; for that they were ignorant of the time of the former feast, or knew not their own Curia.  
Quirites, the name appropriate to the citizens of Rome: and so they loved to be called within the city: but in the camp, if the General gave them that term, it was taken for a great disgrace unto soldiers and men of arms.   

R  
ROrarij, were light armed footmen, resembling our forlorn hope: so called arore. i. Dew. For like as there falleth commonly a drizzling dew before a good shower of rain: so these Rorarij skirmished loosely, before the legionary souldioors came to the battle.  
Rostra, were three-tined pikes of brass, set in the nose or beak-head of war-ships to offend the enemy, as appeareth by Virgil, Rostrisque tridentibus: and thereupon by Synecdoche, the stems of ships were so called. And for that the public pulpit for orations at Rome, was reared and adorned with such, it also was called Rostra.  
Rudera, [Cum milites veligione tactiruder a jaccrent.] To make sense of this place, I have translated Rudera, pieces of brass money: for that I cannot see what should be meant by rubbish stone in that place, which was not demolished by Hannibal, for any thing that I can find; but only robbed of the silver and gold within the chapel of Fcronia: in stead whereof were found aeris acervi: by reason that the soldiers, who had some sense of religion and touch of conscience (whereof their leader Hannibal had never any) cast from them [Rudera.] Now, probable it is that Rudera, is corruptly put for aera, the latter end of the word: or if we admit Rudera: it is well known that Rudus as well as aes signified brass and brazen money, as appear by Rudusculun the diminutive: for as of aes came Aesculum, so of Rudus (no doubt) Rudusculu: and like as of Aesculum, Aesculanus, a god of the paynim, father of Argentinus (because copper and brass money was before silver coin:) so, of Rudusculum, the gate Rudusculana in Rome, set out with brass. Now that Rudusculum is put for a small piece of brass coin, it is proved by the form of words in buying and selling, and in manumission (Rudusculo libram serito) which is all one with are Libram percute or feri. By which I collect, that Rudera in this place may stand for ara, i pieces of coin. For there went afore, aeris acervi, which Horace putteth for heaps of brass money, and not for brazen images. And well it may be, that the soldiers upon some devotion, threw into the church their oblations of such money as they had in their belts or bandoliers. This conjecture & construction of mine may serve, until somewhat here may be made of rubbish stone, or better exposition come in place. The word (I am sure) will bear it, and the context in all sense and congruity, doth require it.   

S  
Salutare Deos] after a devout & reverend manner they bowed unto the Idols or gods of the heathen as they passed by, & withal, touched their hands: which Lucretius showeth in these verses, 
— Tum portas propter, aliena  
Signa manus dextras ostendunt attenuari  
Saepe salutantum, tactu praeterque meantum.   
Sceleratus Vicus, a street in Rome named beforetime Cyprius, which in the Sabine language signifieth [good:] but upon occasion of a wicked act committed therein, it was by the contrary, called Sceleratus.  
Secession, was a general insurrection and revolt of the commons in Rome, wherein they left the city, until such time as they had the authority, of their Tribune's strengthened & confirmed: yea and certain laws enacted and established by a solemn oath, with a curse denounced to all them that went about to abrogate or abolish the same: which thereupon were called Sacrataleges.  

Sex. Sextus.  
Serg. Sergius.  
Serv. Servius.   
All, forenames to Romans  
Sextilis, the month of August, so called by the Romans before Augustus Caesar his days, for that it was the sixth in number: as Quintilis the fifth, beginning at March.  
Suburra. 97 a. In juventutem grassantem in Suburra. It might well be that yonkers there made a fray or committed some roiot and felony: for it was a street most of all others frequented; and besides, in it kept strumpets and courtisanes, like enough to give occasion of much quarrel and misrule among youth, as appeareth by juvenal and Martial in this Distichon.  
Famae non nimium bonae, puellae,  
Quales in media sedent Suburra.  
Suffrages, were the voices of the people given by Centuries, Curiae, or tribes, which in Rome went affirmatively under this form, Vti rogas, i. be it according to your bill: and negatively thus, Antiquo, i. I deny or reject it.  
Sordidati, were they that changed their weed in reatu. i (whiles either themselves or their friends were in trouble and danger of judgement) that is to say, put off white, which was the ordinary colour, and did on black: but if they changed their apparel upon sorrow and mourning for the loss of friends or any public calamity, they were called rather Pullati and Atrati.  
Sella Curulis, a seat or chair of estate. One of the regal ornaments at Rome, belonging to the kings first: afterwards, during the free state, used by Dictator's, Consuls, Proconsuls, Pretours, and Propretours, censors and Aediles, namely those called Curules, for distinction from those that were Plebeij: and last of all, by the emperors in the time of the monarchy. This chair was made of Ivory: on which the abovesaid magistrates usually sat, not only in the Senate-house when they consulted or gave audience, or when they beheld the public games and plays, and road either in triumph, or otherwise in the strets, mounted upon their Chariotes: but also at home within their private houses, and wheresoever else it pleased them. And this badge or ensign of honour they had both in time of their magistracy, & afterwards. And as such Senators were called Curules (for the rest, who had not attained to those dignities, they named Pedanei, as some think, for that they went on foot to the Senate or places before mentioned) so those magistrates likewise abovesaid, were entitled by the name of Curule. And Curulis was that chair called either of Currus a chariot, for that they sat thereupon within their chariots; or, quasi Curva, because it was made crooked or curb-wise, like: unto our folding chairs.  
Senator, A counsellor of state. A name it was of honour, and not of age, as the word implieth: for to that place men attained often times very young. Senat was the body of that degree and common Counsel, opposite unto Plebs at Rome, namely when it was biceps, and the whole people comprehended under Senatorius ordo and Plebeius.  
Sextans, a small brazen piece of money at Rome, which being the sixth part of As, cometh to a cue or half a farthing.  
Sextarius was the Basis of measures in Rome, as As of weights: and look ho: v As was divided into twelve ounces, so Sextarius into twelve Cyathi, and in measures Sextans was the sixth part of Sextarius, which weighed twenty ounces, much about a wine pint and a half among us.  
Of Sibyls books so often mentioned in Livy, which being three in number, were bought of Sibylla by king Tarquin the proud, at the price of nine, after she had burned six of them before his face: which books were kept diligently in the Capitol: and whereout the Decemvirs by their learning made report of the will and pleasure of the gods, See A. Gellius. 1. book 19 chapter.  
Signum, was the general name of all the ensigns in the field. But Aquila more particularly was the main standard to a whole legion: so called, for that upon the top of a spear was reared and fastened an Eagle in silver at full relief, and the same sometime was gilded standing upon a base or football of the same metal. The other ensigns, as well of cohorts, which were bands of five hundred men usually, as of centuries, i companies of hundreds, named more especially Vexilla, & were generally called Signa, had the portaiture of Minotaures, wolves, bores, horses, dragons, with sundry other devises according to the fancy of the Colonels or captains, containing also the name of the cohort or century, and the legion to which they belonged.   

T  
TAlentum Atticum, As well ponderale which was weighed, as numeral or numarium, which was counted in money, was of two sorts: The less, of sixty pound Attic, and every one of them consisted of a hundred Drachunae or Denarij Romani. If Mina then, be three pound two shillings six pence, sterling, the less talon Attic amounteth to 107 pound ten shillings of our English money. The greater, or simply the great, talon, in Livy, is fourscore mina, and hath proportioncin 〈◊〉 or Sosquitertiam, ad minus, which cometh to two hundred and fifty pound sterling. Now was the Euboicke talon (where of Livy also speaketh) half of Talcutun majus Atticum.  
T. Titus. A forename to many houses of the Romans.  
Tisiudo, A targuet-fence, which the legionary Rom. soldiers, made either in the open field when they were overcharged with their enemies, or in approaching the walls of towns to give assault. In the former, after they had enclosed within them their baggage and light armed men, they rested themselves upon their knees, with their targuets close couched together over their heads, to avoid the enemy's shot: and after they had well breathed they would rise up all at once again, fresh and lusty to a new skirmish. In the latter, they had the like targuet-rouse, but penthouse wise, one overlapped the other after the manner of tiles, and so they scaled walls without offence from above.  
Templum hath in Livy three significations, 1. a sacred house or chapel dedicated to some god or goddess for divine service, as the temple of jupiter in the Capitol, etc. 2. An open place, from whence a man might see all about him, as having nothing to hinder his prospect, and which likewise might be seen from all parts, whereof cometh the verb Contemplari, i. to behold. And such did the Augurs choose for to take their signs of bird-flight. 3. Any place hallowed, although not for divine service, yet for debating of serious human affairs, as their Curiae and Counsell-chambers, yea, and the Rostra at Rome.  
Thalassio, An Auspicate or lucky word used at Bridals or weddings in Rome, like to this among the greeks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hymen 6 Hymenae, hymen etc. Catull.  
Thensa, whereof Livy uriteth in the fifth & ninth books, were certain petty chariots or dreyes of silver or ivory, carrying the images and ornaments of their gods in great pomp upon certain of high days: and they who led the horses drawing the same, wore their richest apparel, holding in their hands and training the false reins stretched out at length in solemn wise, whereupon Festus thinketh they took the name T bensa quasi Tensae.  
Trabea was a royal rob or mantle of estate, all of deep purple or scarlet only, at the first: but afterwards, embroidered richly with gold. Livy seemeth to confound it with Vestis purpurea, Pieta, Balmata, and Triumphalis. And in truth, all one they were in the principal substance and matter thereof, namely, purple or scarlet; but different in the setting out, being embroidered with gold, more or less, distinguished also with white among (for that was a royal colour) as may appear by the diodeme, which was a white wheath, or bade done about the head of kings, or in the manner of the work; for either it was palinata, so called a lutitudino 〈◊〉, i. of the broad burrons of gold, adinstar palmarum, i. to the breadth o●ones hand, as Festus thinketh: or branched and damasked with flours-worke, like to the date tree: or else picta, i. of ryssewe or embroideries Tribunes of the Commons were certain magistrates, as Provosts or protectors of the Commons, to restrain & keep down the excessive power of the nobility; chosen and confirmed by the general oath of the people, whereby they were Sacrosancti, sacred or inviolable, and no violence might be done to their person. They had a negative voice and power of inhibition, called Intercessio, whereby they might cross & stop the proceedings of the Senate, or any magistrate, save only the dictator: even the very Consuls, whom in some case they might command.  
Tribunes military in Consul's authority, or Consularie, governed the state of Rome many years in steed of Consuls.  
Tribunes military in the army, were Colonels over a thousand.  
Tribuni ararij, were the keepers of the city chamber or common Treasure, as it were, the masters of the exchequer.  
Tribunes in Rome, first three, containing each of them ten Curia: but afterwards they were five and thirty, containing all the natural citizens of Rome.  
Tribu moveri, was a kind of ignominy and disgrace, when a man was displaced by the Censors out of his own tribe into another more base than it, and namely crustica in urbanam; of which urbanae there were four, Suburrana, Esquilina, Palatina, and Collina: into which king Servius distributed those that were manumised, and Rullus afterwards, forensem turbam.  
Triumvirs capitales, Three judges delegate to sit upon life & death, touching felonious crimes. They were called also Quastores parricidij etc.  
Triumvirs Monetales, Three officers for the mint of money, either brass, silver, or gold. They are represented in old coins by these five letters stamped thereupon, Ae. A.A. F.F. for aere, aiaro, argento, slando, ferriundo: that is to say, for the melting, coining, and stamping of brass, silver, and gold. They were afterwards four in number, and named Quatuorviri.  
Triumvirs or Tresviri noctiarni, Three overseers of the night-watch, for fire, etc.  
Triumvirs Mensarij, Three Commissaries deputed for the time, and as occasion required, in steed of bankers or treasurers to received a stock of money, & to lay the same out upon extraordinary charges, as in the time of the second Punic war, when the city chamber was without money. Which stock was put into their hands out of private men's purses, by way of a voluntary benevolence and contribution, as appeareth in the six and twentieth book of Livy.  
Triumvirs [Extraordinarij] Three likewise to levy soldiers and able men for to bear arms (without the usual order of musters) throughout Italy, upon some special occasion.  
Triumvirs colonijs deducendis, three commissioners who had authority to enrol new inhabitants into any colony: also to set out and divide the city land's gotten: by conquest, at their discretion among them.  
Triumvirs also there were three, Wardens to oversee the sacrifices, the oblations & offerings to the gods.  
Taurilia, certain festival games instituted (as Festus saith) by king Tarquin the proud, for to pacific the infernal gods; upon occasion of a contagious malady that happened to women great with child, endangering both them and those they went with: which arose upon the corrupt flesh sold abroad in the market of oxen and bulls, killed for sacrifices: whereupon the money employed about those solemnities, was called; Tauricum aes.  
Solitaurilia or Suovetaurilia, was a solemn sacrifice at the lustration, review, or purging of the city every fifth year; & this was called Lustrum conditum. It was performed by killing a bull, a ram, and a bore. At which solemnity all that were able to bear arms, assembled in order of battle.  
Triumph, a solemnity in honour of them who have vanquished their enemies: so called, for that their soldiers resounded, Io triumph; (as Varro thinketh) or of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of Bacchus' names, the first inventor thereof: or of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, three voices: because it was granted by the suffrages of soldiers, Senators, and common people: as it may appear in Livy, by the triumph of L. Paulus Aennilius, who had like to have been disappointed thereof, by his own soldiers.   

V  
Venus Erycina, Ovid. 4 Fast. à siculo nomina colle tenet: she was so called of a promontory in Sicily, called Eryx, where there was a goodly temple built in the honour of Venus; and afterwards at Rome also in memorial thereof.  
Versus Ecscennini, certain licentious and unchaste songs, used among the paynim at weddings; the manner whereof, came first from the city Fescenninum (as some think:) or as others, Quia sascinum putabantur arcere, because they were thought to have virtue to withstand witchcraft and sorcery.  
Vestales virgins, were certain processed Nuns vowing virginity, who had the keeping of the sacred fire of Vesta. N●c tu aliu● r●stam, quam puram intellige slaminan. Ovid. This Vesta as brought, from troy with the image of Minerva, called Palladium, and other holy relics.  
Vltro tributa, 〈◊〉, were certain city works, for which the censors did bargain with the Publicans or undertakers, at a price.  
Verbena, although it signifieth a special herb, called Verbenaca, i. verven in english, & in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because doves delight much to be about it: yet the word is attributed to divers other herbs put to holy use among the paynim, which are called Sagmina in Latin, and in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But Dioscorides describeth one sort thereof which runneth by the ground, and groweth not so high as our vervein doth, and it seemeth to be that which the Physicians, Herbarists, and Apothecaries call Gramen, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek, dent de chien in French, and the coich grass in English: according to which saith Livy, Facialis ex arce puram graminis herbam attulit.  
Victoriatus, i. quinarius numus, A piece of Roman silver coin, half Denarius, and a double Seilertius, having the image of Victory stamped upon it, either standing on foot crowned with a chaplet of bay, or else carried in a triumphal chariot drawn with four steeds, holding forth in her right hand the foresaid guirland, as is to be seen in divers antiquities of coin.  
Veteres signifieth a place in Rome called Vetrus: Curiae in respect of Novae, or certain shops called Argentara of bankers, in regard of others also, named Novae.    

❧ A Table of all the Orations in Titus Livius, by way of division of the general into particular members, fitted for all sorts of speaking or writing, and digested according to the several places of the three principal heads of all Causes in Oratory, to wit, the Deliberative, the Demonstrative, and the judicial.  

The persuasion  The reconciliation and peacemaking, between Romans and Albans, by Metius Suffetius prince of the Albans, to Tullus Hostilius king of the Romans. 
161  Of Appius Claudius a Tribune military, to the people of Rome, for the continuance of war and keeping soldiers in wintering camp at the siege of Veij, against the Tribunes of the Commons. 
181 B  Of L. Lentulus the cheese of the Roman ambassadors to the army and the Consuls, that they would of their own accord yield themselves unto the Samnites at the place called Caudinae force, when there was no hope of escaping. 
314 L  Of Decius Must the Consul to the people, that there might be Augurs and Pontifies chosen out of the Commons. 
355 E  Of Acedux the Spaniard to the captain of the Saguntines, for the sending back of the hostages into their own cities, whom Hannibal had demanded of all the States, and bestowed in safe custody at Saguntum. 
445 D  Of Minutius the master of the horse unto his soldiers for joining camp with Fabius, when he perceived that both he and his, were saved by the prowess of the said Fabius, after himself had unluckily sought against Hannibal. 
455 A  Of the Roman captives in the overthrow at Cannae to the nobles of Rome, that they might be ransomed. 
367 A  Of Varro the Consul, to the Camp ambassadors, that after so great loss and foil of the Romans they would so undertake war with the Carthaginians, that neither Hannibal might think himself conqueror, nor the Romans conquered. 
475 D  Of Fabius Maximus to the people, That the command in war being taken from Octacilius, they would consider what General should make head against Hannibal. 
513 D  Of P. Sulpitius the Consul to the people about removing the war into Macedon, and to aid the Athenians against Philip. 
776 K  Of Aristhenus a prince of Achaea to the Achaeans, for the demands of the Roman ambassadors, that they would stand for them against Philip. 
820 L  Of M. Porcius Cato, in maintenance of the law Oppia, which C. Opius a Tribune of the Commons in the Punic war had made for restraint of women's apparel against the nobles and Tribunes of the Commons, who went about to abrogate the same. 
853 C  Of Hannibal in the counsel of king Antiochus concerning the contracting of peace with king Philip, and the whole course of war, which Antiochus prepared against the Romans 
922. K.  Of reconciliation by Q. Caecilius Metellus to M. Lepidus and M. Fulvius censors, who for many years together had borne a deadly malice and enmity one against another. 
1088. K.  Of M. Servilius for L. Aemylius Paulus, that he might have triumph granted over the Macedonians by him conquered, when his own soldiers withstood the same, for that they were scanted in the pillage: and Servius Sulpitius Galba opposed himself against it. 
1226. H.   

Dissuasion.  Of Cneus Martius Coriolanus to the nobility against the Commonalty and the Tribunes in distributing the old provision of corn. 
66. L.  The fraudulent dissuasion of Accius Tullius king of the Volscians, to the end that the Volscians might not be present at their solemn games, and so he might after stir them up against the Romans. 
68 L.  Of M. Furius Camillus the dictator, to the people against the Tribunes of the commons, for going to dwell at Veij, when Rome was in a manner razed. 
212. H.  Of Appius Claudius against the Tribunes of the commons, that the laws concerning debt, the proportion or stint of lands, the election of tribune's military, and, that one of the Consuls should be of the commons, might not pass. 
245. D.  Of Titus Manlius Torquatus, that the Roman captives at the Cannian overthrow might not be ransomed. 
467. E.  Of Q. Fabius Maximus surnamed Cunctator, that the province of Africa might not be decreed to Scipio. 
699. D.  Of L. Valerius a tribune of the commons, in the behalf of women (against the sentence of Cato) that the law Oppia should be annulled, which was made to suppress the superfluous expense of women. 
856. I.   

Exhortation  Of Tanaquil the wife of Tarquin. Priscus, to Servius her son in law, that he might succeed in the place of his father in law deceased, who was murdered by two shepherds. 
29. E.  Of Tullia the daughter of Tarqvinius Priscus to L. Tarqvinius her husband, to aspire unto the kingdom, against her father. 
33. I.  Of Accius Tulitus a prince of the Volscians to his countrymen, wherein he stirred them up against the Romans, for that they were commanded by them to depart the city, so as they might not be present at the public games. 
69. B.  Of the ancient Senators of Rome, for the putting down of the Decemvirship, and restoring the Tribuneship of commons. 
122. K.  Of the legates to the commonalty of Rome, which was gone into mount Sacer, by reason of the obstinacy of the Decemvirs, who would not give over their magistracy: that now having dispatched their business, they would return into their native country, to their own houses, wives and children. 
123. F.  Of Valerius the Consul to the horsemen, that they would valiantly fight against the armies of the Aequi and Volsci joined together in Algidum. 
 Of Horatius the Consul colleague of Valerius, to his men, That if their hearts served them, they would set up such a shower, as at the charge of a battle. 
129. C.D.  with a grievous complaint, Of Caius Canuleius a tribune of the commons unto the commonalty, against the nobility, for the publishing of laws concerning marriage of nobles with commons, and that there might be one Consul a commoner. 
140. H.  Of Vectius Metius king of the Volscians to his people against the Romans, that they would with sword make way, where they saw him go before. 
157. I.  Of Mamercus Aemilius the dictator to his soldiers, being frighted with the strange sight of the burning firebrands which the Fidenates and Veientians did carry. 
160. G.  Of Sexius Tempanius a Decurion of horsemen to his soldiers, in a desperate battle, by occasion of the rashness of Caius Sempronois the Consul. 
163. F.  Of Camillus being banished to the Ardeates, That they would take arms for the Romans against the Gauls, who had won the city of Rome, all but the Capitol. 
208. H.  Of Mar. Furius Camillus the dictator to his soldiers, terrified at the great number of their enemies, to wit, the Antemnates, Volscians, Latins, and Hernickes. 
221. C.  Of Aulus Cornelius Cossus the dictator to his soldiers, and to Quintius Capitolinus the master of the horsemen, against the huge multitude of the Volscians. 
214. L.  Of M. Manlius Capitolinus (after his imprisonment) to the Commons, whom by gifts and largesse he had alured against the nobility for suppressing and deposing of magistrates. 
229. C.  Of M. Popilius a Commoner Consul and colleague of Scipio, to his soldiers; against the Gauls who had encamped in the Latin territory. 
265. C.  Of M. Valerius Corvinus the Consul to his men against the Samnites. 
277. C.  Of Pub. Decius a military Tribune, to Aulus Cornelius Consul, when there was no hope seen of escaping out of the hands of the Samnites. 
273. B.  Of P. Decius a military Tribune, to break in upon the enemy from the hill which he had seized. M. 
273. E.  Of Mar. Valerius Corvinus the dictator to the mutinous and wicked soldiers (who being snared with the pleasures and delights of Capua, had plotted to dispossess the Capuans of their city) that they would not fight against their own country. 
278. G.  Of Titus Quintius the Roman, chosen captain against his will by the mutinous Roman soldiers, That laying aside anger and hope, they would not make trial of the fortune of a battle against them. 
ib. I.  Of L. Annius Setinus a Praetor of the Latins unto his soldiers, to demand of the Romans, that if they would have them to be in league and society, they should elect from among them one of their Consuls and part of the Senate. 
282. k  Of Quintus Fabius the dictator, to break upon the enemy, to revenge the death of the Roman citizens, and to recover the colony from the Samnites. 
230. H  Of Virginia, the daughter of Aulus, a Patrician, and wife of a Commoner. Consul, to a laudable contention in virtue, at the dedication of the altar called Ara Padicitiae plebeiae. 
397. PM  Of Alorcus the Spaniard to the Saguntines in exceeding great despair of their state about the articles of peace which Hannibal at the point of victory did impose upon them as conquered persons. 
400. I.  Of P. Scipio the Consul to his men against Hannibal and the Carthaginians. 
415. C  Of Hannibal to his soldiers against P. Scipio. 
417. C  Of Cneus Lentulus a military Tribune to Lucius Aemylius Paulus Consul, to save himself by flight at the overthrow of Cannae. 
462. K  Of Lu. Aemylius the Consul unto Cn. Lentulus, for fortifying of the city of Rome. 
ib. I.  Of P. Sempronius Tuditanus a military Tribune to his soldiers, who had escaped out of the Cannian overthrow, That they would make way by sword and valour through the thickest troops of the enemies. 
463. C  Of L. Pinarius captain of the Roman garrison at Aenna, to his soldiers: for to prevent treason treachery intended. 
535. E  Of L. Martius Septimius the General, to his soldiers, That they would charge upon the army of Asdrubal to revenge the death of the Scipios. 
577. E  Of P. Scipio to the old soldiers, to make war beyond Iberus. 
642. G  Of Scipio to his soldiers at the siege of new Carthage. 
616. H  Of Porcius Cato to his soldiers, That they would recover by arms and prowess the rule and government which the Romans had lost beyond Iberus. 
861.  (a cold exhortation) Of T. Quintius to his soldiers at the siege of Lacedaemon. 
872. I  Of Acilius the Consul to his soldiers against Antiochus. 
 Of the Rhodians in the Senate, with a petition for reward, after Antiochus was overcome by L. Scipio with the help of the Rhodians. 
577. C  Of Cn. Manlius the Consul to his soldiers against the Gallogreekes, for that they had aided Antiochus against the Romans. 
992. M  Of Perseus the Macedonian king, in regard of the hope of victory against the Romans. 
1077. E.   

Dehortation  Of M. Furius Camillus to the people of Rome against the Tribunes of the Commons, that leaving the ruins of Rome, they would not go to Veij another city. 
212. I  Of M. Valerius Corvinus dictator, to the mutinous and rebellious soldiers from fight against their native country. 
278. G  Of Pacuvius Calavius the Campane to his son, not to kill Hannibal. 
478 K  Of Vibius Virius to the Campanes, That they should not yield themselves to the Romans. 
592. L.   

Admonition  Of Metius Suffetius captain of the Albans, to Tullus Hostilius king of the Romans, about peace making between Romans and Albans. 
16. M  Of Tullus Hostilius king of the Romans to his own soldiers, concerning the treachery of Metius Suffetius. 
20. M  Of the two Delegates, Valerius and Horatius, about the demands of the Commons, who through the Decemvirs fault were departed into mount Sacer, for that they having finished the time of their government refused notwithstanding to leave their magistracy. 
123. E  Of Appius the Decemvir at the resigning of the Decemvirship. 
124. H  Of M. Duillius a Commoner, for hope of liberty after punishment taken of the Decemvirs. 
128.  Of Camillus to the Tusculane Senators, about sending ambassadors to Rome for treaty of peace. 
235. C  Of Quintus Cincinnatus the dictator to Aulus Sempronius the General of the horsemen, concerning the manner of war against the Prenestines. 
237. D  Of Camillus the dictator to the Quirites, concerning the opposition of the Tribunes of the Commons. 
244. O  Of the Roman Consul to the Campanes, that they should not take arms against the Samnites, with the answer of the Campane ambassadors. 
270. I  Of Furius Camillus to the LL. of the Senate, as touching the Latins subdued, and by what means they might keep them quiet in continual peace. 
291. B  Of Spurius Posthumius the Consul (who was put under the yoke at Caudinae Furcae) in the Senate, of the peace made at Caudium. 
317 D  Of Aulus Cornelius Arvina the Faeciall herald to the Samnites at the delivery of the sureties that undertook the peace. 
319. P  Of Hannibal to the Spanish soldiers, about removing the war. 
405. A  Of Fabius Maximus the Cunctator to Aemylius the Consul, concerning Varro, and the order of warre-service with the enemy. 
456. O  Of Maharball the captain of the soldiers to Hannibal the Victor, that he would make use of his victory: with the answer of Hannibal. 
463. E  Of Perolla the Campane to Pacuvius Calavius his father about the kill of Hannibal, with the answer and dehortation of the father from that wicked deed. 
478 H  Of Hannibal to his soldiers against Claudius Marcellus. 
636. K  Of P. Scipio to Masanissa king of the Massesyli, who fell in love with Sophonisba wife of Syphax, king of the Numidians and daughter of Asdrubal. 
749. D  Of T. Quintius Flaminius in the general counsel of Greece, for making war upon the tyrant Nabis, by reason of Argos the noble city of Greece, which by him was held. 
866. I  Of P. Sulpitius the Roman ambassador to Minio the cheese of the friends of Antiochus who was fled, for that he refused conference with the delegates. 
897. B  Of T. Quintius to the Achaeans concerning the Island Zacynthus, which they pleaded to be under their subjection. 
935. C  Of T. Quintius to M. Atilius the Consul in defence of the Aetolians. 
938.  Of T. Quintius to the states of the Aetolians about reconciliation with the Romans. 
938. L  Of king Eumenes to L. Aemylius the Praetor, that he would not conclude peace with Antiochus, but by the authority of the Senate and grant of the people of Rome. 
955. C  Of Scipio to the petition of Heraclides the ambassador of Antiochus for peace. 
665. D  Of Scipio to the petition of Zeusis the ambassador of king Antiochus about conditions of peace. 
971. c  Of P. Scipio Africanus accused for robbing the common treasure to the commons; as touching his exploits. 
1016. I.  Of king Eumenes in the Senate, concerning Perseus' king of the Macedonians. 
1121. F  Of P. Licinius Calvus to the people, that they would bestow the honour of the Tribuneship freely offered unto him, upon his son that sued for it. 
1921. O   

Petition  Of ambassadors yielding Falerij to the Senate. 
198. I  Of peace by the Tusculane legates in the Senat. 
235. E  Of Sextus Tullius to the dictator, that he would give the soldiers leave to fight. 
257. E  Of the Campane legates in the Senate, for aid against the Samnites. 
269. A  Of Annius Setinus the praetor of the Latins to the LL. of the Senate, that one of the Consuls might be chosen out of the Latins. 
283. C  Of Quintus Fabius Maximus the Consul elect, to the people, that he might appoint Publius Decius a stayed and discreet man, to be his colleague. 
367. A  Of Minutius the master of the horsemen, to Fabius the dictator, when he joined camp with him. 
450. I  Of Sophonisba the wife of Syphax, to Masanissa, that he would not suffer her to come in the proud and cruel hands of any Roman. 
747. E  Of Hannibal to Antiochus, that he would account him amongst his chiefest friends, in opposition to the Romans, against whom he had fought six and thirty years. 
899. C  Of peace by Zeusis the legate of king Antiochus to the Romans. 
971. A  Of king Eumenes in the Senate, for reward and recompense of labour employed, and charges spent, in the Roman wars against Antiochus. 
975. D   

Prayer  Of Romulus to jupiter Stator, that he would assist the Romans against the Sabines. 
10. G  Of Quintus Fabius the chief of the city, to the Tribunes of the commons, that Quinquevirs might not be created, for setting down laws and conditions concerning the Consul's power. 
94. G  Of Virginius to the soldiers, whose offer of honourable dignity he refused. 
122. G  Of Camillus the dictator, to Apollo and juno at the siege and assault of Veij. 
193. P  Of P. Decius the Consul, when he devowed himself for the Roman legions in the Latin war, who afterward by his death recovered victory to the Romans. 
287. C  Of Aristhenus the praetor of the Achaeans, to T. Quintius, that he would deliver and set free from the tyrant Nabis, the most ancient city of greeks, Argos. 
867. C   

Thanksgiving  Of Romulus to jup. Feretrius, at the offering up of spoils, and dedication of the temple. 
9 B  Of the Saguntines to the LL. of the Senate, with a gratulation for their victory. 
698. G   

Reconciliation  Between Romans and Albans by Metius Suffetius. 
16. M   

An Intimation  Of C. Mutius Scevola, to Porsena king of the Clusines. 
52. G   

Congratulation  Of Papyrius the dictator to the people, about the absolution and pardon of Q. Fabius' master of the horsemen, who against his Edict had fought. 
307. E  Of the Syracusians to Marcellus, for killing of Annibals' favourites, who held and oppressed Syracuse, and for reconciliation with the Romans. 
570. K   

Commendation  Of king Eumenes' son of K. Attalus, for the Romans victory against Antiochus, with a petition of rewards for cost and labour employed in that war. 
975. D  Of P. Scipio to Luceius prince of the Celtiberians, for rendering to him his spouse. 
923. E  Of Spurius Ligustinus the Centurion to the commons, with a request that they would assign him a place of service worthy his deserts, in the Macedonian war. 
1134, K   

Praise  Of Scipio by Hannibal, with a petition of peace. 
760. G  Of Antigonus, by Philip king of the Macedonians, whom he thought worthy to wear the crown of Macedon, disinheriting his son Perseus a particide. 
1093. C   

Dispraise  Of the arrogancy of Caeso, by Aulus Virginius to the Commons. 
96. H  Of the schoolmaster of the Faliscanes treachery, by Camillus. 
198. O  Of the filthy ceremonies of the Bacchanales, with a solemn invocation of the gods, by Posthumius Consul, to the people. 
1032. G   

Accusation  Of L. Quintius Cincinnatus the Consul, to the people against Aulus Virginius. 
101. A  Of Aulus Virginius against Appius the defendant. 
125. F  Of L. Sextius a Commoner Tribune, against M. Posthumius a military Tribune, to the people. 
171. E  Of T. Manlius the Consul against T Manlius his son, whom he had beheaded, for that in the Latin war he fought against the enemy without his commandment. 
285. D  Or a recrimination of C. Maenius the Dictator against certain noblemen, who accused him of ambition or unlawful suing for dignities, because they might not come to their answer when they were accused. 
332. L  Of P. Sempronius a Tribune of the Commons against App. Claudius, who within the lawful time, that is to say, eighteen months, would not resign up his office of Censorship. 
338. H  Of Hanno against the Carthaginians, about the league broken with the Romans by Hannibal, whom the Roman ambassadors required to have punished, as the author guilty of that crime. 
398. L  Of P. Scipio against the mutinous soldiers, who in his absence had thrust the Colonels out of the camp, and bestowed the sovereign command upon the chiefest heads of that sedition. 
688. L  Of the Legates of king Philip in the counsel of the Aetolians against the Romans, with a dissuasion that the Aetolians should not side with them. 
789. F  Of Lu. Furius Purpurio and P. Aemylius, against Cn. Manlius, that he might not have a triumph granted. 
1011. C  Of Perseus the son of Philip the Macedonian against his brother Demetrius, whom he accused of Parricide. 
1065. B  Of Q. Martius the Roman ambassador against Perseus' king of the Macedonians, for the covenants of league broken. 
1138. G   

Defence  Of M. Manlius Capitolinus before Cornelius Cossus the Dictator, and the LL. of the Senat. 
227. A  Of Sp. Posthumius against the Tribunes of the Commons, who hindered the submission made unto the Samnites at Caudinae Furcae. 
 with a persuasion, Of Hanno to the Carthaginians, that they would think that joy vain, which was risen upon Annibals' victory over the Romans at Cannae. 
481. B  Of the ambassadors of those soldiers who remained after the Cannian, overthrow to Mar. Marcellus, concerning the disgrace offered to them by the Senate, with a petition of a better state and condition. 
548. I  or a recrimination, of M. Marcellus against the Syracusian ambassadors, who complained of injuries done unto them by him. 
607. E  Of Cornelius Scipio Consul, against Qu. Fabius Maximus, who dissauded that the province of Africa should be granted to P. Scipio. 
699. D  with a recrimination, Of Annibal to the Carthaginians, who blamed him when he laughed in the general mourning of the city. 
771. F  Of the Roman Legates in the counsel of the Aetolians against Philip, with a persuasion, that the Aetolians should abide in league and amity with the Romans. 
191. D  Of Philip the K. to those imputations which the Romans & others did challenge him for. 
830. L  Of Nabis tyrant of the Argives to T. Quintius in the general counsel of Greece. 
871. E  Of Cn. Manlius the Consul against L. Furius and P. Aemylius, who interposed their negative, that he should not triumph for the war which he managed against the Gallogreekes. 
1013. A  Of crimes objected to the Achaeans by the Lacedæmonians, by Lycortas their praetor, before Appius Claudius' cheese of the Roman Legates. 
1046. H  Of Demetrius king Philip his son, accused of parricide, against his brother Perseus. 
1067. E  Of Arco brother of Xenarchus the praetor of the Achaeans, for Perseus' king of the Macedonians against Callicrates, who had persuaded that no society was with him to be contracted. 
1111. E.  Of Perfeus the Macedonian king, to juintus Martius the Roman ambassador. 
1138. G  Of L. Aenylius Paulus for making delay in his going to Macedon, with an admonition to the people, that they would not feed the rumours of war, but keep in their prattling, for that it was a great hindrance to them that were to be employed in warre-affaires. 
1183. D  Of L. Aemylius Paulus to his soldiers, wherein he showeth the reason why he delayed battle. 
1195. D.   

Excuse  Of Scipio to the petition of Hannibal concerning the conditions of peace. 
761. E   

The upbraiding  Of P. Horatius to the people of Rome for his son accused of felony. 
19 O  Of Himilco a man of the Barchine saction, against Hanno, who accused the Carthaginians for the breach of the league with the Romans by Hannibal. 
481. A   

Invective  Of Lu. Quintius Cincinnatus, against the licentiousness of the nobles in creating of magistrates. 
101. A  Of C. Pontius General of the Samnties against the intolerable pride and inhuman cruelty of the Romans, with a persuasion to a just and lawful war. 
312. G  Of the same C. Pontius to the Roman Faeciale herald at the delivery of Consuls, Captains, Treasurers, and Colonels sureties for the Caudine peace. 
820. G  Of M. Ruffus Minutius General of the horsemen against juintus Fabius the Dictator, for his delays and cowardice against Hannibal, besieging Sinuessa a Colony of the Romans, even before their eyes. 
440. K  Of T. Quintius against Nabis the Argive tyrant, for that he accounted of the Roman allies as enemies, and had joined himself with their enemies against the Romans. 
872. I   

Expostulation  Of Veturis to Coriolanus her son, making war upon the Romans for the Volscians. 
70. E  Of Minio the principal friend of Antiochus, to the Roman ambassadors. 
897. D  Of Rhodian ambassadors in the Senate with a cleared of crimes objected. 
1124. G   

Purgation  Of P. Valerius Publicola Consul to the people, in the case of seeking to be king. 
48. L  with a challenge, Of one of the Carthaginians to the Roman Legates, showing upon what plot and advise Hannibal had besieged Saguntum. 
403. B   

Complaint  And lamentation of Lucretia to her husband, her father and friends, for the violence offered her. 
41. ●  Of P. Valerius Publicola Consul, to the Tribunes and the whole Commonalty against Appius Herdonius, who with banished men and slaves had in the night seized the Roman castle. 
99 ●.  Or a grievous lamenting with an exhortation of T. Quintius Capilolinus the fourth time Consul to the Commons, touching the discords of the citizens. 
133. E  Of Perolla the campane, to Pacuvius his father, that he had thrice betrayed his country. 
419. ●  Of Magius Decius to the multitude of the Campanes gathered about him, until by the commandment of Hannibal, he was bound and led to execution. 
479. D  Of the Samnite ambassadors to Hannibal that he would aid them against the Romans. 
502. L  Of the Locrensian ambassadors in the Senate, against Q. Pleminius captain of the Roman soldiers, for the great injuries offered to them by him and his soldiers. 
721. C  Of Philip the Macedonian to the Roman Legates. 
1040. K  Of Philip the Macedonian touching the unfortunate estate of him and his children. 
1064. I  Of Callicrates the Achaean against Perseus' king of Macedon. 
1110. L  Of Lu. Aemylius Paulus, as concerning his wonderful calamity and of his triumph, which was (as it were) a spectacle and mocking stock of this world's mutability. 
1230. G   

Rebuke  Of the Volscians to the Roman Legates, who after the loss & ruin of Saguotuam, required of them to stand firm in league & society with the Romans a 'gainst the Carthaginians. 
40●  Of M. Marcellus to his soldiers, in that they abandoned their camp with that fearfulness, whereby they lost the opportunity of fight, which Hannibal refused. 
637. A  Of Aristhenus praetor of the Achaeans, against them: for that in their Counsel they were silent, and answered not to the demands of the Roman Legates. 
820. ●  Of L. Aenylius Paulus to king Perseus, because he submitted to the Romans, with an admonition to his men, of the change and alteration of this world. 
1205. F   

Humble entreaty  Of Lu. Virginius to his soldiers, whereby he refused the magistracy of a Decemvirship offered unto him without his seeking. 
122. H  Of T. Manlius the Consul to the Latin ambassadors, requiring of the Senate, That one of the Consuls might be chosen out of the Latins, and that they might have part in the Senate. 
283. E   

Commination or threatening  Of Icilius, against the decree of Appius the Decemvir, to the end that Virginia his spouse should not remain without her father's house. 
118. H  Of L. Virginius the father against Appius Claudius for his daughter Virginia. 
119. A  Of Cornelius Cossus the Dictator, against M. Manlius Capitolinus, for that by his excessive gifts he had stirred the people up against the nobility. 
224. L  Of C. Fabius the dictator, touching the rashness of Rufus Minutius General of the horsemen. 
449. C  Of P. Cornelius Scipìo against Caecilius Metellus and other noble young men of Rome, who plotted to abandon Italy for fear of Hannibal. 
495. E  Of Tib. Gracchus to his soldiers, of penalty to be inflicted upon those slaves who refused to fight. 
519. C   

Interrogative  Of Caius junius a Tribune of the commons, to Tempanius a horseman: about Sempronius the Consul, who had shamefully abandoned his camp in the war against the Volscians. 
194. M  Of M. Manlius Capitolinus to the gods, when he was led to prison for a sedition. 
231. E  Of L. Papyrius the dictator, to Fabius Maximus General of the horsemen, for that against his decree he had sought with the Samnites. 
30●. H  Of king Philip, and, Of Titus Quintius the Consul, touching conditions of peace. 
82●. D    

The Errata  
PAge 5. line 10. read, with her. p. 9. l.40. r. fury and rage. ib. 42. considerate 43 subti●te, 11.35 unresalute 19.6. long continued not. 37.2. made according. 37.54. bis conscience. 38.20. uppermost, 38.27 appearance. 39.5 in the magent. ● 75000 lib. p. 41.36 ungracious. 42.35. one instant. 45.46. playferes. 51.13. out of. 58.3. sent them home. 65 37. sell stomach. 70.44. housegoods. 71.27 so forward. 72.19. in the margin. r. 15. p. 75.7. all at once. 77.47. guidons. 78.10. Carmentalis. 81.30. slunk. 83.35. the general. 89.24. barrying. 91.29. were killed. 91.50. the mutual. 92. 26. than in any ib. 46. Curio. III. 25. competitiours, given. 112.44. they not. 114.8. upholding. 115.24. nor in. 112.56. this uncouth. 134.38. houses. 140.29. the child. 154.26. Vol●●. 155.5. Censors. 155.55 was entered. 159.55. they encamped. 177.10. upon us. against us. 179.43. Locutius. 188.26. have bansell. 190.13. he trained. 193.11 might overtoile. 194.10. and their new. 203.50. fourth time chosen. 218.4. thence against. ib. 8. For the Tuscans. ib. 19 sell to. 219.25. seized on. 219.43. that they had. ib. 55.25 tribes. 221.41. put himself. 226.44. Senators. 239.13 toward a wall. 244.5. negative voices. ib. 32. T. Manlius. 247.30 small things, I confess. 248.34. willingly determined. 250. 49. and lost. 261.42. Commons born. 276.13. in the m●gent. r. 870. p.287.29. Novensiles. 287.43. Antepilani. 290.6. Publilius. 300.30. purposely, spent. 310.36. for Sabines read Samnites. 311.53. the whole court. 316.22 nor the pleasant. 323.40. into our enemies. ib. 49. our silly error. 325.48. he knew how. 333.20. God Hercules. 361.23. for the proportion. for pag. 395. r. 393. for 396. r. 394. p. 408.32. dissonant. ib. 50. angered and provoked. 409.20. sought the sourds. 411.20. intermingled almost. 415.45. their wints stark and stiff. 419.4. to them and their. 421.41. to man the walls. 405.49. here und there. 433.1. that was left. 439.53. he stood. 450.55. struck both him. 457.1. entertain them? 468.53. to lie close. 478.19. father (quoth be) 490. 35. that as they. 502.54. as it seemeth. 505.32. for o okt, read out. 534.8 revolt from the Romans. 548.38. confined into Sicily. 563.22. the life of Gracchus. 584.12. their beeles. ib. 28. low degree. 593.36. to refricate. 600.12, for fit tie read five hundred. 602.3. M. Valerius. 603.33. the Epirots. 619.2. a right. 622.30. Sex. Digitius. 630.47. new were. 634.36. desert of theirs. 655.16. Q. Fulvius. 6, 8.37. M. Livius. 673.22. them be restoved. 697.40. out of Italy. 700. 38. rather than. 703.11. read thus, As me thinks the very suspicion itself is not so well cleared as it ought to be. 709.7 of three hundred. 710.11. never looked they. 751. 6 in the margin, idolators. 791.15. within our confines. 815.19. king's pavilions. 817.28. so much. 842.11. to Prusias. 868.27. and espial. 890.16. the swiscest and hottest horses. 895-49. and kindle. 921.14. to the army also, three hundred thousand Mody of wheat: and two hundred and fifty thousand of barley to Rome: besides, That the king would send five hundred, etc. in the margin, read, of so great a State. 926.51. Phestus. 951.3. read for to force the haven, due fashion the haven. 961.50. his own vessels. 962.36. dispossessed. 665.25. a pish at, etc. 972.14. Damocritus, 22. L. Aemylius the Pro-pretor. 986.38. to strike another. 987.10. Damoteles. 988.42. Dolopians. 997.55. he recommended them. 1007.20. Colophians. 21. Clazomenians. 1024.3 and one occasion. 1027.8. Cn. Manlius. 1028.33. Hispala Aecenia. 1030.20. from her own mouth had. 25. a capital matter. 1034.14 Cleomenes. 1097.7. hold and continue. two Colonel of the second legion. 1098.51. in one of his feet. 1099.20. having sent. for p. 1998, r. 1098.1.55. was put over and. r113. 21. of Orthobulabis wives. 1120.46. Lanas and P. Aelius Ligur. 1127.34. ask authority. 1137.21. the amity. and 51. Pantauchus. 1155.45. he bestowed. 1159.24. Asses. 1166.34 mutual accusations. 1167.35. Stubera. 1170.8. read thus, Yet could not be find in his heart to expend, etc. 1178.48. between Perseus and Eumenes. 1179.3 nor he took. 1180.21. to content. 54. image of Vertumnus. 1196.9 own rank. 40. as they did. 47. him quite. 1205.49. faithfully. 54. frailesie of man. 1206.8. confidently trust. 9 yet before night? 1208.36. he had assigned. 1209.50. person to due. 55. to a benesite. 1210.39. the tribe Esquilina. 1214.52. Lycia and Caria. 1215.2. during this war. 1216.17. Orator and agent. 1226.9. If by nothing. 1234.10. read, a hundred thirty six, and a hundred thirty seven. 1266.17. no kingraigned ever there.