Instructions for the wars.  
Amply, learnedly, and politicly, discoursing the method of Military Discipline.  
Originally written in French by that rare and worthy General, Monsieur William de Bellay, Lord of Langey, Knight of the order of France, and the King's Lieutenant in Thurin.  
Translated by Paul Iue, Gent.   printer's or publisher's device 
AT LONDON Printed, for Thomas Man, and Toby Cook. 1589.   

❧ TO THE RIGHT Honourable, William Dauison Esquire, one of her majesties principal Secretaries: and of her highness most Honourable privy Council.  
Having devested out of his French attire, this learned and martial work, of that famous and experienced Captain, Mounsieur de Bellay: (the attempting and performing whereof, being by me taken in hand, through the commandment, and cheerful encouragement of your Honour) I thought myself tied by duty to present you with the ripe crop of that reaped grain, which by your own good direction was sown and manured. Yea, a point of unpardonable ingratitude, might it be noted in me, if that which was hatched under the shelter of your favourable protection, and delivered unto me by your Honours own hands, to be translated, (for the benefit of your loving countrymen, whose weal you have always most carefully respected) should now as a fugitive run away from your Honour, elsewhere to seek any other master, friend, or patron. Acknowledge therefore, I most humbly beseech you, your own: and vouchsafe favourably to accept my poor self, and these my simple travels herein employed, according unto the generosity of your worthy mind. As I during life, shall remain a daily petitioner unto the Almighty, for his graces bountifully to be powered upon you, to the advancement of his glory, the benefit of your country, and your own comfort.  
Your Honour's most humbly ready to do you service: Paul Iue.   

To all Gentlemen Soldiers, and others, the Readers of this Book.  
A Lawful use of Arms there is,  
a time of wreckful war,  
When Country's cause doth crave defence,  
from force of foreign jar.  
Else should we not our lives, our Wives,  
our Babes ne goods enjoy:  
From rampant claw of greedy Gull,  
that thirsts for our annoy.  
And Prince might seem in vain to sway  
the Sword and regal Mace:  
If that he should not curb the rage  
of foes devoid of grace.  
Let us therefore in equal scales,  
all circumstances way,  
Why, when, where, how, & under whom  
we dinting Sword assay.  
And we shall find in sacred lore,  
how war from God above,  
Good warrant hath, who doth the same,  
by sundry texts approve.  
The Israelites great slaughter made, 
Num. 31.   
of them of Mydian land:  
And all the pray and spoil was dealt  
among their warlike band.  
Th' Amalechits by joshua stout, 
Exod. 17.   
in war were overthrown:  
And Moses this from Gods own mouth,  
made clearly to be known.  

Psalm. 18, & 144.  King David joyed in his skill,  
of warlike feats at large:  
And sayeth that God taught him to fight,  
and know a Warriors charge.  
And wars were so accounted of  
by God in time of yore:  

Deut. 20.  That Militare decrees were made,  
in great abundant store.  
Yea, not so much omitted was,  
as Trumpets how to frame,  

Num. 10.  And how to use: when need required,  
the force of foes to tame.  
What praise for constant faith and life,  
did Christ himself confess  

Matth. 8.  To be in that Centurion's heart,  
who warfare did profess?  
Cornelius, he that Captain was  
unto th' Italian band:  

Act. 10.  And lived by Wars, much favour found  
at God almighty's hand.  

Luke. 3.  john Baptist bidding Soldiers live,  
contented with their wage,  
Allows their trade, so that they show,  
to no man dire outrage.  
This and much more shall plain appear,  
by Langeys stately style.  
And by the reasons that have past  
his brave and lettered file.  
With policy and valour eke,  
he rites religious brings,  
And no man's duty leaves untouched,  
ne other needful things.  
The General Chief his office here,  
beholds as in a Glass:  
The Marshal of the Camp his charge:  
and (so from him to pass)  
The Master of th' Artillery,  
the Treasurer, the judge,  
The Colonel, the Corporal,  
that at no pains must grudge.  
The Sergeant Maior, Victailer,  
the Master of the watch:  
The Ensign bearer, Drumslade, Clarke,  
and Shot that serve with match.  
And every other petty charge,  
most lively set abroach:  
As they shall find, that to this Book  
with heedful care approach.  
Both how to muster, how to march,  
and battle how to give:  
On Horse with Lance, on foot with Pike,  
each way their foe to grieve.  
How Wings to place, how Flanks to plant,  
and how for to retire:  
At vantage how to sally out,  
to pay the foe his hire.  
With each appendance unto war,  
and that so passing well,  
That Langey now by doom of best,  
doth bear away the Bell.  
Hear may we learn how to enskonce,  
in Barbican, or Pyle:  
In Castle, Fort, or walled town,  
and how to drop a wile,  
Or plant an Ambush, to surprise,  
the Enemy in a snare:  
And catch him in a net, ere he  
be once thereof aware.  
These helps are now new brought to light  
by Ivy's painful quill,  
Who published hath in English phrase,  
through entire hearty will,  
And loyal zeal to Country's weal,  
this rare and learned work,  
Not suffering it in foreign tongue,  
from us (unknown) to lurk.  
Such painful works, such captains good,  
such Soldiers at our need,  
As herein are described and taught,  
God grant this Realm may breed,  
So should that venomed Viper's brood,  
that gapes for England's spoil,  
Be quickly brought to know themselves,  
and easily put to foil.  
Tho. Newton, Cestresh.   

❧ The Author his Preface: wherein he disputeth whether it be lawful for Christians to make Wars, or not.  
ALthough that the question, to weet, whether it be lawful for Christians to make wars among themselves, doth yet hang in controversy, not having at any time been fully decided, because it is hard to judge in a difference, where the reasons that either party allegeth for himself, do make it so doubtful, that hardly it may be resolved: notwithstanding I dare believe that those wars which are taken in hand neither for ambition, nor for the desire of revenge, nor voluntarily, nor to the intent to usurp other men's goods, are just and lawful; especially for a Prince, if it be to defend his country and subjects, for whose safety he is bound to hazard his life. And in mine opinion it serveth to no purpose that some allege out of the holy Scripture to the contrary, saying, that a good Christian ought patiently to suffer the injuries and wrongs that are done unto him, without making resistance unto those that would take away his goods, or would strike him. For I hold opinion that that was only spoken unto the Apostles, and their like, unto whom it was necessary to have humility and patience in all their business, if they would that the doctrine which they preached should bring forth good fruit, and take root, because it was not in them to use force, and that in truth those things which we persuade with humility, are of much more virtue than those things which are constrained to be believed through violence. But as for us which faithfully believe the Gospel, and are not called to preach, and those that do govern a people, I think it is lawful for us to use arms against them that would overrun us; and that the sword was given unto Princes to defend their Subjects and good men from the devouring of the stronger and wicked: and consequently, authority to help themselves by arms, and through the force of their subjects, to make the royalty which God hath given them to be of estimation; for it is not without cause that they do bear the sword, nor without mystery. Wherefore in mine opinion, Princes may justly take arms in hand for the defence of their subjects, and the subjects likewise for the maintenance of their Prince's authority, and that to this intent it should be lawful to levy men, and afterwards to make wars. Not that this taking up of men should be handled, after the manner of those people which do enrol themselves voluntarily, and which go to the wars for a bravery; or to the intent to make a hand thereby: but I mean, that this levy should be made by the commandment of the Prince, and that the subjects should neither have liberty to offer themselves, nor refuse to go whither it shall be his good pleasure to send them within his country to drive out an enemy only, and not to assault him. As we see in France the King doth levy his Rierban, and may compel them to go into any of the frontiers of his country, for the defence of the same, in which case, there is no Gentleman that may refuse, or excuse himself; but must be there at the day appointed, if the excuse be not very lawful. So that me think, these Rierbans may then go against the King's enemies, and enter into battle against them, without charge of conscience any way; as well for that natural reason would that every man should defend his goods and country: as also, because it is the King that commandeth us to go, unto whom we are bound by the laws of God to obey, and unto all other Potestates having charge from him. The levy then which is made in this order, and to this intent, is not (as I think) reprovable; and so likewise is to be thought of the service which the common people do unto their Prince, which in my judgement, is so reasonable, that I dare affirm, that those that happen to be slain in this quarrel; shall not be reproved for the same before God: which I will not say for those that go out of their Country to seek their adventures, what likelihood of good title so ever they have, for their excuse can not be grounded upon any colour of reason that I do know. So it is then, that if the Prince do compel them to go, they shall be much more excusable, then when they go of their own free wills, forasmutch as we own (as is above said) all obedience unto our King; and who so resisteth the King, resisteth the ordinance and will of God. Wherefore if we commit any fault in obeying him, that is to say, if we offend his enemies as farrefoorth as the laws of arms will permit, and no further, we must think that the fault shall not be altogether ours, but that he shall have his part in it; but peradventure the government may be handled so graciously in moderating of our quarrels, that one of our wars may rather be called a threatening, or a correction, than otherwise: because it cannot well be termed a war, for that the controversy, or quarrel, that those that are of one party have amongst themselves, is called a Mutiny, and we are all belonging unto one, to weet, unto Christ. Therefore the controversies which we have sometimes amongst us, are very mutinies, and ought not properly to be called by any other name: in consideration whereof, as often as we fall into this inconvenience, we ought to use the matter in such sort, and with such modesty, that from an outward sedition, we fall not into a right cruel wars: and that we which do carry one name, and make profession to preach perfect amity, saying, that we all are one only body in Christ, do not become divided, wholly contrary unto the signification of our name, and the sufferance of our law. For in truth, in troubling one another as we do, our forces diminish, and the infidels wax stronger, who know so well to make their profit of our said mutinies, that they from day to day do enlarge their Empire, and assure it to themselves, while we fight together, and consume one another's forces for a thing of nought. Wherein they use so great industry, that it is to be feared that in time they will by little and little take from us the rest which we enjoy. And yet there is none that doth look into it, or if any do foresee, none that do make show to withstand it, so that every one trusteth unto them that are the nearest borderers, saying, let them defend if they will, and that it will be long ear they come unto us, but that is an opinion that may aswell deceive us one day, as it hath done others that trusted thereunto, especially those that made no account to quench the fire that was kindled at their own doors, as hath been seen amongst the Greeks, who were slothful to help one another, when the Turks came first down into Greece, at which time they were of small force, but after that they had once put in their foot, it was then too hard to drive them out again, and therefore they have continued their masters, and the first inhabitants were forced to seek other habitation, or to abide their tyrannies. The Hungarians likewise looked to be entreated to send aid against the same adversary, and it is seen what they have gotten thereby. The Polonians, Bohemians, and Almaigns, were long time negligent to secure Hungary for their own particular quarrels, and therefore the Turk is at their gates. Italy, Spain, and France, have suffered for to spite one another, that many strong Towns, islands in the sea, and Countries, have been lost within this forty years unto their great shame, for which they do already suffer a certain penance, to weet, by the courses and pillages that are made upon their sea coasts, besides the fear that each one of them hath to receive a worse turn, how long soever it be deferred. Truly it is against that unbelieving people that our Princes should declare themselves enemies, for to keep out of their hands that which yet remaineth unto us, and to recover from them that which they unjustly hold from the Christians, for that for a more just or holy quarrel, they cannot require to take arms in hand, and in truth such a war as would not offend God, sith it should be but to make resistance unto a people that do seek to put down our Religion, to advance theirs, and our common wealth, to make themselves lords and monarchs of all. Suppose that our said Princes should do no other good, but deliver the poor Christians, which they do tyrannously and outrageously use at all times, and hinder, that little infants should not from henceforth be taken out of the arms and laps of their fathers and mothers to be circumcised as they are, and instructed in countries unto them unknown, in that most damnable sect of Mahumet, their parents never hearing what is become of them; and which is worse, of the members of jesus Christ, are made members of the Devil; should not this be enough for our said Princes? me think yea, and to their great honour, whereas it is to their great shame that they do no better endeavour. Well, I doubt that they shall one day yield an account for it, and not only they; but also those that have any authority amongst us: principally my masters the prelate's of the Church, who little regard to declare it unto them, unto whom it appertaineth; and furthermore to employ a good portion of their own goods, seeing they have wherewithal to do it, and very good occasion to speak of it. Notwithstanding they are cold, and make no reckoning (as is above said) of the danger that they are in, nor of the servitude that the poor Christians which dwell in Greece and Asia, are held in, under the hands of Infidels, to the great prejudice of our Religion, for the which all faithful Christians ought to take arms in hand against our common adversary rather to day, then to morrow. And to that end I believe firmly, that it is lawful for us to make wars, if it be not lawful for any other intent. Provided always, that the cause that moveth us thereunto be such as it ought to be; and that the determination be not to kill those that will not by and by believe. For it is not with the stroke of the sword that Infidels are converted, and become Christians; but it is example and conference that may do more than force: and the force (I say) which we may do unto them, is only that we should defend our marches, or deliver the Churches of the abovesaid Countries, out of the captivities that they are in: or if so be that the said infidels would enter further upon us, or would not freely departed out of the countries which they do usurp, I am of opinion that we might go upon them for these causes, and make them a most cruel and sharp war; and yet notwithstanding having the victory, use them as gently as we do use one another in our wars, forasmutch as peradventure they might hereafter be converted: and in truth no man was ever reproached for making of honest wars, and for showing mercy unto the vanquished. This then is the most just wars of all that a Christian may make; the defence of our Prince and his Realm is the next. Likewise a Prince may go out of his Country to assault another, so that it be to get his own again, if so be that it were taken wrongfully from him, or that any people his subjects did rebel: for sith Princes have charge of their subjects, and therefore may punish those that do wrong one to another; who is it then that shall forbid them to ask their own, and to recover with force that which is kept from them by force? seeing that they have no body to run unto greater than themselves, or that is their superior. I speak of a king of France or of another his equal, specially after having made the requests and demonstrations unto the withholders that in such a case are necessary. In which case if it were not lawful to have recourse unto arms, it would thereof ensue; that the world would be so full of uproars, & of those that seek to surprise one another, chief the subtle sort, being assured they should not suffer smart for the violence they commit: a thing not tolerable, because the common peace would be too much disquieted. I say further for the subjects, that if the King do compel them to enter upon the lands of another man, under what title so ever it be, that they are not to inquire whether it be good or evil, nor are so culpable as so me perhaps will say that they are, so that they do it to obey him, for they ought to depend upon him all in all. But as concerning the King who is the occasion, it shall be his deed, and those that counseled him thereunto. Then to play surely a Prince which pretendeth to make wars, aught to handle the matter so, that his pretences do not savour of any of the conditions aforesaid, or else he cannot so well colour his fact, but that his cause would be wrongful. And suppose further that he hath some colour to make wars, yet is it better, first before any thing be taken in hand, to have recourse unto arbitrers, then to be the occasion of the great mischiefs which do follow a war: but if so be that his adversary refused conference, or would not put his controversy to arbitrers that are not to be suspected, and that it behoved him with all speed to take arms for his refuge, and to invade his said adversary, or those that do him wrong, it ought to be done with a maxim, to make the least outrageous and bloody wars that he might, and the shortest. In consideration whereof, a Prince which at any time findeth himself driven unto the necessity to assault his neighbours, or to be assaulted himself, ought betimes to furnish himself with good soldiers, which should not only be valiant men, and well practised, but moreover should be men of good life, to the intent he might in short time overcome his enemies, without too great a loss of his own people, or of his adversaries, but as the equity of a gracious war requireth. But for that it would be impossible to conduct a war of great importance soon to an end, without the having of very good Soldiers, and further to keep them from endamaging himself and others, except they were men of very good life, it should be necessary that the said Prince should have a care, that those whom he pretendeth to employ in this business, should be the least vicious, and most expert in the feat of arms that he possibly could find. And that he should seek by all means possible to make them so perfect, which cannot be done without reading of the Authors that have given rule for it, wherein I have somewhat spent my time, because I would gladly be the occasion of some profit unto the King if I might. And having seen and read the said Authors sufficiently, at least the most renowned, I have in fine assayed to show by this work, how the said Lord might recover such Soldiers as are spoken of, and to that end I have distributed this work into three parts. The first shall show how to levy a great number in France, and how to train them to have service of them in every place. The second shall treat of all the points that a Captain General ought to know how to conduct the wars to his honour, and to overcome his enemies. The third shall also treat of the same matter, and shall likewise speak of the laws that ought to reign amongst Soldiers. Of all which things shall be so largely spoken, that peradventure I shall be found too troublesome unto those that shall see my work, specially for that I determine to make ample mention of all that appertaineth unto this science, except it be how to defend a place. For I do presuppose that the host which I will make, shall be always so strong, that it shall not at any time be constrained to enclose itself where it may be besieged: but I mean to make it such a one, that it may besiege and assault all others. Which to do, throughout the whole book I have chosen for my chief guide the uses and customs which I do find have been observed of the ancient Soldiers, after whose example I do govern myself more then after the manner that is now in use amongst us, because ours is too far differing from that Military discipline, which ought to be observed among us for the better. And the reason that maketh me to believe that it is so contrary, and of much less value than theirs, is, that all things concerning this matter were much better done by them, than they are by us, and that their Soldiers were more orderly, more painful, more virtuous, and better men of war than we are, as the deeds both of the one and the other would make show, who so would compare them together. Wherefore I would frame them of whom I intent to speak, after the ancient manner, and according unto my small capacity. And although I follow the ancient manner in most part of the actions which a Camp doth, notwithstanding it is without rejecting our own fashions in any thing that I think them to be surer than theirs. And if I put too any thing of mine own, it is not without due examination, and that I know that there is some advantage to be had in using the manner I do speak of. If then mine opinion be thought anything worth, let it be taken in good part, for I have done it for the desire I have to see our Discipline in better state than it is at this day. But if so be it be found to be worth nothing, let it be then left wholly unto those that I have borrowed it of, and unto me. And if peradventure the affairs of France do stand at any time in ill state for want of foresight (which God forbidden) let the fault be laid upon their necks, that might have remedied it; if they had would, and not upon his that would have remedied it, if he might.   

¶ The Contents of the Chapters contained in this treatise, are these following.  

The Chapters of the first Book.  
HOw the King ought to make his Wars with the force of his own subjects. Chapter. 1.  
The number of Soldiers that might be levied in France. Chapter. 2.  
The manner how to levy Soldiers, and to inrowle them, and the qualities that are requisite to be in a new Soldier. Chapter. 3.  
How Soldiers ought to be armed and weaponed, both according unto the manner that was used in the old time, and the manner that is used at this present. Chapter. 4.  
The manner how to distribute a great number of Soldiers into many bands, and how to bring many bands into one principal. Chapter. 5.  
How new Soldiers ought to be exercised in divers exercises, and the bands particularly exercised before that the Legions should be assembled. Chapter. 6.  
How to range one Band alone in battle, and the order that it ought to keep in travailing through the Country, and the manner how to lodge it in Camp, in his quarter apart, and a Legion together. Chapter. 7.  
How certain number of Horsemen should be joined unto every Legion. Chapter. 8.  
How it is necessary to divide every Battaillon into three battles, the one separated from the other. Chapter. 9  
How to range a Legion in battle, and after what manner it must be practised. Chapter. 10.  
How from point to point to range four Legions in battle, wherein, the Author doth give the best order that may be observed. Chapter. 11.  
The Author showeth by a feigned Battle, how an army of four Legions ranged after the manner that he teacheth, should use their fight against their enemy upon a day of battle. Chapter. 12.  
The Author yieldeth a reason for every thing that was done both before the battle and after. Chapter. 13.   

The Chapters of the second Book.  
How a General may range his Battles after divers manners unto his advantage, with certain policies that may do him pleasure when as he shall be at the point to fight with his enemies. Chapter. 1.  
What a Lieutenant General ought to do after the winning and losing of a Battle, and what consideration he ought to have before that he do enter into Battle. Chapter. 2.  
How a Captain General ought to defer to come unto the combat with his enemies as much as he may possible, when as the said enemies are entered into his Prince's Country: and whether is the greater danger to attend for them at home in his own Country, or to go seek them in theirs: and likewise if the said General should be importuned by his Soldiers to fight, how he might avoid it, and how to encourage them, if so be that they were afraid of their enemies. Chapter. 3.  
The order that a Lieutenant General ought to keep in marching through his enemies Country, and the manner how to range a square battle with four faces, leaving an empty place in the midst of it. Chapter. 4.  
The order that a Lieutenant general aught to use for the victualling of his Army, and how the ancient Chefs did use their booties: with divers means that a General may use to endamage his enemies, and to keep himself from surprice. Chapter. 5.  
How a Lieutenant General ought to govern himself when as he findeth that he is too weak to abide his enemies, with certain policies to escape their danger when as he is fallen into it, and how to have the advantage of them. Chapter. 6.  
How to lodge four Legions together in a Camp, and what watch they ought to keep, with other points concerning the said manner of lodging in Camp, and whilst the Camp is making. Chapter. 7.   

The Chapters of the third Book.  
How a General may help himself with divers policies in the wars. Chapter. 1.  
The order that a General ought to keep in the besieging of a town. Chapter. 2.  
How Soldiers ought to govern themselves according unto the laws of Arms: with the chiefest laws, and manner of proceeding in judgement against an offendor. Chapter. 3.  
After what manner divers crimes have been severely punished in times past, and how it is necessary for a Lieutenant General to be somewhat cruel, if he would be well served. Chapter. 4.  
How Soldiers ought to be recompensed after that they have done good service, with the Author his excuse. Chapter. 5.   
FINIS.   

The first Book of Military Discipline.  

How the King ought to make his wars with the force of his own Subjects  
The 1. Chapter.  
THe authors, which heretofore have busied themselves to give rules appertaining unto the wars, would by their sayings that those men of whom a Prince would pretend to have service, should be levied in temperate countries, if so be he would have them to be both valiant & wise. For they say that hot countries do bring forth wise men, but they are cowards, and that cold countries do bring forth hardy men, but they are fools. But I suppose that they have left us this counsel only to serve the turn of some monarch, or puissant king, whose dominions do stretch so wide, that both these qualities may be found seperably in the countries that are under his hands, and hath power to levy and choose his men in what part he will, as the ancient Emperors did at that time when almost all the whole world was in their obedience. But to give a rule that princes of mean power may help themselves withal: although their countries be situated in extreme hot or cold regions, I do affirm that this consideration shall nothing hinder such a prince to serve himself with his subjects, but that he may make them hardy which naturally are cowards, and those wise which of themselves are fools, for that we may plainly see by old examples, that in all places, whether they be cold or hot, there may be very good soldiers, so that there be exercise used and diligence: for that which by nature wanteth may be supplied by industry and exercise, in this art specially which consisteth more in this point then in any other, by means whereof the Lacedæmonians commanded long time over all Greece, the Thebans delivered them from the obedience of the Lacedæmonians, restoring them unto their former liberty: and the Romans (as saith Vegetius) surmounted through their exercise and discipline, the multitude of the Gauls, the pride of the Germans; the force of the Spaniards, the riches and wariness of the africans, and the wisdom and subtleties of the Greeks; although they were inferiors unto the said nations in all things, only except exercise, and skill to make wars. Furthermore, I say that if a Prince pretend at any time to prevail, that he ought to levy his men of war amongst his subjects, whether that his kingdom were situated in the midst of the frozen sea, or in the midst of Libya, which in mine opinion, are the two extremest hot and coldest climates that are: so that he would employ a little diligence to fashion them as appertaineth. Chief having occasion to take up men for to make wars, except he do take his own subjects, it will be doubtful that he shall receive a shrewd turn by them, for that strangers can never serve a Prince so loyally, but that his own subjects will serve him more faithfully than they, and with a better heart: because the Prince's quarrel that hath them in charge, is not a matter that toucheth one particular body, nor a third, but it concerneth all those that shall feel the smart of it for their Lord: forasmuch as if he receive any loss, of necessity it must redound unto the great loss of his subjects, because they are the pray of the vanquisher, if their Prince be vanquished. And on the contrary part, let them make themselves all rich, and not strangers, if their Prince be victorious. Besides, the good name and reputation that they shall get, which is a point that sometime maketh the greatest coward hardy; & the shame which is to be looked for if they lose is theirs also. For it will not be said that the mercenaries have lost; but the nation of the Prince will be named: as in the conflicts which the king hath had in his time, it hath not been said, that the Lanceknights, or the Swissers, or the Italians have been overthrown: although there have been few others in our camps; but it hath been said that they were the Frenchmen, and notwithstanding it may be that there have not been three thousand Frenchmen, whereas the strangers have been fifteen, or twenty thousand persons. And if at any time we have had the upper hand of our enemies, the glory hath not been attributed so wholly unto us, but that every one of the other nations have looked to have had their parts in it. And if perchance any man hath said the Frenchmen have had the victory in such a battle, it hath been by and by cast in his nose, thank such and such, and there is reason it should be so, seeing it is so that they have done it. So much a do there is to keep our good name, as there were no better way then to let them alone, that from henceforth they should neither be the occasion of our winnings nor losings: but that every man should meddle with his own quarrel, and that we Frenchmen should be let alone to debate the controversies we have with our neighbours, without intermingling other nations, which have but a little care to die for us. And who make so little account of the matter as we see that they do, because it toucheth them nothing, for all the thought that they have, is to find many occasions to lengthen the wars, to the intent that they may always be set a work. And for to be without them there is no order taken, because of the little account that we do make of ourselves. I say then, that a Prince ought to serve himself with his own subjects, for the reasons before alleged. And if we will be warned by things past, we have many examples before our eyes for this matter. As by empires which are come to ruin through this fault, (to weet) both that of the Romans, and also of the Greeks. For the Roman Empire after it was mounted unto the highest in the time of Augustus Caesar, began to descend, when the Roman citizens were rejected out of the hosts which the Emperors did make. And that they grounded themselves upon the force of mercenaries, and those whom they before time had conquered. And although the great virtues and judgement that were in the said Caesar, maintained the majesty of the Empire while he lived: yet is it so, that his successors learning of him to wage other nations than Romans: as Frenchmen, Spaniards, Almains and others, have been the occasion of the ruin of the same: for all the Emperors that were after Augustus Caesar, would keep an host of strangers hard under the walls of the city of Rome, which was called the pretory, & was such as we would say the guard that kings have for the assurance of their persons: but this guard was of ten or twelve thousand chosen men, much like unto the Mammeluks of the Sultan, or the janissaries of the Turk: which manner although it seemed at the first sight to have been for the profit of the Empire; notwithstanding it turned it oftentimes upside down: because that this number of Soldiers disposed of that dignity at their pleasure, being upon the place and in arms, against naked men and unarmed. On the other side, the other armies which were in France, Barbary, and elswere, would stand in their own conceits, the one naming one to be Emperor, and the other another: insomuch that sometime there were two or three pretendants: who in thinking to consume one another, consumed the Empire, which had cost so much the getting: a thing that they were ignorant of. But after that, most of the Emperors were of strange nations, as the soldiers which had made them, were: it was an occasion that they had less care of the preservation of the Empire: then if they had been borne within the city. Whereof ensued, that as well those that were declared Emperors, as those that had elected them, marched against the said city with one consent as against their enemies, with intent to triumph over it. And God knows whether that these things might be handled, without the committing of many robberies, & insolences in those changes, and also of many murders aswell of the Emperors themselves, as of the Senators, & other great personages in Rome. Certainly we must say that it was impossible, seeing that we may believe, that if the institutions which the Romans had at that time that their virtue flourished, had been always maintained, that was to make war with their own people, and not to have waged strangers, nor likewise to have suffered their neighbours and alliance in their camps, in greater number than they themselves were, their Empire had not been divided, nor had not been transported out of their hands, nor their city so many times destroyed, and abandoned as it hath been. For if they had maintained their first manner of war, they had escaped all their inconveniences, and had brought all their enterprises to as happy end, as they did while they served themselves with their own citizens. Michael Paleologus the Emperor of Constantinople, may likewise be an example: who calling a number of Turks to his aid to make wars against certain princes of Greece that rebelled against him, showed them the way to pass out of Asia into Europe, and thereupon the said Turks took occasion to come upon Greece with great force, and to invade it by little and little. Of which mischief the said Emperor was cause, for that he chose rather to cause strangers to come to his assistance, then to take up in his country those that were necessary for him to make his wars withal, with whom, if he had would, he might with little labour have vanquished a Lord of Bulgarie, his subject, and have chastened him without thrusting an army of Turks into his country, who if they had not come there, Greece had not suffered the miseries which it hath suffered in time past, and which it must yet every day suffer. And therefore without having regard unto the old opinion, that is to say: whether the country be cold or hot, and to withstand the manifold inconveniences that may happen unto those that may make their wars with the help of strangers, me think that every Prince ought to strengthen himself with his subjects, without making any account to higher others: or at the least if he would be served with strangers, not to make them his principal force, for the danger that might happen. As for to commit the person of a king, or of the greatest parsonage of a kingdom, unto the trust of those that are not his subjects, and who love him not, and the service which they do him is but for a few crowns: is a counsel grounded upon no reason, because it is to be thought that strangers are much more easy to be corrupted, than those that are borne and bred in the same country that their king is. The preservation of whom, ought to be more dear unto them, then unto those that serve him but for his money: which once failing, they abandon him as if they had never known him. Hereupon I may allege that which a great troup of Launceknights did unto Monsiure Montpensier in Naples: who left him there at the mercy of the Spaniards, only because his money failed, and that the enemies promised them payment at their first arrival and assoon as they were turned from that part, which was cause of the loss of the same kingdom the first time. And not to accuse the Almains only, I say that the Swissers left Monsiure de latrec at that time that the term of their payment was expired: because they doubted that they should have borrowed upon the month following. And although that the said Swissers did not go from us unto our enemies: yet every man knoweth well that they forsook the said Lord when as his enemies were equal unto him in strength, which was cause of the loss of the Duchy of Milan. Since that the Grisons departed from our camp before Pavia, and abandoned the King his person, even at that instant that the Spaniards were determined to hazard the battle, and to assault him, which happened within few days after; so that the going away of those bands did greatly weaken our army (for they were six or eight thousand) and was cause that the enemy did enterprise more boldly to assault us, and that our men were more discouraged to receive them, in so much that putting thereunto the evil behaviour of our Swissers, who went away without striking stroke we lost the battle. Whereby appeareth plainly, the little trust that is to be given unto strangers: and how dangerous it is for us to repose our state in their forces. Whosoever he were, I will not be of opinion that a King should make his force of strangers, nor that he should entertain so many, that they should be of equal force with his own subjects, if it were so that he were constrained to take any. For if the strangers be as strong as his own people, and that it were necessary that the said strangers should do any thing that were contrary unto their minds, which they refused, they must be fought withal, or there will be no obedience: but if they find themselves the weaker, they will never have the heart to disobey nor to busy themselves with the authority of a Captain General, as they are when there is no mean to bridle them. For which cause a Prince that might find himself in extremity, not to be obeyed of the strangers which he might retain, aught to have in his camp such a number of his own subjects, that if he were driven to use force, they might be of power sufficient to constrain the rebels to accomplish his will. For otherwise there will be nothing done, because the service of the said Prince will be slacked, and sometime a disobedience may be cause of many great damages, as was that of the Almains which Monsiure de Humiers had with them in Italy, which made the King not only to lose all that season, but also was cause of the loss of divers places that held for us, and put all Piemount in great danger to be lost without recovery. And this is most certain, insomuch that if the Lord Constable had any whit deferred to secure them, and had not used his accustomed diligence, that which was left had fallen in few days after into the Spaniards hands, without striking stroke. Yet he arrived so luckily, that the towns that had but the news of his coming were preserved, and part of those that were lost were recovered, and others also, but not without a marvelous charge: and all to repair the fault of the foresaid Almains, who had conducted the wars, both according unto their own appetites, & against the will of the said Lord of Humiers, as every man knoweth, who besides that he was disobeyed in his charge, being Lieutenant General for the King, was also in hazard of his life, which is a thing that I cannot so much marvel at: nor likewise at the arrogancy of the said nation. But I must much more marvel at our negligence, seeing the injuries that strangers commonly do unto us, and that we notwithstanding cease not to dispraise the service of our countrymen, to become tributaries and subjects unto strangers: as if we could not do without them now, aswell as we have done at other times, and always until the time of King jews the 11. who was the first King of France that did give pension unto strangers, especially unto the Swissers, for he kept ordinarily in wages six thousand. King Charles the 8. followed him, who carried a great band to Naples. King jews the 12. served himself long time with them, and with Almains, and other strangers. So likewise hath the King that reigneth at this present in all his wars: yet in the end he perceived that his subjects were as fit to serve him as strangers; so that they were practised, or if he hath not had that opinion of the Frenchmen, yet he hath made a proof of it. And to that end (as I think) have a very great number of Legionaries been levied in this realm, which number if it had been levied by a true election, had been sufficient to have withstood all our enemies. But the Frenchmens fortune would not that this levy should have had his perfection: for that if this levy had been made as it ought to have been, we should have been become their masters, unto whom we now are subjects. Wherefore it hath left us in the same state that we have been learned to live in many years ago: and for that we make so little account of our own forces, and do so much esteem of strangers, it may one day happen to be the occasion of our ruin, if our neighbours should enterprise jointly to come upon us. For one part alone hath put France in great fear: to weet, the Swissers, when as they came down into Burgundy, so that to make them to retire back again it cost us great sums of money. And so much failed we of the courage to present ourselves in battle to resist them, that the greatest part made their account to make them place, and to run out of the country. O almighty God what was become of the ancient valour of France? At the name whereof all the nations both on this side, and on the other side of the sea did tremble: and which was in possibility to assault other countries, and not to be troubled at home, but by her own: nor constrained to buy peace, sith those that sold it unto us, were in few years before not able to resist in their own country, the army of King Charles the 7. under the conduct of Lewis his son, being at that time Dauphin, & since king. We may believe that their coming down was for our profit, sith they serve us for an example, for by the great troubles that France was in: for 20. or 30. thousand Swissers, all a foot ill furnished with artillery, and with all other things to invade such a country, may be conjectured what it would do if the same Swissers should come again. And furthermore, if the Almains, Flemings, Englishmen, Spaniards, and Italians, should come upon us with one common consent, who could want nothing but good agreement, I could not imagine how we should find mean to withstand such a conjuration. For to tarry to make head unto them, were a much worse counsel than that of Monsiure Tremoville was, to appease the Swissers with crowns; because that disordered people, ill trained, and ill furnished, cannot serve for any other purpose against people well ordered, well trained, and well furnished with arms, and withal that appertaineth unto such a business: but to hearten and to encourage them the more. And as for us to trust unto, that the frontiers are well furnished with strong towns, is a hope evil assured: for whosoever is Lord of the plain country, I mean of so great and large a country as France is, shall easily afterward have the upper hand of the places that they keep: principally when so great a number, or a great part of those that I have spoken of, shall enter in at divers places, every nation upon his quarter, & that they had divided the country before hand. For else we might have some reason to hope that in forbearing, they might separate themselves through discord, or that a part taking might be practised: notwithstanding these things must have time, and in the mean while we should suffer many evils to be committed before our eyes without remedy. And suppose that to see such a desolation to come to pass upon so noble a realm, were almost a thing impossible: yet is there none more apparent remedy to withstand it, and to take away from our said enemies all the occasions that might hinder them from the conceit of this impossibility, then to make ourselves strong with our own people: I mean so strong, that those that now do take pension of us, should be very glad to be simply allied unto us: and others which privily have showed themselves to be our enemies, should be constrained to dissemble: and those which dissemble, should openly show themselves to be our friends by good proof. Which to bring to pass, I would not counsel that our force should be any whit mingled with strange soldiers, aswell for to have the credit unto ourselves, when as our soldiers should do any good service, as also to avoid the great dangers that might happen by an army made of many nations: for that is the occasion oft times that our enemies do know our secrets almost assoon as they are spoken: except it should be to weaken our enemies, or to content our confederates, and to get the good will of the country where the wars should be made, as I think the King doth by the Italians: in waging of whom he thinketh to get the hearts of all Italy, & in waging the Swissers to keep them: and moreover to take away the forces of Germany from those that might use them against him, except they retained a great number. And if so be that the King would be served with any number of these nations, he may do it (as I think) foreseeing that his own be always the stronger: and that he use strangers as assistants, but not to give them the pre-eminences and advantages that they are accustomed to have amongst us: as to have the charge of the Artillery, and commonly to make the battle, not being subject unto labours and assaults, as the Frenchmen are, who are always appointed unto the avant-garde, or Areregard, so that those of least value and strangers, have always the credit of the battle, as those whom we ought to trust above all others, without whom we have not the courage to enterprise the least thing that may be. I do not envy them for the honour that is done unto them, knowing well that the places wherein the Frenchmen serve be very honourable, and that in them they may show themselves to be such as they are, aswell in the Areregard, as in the battle, and in the battle as in the avant-garde; it is all one: for there may be enough to do in every place. But I would that the King should have so good an opinion of us, as to think that he might be aswell served of us as of any other nation: and that he would not determine to make himself strong rather with Swissers and Almains, then with us. For if they do now excel us for order, we may either be equal unto them, or better than they in a short time. And for other points, I see no reason to esteem them more than ourselves: and who so would narrowly look into them, shall find that they do rather serve us with their name then with their deeds, and rather to make number then otherwise: for that at this instant there is almost no battle given; for which they say they serve, and are waged only to that end. Moreover, they go not to assaults nor skirmishes, nor such other services; but all these services are for us, which manner of war is now more used than other: so that they serve and take their wages, not putting their persons in danger. They take it not as the Frenchmen do that serve the King: for they have the pain and the danger, and the strangers the profit and the reputation. One thing there is that maketh greatly for the Swissers & Almains, which is the good order that they have amongst them, aswell for the ranging of their men in battle, as in obeying their Chiefs: whereof we have a great want. Therefore we must prove to take their course, or any other more sure, and therein employ such diligence, that if the king would be wholly & every where served by us, he might find himself to be well served, and not repent the leaving of strangers for us. So it is, that by the ordaining of the legions, every one thought that the custom to wage other than Frenchmen, would have been laid aside. But the king perceiving that the levy had many imperfections in it, and that it should not have been wisely done immediately to reject the service of others; hath therefore kept them, and a great part of our legions, and also certain bands of adventurers, both to content the one and the other, and to assure himself on every side. But if the king's meaning had been well executed in that which they should have done after these legions were ordained, we might have hoped that it would have been a very good time for us. But whereas the Captains and officers should have taken pains to train their soldiers well, they have done nothing. It may be also that they had no express commandment to do it: and those that have no great good wills of themselves, do quickly find an excuse. I doubt also that the legionaries being levied in that order that they were levied in, would not well have agreed unto it: so that the fault proceeded of more causes then of one, but principally hereof that every one was a voluntary, and that there was none inroulled but of their own free-will. And the custom at this day is, that those that offer themselves, are commonly the worst of the country; for very hardly will a good householder enrol himself, or a quiet man that feareth God, and justice, and loveth his neighbour: for these conditions agree not with the voluntary soldiers of the time present, who are so vicious, that it is to be feared that their service may do us more hurt than our own ill fortune; forasmuch as God is offended by them in all manner of sorts. Besides, they are but too valiant; but so evil conditioned, as it is not possible that they might be more. I will not say that all the voluntaries are so; because I should do wrong unto many honest men: but I speak of the greatest part, and not of all: and as I say that they are ill conditioned, so I dare say that there is no good order in them, and they are not so obedient, as it is requisite they should be, to exercise the art of the wars as it ought to be. Wherefore it is impossible that a Captain, how virtuous or diligent soever he be, should make his Soldiers to imitate the manners of the soldiers of the old time, who were men of so great a valour. Nor likewise can one of our Lieutenant's General for the king, bring into his host, the manner which the armies in time passed observed, aswell in ordering, and ranging their battles, as in fight: without imitating of which manner, it will be impossible to do any thing ought worth. The reason is, for that the stuff, whereof our hosts are compounded and framed, is so evil of itself, that to think to apply it to any good use would be in vain, and to hope to bring the art Military unto her first state would be all one: for with less labour would new soldiers be forged, than those which already have their shape, be reform as they ought to be. But if it pleased the king to make a new levy according unto a true election, which might afterward be instructed diligently in Martial discipline; I believe assuredly that those Soldiers would imitate the ancient Soldiers in all things, wherein they were thought to have been more excellent than those, that have been since the feats of arms are come to nothing. And furthermore, a General might easily establish the ancient customs in his host, & by that means the king should find himself to be the best served that ever was prince, and might brag that he had the best soldiers, and the best ordered men that were upon the earth: and for to have them to be such, it were necessary for the first Item, that those which should be chosen should be the most honest men, and men of best life that were possible to be found in the king his country, and for the rest to leave that unto the Chiefs which should have the charge to train them: for they might make them afterwards such as they would have them to be. And for to levy these honest men of whom I speak, the king should at the first make a small force, and constrain them to enrol themselves, or the election would not be perfect. And to the intent that this force should give no man discontentment, they must be won unto it, with the hope of some profit, and honour in time to come, and of some privileges, which must be promised unto those that shall do their endeavour: and that during the time that they shall serve, they shall have wherewithal to maintain themselves honestly. Through this means, it should not be needful to draw any man by the ears: especially if they knew that the king would be discontented with those that should look to be prayed. In this doing the art Military would return to her first force, and the king should be the first that should find ease in it, and consequently his people. The thefts which many Captains do commit in their musters should have no more place: & the yearly pensions which strangers have, would make their end, neither would they run as they are accustomed: because he should have enough of his own: beside, the ordering of them would be such, as he should not need to doubt any thing but the displeasure of God: as for men they could not hurt him. And to be short, the people should be no more driven away, eaten, nor pillaged by our own soldiers as they are: also we should be so much the more assured against our enemies, and furthermore enriched, or at the least, the money that the said strangers do carry away, would tarry with us. All which things do make me to conclude, that the King should do well to employ his own people, as often as it shall be necessary to make war for the profit and preservation of his realm: and should repose all his defence in the virtue of the French armies, seeing that he hath better means to do it then any prince living may have, or any prince that hath been ever had. And this my conclusion is so well proved, that I need not to stay longer upon this matter: but go forward to speak mine opinion of the course that must be taken to make a new levy in France, and to conduct it from degree to degree, unto that point it must be brought unto, to make the soldiers to be such as I have promised, and the army to be invincible, and incomparable.   

The number of Soldiers that might be levied in France.  
The 2. Chapter.  
THis kingdom is so environed on every side with divers nations, the love it but a little, that to assure it against them, it had need of a very great number of soldiers, and such a number as our legionaries were; but the charge that this multitude would cost would be insupportable: and on the other part, the pay of four franks, and the exemption of another frank scot and lot yearly, would not be sufficient to make them to be contented and bound unto the duty that this business requireth, to do service with them neither for fair nor foul: so that to make such a levy would cost much, and yet our force should be nothing thereby augmented, for that they would serve against their wills, seeing the payments to be so little. Wherefore it were better to take a less number of people, and to give them reasonable wars, then to take a great number, and to have them the better cheap. And that the said people might be of ability to apparel themselves honestly twice a year, and defray their own charges in going and coming from the musters they should make, without eating the people, as the soldiers do at this present. And moreover, if they were called out to go to the wars, that from the day that they put themselves in a readiness to march, their pay should be so augmented, that it might maintain them in apparel and victual, according unto their quality. And the Chiefs, Members, and Officers, should be maintained both in time of peace and war, with the same wages that the Legionaries had heretofore. As concerning that, I say we should take up so many the less: I mean, not that this number should be so greatly diminished, but that being assembled, it might make the just form of an host: as some five and twenty thousand footmen, or there about. For otherwise it would be a levying of men for to spend money, but not to do service: specially for that a small number in short time would come to nothing, because of the infinite mishaps that oftimes happen unto men, so that there must be ever and anon new men inroulled, to fill the bands that should lack. And for that the said number could not be ranged and exercised as they ought to be, if they were levied in places far distant one from another: because they could not be assembled, when they should be trained and exercised, without great expenses: and it is a thing necessary to bring them oftentimes together: for not being practised, they could not be made serviceable.  
It were good that the first levy that should be made, should be ordained upon the frontiers, who are most subject unto the courses of their neighbours, in those countries which lie nearest adjoining together. As if we doubted the Almains, this levy might be made in campaign, Burgundy, and Dauphin. And who so feared the Spaniards, might provide in Languedoc, and Guyne: for these are the country's borderers: and so likewise in others. Upon which countries borderers the said 25. thousand men should be levied, and should be practised a year, two, or three, until that they might be thought to be sufficient good soldiers. And that term expired, a new levy might be made in other places: who also should be practised as long. And afterward to follow in order throughout all the other countries and frontiers of France, until that all had been gone through, and then to begin a new to bring into order those that were first inroulled: and consequently the second, and afterwards the others. And that those that should rest while th'others were trained (for I mean that there should be but the number abovesaid maintained at once) should be bound upon pain of great punishment to exercise themselves particularly in their houses, and together, if they might do it without expense, to the intent that they might always remember and keep that which had been showed them touching the feat of the war. The rolls likewise of those that lie still should be kept in their entire, not suffering any man in the mean while to be discharged, nor that any man's name should be blotted out, but with the leave of the Lord Constable, although the king do give him no wages for the time; because that they might tarry while their turn did come about, or be employed, if we had need to defend ourselves: for that they would be readier to be sent for, and levied, then if upon every occasion there should be new men, and new rolls made. This done, the king should find that there would be a great number of men of war levied, and practised within six years, which would be so well ordered and fit for the war, that the one half (to weet fifty thousand, for so many would the one half mount unto, or very near) would suffice to make resistance unto a whole world of enemies, and the King should not feel how: sith that he should not wage but 25. thousand at once, or thereabout.  
But if this counsel were misliked, it would be sufficient to withstand the sudden courses of our neighbours, if the said 25. thousand should be levied upon the four frontiers, that are most in hazard of this danger; which number might be ordinarily maintained as is aforesaid. And put case that this were done, or that I spoke of before: we must not therefore fear that the said soldiers might do any disorder in the countries that they are levied in: (although me think it were to be doubted) for that all the disorder that such sort of people can do is after two manners: to wéet, among themselves, or against others. As for the disorder that may happen amongst themselves, while they are under their Ensigns, the laws that are provided for those men that are levied by way of ordinaries, do foresee into it; who punish grievously quarrelers, mutins, and all other sort of people that commmit any crime, as shall be showed toward the end of this book. And there is nothing that can save or defend them from grievous punishment what armies soever they were; because the King shall always be stronger than they, and they must rather be taken at the holding up of a finger, than that one offence should escape unpunished. And when all is said, the Almaigne soldiers do govern themselves well under a law, and do well maintain justice amongst them, who use in their country (I mean out of their great towns) a more greater liberty to do evil, than the most corrupted of ours in France: and notwithstanding, contrary unto their nature and custom, they submit themselves humbly unto the justice of a Provost, when as they have occasion to go into a strange country, or when as they are levied to tarry at home upon their own dunghill. What would then in truth our soldiers do, who are bred in a country that is governed by laws, & which doth punish offences more rigorously than any other that is known: truly me think that they would live at the least as honestly as the Almains do, and also would not be less obedient unto their Chiefs, and unto those whom they ought to obey. Touching the faults that they may commit at home amongst their neighbours, the ordinary justice of the place where they dwell will punish them: as the King his declarations made upon this point do instruct us: by which he pretendeth, that the justice of the Colonels should take place for the offences of their legionary soldiers, but only while they were in camp, or elsewhere under their Ensigns: of whom they are to execute good and short punishment: but when they are returned, or that they are not levied to go into the field, the ordinary justice should punish them. But if so be that the said soldiers would exempt themselves from the ordinary justice by force, and that through their great number they would be the readier and bolder to do mischief, in joining themselves together, or make any show to levy themselves without express commandment of their Colonels, to the intent to overrun and spoil the country, or to use force unto any man: in these cases it may be lawful for the people to rise, and to put themselves in arms to strengthen justice if it were required; without whose authority, or the commandment of some royal officer, and that also of the chiefest sort, I am not of opinion that the people should rise: for it is to be feared that they would do more insolences than the soldiers themselves, as did those that lately rose at Tours and thereabout: who in few days did more hurt and damage unto honest men, and unto the places they passed through, than the malefactors whom they pursued, had done in all the time that they kept the fields.  
And after this manner I believe we ought to understand the king his institutions made in the year 1523. by which he permitteth the people to defend their goods against a company of hen eaters, which do sometimes thrust themselves upon the country without commission. But for that it is a most hard matter that soldiers should commit any offence but that the Chiefs should immediately be informed of it, who oftentimes make show not to understand of their faults, being negligent in reforming them: yea and sometimes give them example to do evil: so that the misdemeanour of the Soldiers doth proceed as much of the Captain his fault, as of the evil disposition of the Soldiers. Therefore I say, it must be narrowly looked into, that those wicked Chiefs may be punished with rigour, to the intent that they may be an example unto others their like to amend themselves: and unto the good to be more careful to punish their evil doers. And if this levy should be thought dangerous, for the advantage it might give unto Colonels, who might so win their soldiers hearts, as that they might use them at their wills, through their long authority over them, and continual frequentation. The surest way would be oftentimes to change Colonels, and to give such charges unto those that before had made some proof of their loyalty unto the king, and then it would not be to be feared that they should help themselves with their forces against the king, nor his subjects, as I think. For there is no man in France, but had rather continue poor in his obedience, being accounted for an honest man, then to serve his enemies to become rich, and to be accounted for a traitor and a wicked man. But if perhaps there were any Colonel that would make proof of any commotion by means of his authority, the King should always be strong enough to overthrow him, and to cut his followers in pieces with little difficulty. This inconvenience then need no more to be doubted; because that those that heretofore encouraged the people to rise, are extinct, and their duchies and countries joined unto the Crown: insomuch that there is no man in France that dare persuade any Soldier to put himself into the field, to diminish the King his authority, nor to enterprise against his Majesty. And although he should think to do it, who is there to favour him against the King's power?   

The manner how to levy Soldiers and to enrol them, and the qualities that are requisite to be in a new Soldier  
The 3. Chapter.  
TO levy the aforesaid number of 25. thousand Soldiers, it should be first necessary to consider in what countries the said levy should be made; and withal it behoveth to name the Captains that should govern them: unto which Captains the said countries must be assigned either by bishoprics, or Stewardships, where every one of them ought to levy his men by themselves. And this done, they may be sent unto the places with their commissions, which should be addressed unto some notable parsonage of the country, or royal officer, who should be enjoined to assist the said Captain until his number were complete, causing him to be obeyed in every point according unto the tenor of his commission, compelling all the inhabitants of the towns and villages under their charge, to show themselves before him. And this aught to be done, not touching them that are exempted from such public services by the laws, or by express privileges; as Churchmen, Gentlemen, Royal officers, and Magistrates; but to choose amongst all others, not exempting any of those that shall be thought most fittest for the wars, taking the number that may be levied according unto the householders, be it of every 20. one, or of 60. one, as it was handled at that time that the Kings of France served themselves with free Archers. And that in these cases there be no subtlety used, nor that any one be supported by favour, or otherwise, but that without exception the fittest men should be chosen, and those that have some patrimony: and the reason why I would have them to be somewhat worth is, because that they are readier to be found, than those that have nothing to lose. For when any of these should commit any crime, or should run away, his goods and lands might then pay the reckoning, which might be inroulled in the king's book: the service of whom ought to be preferred before a particular profit. For this levy is not only profitable unto the king; but also most necessary for all his subjects: for that we have not the worth of one hair well assured, without arms: because that strangers are rather like to hurt, then help us; without whose aid (having no soldiers of our own) we should at all times be eaten, and tormented by our neighbours. Sith then, that arms are so necessary for us, as that we cannot be without them, who is he that would have all set at six and seven? We may exercise arms, and yet not leave our own business undone, because the soldiers may be bound to assemble only upon idle days to practise their arms together: which would neither be hurtful unto the people nor country: but rather recreate young men, that otherwise spend their time upon holidays in running to the Taverns, for want of other honest pastime, especially the exercise of arms, whereunto I am sure they would go more willingly. For as it is a great pleasure unto the beholders to see the managing of arms: so likewise would it greatly delight young men to handle and to exercise them. Moreover, I say that it is not so new a thing, but that the like hath been heretofore used in France: to weet, the exercising of arms, throughout the towns and villages of the kingdom, and prizes set up for the best deservers: and therefore my sayings ought not to be thought strange nor hurtful: for I speak not of any thing that hath not been before ordained by the kings of France, and in our time, by the king that reigneth at this present. But leaving that aside, let us say that in the election of the people here spoken of, there ought to be a regard had of their age: we must choose them then from 17. years old, to 35. For it was forbidden by an ancient law made by Caius Gracchus when he was Consul in Rome, to choose any younger than 17. years of age: and in my judgement, any younger could not endure the labours appertaining unto the wars. And who so should enrol them of 35. or at the uttermost 40. should take them too aged to instruct them well in the feats of arms, and to serve himself with them afterwards 15. or 20. years, or more, according unto the King's affairs, or his good pleasure. For in times past the soldiers followed the wars sometime twenty years, and sometime thirty, or forty years, as is to be seen in the first book of Cornelius Tacitus, where he speaketh of the changes of the Legions that were in Hungary, who during all that time of their lying there, nor at any time else, could not withdraw themselves from their bands, except they would incur the pains that fugitives deserved, without the leave of the Senate, or of the Emperor: likewise they were in the end well recompensed for their long service, when the legions were discharged, either in money, or in lands, which the Senate distributed unto every one according unto his quality, or the Emperor himself sometimes of his own, not touching the common treasure. And as for the looking into the faculty, and to conjecture thereby the goodness, or laziness of a soldier, it maketh no matter so that he be fit to exercise the labours of the wars. Yet in truth I would somewhat foresee to serve myself with the greatest commodity that I might: for there are occupations that are very necessary for an army, as Bakers, Armourers, Spur-makers, Carpenters, Wheelewrights, men that are accustomed to work in Mines, Shoemakers, Tailors, Saddlers, and such like, of all which it would be good to take a great number: for they may serve with their occupations when need requireth, and do the duty of soldiers also.  
As touching the knowing of them by their phisnomy, that are fit to bear arms, that shall be left unto those that have no experience of the wars, for it will suffice the others that have experience, to look that they have sound limbs: and whether they be reputed to be honest men in the towns and villages where they are taken up. The best tokens to know them by, that are fittest for this occupation, are lively and quick eyes, strait headed, high breasted, large shoulders, long arms, strong fingers, little bellied, great thighs, slender legs, and dry feet; all which points are comely in any man who so might find them ordinarily: because he that is so shaped, cannot fail to be nimble and strong; which are two qualities to be greatly required in all good soldiers: notwithstanding, we must not refuse those that have not all these qualities before spoken of, so that otherwise they be sound. Above all things we must have a regard that these new men be honestly conditioned, according unto their quality, and that they be not such as make of vice a virtue: for else it would be a choosing of instruments to make new disorders every day, and to corrupt others that of themselves are worth nothing: sith that in an ill mind, a dishonest body, and a cankered heart, there can never enter nor dwell any point of virtue. If then the soldiers may be found well conditioned at the first, there must be order taken that they may so continue while they are in their bands, and therefore it should be necessary that they might always be occupied to keep them from idleness: and this occupation should be either in doing their own business, or in exercising their arms, which they might use upon holidays, and upon other days attend unto their own business, and labour in their science: and they that have no occupation, aught to be constrained to learn one within a certain time. I speak of those that are no gentlemen, to the intent that they may have maintenance, when as the wars are ended, that have no lands. In this doing the king should find himself without comparison to be better served of them, than he is of those who make the wars their occupation. At the uttermost, if the danger that might happen by this levy should be thought to be as much as the profit, or more, and that the king his counsel rested upon this conclusion, that it were more sure for to let his commons to sleep in time of peace, then to awake them by putting arms into their hands. At the least, me think that when wars did happen, and when there is question to levy men in France, we ought to help ourselves in choosing soldiers after this manner: and that they should be compelled to enrol themselves in such sort as I have said, for which there must be good authority given unto the Captains, and likewise good time to choose and levy them in. As for to levy them, as we are accustomed, it hath no order in it; I mean if we will have men of service: for in this case the Captains are constrained to receive all that come unto them, aswell the good as the bad: and sometimes the worst do make themselves to be entreated, and to be bought dearer than if they were any thing worth, and notwithstanding they must be had if it were but to fill up the number. I would therefore that the Captains might have more time to make their bands then they have, in which time they should be bound to use great diligence in training their men: and in training them to march toward the place of meeting, making small journeys to exercise them upon the way.   

How Soldiers ought to be armed and weaponed, both according unto the manner that was used in the old time, and that which we do use at this present  
The 4. Chapter.  
AFter that these men are chosen, and inroulled, they must be armed the best and surest way that may be devised, and in such sort, that they may have an advantage of all other men. For which cause, me think it were good to examine what arms the ancient soldiers did bear, and those that we do use at this day, to the intent to take those that might be thought most surest. The Romans divided their footmen into heavy armed men, and into light armed men. They called their light armed men Velites, under which word were understood all those that used Slings, Darts, and Bows: the greatest part whereof (as saith Polybius) were armed with a Salad, and carried a Target upon their arms to cover themselves, and fought with out order a good distance from their heavy armed men. Those that were heavy armed, had a headpiece that came down to their shoulders, and were armed upon their bodies with curets, whose tasses did cover them unto the knees. Moreover, their arms and legs were armed, and they carried a Shield that was four foot long, and two foot broad, which Shield was bound with iron aloft and below, to keep it from cleaving and wearing, and in the midst of it was a boss of iron fastened, to abide blows the better. Besides that, they had a sword girt to their left sides, on their right sides a short dagger, and in their hands a Dart called Pilum, which they threw when they began the combat. Some writers do say, that besides the foresaid Shield, they carried a Pike, namely the soldiers of Greece; but that should seem impossible, for as much as they would have been troubled enough to have used one of those weapons alone: and as for to use them both at once, would have been but little for their ease, for the Pike alone requireth both hands. On the other part, the Shield served but only to cover them, because it was not very maniable, nor likewise would the Target be handled very well: for it would be too cumbersome, except that at the beginning of the combat they should use the Pike, hanging their Targets upon their backs, and entering the approach so near that the Pike might stand them in no more stead, they then casting it from them, might help themselves with their Targets and their sword. And as for those that do carry the Pike, as if they could carry nothing else: I say that if they did but thrust with their Pikes, the Target might hinder them nothing at all, although they should bear it in that manner that it ought to be borne. The Greeks laded not themselves with so heavy harness as the Romans did, but they gave themselves more to the use of the Pike, principally the Phalanges of Macedonia, who carried Pikes of ten cubits long, called Sarisses, with the which they enforced their enemies to beat their ranks, and yet kept themselves in order: but sith the Romans did conquer the whole world, we may believe that they were the best armed of all others.  
The fashion at this day is to arm a foot man with a corselet complete, or with a shirt of male, and a headpiece, which me think is suffcient for the defence of a man, and I find our manner of arming to be better than the Romans. And as for our offensive weapons, we do carry the sword as they did, but somewhat longer: the other weapons are the Pike, the Halberd, the Pertisan, the arquebus, and many others less in use amongst Soldiers, and the Target, but that there is but little account made of it, except it be for some assault, neither is there almost any man that will lad himself with it, except Captains. The arquebus hath been invented within these few years, and is very good, so that it be used by those that have skill, but at this present every man will be a arquebusier: I know not whether it be to take the more wages, or to be the lighter laden, or to fight the further off, wherein there must be an order taken, to appoint fewer arquebusiers, and those that are good, than many that are worth nothing: for this negligence is cause that in a skirmish wherein ten thousand Harquebussadoes are shot, there dieth not so much as one man, for the arquebusiers content themselves with making of a noise, and so shoot at all adventures. The Halberds are arms newly invented as I think by the Swissers, which are very good, so that they be strong and sharp, and not light, as those that the Italians do carry, more to make a fair show (as I think) then for any goodness that is in them, because they are too weak, and so likewise are the Pertisans, which being stronger and better steeled, might do good service against naked men, but against men that are well armed, they can do no great deed. Amongst other weapons least accustomed, are the Bow and the crossbow, which are two weapons that may do very good service against unarmed men, or those that are ill armed, specially in wet weather, when the Harquebusier loseth his season. And were it so that the archers and crossbow men could carry about them their provision for their bows and crossbows, as easily as the arquebusiers may do theirs for their arquebus: I would commend them before the arquebus, as well for their readiness in shooting, which is much more quicker, as also for the sureness of their shot, which is almost never in vain. And although the Harquebusier may shoot further, notwithstanding the Archer and Crossbow man will kill a C. or CC. paces off, aswell as the best Harquebusier: and sometime the harness, except it be the better, can not hold out: at the uttermost the remedy is that they should be brought as near before they do shoot as possibly they may, and if it were so handled, there would be more slain by their shot, then by twice as many arquebusiers, and this I will prove by one Crossbow man that was in Thurin, when as the Lord Martial of Annibault was Governor there, who, as I have understood, in five or six skirmishes, did kill and hurt more of our enemies, than five or six of the best arquebusiers did, during the whole time of the siege. I have heard say of one other only that was in the army that the King had under the charge of Mounsieur de Lautrec, who slew in the battle of Bycorque a Spanish Captain called john of Cardone, in the lifting up of his helmet. I have spoken of these two specially, because that being employed amongst great store of arquebusiers, they made themselves to be so known, that they deserved to be spoken of: what would a great number of such do? But let us pass further to speak of the Pike, of which, although the Swissers have not been the inventors, yet have they at the least brought it again into use, for that they being poor, and desirous to live at liberty, were constrained to fight against the Princes of Germany, who being rich, and of great power, did maintain many Horsemen, which the said Swissers could not do: and therefore making their wars afoot, they were constrained to run unto the ancient manner, and out of it to choose some arms wherewith they might defend themselves from the enemy's Horsemen, which necessity hath made them either to maintain, or to find out again the orders of times past, without which Pikes, footmen are wholly unprofitable. They took therefore Pikes as weapons not only fit for to withstand Horsemen, but also to vanquish them: by the help of which weapon, and through the trust they have in their own good order, they have taken such a boldness, that fifteen, or twenty thousand of their men dare enterprise upon a whole world of Horsemen, as they have made proof at Nouare, and at Marignan, although the one battle fell out better on their side then the other. The examples of the virtue that these people have showed to be in them for their feats of arms afoot, have caused since the voyage of king Charles the 8. other nations to imitate them, specially the Germains and Spaniards, who are mounted unto the reputation that we do hold them of at this day, by imitating the orders that the said Swissers do keep, and the manner of arms they do carry. The Italians afterward have given themselves unto it, and we lastly: but we are so far off, that we shall never be like unto them for order, except we do make the use of these weapons to be of more estimation amongst us than it hath been hitherto, so much there is also, that they can learn us no other point. We must therefore take pains to get this order, or if it be possible, to find or frame a more sure, by the means whereof we might defend ourselves, and excel other nations. And to do this, we must arm our Soldiers well, to the intent that they may be less in danger of blows, and the harder to be overthrown: principally those that should serve in the first fronts of the battles, and also all others if it were possible, every man according unto the weapon that he doth carry. The arms that we must carry must be these, first of all the corselet complete, with the tasses down to the knee, hose of male, a codpiece of iron, good vambraces, and gauntlets, or gloves of male, and a good headpiece with a sight almost covered. The other harness for the body must be a a shirt or jerkin with sleeves, & gloves of male, and a headpiece with the face uncovered. The weapons must be these, a sword of mean length, which should be worn of a reasonable height, neither wholly after the manner of the Frenchmen, nor altogether like unto the Almaigns: for the wearing of it too low doth greatly trouble a Soldier. The short dagger also is one of the most necessariest weapons, wherewith in a press a man may better help himself then with a sword. The Pike, & halberd, and amongst many halberds some Pertizans are also called weapons. The Target may not be called a weapon, notwithstanding it is a very good piece. The arquebus likewise must be accounted amongst weapons, and the Bow and crossbow also. True it is that I would that these two last should be carried by the people of the Country where they have their most course, and but a certain number of them. Those that do carry Pikes, should be divided into ordinaries, and extraordinaries. The ordinaries should be armed with a corselet in manner as is abovesaid, and should moreover carry a Target at their backs, wherewith they might help themselves after that they are come so near unto the enemy that the Pike could do them no more service, they might therewith also cover themselves from Bowmen and Crossbows, & at assaults, for as much as the Pike is there a thing almost unprofitable. And my saying must not be thought to be strange, for that I lad these men with so many kinds of harness, for I seek but to arm them surely, as men that must tarry by it, aught to be armed, and not like unto those that arm themselves lightly; who being ill armed, do think rather to run away then to vanquish. I take also mine example from the Romans, who armed their soldiers which they appointed for their battles, as heavy as they might possible to make them to stand the surer against their enemies, & that feeling their bodies so laden with harness, they should not hope to save themselves by flight, but to die in the place, or to win the victory. Vegetius complaineth that the Soldiers in his time were too light armed, and followed not the ancient Romans, who commonly did surpass & vanquish their enemies, because they were always well armed, and the others ill armed. If our soldiers will then be accounted for to be valianter men than their neighbours, it is necessary that they should arm themselves as sure as they might possibly, chiefly those that should be the force of the battles, and so likewise should the others that are for skirmishes, to give their enemies the more trouble to defend themselves, and to be of the more force to resist them. And for this intent I say that the extraordinary Piks should be armed with curets, sleeves of male, and with a good headpiece. The halberds should be armed likewise after the same manner: and the arquebusiers, Archers, and crossebowmen should be armed with a shirt & sleeves of male, and with a good headpiece: or for want of a shirt of male, they should have coats of plate, and good jacks, yet they are almost out of season, but that maketh no matter, so there be any advantage to be found by them. They ought to be furnished of all these arms by the King, but the arms should be better chosen then those were that were given unto the other Legionares. The Captains must have a care to disperse these arms, and to distribute them as they ought to be, giving the heaviest arms, to wéet, the Pikes and Halberds, unto the greatest and strongest men, and those which were meet to be handled by nimble fellows, should be given unto the lesser sort of men, not forgetting to inrowle the arms and weapons that every man doth take upon him to bear, to make them to be coumptable for them, and to punish those that should alter their arms without leave: for that after a Soldier hath taken upon him to carry a Pike, he may not take upon him to carry a arquebus, without leave of the Colonel: nor the Harquebussier may not take a Pike or a Halberd: for that if the Soldiers should be at liberty to change arms at their pleasure, the number of every sort of arms would increase, or decrease at all hours: and I do intend that the number of every sort of arms should be always one, to range the Legions in battle the readier. And if it should happen any of those that should make the body of the battle to die, or to be sick, or to run away, because the place should not be empty, there must one of the Pikes of the flanks be put in his place. Of these Pikes of the flanks shall be more spoken of hereafter. When as the arms are distributed, every Captain ought to furnish himself with certain honest men, amongst whom, he shall choose one of the most virtuous for his Lieutenant, and another for his Ensign bearer, and the other for Officers: and for that these Offices ought commonly to be served by Gentlemen, and I have said before that Gentlemen should be exempted out of the levy, at the first they must not be offered any wrong. But if so be that they do once inrowle themselves, they shallbe bound afterward to serve the King in the same sort, and as long as the simplest of the Legionaries, and not be discharged after they have once given their names, until the King do give them leave. It were good that a certain term should be limited, as 15. years, or more, at the King his discretion.   

The manner how to distribute a great number of Soldiers into many bands, and how to bring many bands into one principal number  
The 5. Chapter.  
THe nations which heretofore have had ordinary bands of footmen, did make one principal number of the people which they levied, which number although it hath been diversly named, yet hath it been almost one, because that they have all instituted it to be betwixt six and eight thousand men, and this number by the Romans was called Legion, by the Greeks Phalange, by the Frenchmen Caterue, and the Swissers & Almains do term it in their language Hourt, which is as much to say, as Battailon in ours: & the Italians & Spaniards, do use this word Battailon: but for that men chosen by election do deserve to be called Legionares, the King himself having used this term as the most fittest, I will use it likewise as he hath done. And for that the Romans (as saith Vegetius) made their Legions of six thousand and one hundred men, I will make these Legions which I do ordain, to be of the same number, and will afterwards divide the said number into twelve bands, and therein I shall differ from them: for they divided their Legions into ten bands, of which they made their battalions, and I will do as they did, and yet have two bands for the Forlorn hope, for so I will term them that shall begin the Battle. Every one of the ten Bands shall be governed by a Captain, and under every Captain there shall be a Lieutenant, and an Ensign bearer, one Sergeant of the Band, a Clerk, two Drums, and one Phife: and besides these members, and officers, every Captain shall have five C. & ten men under his charge, the which shall be divided into six small companies, which six Corporals or Centeniers shall govern, of which Corporals, five shall be reserved for the body of the Battailon, & the sixth shall serve for the flanks. Under every Corporal there shall be four Chefs of Squadrons, under every Chief there shall be two Deciniers, and under every Decinier shall be nine men, so that every Chief of squadron shall govern twenty men, & he himself shall be the one and twentieth. The Corporal shall be Chief of 85. with his own person. Four of these Corporals shall have all their men to carry Pikes, and the fift shall have all his to be Halberdiers, except that for to arm the flanks of the Halberdiers, every one of the Deciniers under this Corporal shall have three Pikemen, and all the rest shall be Halberdiers. Those of the sixth corporal shallbe the one half Pikemen, & the other half Harquebussiers, except that we would mingle some Archers amongst them, and make that the one chief of squadron should have all his men to be arquebusiers, and that the other chief of squadron should have one Decene of his men to be all Archers, and the other Decene to be all Crossbows, to the intent to have service of these people, in places where the arquebusiers should be unserviceable, as in the rain, as is aforesaid, or to make any secret charge where the fire might discover them, or in any other place where these two weapons might serve more sure than the Haquebusse. The two bands of the Forlorn hope shall be 868. men, so that either of them shall be 434. men, one of this number shall be Captain, and he shall have the like number of members and officers that one of the ten Captains have in charge, and the rest shall be divided into five small companies, which shall be governed by five Corporals, every one of which shall have as many squadrons and men, as one of the abovesaid Corporals hath. Four of these Corporals shall have all their men arquebusiers, which may be mingled with Archers and Crossbows who so would. And the fift shall have all his Pikemen, which shall be called extraordinaries, because they shall fight out of order, not keeping rank. The number of the Soldiers of all these twelve bands, is six M. and seventy. Besides all which, there must be one chief Officer, above all the Captains, who shall be called the Colonel, and he shall have for his officers these that follow, to weet, a master of the Camp, a Sergeant Maior, a Provost, and under the Provost some wise man to assist him in his judgements, and to counsel him touching the administration of justice. The said Provost shall also have a Clerk, certain Sergeants, and a Hangman. Furthermore it is necessary that the said Colonel should have a minister or two to do the divine service, & to administer the Sacraments unto all the Legion. There must also be a Physician, a Apothecary, & a Chirurgeon, & some one that hath skill to make fireworks, & powder, & an Armourer, & the rest until the number of 30. places, with those that I have now specified, may be reserved for the Colonel his guard. After that the number aforesaid is so distributed, there must be names given unto the Captains, the one must be named the first, another the second, & another the third, fourth, fift, sixth, seventh, eight, nine, & tenth: and the other two shall be called Captains of the Forlorn hope. And all the 12. Ensigns ought to be of one colour, & to have some difference in fashion, or some bars to be known the better, and the readier to find the places that they ought to keep in battle. It were not amiss that the Soldiers were appareled like the colour of their Ensigns, to be the better known, and had some token or cognisance whereby the soldiers of the one band might be known from those of the other. The Chefes & officers should have their head-péeces covered with some colour, or should have scarves whereby they might be known a far off. In the manner aforesaid would I distribute a Legion: for it is the best way that I know to range a Battailon in such sort, that it might be as it were invincible. And if it should seem too hard to range this Legion in battle in that form that I will speak of here following, & that the form which we do use at this present, in ranging our Legions, were thought to be more easy & sure, & likewise that their manner & order were better liked, than the Legions that I pretend to erect; yet I am of opinion that the bands of the said Legions should be divided in other sort than they yet have been, for they would be in better order to do any good service, than they now are, although their order be not evil such as it is. As for me I would order them after this manner, that is, that every one of the 6. Captains which the King hath appointed unto every Legion, should have 4. Corporals or Centeniers, all of ordinary Pikes, and 3. other Corporals, whose men should have the one half Pikes, & the other half Halberds, to wéet, 2. Squadrons of the one, & 2. squadrons of the other: every one of which 6. Corporals should have under him 4. Chiefs of squadrons, & every Chief of squadron 2. Deceneirs, and every Decenier should have charge of 11. men, by this means every squadron should have 25. men, and the six Centeniers should have every one 100 soldiers under him: which Centeniers should be for the body of the battle. And as for the flanks every Captain should find a Centenier which Centenier hath four Chiefs of squadrons under him, and under every Chief of squadron are two Deceniers, and under every Decenier 10. men. Two of which said squadrons should be Pikes, and the other two arquebusiers, the one of the three Centeniers, which rest to make up the ten, which are under every one of the abovesaid Captains should have all Pikemen, which should be 93. in number, the person of the Centenier comprehended, and the two other Centeniers of equal number, should have all arquebusiers, & all those three Centeniers and their men shallbe called the forlorn hope, and shall serve for that purpose: so may every band of a thousand men be distributed, and yet there would be left 28. places, the which should be for the Captain and his two Lieutenants, the two Ensign bearers, four Sergeants of the band, two Harbingers, two Drums, and two mischiefs. And for that the six Centeniers that were reserved to make the body of the battle are not comprehended within the number of their people, they shallbe accounted with this number to fill up the the 28. places: and yet there will remain five places, which may serve the Colonel, for the officers, and guard that he ought to have: and by that means there should be in every band 504. ordinary Pikemen, 102. Halberdiers: and to arm the flanks 46. ordinary Pikes, and as many arquebusiers, besides the person of the Centenier. And for the forlorn hope there would be 93. extraordinary Pikes, and 186. arquebusiers: which make in all 978. the 22. places that remain are for the Chiefs, Members, officers, and for the Colonel his guard as I have said before. By that account there would be in a Legion, 3024. ordinary Pikes: 612. Halberds. For the flanks there would be 282. Pikes, and 282. arquebusiers, and for the forlorn hope there would be 358. Pikes, and 1116. arquebusiers. The over plus is for the places of Chiefs, Members, Officers and others as is a foresaid. Touching the manner that I would observe to range one of these Legions in battle, shallbe showed after the speaking of certain small particular things, and after that I have ranged one of these Legions in battle, which I will order after the ancient manner, which being divided as I have showed before, should consist of 3600. ordinary Pikes, herein comprehended the 240. Pikes which should arm the flanks of the Halberds, and 600. Halberds, all which serve for the body of the Batailon. Now for the flanks there should be 420. Pikemen, and 420 arquebusiers: and besides these ten Corporals to govern them. As for the forlorn hope, there should be 680. arquebusiers and 170. Pikemen, all which do amount unto 5900. men, the rest are Chiefs, Members, and Officers, of the whole Legion, who are not comprehended in this number. And if so be the said number of arquebusiers should be thought to be too little, they may be augmented and certain bands made a part, besides the Legion, which arquebusiers may be named properly adventures, or extraordinaries, forasmuch as they should be levied and entertained, during the wars, and no longer. That which is here spoken may suffice, touching the division, but we must come lower to speak of the exercises that every soldier, and band ought to do particularly, without which exercise, there may be no service done (by these people thus chosen, armed, weaponed, and distributed into bands) in any good action; for they have need of more than all this.   

How these new Soldiers ought to be exercised in divers exercises, and the bands particularly exercised, before that the Legion should be assembled  
The 6. Chap.  
FOrasmuch as the exercises wherein these new soldiers should be practised are of divers sorts, & that to speak of them at length, would be too long a work, I will speak briefly of the most necessariest, which are these: as how to harden their bodies unto labours, to know how to use their arms, to keep their order in passage through the country, & at that time when they must fight, and how to lodge one of these Legions, or many together in a Camp, which in my judgement are the chiefest points that an army ought to know. And therefore it is necessary that the Soldiers should be accustomed therein, as often as they might possible, especially upon Sundays and holidays, wherein the Corporals or Centeniers, Chiefs of squadrons, and Deceniers, must be diligent, & must assemble themselves with their people as often as they may. Also they should be levied so near together, and those that are companions, that the Corporals might assemble them together in short time without great trouble or charge, to make them to exercise to run, to become swift to assault, to make them to be active, as to throw the stone, dart, or bar of iron, and to wrestle, to make them strong, without which qualities, a Soldier can be worth nothing; because that swiftness doth make them ready, and able to endure travel, to win a passage before an enemy, how hard soever it be to be gotten: it maketh them diligent to surprise an enemy, when he doubteth it least: and if an enemy do fly, they willbe the better able to overtake him, if they be active and nimble, they will the better bestow their blows, and leap the lighter to pass a ditch, and mount the readier at a breach, or upon a ladder: their strength will make them to bear the burden of their arms the better, to strike and force an enemy the more violenter, and to withstand and resist his assaults the more firmer. They must also be accustomed to carry heavy burdens, to the intent that if any voyage should be taken in hand, for the execution whereof, they should be forced to journey many days without victuales, they might carry a good quantity at their backs, for that Victuallers may not always be at their tails: moreover, if it should be at any time requisite for them to carry wood, earth, or other thing to rampaire with all, it would be doubted that they could not do it when it should be needful, for lack of use. Furthermore, who so would not have his people to be hindered by any river, not having with them any bridge or matter whereof to make one, should cause them to practise to swim, for this exercise is comprised amongst the most necessariest. As for the other exercises, as to know how to handle the weapons which they do carry: every Decenier, Chief of Squadron, and Corporal, aught to be diligent to practise their men with sword play: and those that have charge of Pikemen, should practise them with the pick, and those that have the Halbardieres, and Harquebusieres in charge, must show their Soldiers how to help themselves with their arms, and to carry them well in the exercising of them. These practices must be exercised, the soldiers being armed, to the intent that through this custom, they might esteem the weight of their harness to be no heavier than the weight of their doublets: nor should feel it more troublesome unto them, how long voyage soever they do make, or how long soever they should be armed. They must observe these things if they willbe accounted good Soldiers, yet this is not enough to make them to deserve to be called good Soldiers, albeit that they were as fit to labour, swift, active, and as well practised as you could imagine: for it is necessary that they should learn how to range themselves in single order, and to understand the voices of the Captain and Sergeants of the bands, to obey readily: also to know the signification of the sounding of the Trumpet, and stroke of the Drum, and to use these exercises willingly and often. For (except this discipline be diligently observed & used almost every day) these new men could do no service aught worth, how hardy and courageous soever they were: because the hardiness without good order is much weaker than cowardliness well ordered, for that order doth chase away fear from men's hearts, & disorder doth plant it there, which very hardly will come upon these men, when they are instructed & ordered as they ought to be, to wit, the soldiers of every corporal together at the end of every month: and the squadrons by turns every Sunday one: & the Decens by turns every holiday one. And the bands shall assemble every three months with their people & officers each band a part: and the Legion twice a year. The Corporals shall assemble their Squadrons every three months as is aforesaid, & shall bring their people unto the place of meeting which the captain shall appoint, where he himself shall be attendant to receive his soldiers: to instruct them in the other points which they ought to know, to the intent that afterwards they do not find that to be strange to them which they ought to do in general. For in the exercise of the wars, the greatest study of all is, for the Soldiers to know what they ought to do in their particular bands, and what a band ought to do being assembled with others in a Camp, for they that know the first, will easily observe the second: but not knowing the first, it is impossible that they should attain unto the second. Every band ought then to learn well by itself, how to keep order in all kinds of movings: as to martche slowly or hastily, and moreover to learn all the sounds, signs & cries, by which they are commanded in a battle, and that every man should know their meaning, as those that are in the Galleys do understand the blowing of the whistle: wherein these Soldiers ought to be ready and wiling to obey incontinent, at the first stroke of the Drum, whether it be to march forward, or to stay, or to turn back again, or to turn their faces and arms towards any part. And for this cause, the Colonel ought to give order, that all his Drums should strike one stroke, and use one manner of sounding in the field, whether it be to sound an alarm, or to make a Cry to put themselves in battle: for to march forward or backward, for to turn toward any part, and for a retreat, and in some, to signify all those other points with other Drums, which by the sound of one Drum alone, cannot so well be made known, as by many: who make themselves to be heard in the greatest tumult and presses that may be. The Soldiers likewise ought to be so attentive to listen unto that which they are commanded, that they should never fail. The Drums ought also to be ready to sound according unto the sound of the Colonel his Trumpet, by whom they must govern themselves in all that they do. The Colonel his Trumpeter ought to be expert in all his soundings, & to handle them so clearly, that one thing be not mistaken for an other: but to express the Colonel his commandment, as he ought to do, and to be always attendant upon him, and not to be from his hand. And to tell you the reasons that make me to ordain a Trumpet amongst footmen, is, that it might be better understood in a great noise, than the Drums, or that when as the Drums should alter their stroke, they might govern themselves by the sound of the Trumpet: whose sound is much louder than the Drums, which the Swissers knowing, who are the inventors of the Drums, do use Trumpets before their Bataillons, whereby their Chefes do signify what the Batailon ought to do: and it is not long since that they used great Horns. All these small things ought to be showed unto every band a part, before that the Legion should be assembled together, to the intent that they might know to keep their order and ranks, that no force whatsoever might disorder them: and that the sound of the Trumpet might be so familiar unto them, that they should not err, nor take one thing for another: but afterwards might easily learn all that the Bataillon ought to do, when they are assembled to-together. And forasmuch as we put an army into battle, either for that we see our enemies, or for that we doubt them, not seeing them: every band ought to be practised and instructed in such sort, that it might march upon the way surely, and fight if need require, and every Soldier to be taught what he ought to do, if they should be assaulted upon a sudden. And when you do instruct them in the manner that they ought to keep, to resist their enemies upon a day of Battle, it shallbe necessary to show them how a battle doth begim, and after what manner one Batalilon doth encounter another of the enemies: and unto what place they must retire being repulsed, and who they are that should put themselves in their places; unto what signs, sounds and cries they ought to obey: and what they should do when they hear those sounds and cries, and see those signs: and to accustom them so well with those feigned battles and assaults, that afterwards they should not only dare to abide an enemy, but desire the battle: which boldness will rather proceed of the good order, and ranging that they do find to be in themselves, then of their own proper hardiness: and specially because their battles shallbe ranged that the one may secure the other easily, which is a thing of no small importance to imboulden Soldiers. For that if I be of the first battle that fighteth, and know unto what place to retire when I am repulsed, and who it is that should come in my place, I shall always fight with a better courage, seeing my succour near, then when I see them not, or know not of them. Likewise, if I be of the second battle (although the first be repulsed, and that I see them to give back) that shall nothing dismay me: because I know before what that giving back doth signify, but shall be more desirous that it might be so, to the intent to be of that number that should win the victory, and that the first should not have all the honour alone. These exercises here spoken of, are necessary both for our new men, and for those that are practised also: for we find, that although the Romans knew all that they ought to do in a particular band, and also in an army, and learned all those points in their youth: notwithstanding they were practised aswell in time of peace, as when their enemies were at hand. josephus saith in his History, that the continual exercise of the Romans army, was cause that the multitude of those that did follow the Camp, did serve upon a day of battle aswell as the men of war: for that they did know aswell as the others to keep their ranks, and to fight well. But for an host of new men, whether it be you levy them to have present service of them, or to have service of them hereafter, it would be worth nothing without these exercises: wherefore sith that order is so necessary a thing, it must be showed unto them with double industry and diligence, that understand it not, and maintained in them that do know it, as we find that many excellent Captains have taken pains to teach & maintain this discipline. But this matter hath brought me somewhat out of the way, for that I do speak of the practising of the whole army, before I have declared how to exercise the bands particularly, but it is the affection that I bear unto this matter that is the cause; wherefore I will return unto my first purpose.   

How to range one band in battle, and the order that it ought to keep in travailing through the country: and the manner how to lodge it in a camp, in his quarter a part, and a Legion together  
The 7. Chapter.  
THe first thing of importance, in the exercising of these bands, is to teach them to keep their ranks well: wherefore they must be first ranged in single order: that is three and three together, or five and five, or eight and eight: as it will best fall out, without respect of the number, whether it be even or odd: for that doth nothing in this matter: but is an observation without any ground, and Vegetius himself can give no good reason for it, but custom. I have said before that every one of the ten bands that shallbe appointed for the body of the Battailion, of every one of the new Legions, which I do ordain (for I leave a side the Legions heretofore levied) shall have 510. men, not coumpting the Captains: which 510. ought to be brought into 102. ranks, that is five men in every rank, and afterward their ranks augmented either marching slowly or in haste: as of two ranks of five, to make one of ten, and of two of 10. to make one of 20. and suddenly to reduce them out of this rank into their first single order, and to advertise them that the second should always follow the first, not losing them, and the third the second: and the others likewise following until the last. This done you may order every one of these bands, in that order that they must be ranged in, when all the Legion is in one Battailion together. And for to do this, the Pikes for the flanks shallbe taken out of their order & shallbe put one the one side: and two Corporals of ordinary Pikes shall make the head, the one Corporal and his people first: and the other corporal, and his people afterward: and the Corporal of the Halberdiers shall follow them, with the Ensign in the midst of the Halberds. The other two Corporals of ordinary Pikes shall make the tail, each one with his men: and they shallbe ranked five and five, and every Corporal must be showed, what place he must keep at all times: and the Corporals must afterwards show the Chiefs of squadrons, and the cheifes of squadrons, their Deceners. The Captain must be at the head of the band, and the Lieutenant at the tail. The Sergeant hath no place of abiding, except the Captain do give him one: but must troth up and down from place to place, to make the ranks to keep good order, and to command that the Captain willeth to be done. The Clerk of the band shallbe there also out of rank to take view of those that want, that they might be punished afterward, according unto the laws that the Colonel shall make for that purpose. The second rank shall enter with in the first: the fourth within the third: the sixth within the fift, and the other afterward following, so that the 85. ranks, which the five Corporals with their Chiefs of Squadrons comprised, do come unto 42. ranks, in every one of which ranks are 10. men besides their Corporals, which are ranged before their people. These 42. ranks shallbe again redoubled in making the on rank to enter within the other as is a foresaid: & then whereas they were before but 10. men, they shall now be 20. with every one of which ranks, their Chief of squadrons shall range themselves in the midst, so that he shall have ten men upon his right side, and ten upon his left, which is a just squadron. Every Corporal shall place himself before his four squadrons: so that the Soldiers of this one band, shall make 20. ranks: every one of which ranks shall have 21. men. The first 8. ranks, and the last shallbe all Pikemen: and the four in the midst shallbe all Halberdiers.   diagram of troop formation 
Or otherwise all the soldiers of one Squadron might follow one another: and to make so many Squadrons as you intent to make ranks: For my meaning is that every Squadron should make but one rank. So that if they be ranked, five and five, and that you would range the 20. Squadrons in battle, the Squadrons must be brought up the one by the side of the other, until that they be all ranked the one neither before nor behind the other. The first of every rank shallbe the Chiefs of the Squadron, and the second one of the two Diceneres; and after him all his Dicenere. The other Dicenere shallbe in the last rank, and he shall serve for the guide behind. His Soldiers shallbe joined unto his companions in such order that the last of the one, and the last of the other, shall make the two middle ranks. And as I did before place halberds in the midst so I pretend here also to have as many, and these shallbe the last of every Dicenere that shall carry Halberds, and so there shallbe no express Squadrons of Halberds. By this reckoning there shallbe in this little Batailon 21. ranks of 20. men in front: every one of the Corporals shall place himself before his Soldiers.   diagram of troop formation 
And whether the first manner be better than this or no, always it is evident that the Soldiers should be practised in such sort that they might know how to range themselves in battle: and must be made to march hastily forward and backward, and to pass through troublesome passiages not losing or breaking their order: and if they can do this they deserve to be called practised Soldiers, although that they never saw enemies and on the contrary part, those that cannot keep these orders, although they had been in a thousand wars, aught to be called but new soldiers. It is also a hard matter, for men to put themselves suddenly into their first order, after that they are once broken either through ill passages, or by their enemies: except they have had great exercise and long custom. But to help them it wear necessary to have two things done, the one is, that the Ensigns might be easily known, and that the Chiefs, Members, and officers should have some cognissance upon their arms, or their garments, and the other is, that every band should be ranged in the Battalion in one accustomed place, and not change at any time: and that the Corporals should know their places with their troops, not altering at any time: so that if a Corporal were accustomed to be in the first rank, he should always continue there: in the place appointed them at the beginning. And if a band be accustomed to be on the right side it should there continue, and that on the left side likewise in his place. By this means if the Soldiers wear accustomed to know their places (put case that they should be out of order) they would quickly bring themselves in again: for the Ensigns knowing their accustomed places in the Battalion, & the Corporals knowing every one their place, might soon see where they ought to range: for those of the front would retire unto the front, and those of the tail unto their places also. Moreover the Chiefs of Squadrons do know into how many ranks they should range themselves, and aswell they as the Corporals do know who should go before, and who should follow. Wherefore the Soldiers having nothing to do but to follow their Chiefs, would range themselves readily every one in his place, without Sergeant or any other to place them: for that the custom would make them perfect. These things hear spoken of do teach themselves, so that there be diligence used and custom: and after that they are once well learned they will be hardly forgotten. It shallbe also necessary to make them to turn all at once: for sometime the head must be made the tail, or one of the flanks, according unto the enemy his force, and the place he will assault them on, and for to answer on that side that shall be necessary, there needs no more but to turn their faces, and that part that they turn toward, shall be called the front. But who so would that a whole Bataillon should turn all together, as if it were a massy body, must have therein great practice and discretion: for as if they should turn toward the left hand, those of the left corner should stand still, and those next them must go but slowly, that those in the right corner should not be constrained to run, or else all would come to a confusion: but this may better be showed by effect, then by writing. As for the two bands that should make the forlorn hope, their Pikemen may be ranged in battle, to learn them to keep order: for I would use them, and those of the flanks in particular factions, to wit in skirmishes, and other extraordinary service, where it should not be needful to send any great number of people, but principally I will have those of the flanks to defend and cover the Bataillon: and as for the forlorn hope, I appoint them both Pikes and arquebusiers to begin the Battle, and to fight amongst the Horsemen, without keeping any order. And to that intent I have armed them lightly, for their office shallbe to fight not standing firm, but running from one place to another, be it that they have the enemy in chase, or are chased themselves, wherein the Pikes may do great service: for they may rescue the arquebusiers, and may show their faces unto those that would force them, whether they were on Horseback or a foot, or to follow those that should fly, and to force those that shrink. So that as well the one as the other, whether they be of the body of the Bataillon, or of the flanks, or of the forlorn hope, have need to be well exercised, to the intent that they might know how to keep their ranks, and to put themselves readily again into their places if they were broken, by means of ill and strait passage, or that the enemy should put them into any disorder: and if they can do this in their particular bands, every band will afterwards easily learn what place it ought to keep in the Bataillon, and also what they ought to do in a Campe. As for the bands of these legions that are already made in France, which are of a 1000 men, to bring them into order: first make their single order of 6 and 6, and afterwards reduce the six Corporals men, which are for the body of the Batailon into 96 ranks, not comprehending the Corporals, nor the Chiefs of Squadrons; then double them, and make them of 12 in a rank, causing the one rank to enter within the other as is abovesaid, so that the 96 ranks shall come unto 48. Moreover, they must be doubled again, and from 12 in a rank they will amount unto 24. and the Chief of the Squadron shall join with them, so that every rank will be 25 men. The Corporals shall put themselves before their Squadrons, every man before his own, two Corporals of Pikemen shall make the forepart of this small Battailon: and two Corporals of Halberdiers shall make the midst, and he that is foremost of them, shall make one rank of Halberdiers, and then two ranks of Pikes, and after them one rank of Halberdiers. The other corporal that is behind him shall also make one rank of Halberdiers: then 2. ranks of Pikes, & after them one rank of Halberdiers: by which account there shall be 2. ranks of Halberdiers together in the midst, & the Ensign in the midst of them. The other two Corporals shall make the tail of this Batailon, and each of their troops shall make four ranks. Touching the other four Corporals, that remain, one must be appointed for the flank, and the other three for the forlorn hope. And this is the form that I would keep in ranging one of the bands of these Legions by itself, wherein the Soldiers must be often practised.   diagram of troop formation 
And if the King would permit that these orders, should be diligently executed, and put in practice, he should have many good Soldiers in his kingdom in short time, but the disorder that is amongst our men of war at this present, is cause that these things are dispraised; and therefore our armies can not be good: albeit that the Chiefs were naturally virtuous, for that they being ill followed and obeyed, can neither show their knowledge nor their virtue. It may be also that the number of Chiefs which I do ordain in a Legion, should seem superfluous, or might make a confusion amongst themselves: because of the number which I do institute, which thing would be to be doubted, except they should refer themselves wholly unto one Chief: but having one principal Chief above them all, the great number of officers will cause good order: for if there should not be a great number of Cheifes, it would be impossible to govern so great a multitude of people: for as a wall that over hangeth, doth require rather to be upholden with many shoores, although they be not very strong, then with a few of great strength: for that one alone, how strong soever it be cannot assure the wall but only where it standeth; so likewise must it be in a Legion, for it is necessary that among every ten men there should be one of more courage or at least of greater authority than the rest, to keep the other Soldiers firm and in order to fight, through their good courage, examples, words, and authority: specially the Deceniers are necessary, if they did but serve to keep the ranks right and firm, and in so doing, it were impossible that the Soldiers should disorder themselves, and if so be that they should be so far put out of order, that they could not immediately find their places, by means of these Chiefs, who should have regard thereunto being by them, the Chiefs of the Squadrons are to command the Deceniers, and the Corporals are above them: who look into all things that doth concern the duty of the Soldiers and theirs. But at this day we serve ourselves with all these officers, to no other effect but to give them more wages then unto other men: for that they have credit to bring certain companions unto the bands, which is cause of many Leagues amongst Soldiers. We use likewise Ensigns at this present, more to make a great show, then for any military use: our ancestors did use them for guides, and to know how to bring themselves into order by them: for every man after the Ensign was placed, knew his place by it, and placed himself incontinent, they knew also that if it moved or stayed they ought to move or to stay. Wherefore it is necessary, that in an host there should be many bodies, that is to say bands, and that every body should have an Ensign to conduct those that are of the same body: and so the host shall have many souls, and by consequent many lives. The Soldiers ought then to govern themselves by their Ensigns, and the Ensigns by the sound of the Drum, which being well ordered as it ought to be, doth command a whole Legion, which Legion marching in such sort, that the steps of the Soldiers do agree with the stroke of the Drum, shall easily keep their order. And for this purpose had the ancient Soldiers Flutes & Phiphes' perfectly agreeing with the sound of their Drums: for as he that danceth according unto the steps of his music, doth not err; so likewise a Battle in marching according to the sound of the Drum, can never put itself in disorder. And therefore when they would change their gate, or would encourage, and appease their Soldiers, they changed their sound; and as the sounds were variable, so likewise their names were differing: for they had the Orique stroke, and the Phrygian stroke; the one animated the Soldiers, and the other appeased them. They had beside many other; as the Aeolian, jasian, Lydian, and others: all which served to appease and to inflame the hearts of men. We have in our time Drums for footmen, and Trumpets for horsemen: either of them hath strokes and sounds to revive Soldiers when need requireth, and are invented to the intent that they might command, and be understood a far of. But I believe that Drums were invented for a measure for Soldiers to march by, for all the times of their strokes are true stops and measures, for to hasten and slake the doings of men of war. Now, when as the Bands are instructed in the exercises which they ought to know particularly, and therein have many times been exercised, it is time to put them into the field, in some place where the Legion might meet most commodiously. In which place all the Captains shall meet at the day appointed, every man bringing his band with him, and as little carriage as possibly he may, & the Captains themselves must lessen their estate, if they were accustomed to carry any tail. Moreover, they must have a regard that the Corporals, Chiefs of Squadrons, and Deceniers, do not mount on horseback, nor likewise the simple Soldiers. The Captain & his members must forbear riding as much as may be, I do not mean that if he had any sick men that they should not ride; but all others: for sith they have taken the estate of footmen upon them, it is necessary that they should execute it wholly. And as for the carrying of their baggage, one horse shall suffice for a squadron, which shall carry two Mattresses of course canvas, two coverings, & one tent for the one Deciene, and as much for the other, with some linen, pots, and vessel, & tools to make Trenches and Bulwarks, and also a ladder of good length made of pieces. Every Deciene may have a servant; the Chief of Squadron one, and the Corporal two. The Corporal and his four Chiefs of Squadron shall have a Tent and a horse to carry it. The Captain shall bring with him as few horses and servants as possibly he may. The Lieutenant and ensign bearer may have either of them two, every officer one, & the Drummers shall have none: but they must be lodged near unto the Captain, and his members. The Colonel and the Officers of the Legion, shall keep as few as they may: for of a great baggage proceedeth oftimes many disorders, and the ruin of an army: and aswell the horses as the servants should be chosen to be such, as might serve more than one turn at a need: and above all things there must be none suffered to carry Trunks, Coffers, Wagons, nor Whores. And in this doing, all the bands of the Legion will be the better given to do all honest exercises, then if they should be troubled with all these lets. Moreover, the whole Legion will pass four days for a need, with the victuals that the whores, pages, and horse, that one of the bands that are now ordained do carry with them, do consume in one day. Having so provided for the baggage, the Captains shall put themselves into the field every one a part with his company, and shall go towards the place where the general muster is appointed to be kept, making small journeys, and in the best order that they can, finding their Soldiers to be good and honest men. And to be so thought of, they shall march through the country in good order sounding their Drum, and not in troup as vanquished men, and shall lodge themselves without the towns.  
The form of a Camp for to lodge a Legion, distributed into 12. bands, being 660. paces square.  
EAST.  
NORTH.  
SOUTH.  
WEST.  
This space betwixt the trench and the lodgings is 60. paces large to exercise the Soldiers, and to range them in battle.  
For six bands of footmen.  
These two places shall serve for the horsemen.  
Streets of 300. paces long and 60. paces broad for merchants and artificers.  
For the Colonel.  
For six bands of footmen.  
The ground that this one band will occupy to lodge in a Camp, is in length two hundred and forty paces, and thirty and five in breadth: which length must be divided into seven parts, every one of which parts shall be thirty paces, & betwixt every two, there shall be a way left of five paces broad: the middlemost of these places shall be to lodge the Captain, his members, and officers: the other six shall serve to lodge the six Corporals, and their people: every Corporal with his Chiefs of Squadrons and Soldiers: the Corporal and his Chiefs of Squadrons Tent shall be in the midst of the same place, and the Tents of his eight Deceniers shall be round about him. This length may be divided without breaking any ground: for it will serve the turn to line it out with cords, without making ditch or other thing, but only placing the bands every one in his quarter. But if the Camp might be environed with a small trench, such as is used in the country where it doth lodge, to keep the same form that it should do if an enemy were near, it would be better. There must also a night watch be set, and above all things regard had of surprise, as carefully as if it were in time of war; and in the morning there must be a discovery made, before that the watch be discharged, and afterward they must dislodge altogether: but before they depart, the Captain must cause all those to be satisfied that have furnished his Soldiers with victual, or other thing; that it be not said that they took any thing not paying for it, or without the good wills of the people of the country: but that they and their Soldiers should govern themselves every where so orderly, that the country should not feel that there had any band passed. And in this manner they shall go towards the place where the muster shall be kept, behaving themselves like honest men, and good Soldiers: and when they approach near unto the said place, the harbinger shall go before to seek for the quarter where the band shall lodge in the Camp, the Legion being assembled and lodged together, who must repair unto the master of the Camp of the said Legion, whose office amongst other things, is to choose the most wholesomest place to lodge the said Legion in Camp that he can find. And having found some commodious place, he must lay out the quarters, and appoint in what order the Camp should be fortified: and therefore it shall be necessary that the master of the Camp should go before for to divide and lay out all the quarters before the bands should arrive, where it is meant that they should lodge. The Colonel shall be attendant in the said place, to see the bands come in order, and the Provost ought to be abroad to understand of the soldiers misdemeanour, or of any other under their colour, to the intent to punish those that do commit any offence. Furthermore, certain men must be appointed to follow after the bands foot by foot, who should look into their behaviour towards the country, and shall inform the Colonel of all that passeth. And if there be any complaint, the Colonel shall lay it upon the Captain his neck of the band that hath committed the offence, if so be that the fault was committed through his negligence, or that he used no industry to punish the offenders: then he should be holden to make satisfaction of his own purse, if it were any thing that might be recompensed with money; and if it were any fault that deserved bodily punishment, the said Captain should be driven to seek out the offender, and to deliver him into the Provosts hands: and if he were fled, the pursuit after him should be made at the captains charge: for by the means of this rigour, the Captains would look very near unto their people, and would be more diligent to make them to live honestly, or to punish them more grievously than they are.  
But we must lodge the bands as they arrive, and speak of the form of the Camp that shall lodge the whole Legion. Then for to lodge the twelve bands, putting them in one Camp together, we must choose a square place of six hundred and sixty paces in length, and as much in breadth: in the midst of which great square shall be a lesser square made, which shall be every way forty paces; within which square must the Colonel be placed, for he must keep the Camp aswell as his Soldiers: and I would environ this said square with a small trench, within which trench I would lodge the master of the Camp, the Provost, the other officers of the Legion, and the Colonel his guard. And those that follow the Colonel for their pleasures, having no charge, I would lodge them without round about the said trench. And for to order the rest well, I would appoint that the front of the Camp should be toward the East, and the back towards the West, and the flanks towards the other two Regions. For to divide the quarters, stretch a line from the Colonel his lodging Eastward, which must be three hundred and ten paces long, & afterwards stretch two other lines of either side of it one, which must be of the same length that the first was, each of them thirty paces distant from it, to the intent that the breadth of this space may be forty paces. At the end of these lines I would make a bar or gate, which I would name the East-gate: the distance betwixt these two outermost lines will make a fair street, to go from the Colonel his quarter out of the Camp, which street will be threescore paces broad, as is aforesaid. On the other side of the Colonel his quarter Westward, must three other lines be stretched of like length and distance, as the three first aforesaid: so likewise upon the South and North sides shall be two other streets made of like length and breadth. I make all these streets so broad, to the intent to lodge in them all sorts of buyers and sellers, artificers, and victuallers that do follow the Legion. Furthermore, I do make four square places, betwixt these four streets, every one of which places shall contain two hundred and forty paces in length, and as much in breadth. The Camp shallbe enclosed with a trench, betwixt which trench and the quarters for the lodgings shall be a space left of threescore paces broad round about, which shall not be occupied with any lodging, but shall be empty to serve to set the watch, and to range the Legion in battle, if need were. As for the four places abovesaid, those two that are betwixt the East and North streets, and betwixt the South and West streets, shall serve to lodge the twelve Bands: to wéet, six in one quarter, and six in another. Each of these two quarters shall be divided into six parts, every one of which parts shall be two hundred and forty paces in length, and five and thirty paces in breadth, and every one of these parts shall be furthermore divided into seven parts, as I have said before in the lodging of a Band alone. Betwixt the quarters of every two Bands there shall be a way left of six paces large, which shall serve for to come and go unto the particular quarters: the other two parts which remain undivided, shall by and by be set a work: but for the twelve Bands this is sufficient. So that after this, or some better manner, may every Legion be lodged as often as it shall be assembled to make a general muster.   

How certain number of horsemen should be joined unto every Legion  
The 8. Chapter.  
FOrasmuch as the Romans in all their levies of footmen, have always incorporated certain number of horsemen with them, and that their perfect Legions consisted of these two manner of Soldiers; I think it also convenient to join some horsemen unto the levy of these new Legionaries, which horsemen should be incorporated with the Legions, and should be with them at the general musters, to exercise themselves together, and to learn the science of the wars one with another: for except that they should jointly practise themselves, it would not be possible that any one of these two sorts of people should do good service: forasmuch as they both do make but one whole body, which ought to be so compounded, that either of them should do service in their due time, and consequently every part of them. And if so be that this were done, you shall find that one entire Legion shall do more service than three other Legions accompanied with a multitude of horsemen, whose footmen and horsemen do not understand one another. Therefore it would not be amiss that the King should ordain, that certain of his ordinary companies of horsemen should be joined with these Legions, and be with them at the general muster: and that there should be two Bands incorporated with every Legion, each of which Bands should have 100 men of arms, one hundred light Horsemen, fifty Hargoletiers or Scouts, and fifty Harquebuziers. And if they were companies that the king did newly take up, the most modest and most expert men should be chosen for men of arms: and afterwards the other must be preferred from degree to degree, accounting the light Horsemen before the Hargoletiers, and the Hargoletiers before the Harquebuziers; so that the Harquebuziers are the worst of these four sorts of Horsemen. There must also a regard be had unto the error that is committed at this day among our ordinary bands: which is, that young men are made men of arms, which are but newly come from being pages, or from school. But for to have these companies in better order than they now are, it should be necessary to make an order, by which all young men above seventeen year old that would be of the bands of the Horsemen (not excepting one) unless he were a Prince, should be constrained first to be Harquebuziers two or three years, and afterwards they should be Hargoletiers as long, and after that light Horsemen: amongst which three sorts they might learn those things that were necessary for every good horsemen to know; and that before their departing from them they might pass the fury and fire of their youth, and become cold and modest to govern themselves wisely amongst men of arms, with whom they should be constrained to serve the space of three or four years without discharging, and that time being expired, if they were bound to find a man of arms by the tenor of their lands, they should then be exempted from the ordinary bands, and go home unto their own houses, to be ready as often as they should be commanded. This rule ought generally to be kept, with all those that should employ themselves among the ordinary bands, although they were of greater age: for otherwise the service of the Rierban, which the gentlemen of France, do own unto the King, would in short space come to nothing: which at this instant, as may be seen, is brought into very low estate. And the reason is, that every man will be of the ordinary bands of men of arms, to be excused from the Rierban; so that the governors that were wont to make five or six hundred men of arms of the Rierban, can hardly now bring one hundred together: and those also if they should come to the muster, would be so ill furnished, that it is a mockery to see them in so poor estate. But may this service be had in more contempt? when as those which are subject to this duty, and which do not excuse themselves by the ordinary Bands, exempt their own persons, and send some servant in their places, whereas heretofore all the principal of France thought it a great honour for them to be there in person: notwithstanding at this instant, not only the greater sort, but the lesser would think to be dishonoured, if they should appear at the Muster. And therefore those that are bound unto this service, do put themselves into the ordinary bands, to be free of the Rierban: and as they cannot all be there, so it is also that the greatest part do find some excuse to exempt themselves: and if so be that their excuse be not receivable, they will then come so evil furnished, and with so ill a will, that it is impossible that they should do the King good service, which is an occasion that the Nobility is no more esteemed as it was wont to be: but if so be it were maintained as it hath been in times past, it is certain that we should be much more feared of our enemies then we now are: moreover, the King should not be charged with the maintaining of so many Horsemen as he is, but might discharge more than the one half of his ordinary Bands, to convert that money, for the maintenance of certain ordinary Bands of footmen. Moreover, the King should compel his Nobility to furnish themselves better for the wars than they are: and forbidden them rather their pomp, then to suffer a Gentleman of France to be an ill horseman, ill armed, and ill practised: and to that end should ordain, that the Rierban should muster in arms twice a year at the least: and there should be certain severe men appointed to take the view of those Musters, who ought to let none pass, but the persons themselves which are bound to this service, except they were Magistrates, or sick men, for they are excusable, principally the Magistrates. But for the sick men, although they be exempted for their persons, yet must they show their furniture, and for default thereof, their lands should be seized upon immediately, as well as theirs that are in health, and do not appear, or as those that do appear not mounted, or furnished in arms, according to their charge. Moreover, it should be necessary to punish all those that are not practised, so that they might be an example unto all those that are negligent to mount, arm, & to practise themselves as they ought to do: this doing, the King should restore his Nobility, & make an excellent Chivalry. And to the intent the Gentlemen should not excuse themselves through the great dearth that we have of Horse in France, the King should cause some good & fair brood of Horses & Mares to be brought from other Countries, and afterwards distribute them unto the Prelates, & Governors, & unto men of great Benefices, to have a great brood within the Realm, whereof the said Prelates & their successors should be bound to give an account yearly, & to cause the said Mares to be ordered & cherished as they ought to be, and their Colts to be managed at their own proper charges; by this means I would not doubt to see France in short time better furnished with Horse, than any neighbour she hath, beside, their maintenance should cost the King nothing: and it would be an occasion that the said Prelates should do the common wealth of France some service, whereas at this day they do stand it but in little stead (I mean those that are busy with the world, and not with the Church) and when as the King would purse up again the money that the Mares and Stallions had cost him, he might do it, giving the best Horse the might be taken out of the Ranges unto his men of arms ill mounted, rebating it upon their wages, causing the rest to be sold: and to find buyers, he might ordain, that no man of what condition soever he were, should keep Moil, Sumpter-horsse, or Hackney, if he keep not likewise a good Horse, or if he kept but one Horse to ride upon, the same might be fit for the wars. Moreover, it might be forbidden that no man should wear silk, except he kept a good Horse. And in mine opinion, the number of those that desire to be richly clad, is so great, that I know not if there would be horses found enough in 6. realms for to furnish them: wherefore there is no doubt to be made, but that there would be buyers enough, how great abundance soever there were of horses: beside, the Rierban would need a great many, so that if these things had place, and furthermore that it were permitted every man to keep a brood that would, we should see horses sold so good cheap in France, that we might have more reason to think than rather to be given then sold; which would be an occasion that the men of arms (which dare not abandon nor hazard themselves in places where their Horses may either be slain or lost, more than they needs must, seeing them to be so ill to be recovered) would put on their old virtue, & show themselves to be others then at this day they are esteemed to be, and it would make men to be better cheap than the horses are at this instant. Moreover, if the King would that his horsemen should make less account of their lives, and have horses better cheap then if they should buy them, he might furnish them at the first, & as often as they lack horses, so that their horses were slain in fight, or lost by any inconvenient, & not through their own default; for in this case they should be bound to put so many others in their places, and to give an account of them at their muster: and if so be that they would discharge themselves, or that they should be discharged, they should then be bound to restore the horses which the King had given them, if they were alive, and having lost them through their own negligence, they should be bound to buy others in their places, as good as they were. The like also should be done when as the arquebusiers should become Hargoletiers, or the Hargoletiers light horsemen, & light horsemen men of arms, that every man should leave the horse that had been delivered to him by the King, unto him that should succeed in his place: for I suppose that a man of arms hath need of a stronger horse than a light horseman, and a light horseman a stronger than a hargoletier, and a hargoletier stronger than a arquebusier. And therefore there ought to be broods of divers sorts of horses, as Coursers of Naples & of Flanders for men of arms, and Turks, Valacks', Polacks, Coruaks, and horse of Spain for light horsemen, Barbares, Moors, & small horses of Spain for Hargoletiers, and the least might be chosen out of all these for the arquebusiers, so that they were light and quick. But this tale hath laited long enough, let us therefore return unto the Rierbans, & let us say, that in their doings & comings from their musters, they would beggar the common people, if they were suffered to live at their own discretions, and to keep the field without payment, as they do at this present. In consideration whereof, it should be necessary to ordain that their charges should be borne by the Nobility, & not by the common people: and that the musters should sometimes be made in the midst of the Provinces, sometime in one place, and sometime in another, so that the Gentlemen who are far from the place where the muster is kept at one time, might be nearer at another, to the intent that no man should be more charged, nor eased then other. But this is not that that I would speak of, yet I thought good to touch it in passing. But to return unto that I spoke of young men, that they should be arquebusiers a horseback before that they attain to be Hargoletiers, and be Hargoletiers before that they become light horsemen, and should spend some time in these three estates, before they should attain to be men of arms. And to speak somewhat of those that do find this term to be too long, and to take away all hope from them that would think to come unto this last estate by favour or otherwise, except it be that their turns do come, or that they should be advanced for some virtuous act: I am of opinion that none should leap from the one of these estates unto another, but that he should follow them one after another their full time, or else that he should never attain to any charge, nor bear office among men of arms, nor likewise have any other estate, or royal office, so that the Gentlemen should keep themselves to serve in the Rierban, and of this order would many profits proceed, for first of all young men would give themselves more unto the exercise of arms than they do: moreover, the bands would be filled with better men than they are at this day, and there would be no man in that ordinary bands, who were mounted to the estate of a man of arms, but he should be able to govern a good charge; and therefore it would be a rich treasure to have companies of horsemen in France, whose men of arms were able to conduct themselves and others. Finally, the offices & estates appertaining unto the wars, as Stewardships, Provosts, Majors, Castellins, & other offices of commandment, which are in the King's gift, should be much better employed upon these men, and be better executed by them, than they may be by those that never saw any thing, or that had never done him service. But let us pass further, the hundred men of arms, and the other horsemen distributed as is aforesaid, should be put under the charge of a Captain, who should have under him a Lieutenant, an Ensign bearer, and a Guydon (as we have at this instant) the men of arms should follow the Ensign, and the light horse, hargoletiers, & arquebusiers, should follow the Guidon: these four Chiefs, or members, should be more than the 100 men of arms. Moreover, they must have a Marshal to lodge them, & to divide their quarters. They must have also 2. harbingers, & certain trumpets over and above this number. And as I have appointed amongst the footmen certain particular Chiefs, so also there must be some appointed amongst the horsemen, but not of so many sorts: for it will suffice that the horsemen should have over every nine a Chief, who shallbe the tenth man, & shall be called the Decurion. Furthermore, there shall be a Chief over the Hargoletiers, and another over the arquebusiers, who shallbe called by the name of Benderal, although the Italians do understand by this word their Ensign bearers, for I will help myself with this term, to signify the Chiefs of these small bands, who likewise may be called Conductors, and they shallbe over and above their number, & under the charge of the Captain, and of his members, and officers as well as the others. Wherefore in a company of legionary men of arms, there shallbe 309. horsemen, besides the trumpets; every one of these horsemen shall be armed according unto his charge: for the men of arms shall be better armed then the light horsemen: and the light horsemen better than the Hargoletiers or arquebusiers. First of all the men of arms shall be armed with soulleretz, whole grefues, cuisses, curets with tasses, gorget, pouldrons, vambraces, gauntlets, helmet with beaver, gossets, & great pieces: all which I have specified particularly, because of the men of arms at this present, who will be called men of arms, and notwithstanding are armed and furnished but like unto light horsemen: and you know that a man that is armed light, shall never do the effect that a man may do that is well armed, who can not be hurt by handstrokes, where as the light horseman is subject unto blows upon many parts of his body, because that his harness is not so heavy, nor so sure as the men of arms ought for to be, and not without cause, for the pains that a light horseman and other light armed aught to take, there is no man able to endure with a complete harness, nor horse able to carry him: but as for the men of arms, who are appointed to abide firmly the assaults of their enemies, and not to run from the one side to the other, may be laden with heavy harness; and to carry such a weight, they ought to have strong and great horses, for besides this, the horses must be barbed. These men of arms ought to have arming swords by their sides, a mase hanging at their saddle pommel: their lances must be strong and of a reasonable length, their coats must be of the colour of their Ensign, the which as also the Guidon, aught to be of the same colour that the Ensigns of the footmen of the same Legion are. The light horsemen must be good soldiers, and armed with curets, & tasses that shall reach to the knee, with gauntlets, vambraces, and large pouldrons, and with a strong and close headpiece, the sight being cut; their cassaks shall be of the colour of their Ensign: they must carry a broad sword by their sides, a mase at the pommels of their saddle, and a lance of good length in their fist. The Hargoletiers shall be armed like unto the light horsemen, saving upon their arms; in stead of vambraces and gauntlets, they shall have sleeves and gloves of male, a broad sword by their sides, their mazes at the pommels of their saddles, & a javelin in their hands of 10. or 12. foot long, headed at both ends with a sharp head, or may carry a lance as the others: their garments upon their harness ought to be very short, without sleeves, and of the colour abovesaid. These hargoletiers may serve for skirmishes, & may do great murdre with their javelins among unarmed men & horses, & when as they would set foot on ground, they might do the same service that Pikemen do: and if they do carry lances, they may use them as others do. The arquebusiers shall likewise be well mounted, & their armour shallbe like unto the Hargoletiers, except the headpiece: for they only shall have Morions, to the intent to see the better round about them, & to have their heads at more liberty, a sword by their sides, a mase at the pommel of their saddles on the one side, and a harquebus in a case of leather on the other, which must be made fast that it stir not: which harquebus may be 2. foot and a half, or 3. foot long, or rather more so it be light: their coats shallbe of the same fashion and colour that the Hargoletiers are. The arquebusiers wages in time of peace, may be 3. crowns a month, the hargoletiers 4. the light horsemen 5. and the men of arms 7. The Decurions of men of arms ought to have somewhat more wages than a simple man of arms, and the Decurions of light horsemen more than an ordinary man, and so likewise the others: which wages may be augmented or doubled in time of wars, if that I speak of be thought to be too little. Touching the estate of Chiefs & members, it might continue such as it is at this instant, but the Marshals must be raised, and the Harbingers ought to have as much as the light horsemen, and the trumpets as much as the hargoletiers: & as for the 2. conductors, they should have as much as the Decurions amongst men of arms, and if so be that their wages were paid to them at the end of every 3. months, or at the Legion his passing muster, it should not be greatly needful to put them into garrison in time of peace, as we are accustomed to do in France: for that I do think this wages to be sufficient to maintain them at home or elsewhere, without oppressing the people through great charge. For what garrison soever they have, or how long so ever they do continue in it, you see not that they do the King any whit that better service when the wars come, then if they never had been there. I do not say, but if that they did use it in that sort that it ought to be used, that it were not well done to keep the bands in garrison always, to use & exercise their arms together: but at this day the greatest part of horsemen do make their proffites of their garrisons, as the Merchants do of their merchandise, and there is almost no difference, but that the Merchants do sell their commodity unto the first that do offer them reason for it: & the horsemen do compel the people to buy the victuals which the King doth ordain for their maintenance, at such prices as they will themselves, so that their dealing is rather a manifest ransom, than a merchandise. And albeit that they should be exempted from garrison, it must be ordained that the bands should meet together at general musters, mounted, & armed according to the order, & that betwixt the musters they should exercise themselves at home: or if they should be lodged in garrison, to make them to be longer resident than they are: and also that the Captains themselves should keep in garrison, as they did in the time of King jews the 11. at which time the horsemen of France carried the name above all other, as well for their readiness, as for their furniture: not for their readiness in dancing after divers fashions, (and yet a dance that a man might profit by, were not to be disliked) nor likewise for trimming up themselves minion-like, nor for stuffing themselves with féeldbeds, or with divers sorts of garments, for then there was no account made, but of him that handled and rid a horse well, & that did run with a lance, fight best with the sword, wrestled, leapt, threw the bar, & vaulted better than other; was most esteemed, & he also had the praise above his companions that was mounted & armed better than they, so that there were few horsemen but they were mounted with 3. or 4. great horse at least, and one of them, or all were barbed. As for their persons, they were wiser than to destroy themselves with apparel, as Gentlemen do at this day, but they were armed like S. George, & as full of Crowns, as dogs are of fleas. Furthermore, they should be forbidden to sell their aforesaid garrisons, or their victuals appointed, and to take up other provision then that which the King doth ordain. I understand that this was forbidden them not long since, but whether these horsemen be in garrison or not, they must exercise themselves to be nimble, to have their bodies to be at ease in their harness, & accustom themselves thereunto, for the necessities that may happen: for sometimes it may so fall out, that the horsemen shallbe constrained to travail a long way a foot, whereunto if they were not accustomed, they could not endure the weight of their harness, nor do their endeavour at a fight. Moreover, they should exercise themselves to mount a horseback armed with all their pieces, & the lance in their fist, & to light without help, advantage, or stirrup, and therefore it should be necessary for them to have some horse of wood, to exercise themselves upon, at the least one hour in a day, that they might be ready to mount & light at the first sign the Captain should make them. Furthermore, they should exercise to pass great rivers a horseback & armed, & also to climb the hardest and raggedst mountains that are, and to run or to go down them in great haste, principally the arquebusiers, Hargoletiers, and likewise the light Horsemen. As for the men of arms, they must continue firm, and must not serve for the purposes that they do at this day: but should be as a Fort to resit all assaults, and to overthrow and break all those whom they should assail, but because of the runings and skirmishes wherein they are ordinarily employed, which are fyghts wherein oft times of force a man must sly in steed of tarrying by it, they have learned to show their heels: and therefore it is necessary that men of arms should be forbidden from skirmishes and from all other places where it should be requisite to fly, and and where they should spoil their Horses and do no service. The Baron of Gramont, who died in the voyage to Naples, willed that men of arms should never be employed in these light fights, except it were when as a battle should be fought thoroughly: for that they had learned by the custom and order of skirmishes, to turn their backs unto their enemies, without fear of reproach, and to speak truth, a Skirmish is a service that appertaineth better unto light Horsemen then unto them: and for the same purpose only are the light Horsemen appointed. But I would have them to be exempted from all other services aswell as men of arms: and that the Hargoletiers and arquebusiers should be scouts, and serve for discoveries and skirmishes, and keep company with the light Horsemen in all places: and that the light Horsemen should serve to back them, and the men of arms to be the chief force. For to speak that I think concerning the exercises the Horsemen ought to do, I say first that the Harquebusers should exercise their Harquebuses, and practise to shoot sure with both hands, and to discharge both forward and backward, their horses running, and also to light to keep a strait, as arquebusiers a foot should do. The Hargoletiers ought to use their javelins with both hands, sometime using it one way and sometime another, or as is abovesaid, but if they do carry lances, they must use them as other men do. The light Horsemen should practise to ride well, to manage a Horse, and to run well with a lance, to use their swords and mazes when they shall be needful, the men of arms must do the like, all which Horsemen ought to have judgement in all the diseases that belong unto a Horse for to find remedy therefore: and it would be for their credit if they could bit and shoe them, to have no lack of any small point belonging unto their occupation. These Horsemen armed and practised as is abovesaid, must be at the muster with the Legion to exercise themselves together, if it were but to know and to be acquainted one with another. As for the Horssemens' lodging and baggage, must be aswell entrenched as the footman's, but they must bring as little with them as they may possible, and that they do bring must neither trouble nor lad them in going unto the muster. They must live upon their own purses, without taking any thing from other men, and must march all day armed in good order, keeping watch at night: and when it is day, before that they do dislodge, the Captain shall send out Scouts to discover the passages upon the way where the company shall pass. And this charge shall be given unto certain Decurions of arquebusiers, and of Hargoletiers, who shall be followed with certain Decurions of light Horsemen to secure them: after whom the baggage may march, & then the Horsemen; & after them the men of arms, & if it were thought to be better to put the baggage behind then before, it may be done, & behind it shall the rest of the Hargoletiers & arquebusiers follow. The ranks of every one of them in marching through the country, shallbe of whole Decuries, except the way be too narrow. In the manner beforesaid may every band of Horsemen march in their going and coming from the muster: but before they come thither, the Marshal and the Harbingers shall go before to provide their quarter, which shallbe joining unto the footman's, and they both together shall lodge in Camp, in this manner following.   diagram of military camp 
The form of a Camp 660. paces square, for to lodge a Legion of footmen of 12. bands, with two bands of Horsemen, each band containing 100 men of arms, 100 light Horsemen, 50. Hargoletiers, and 50. arquebusiers.  
EAST.  
NORTH.  
SOUTH.  
WEST.  
This space betwixt the trenches and the lodgings must be 60. paces broad, to practise the Soldiers, and to range them in Battle.  
For six bands of footmen.  
One Deccurie Of men of arms. The Ensign.  
Two Decuries Of light horse. The Guydon.  
A street 40. paces broad.  
The Captain.  
Two Decuries Of Hargoleters.  
2. Conductors.  
2. Decuries of arquebusiers.  
One Ducurie Of men of arms. The Lieutenant.  
Horsemen as above.  
For six bands of footmen.  
Streets of 310. paces long and 60. paces broad for merchants & artificers.  
For the 40 Colonel.  
The horsemen's quarter, must be square every way 240. paces. For the just dividing, whereof you must first seek out the very midst of the place, and there make a square, to lodge the Captain which shall be every way 20. paces. From this square, draw a line eastward, which shallbe 110. paces long, and afterward draw two other lines from the said lodging one either side of the first line one, which shall be equal unto it in length and equedistant unto it 20. paces, and from each other 40. paces: which breadth shall contain the Captain his lodging in the midst of it, and shall serve for a street. On the other side of the Captain, his lodging west ward: shall three other lines be drawn of like length and breadth that the abovesaid are, for to make another street like unto the first. The like shall be done towards the South and North Regions: so that there shall be four streets, and at the end of every street, there must be a gate or bare of a reasonable breadth. All this quarter should be enclosed with a small trench which may be made by the servants of the company, & thus I would fortify the horsemen's quarter, that they might rest the safer, and be the surer from thieves that might steal away their horses, as we see often done, when that footmen may come amongst horsemen. The space comprised within this small trench, and betwixt the four streets, divided into four small quarters, every one of which containeth 100 paces square, shall be to lodge the horsemen in: to wit the men of arms in those two places that are betwixt the east and South street, and betwixt the north and West streets. The space which is betwixt the East and North street shall be to lodge the light horsemen; and betwixt the south and West streets shall the Hargoletiers & arquebusiers lodge. In the Captain his quarter, shall the Marshal, Harbingers, and Trumps be lodged: and the two conductors shall lodge in the quarters of the Hargoletiers, & arquebusiers. The Guidom shall lie amongst the light horsemen and the Ensigns shall lodge in one of the quarters of the men of arms, and the Lieutenant in the other, concerning the division of the four quarters, it shall be after this manner: that is every one shallbe divided into five parts, each of which parts, shall contain 100 paces in length, and 16. in breadth: and betwixt every two of this places there shall be a street left of 5. paces in breadth, each one of these places shall have roomth enough to lodge 100 horse and more. Moreover there may be raised ten great tents, along the same, if the men of arms will every man have his tent, as for the other they shall lodge two and two together. The places which are in the men of arms quarter, will every one easily receive a whole Decury of men of arms: and in the places in the other two quarters may lodge two Decuries of light horsemen, Halgolbetiers, and arquebusiers at ease.   

How it is necessary to divide every Batailon into three Battiles, the one separated from the other  
The .9 Chapter.  
SIth the Legion is assembled and lodged, we must proceed unto the practising of the bands together, aswell the footmen as the horsemen, to the intent to have service of them against our enemies: which is the intent, for which this discipline is ordained, & for whose well ordering we take all these pains. To speak that I think, we must understand that the greatest disorder that those that frame a Batailon can make, is that they have no other regard but to make a good head, wherein they place the Captains, and all the most valiantest men, and the best armed of their bands, making no reckoning of the backs, flanks, nor ranks in the midst, as if the first ranks were all the hope of the victory, and that the other served but to make number. For by this means they make all the hazard of the Battle subject unto two or three ranks, as if they were immortal, or sufficient of themselves to resist an enemy, without the help of those that are behind them: which is directly contrary unto the order that the ancient men of war did use; for they ordered their men so that one rank might be received within another, and one Batailon within another, and so to fight resolutely until the very last man. For without this manner it is not possible to secure the first ranks or to defend them, nor likewise to retire them within the other ranks to come to the fight in their places. With which manner of combat, the Romans helped themselves oftentimes, and for this purpose they divided their Legions into three sorts of people, which were called Hastaries, Princes, and Triaries. The Hastaries made the front or first battle, and their ranks were furnished thick with men. The Princes made the second battle, and their ranks were opener then the first. And the Triaries who made the third and last battle, had their men ranged so wide, that at a need they could receive the two first battles. Moreover their Velites, who were light armed, did the same service that our arquebusiers do at this present, and were placed upon the wings betwixt the Batailon and the Horsemen; and they began the battle. And if it were so that they overcame their enemies, they followed the victory, and if they were driven back, they retired unto the flanks of the Battailon. After whose retreat the Hastaries came to fight with their enemies, & if they felt themselves to weak to resist their enemies, they retired by little and little betwixt the open ranks of the Princes, and renewed the battle with them: and if they were then too weak, they both retired unto the Triaries, with whom they began the combat again. And if these three sorts were overthrown, there was then no remedy to help them. Me thinks that this manner of relieving three times is invincible, because that fortune must thrice abandon you: and moreover your enemy must of necessity fight, and vanquish you thrice. The Greeks used not this manner of relieving with their Phalanges, for although they had many ranks and many Chiefs in their ranks; notwithstanding there was made but one only head, and one only body of them all. And the manner which they used to secure one another, was not to retire one rank within another as the Romans did: but that one Soldier should enter into another's place, which they did after this manner. The Phalange was ranged by ranks, as our batallions are, but it was not so confusedly as ours are: for every band did know his place. The Decuries (that is the Deceins or Squadrons) were so ranged that the Soldiers followed one another in rows, and not in front as we place ours. The first man of every row was called the Doien or Decurion, (but I will term him the Dicenier) and the last man was called the Guide behind. The second man of every row was called Substes & he that followed him was called priests, and so throughout they were Substes & priests, until the said Guide which was the last man. Of these rows they had so many, that one Phalange had 256. men in front, or more, and 64. ranks in length. True it is that they were distributed unto four Colonels, but they marched all in front with a little distance betwixt them. Let us suppose that every rank hath 256 men, and let us say that they come to join battle with their enemies. If it happened that either in going or fight that any one of them was slain or overthrown, he that before I have termed Substes, put himself presently into the first man's place: so that by that means the Soldiers of the first rank were always their full number. And to fill the second rank, they of the third rank which were called priests, put forward themselves into their emptied places; and those of the fourth rank did furnish the third, and so following: so that the last ranks did furnish the first, in such sort that the first ranks were always entire. And there was no place left empty but in the last rank, which wasted because thee was no man to supply it, so that the loss that the first ranks suffered, was cause of the consuming of the last. By this means the Phalanges might sooner be consumed then disordered, for to overthrow them was impossible, because of their great number. The Romans at the first used Phalanges, & instructed their people after the Greeks manner, but it is long sithence that they misliked of their order: and therefore they divided their people into many bodies: to wit, into Cohortes, & Manipules: for they thought, as I have said before, that that body which had many souls, & was compounded of many parts, ought also to have many lives. The batallions of the Swissers, Almains, ours, and others do somewhat imitate the Phalanges, aswell for that we do range a great number of people together: as also that we do place them in such sort that they may enter one into another his place. But why this manner should not be so good as the Romans, many examples of the Roman Legions do show: for that as often as the Romans fought against the Greeks their Phalanges were overthrown and consumed by the Legions: for the difference of their arms, and the manner of relieving three times, had a more force in it then the great number, or the diligence of the Phalanges. Being therefore to frame a Batailon after all these examples, I have thought it good to imitate partly the fashions of the Greeks Phalanges, and partly the Roman Legions, and partly these that we do use at this instant: and therefore I would that in every one of our Legions there should be 3600, ordinary Pikes for the body of the Batailon, 420. for the flanks, and 170. extraordinary Pikes for the forlorn hope, which are arms that the Phalanges did use. Besides I would have 600. Halberds, 420. arquebusiers for the flanks, and 680. for the forlorn hope, all which are arms invented in our time.  
I have divided the body of the Batailon into 10. bands, as the Romans did theirs into 10. Cohortes, and have appointed the arquebusiers, and the forlorn hope to begin the Battle, and for skirmishes, as the Romans did their Velites, and have given them two Captains, and two Ensigns, to the intent to have better service of them then if they had none: and also for to employ them in the labours of the wars, as the other bands. And for that the arms are borrowed of divers nations, the bands must also be perticipants of the orders of divers nations: and therefore I have ordained, that every one of the ten bands should have 8 ranks of Pikes before the Ensign, and 8 behind, and 4 ranks of halberds in the midst: so that by that means every band doth make 20 ranks, and every rank hath 21. men. The Pikes do serve for to resist Horsemen, to break into the footmen, and to withstand the first assaults of their enemies: which Pikes I will use only to defend myself, and afterwards use the Targets (which the Pikemen do carry at their backs) and Halberds to vanquish mine enemies. And who so would consider of the force of this order, shall find that every sort of arms shall do his office thoughlye; for the Pikes are profitable against the Horsemen: and when the footmen do meet Batailon against Batailon, they serve to a good use before that the ranks are throng together, but after that they are once at the close, the Pikes can do no more service. Wherefore the Swissers, to avoid this inconvenience, after every three ranks of Pikes do place one rank of halberds, which they do to the intent to give their Pikemen space and place to fight in a press; but yet this is not enough, but as for us, we will have our Pikemen both before the Ensign and behind to carry Targets: and there shall be halberds in the midst, by means of this order, to resist both Horsemen and footmen, and to break into an enemy: for you know that Pikes may serve no turn after that the ranks are pressed together, because that the Soldiers are then as it were one in another's neck: and therefore if the Pikemen had nothing but their Pikes and sword the Pike being abandoned they should be naked: for which cause I have given them Targets to cover themselves from blows, and to fight in all places, what press soever there were. Moreover the Halberdiers may also fight better in a press then the Pikemen, which Halberdiers are expressly appointed for this purpose, and likewise they may follow the said Targets at the heels, who are heavily laden, to rescue them with their Halberds. And as for the Target men, I would have them but only to thrust at the face and legs, or at any other part that were unarmed. But leaving these small things. I will go range the ten bands in one whole Batailon.   

How to range a Legion in battle, and after what manner it must be practised,  
The 10. Chapter.  
WHo so would range ten bands in a Batailon, must first put a side by themselves the Pikemen, and arquebusiers that are appointed for the flanks: those of the one 5 bands on the one side, & those of the other on the other. And likewise one band of the forlorn hope on the one side, & the other on the other side, in such sort that the said bands of these two flanks shall leave a great void space betwixt them, for to range the batailon in, which shallbe done after this manner. The first band shall go before the second, and the second before the third, and the third before the fourth, and so likewise the others. They shall march in their single order that is five and five in a rank as I have said before. Afterwards the Colonel shall command his trumpet to sound, that the King commandeth them to double their ranks. And then the ranks of five shall be doubled and made 10. This done the Colonel, or Sergeant Maior shall command the trumpet to sound again, that the King commandeth them expressly to redouble their ranks, which at this second cry shallbe 20. in the midst of every rank shall the Chief of Squadron place himself to make it to be 21. The Trumpet shall sound the third time by commandment as before, and at this sound the first band shall go forward unto the place where the front of the Batailon shall be placed, and shall stay there in that order that I have ranged the particular bands. The space which every Soldier must occupy marching in single order must be three paces, in battle 2, and when he fighteth 1. The distance from one rank unto another being in single order must be 4. paces, and being placed in battle 2. and in fight one. So that the said 21. men being in battle will occupy 42. paces in front, and the 20. ranks will occupy 60. in length, here in comprised the space that every Soldier doth occupy which is one pace. The first band being so ranged, the second shall march as far forward as the first, and place itself upon the right hand of it, and shall occupy as great a space in breadth and length as it doth. Their ranks shall be strait in the flanks one by another, and the two bands thus ranged together, shall make 42. in front, and their order shall be all one, they must have a space left betwixt them of 5. paces broad. The third band shall be brought forward upon the left side of the first band, and shall be ranged like unto the other two, and not otherwise, and betwixt it and the first shall also a space be left of 5. paces broad. The fourth band shall be brought forward upon the right side of the second, and shall be ranged in ranks and spaces like unto the others, and shall always make the right corner. The fift shall be brought forward upon the left side of the third band, and shall be ranged as the others, and shall always make the left corner. These five bands thus ordered do make 105. men in front, and do occupy in breadth 230 paces, and 60. in length. at the tail of these bands, we must range the sixth, seventh, and eight band, right behind the other five, and distant from them 25. paces, and in such sort that these three bands must occupy as great a breadth in front as the other five: and therefore the men must be ranged much opener them those in the first five. The sixth band shall be in the midst, the seventh upon the right side of it, and the eight upon the left: which three bands do make 63. in front, and the space which they occupy in length is 90. paces. At the backs of these three bands shall the ninth and tenth band be placed right behind them, and distant from them 25. paces. The ninth shallbe on the right side, and the tenth on the left, and they shall occupy as much breadth as the first five. True it is that the ranks of these two bands shall be opener then those of the second battle are: but it is necessary that they should be so, for the reason that I will show you by and by.  
Their order shall be like unto the other bands, but that the distance of the ranks of these two bands, shall be more than the distance of the ranks of the others: for whereas the ranks of the second battle doth occupy but 90. paces from the first rank unto the last, these shall occupy 120. paces: wherefore all the 10. bands together will occupy 230. paces in breadth, and 320. from the first rank of the Batailon until the last. Moreover I would that these three battles should have certain express names: for the Romans did so distinguish theirs, naming (as I have said before) the Soldiers of the first battle Hastaries, those of the second Princes, and those of the third Triaries. For to arm the flanks, first for the right flank I would take the Pikemen of the first, second, fourth, seventh, and ninth band, and would range them alongst the Batailon two and two, so that the flank should represent as great a number of men as the front doth. The arquebusiers of the five bands aforesaid, shall also be ranged two and two together alongst the flank of these pikes, five or six paces distant from them. The Pikemen of the third, fift, sixth, eight, and tenth band shall be on the left side and shallbe ranged like unto those upon the right side, and the arquebusiers like unto the other. The Corporals of both flanks shall be by themselves before their men. The two bands of the forlorn hope, shall be the one upon the one flank, and the other upon the other. The arquebusiers shallbe ranged in 16 ranks, and their Pikes in 4, every one of which rank shall have 21 men, their Ensign shallbe in the midst of their Pikes. The one company of 100 men of arms shall be upon the one flank, and the other upon the other flank, and shall be like unto two wings. As for the light Horsemen they shall be ranged before the men of arms, or at their sides, who so would, in such sort that they both together might make one front: or if you would range them both by two Decuries, and two Decuries, you may do it. The Hargoletiers shall be before them and the arquebusiers a horseback foremost, the Captains shall be before the men of arms, the Lieutenants before the light horsemen, & the Conductors before the Hargoleteires, and the arquebusiers; either of them before his charge. The Colonel shall place himself in the void place betwixt the Hastaries, and the Princes, or at the head of the Batailon, at one of the corners betwixt the fourth band and the Pikes upon the right flank, or betwixt the fift band and the Pikes, upon the left flank, as it shall seem best. I would that he should have with him in his Squadron, the Sergeant Maior, and some chosen men, that knew wisely to execute a commission of importance. His Trumpet and Drum Maior, shall be always by him to sound and to signify his commandment speedily. When the Battailon shall be thus ordered, the Colonel shall command his Trumpet to sound, that his men should march easily, and in a while after shall sound to make them to go faster, and afterward shall sound the combat. The Hastaries must not be forgotten to be taught how they should retire themselves within the Princes: nor how both these Battles of Hastaries and Princes, should retire unto the Triaries, which must be done without disordering or breaking themselves. The Pikes upon the flanks ought to retire, as the Battles do retire: to wit, the first rank into the second, the third rank into the fourth, and the fift into the sixth, and the others consequently. The forlorn hope, and the Horsemen shall do so likewise. This done a retreat shall be sounded, and every band shall fall of a part, and put their men into single order, to re-enter the Camp as they came out. And if it should seem better to range the Princes and Triaries in one front, they might be so aswell as the Hastaries: for then there need no more to be done, but to make the ninth and the tenth band, to put themselves betwixt the second and third band, in whole bands: and that the said Princes and Triaries should keep the same order that the five bands of Hastaries do keep, and occupy as much ground in breadth and length as the said Hastaries do occupy: or otherwise four bands of the Hastaries might make the front, and the fift might be placed in the middle Battailon, with one band of Princes, and both these bands might range themselves in ten ranks, 42. men in every rank: and the seventh and eight band of the said Princes might be ranged with the Triaries: and so there should be aswell four bands behind, as four before, and two in the midst all ranged like unto the Hastaries: or these two bands may be behind occupying the place of the Triaries according unto Polybius his order, who would that the Triaries should be always the one half lesser than the Princes or Hastaries: so that in each of the other Battles there should be four bands, and in this but two, provided that whereas these two bands before made 20. ranks, they should then make but 10: to the intent that their frontes should stretch as wide as the frontes of the other Battles.  
We might also range one of these Legions in form of a Phalange, but to make it just square as the order of the said Phalange requireth, we must alter a great part of the order of these Legions, for to do it so that there should be no difference. But as concerning one of those Legions that I have framed here before, I have showed the order that I would observe in ranging one of them in Battle or many: notwithstanding if I should range one of those Legions which the King hath ordained in France, I would proceed after another manner, if so be that the manner of Hastaries, Princes, and Triaries before spoken of, were disliked: for in this case I would make but two Battles, in the first I would place three bands and their Ensigns; and in the last three bands and their Ensigns: and this I would do according unto the manner that I have spoken of in the seventh Chapter, where I have showed how to range one of these bands alone: so that the three bands should make 75. men in front, which bands with the two spaces of 5 paces broad left betwixt every one of them, will occupy 160. paces in breadth: and the 24. ranks will occupy 70. paces in length. I would place the other three bands behind them in the self-same order, that they are in, but as they should make the force behind, and stand even in rank with the first: so I would have a distance of 20. paces broad betwixt them and the first: by this means the length of the Battailon might be 160. paces. The extraordinary Pikes of three bands, should serve for the one flank, and these of the other three for the other, ranged two and two together: and the arquebusiers for the flanks a little distant from them. The forlorn hope shall march before upon the wings, and the horsemen shall keep the same place that they keep in the Legions above said; and the Colonel shall be at one of the corners, betwixt the bands and the Pikemen in the flank, or else where it might be thought most expedent. And although that this form might seem to be very good, yet is it so that the manner before spoken of is much more sure: because of the means that it hath to relieve itself three times, and to fight thrice; which this Legion here last ranged cannot do: for if it fought well once, it would be all; notwithstanding it might be taught through long exercise, how the one rank might fight after the other, which to do it should be necessary to teach the first rank to retire within the second, and so the others unto the very last man, not putting any men out of his place, which may be easily done; so that those which should make place for them to pass do put themselves a little aside, & immediately come into their places again. The like must be done when the second should retire, and the other also: so that this manner might be observed I would much esteem of this last manner. And at the uttermost which soever of these manners you range them in, it may serve: so that the Soldiers be often practised therein.  
But to repeat my sayings from the first unto the last, the Legion which I have framed after the ancient manner should be exercised in diverse exercises every day, as long as it continueth together, and by this means the Colonel should find the diligence, and negligence of the Captains, in the practising of their Soldiers: to the intent to praise or blame them in the presence of all men according unto their deserts: & the soldiers shall learn also to range themselves together, unto whom shall be showed all the exercises that they ought to do in general being before accustomed, unto their particular exercises. And for their better instruction it should be necessary that the Legion should assemble twice a year at the least, and that the bands should excercise themselves particularly every month or oftener if it were possible: and the Soldiers by themselves every holy day with their Deceniers, Chiefs of squadrons, and Corporals. The Colonel ought to exhort them unto this, and unto all other virtuous exercises both publicly and privately: and afterward to give them leave to turn unto their own houses: which returning shall be in every point like unto their going to the muster, keeping the same manner of matching, lodging, and well lyieng that is spoken of. Which ought to be observed as often as the Kings doth levy a Legion for his wars. I have caused in this place the form to be showed that one of these Legions abovesaid shall have being ranged in battle.  Here must the figure be placed, which doth show the form that a Legion shall have: being ranged in battle.  diagram of military camp 
This figure must be placed after the page 80.  
A The flanks: to wit, arquebusiers, ranged two and two together, and Pikes likewise ranged two and two together.  
B The Forlorn hope ranged in 16 ranks of arquebusiers 21 men in every rank and 4. ranks of Pikes.  
C Men of arms under their Ensign, and light Horsemen under their Guidon.  
D Hargoletiers.  
E arquebusiers on Horseback.   

How from point to point to range four Legions in battle, wherein, the Author doth give the best order that may be observed  
The 11. Chapter.  
SIth we have instructed the Legions severally, it followeth that we should now speak of the manner of ranging of one whole Battle together. And for to do this, it were necessary in this passage to declare amply after what manner the Greeks and the Romans ordered their Battles, but sith that their manner may be found and considered of by every man in the ancient Authors that do write thereof: I will leave many particulars of their fashions, and will speak only of the most necessariest, and of that which we ought to borrow of them, to give some little perfection unto the Military Discipline of our time. This doing, I will show all under one, how an Army must be ordered upon a day of Battle, and in what order one Host doth approach and assail another, being their enemies, and the manner how to exercise them in feigned Battles. We must understand, that in an ordinary Host of the Romans which they called Consularis, there were but two Legions of the Citizens of Rome, which were in number 600. horsemen, and 10000 footmen: beside, they had as many of their assistants, as of their own, who were divided into two parts, the one was called the right corner, the other the left. They would never suffer that their assistants should be more in number then their Legionaries, but as for the horsemen, they made no great account, although they were more in number then theirs. With such an army of 20000 footmen, and about 1500. horse of service at the uttermost, a Consul of Rome did enterprise all factions, and did execute them. True it is, that when as they were to deal with a very great force of their enemies, they assembled two Consuls, and caused the two Hosts Consulares, to join together. We must note moreover that in all the three principal actions that an army doth, as in marching, lodging, and fight, the aforesaid Romans did put their Legions in the midst, because they would that the force which they trusted most, should be most united: yet their confederates were not inferiors unto them, because of the great practice that they had together: for in truth they were practised and ranged after one manner. As they had two Legions of their own Citizens, and two of their assistants in every one of their hosts, so likewise I will take four Legions of Frenchmen, or two at the least, and they shall be of 6100. footmen, for this number liketh me best, for that Vegetius hath used it in the framing of his Legions, and of the two abovesaid Legions I will make my principal force. If so be that we would have strange soldiers amongst them, I would place the said strangers at the two corners of the army as the Romans did their assistants. But I suppose that there shall be no strangers in the host that I will make at this present, or if there should be, I would not have the number of the Legions which I require to be diminished: but that there should always be four: by the ordering of which four, may easily be understood how a greater army should be ranged: for if there should be a greater number of people than the said four Legions, there were no more to do but to make many small batallions, and to place them behind and at the sides of the battle, in form of Subsides, to secure any part of the Batailon that might be oppressed: of which Subsides it shall be necessary to use for the divers forms of batallions that enemies oftentimes do make, to the intent that without changing or taking any thing out of place, we might at all times have wherewithal to resist them: as if any of the enemies batallions should be ranged in Point, that is, with a narrow strong battle, we might immediately bring forward those that are behind, and those upon the flanks, and range them in the form of two united forces, to receive and enclose betwixt them the enemies Point when it shall approach: or if the said enemies should march with their front of great breadth, they then might march in Point, and force to break into them. These people would be also good to repulse those that should suddenly charge upon the flanks of the Batailon or behind, they may also serve to relieve those that are in danger, or to strike down those that run away: and for many other good actions (which I leave to speak of) wherein we might employ those that might be in our Camps over and above the said four Legions: notwithstanding for these purposes there need none to be levied, sith the Forlorn hope, & those of the flanks might serve the turn. Furthermore, I think that it shall not be needful to recite again the number of people that I have appointed for every Legion, nor that there are ten ordinary bands, and two extraordinary: nor what arms and weapons they should carry, nor the diversity of Pikemen, nor what officers & Chiefs there should be in every Legion: because that I have before recited them particularly, wherefore without any more repetition, I say that the first Legion (for they must all be distinguished by degrees) ought at all times to be ranged in the Batailon in one place, and the others likewise. Therefore I would that the first Legion should keep the right side, and the second the left, and that the first ranks of the Hastaries of these two Legions should be ranged as far forward the one as the other, and all the other ranks following. And for a more manifest demonstration, suppose that the enemies be towards the East, and that we do range the fronts of our battles towards them, the first Legion being upon the right hand on the South side, the second Legion upon the left hand on the North side, and their backs towards the West: and the Hastaries one right against another, & one as far forward as an other, and the Princes & Triaries of both these two Legions, must likewise keep one and the self-same order, ranks, spaces, & distances: there must a space be left betwixt the two Legions from the front unto the tail, which must be thirty paces broad: these two Legions shall occupy the place that the two Legions of the Citizens of Rome did occupy. I would have the third Legion to be placed on the right corner, & the fourth on the left, and ranged in the self-same order that the two Legions betwixt them are, with spaces betwixt them of 30. paces broad: so that the four Legions should occupy in breadth a thousand paces or more. The Forlorn hope shall be at the head, and the horsemen of the first and third Legion shall be on the right wing: and the horsemen of the second and fourth Legion upon the left wing. And for to govern this army well, it would be necessary to have certain principal Chiefs; and Officers, who should be subject and obedient unto one Lieutenant General. There shall be therefore two Chiefs, to wéet, one Captain general of the horsemen, unto whom, all the Captains that have charge of horsemen, must be obedient. The other shall be Captain general over the footmen, unto whom, all the Colonels and Captains that have charge of footmen shall be obedient. The dignity of these two Chiefs is equal, because that the one commandeth over the one kind of Soldiers, and the other over the other: and they are the highest degrees that are in an army (excepting the General chief) and unto which estates all other degrees may aspire, each one in his faculty, as he that is a horseman, may attain to be Captain general over horsemen: and he that is a footman, may attain to be Captain general over the footmen: to arise unto which dignities, there must be as many degrees passed in the one faculty, as in the other: for I make twelve degrees in either of them. First amongst the footmen there is the Forlorn hope, amongst whom, I would place all those which I would inrowle to fill a Legion. The second place is to be of the flanks, & in these two places they should pass through all offices except the Corporals, before that they should be of the Battailon, & being of the Battailon, they should first be Pikemen or Halberdiers amongst the Hastaries which is the third place, the fourth, are the Princes, the fift, Triaries, the sixth to be Decenier, the seventh to be chief of Squadron, the eight to be Corporal, the ninth to be ensign-baerer, whether it were of the Batailon, or of the Forlorn hope, the tenth Lieutenant, the eleventh Captain, the twelfth Colonel. And for the Horsemen, the first point is to be arquebusiers, the second Hargoletiers, the third light horsemen, the fourth a man of Arms, the fift a Decurion of arquebusiers, the sixth a Decurion of Hargoletiers: the 7. a Decurion of light horsemen, the eight, a Decurion of men of arms, or conductors of hargoletiers or arquebusiers, the ninth Guydon, the tenth ensign, the eleventh Lieutenant, and the twelfth Captain. Concerning the other places as Harbingers, Sergeants of Bands, Sergeants, Majors, Marshals of Legions, Masters of Camp, or Provost (for it is all one) and others, theirs are offices, but not degrees, whereby a man ought to attain unto the estates of the two Sovereigns, except the King did appoint it to be so, who may alter and change all orders. As concerning the officers that ought to be in an Host, besides these that I have here spoken of, there must be first of all some wise man who should execute the office of Chancellor or Councillor, as you will term him: and a master of the Ordinance, a treasurer, and a Marshal of the Camp, we might appoint also a Provost general. Now to appoint unto every one of these principal Chief their places, the army being ready for the Combat, and likewise unto the other officers here above named, we must say that the Lieutenant General ought to be upon the right side, betwixt the footmen and the horsemen, for that is the fittest place to govern an army. The King's Lieutenant General may have in his company a 100 or 200. chosen men, some a horseback, and some a foot, of which number there shall be some sufficient to execute a charge of importance, he himself must be a horseback, and so armed, that he might help himself both a horseback and a foot, according unto the occasion that might be given. His Cornet must be by him, which is the Ensign of those that are Chiefs of Armies, and the Kings Trumpet, generally after whose sound, all the trumpets of the army must govern themselves, and the soldiers likewise. The Lieutenant general of the army ought then to be upon the right side, for it is the fittest place to give order unto all parts of the battle, and to overlook them with least trouble, except the situation of the place were fit upon the other side: but I suppose that this Host is ranged in some fair plain. The Captain general of the footmen shall be at the head of that space, that is left betwixt the two middle Legions, to govern all the four Legions, and to remedy the accidents that may happen: and therefore he shall have about him certain extraordinary footmen, or may use certain Pikemen and arquebusiers of the flanks if he will: specially those of the flanks betwixt the two middle Legions, for it will be long before that they should be assailed there. The Captain General of the horsemen shall be upon the left side to govern there as the Lieutenant General doth govern the right side: and may have about him certain footmen, Pikes, and arquebusiers, which he shall take from the Forlorn hope, and shall cause them to fight amongst the horsemen without keeping order. The Ordnance ought to be placed at the front of the Army, except the ground were such that it might be placed upon the flanks, or elsewhere in some sure place where the enemies might not easily come to it. The master of the Ordnance ought to be with his charge, and his Officers and Gunners with him: a good number of the chief Officers ought to be about the King his Lieutenant General, and the rest behind the Battles, to have a regard unto that might happen there. As for the Baggage, it should be placed in some place either strong by nature or by art, and the servants of the Host may keep it, and for this purpose I required that they should be chosen to be such as might serve for soldiers at a need. And an Host ranged after this manner here spoken of, might in fight do asmutch as the Greeks Phalanges, or as the Roman Legions might do, because that there are Pikemen in the front, and upon the sides: and moreover, the Soldiers are ranged in such sort, that if the first rank should be slain or beaten down in fight, than those that are in the second, might presently supply their places, and fill their ranks, according unto the use of the Phalanges. On the other part, if the first ranks of Hastaries were so violently charged, that they should be enforced to break, they might then retire unto the Princes which are at their backs, and range themselves anew betwixt their ranks, who are not so thick placed as the Hastaries, for they are two bands less than they. Moreover, there is a greater distance from the first rank of the Princes unto the last, than the said Hastaries do occupy in their order, and therefore they may fight anew, and show their faces being ranged with the Princes. And when as this would not serve the turn, they might retire the second time, as they did the first, and enter betwixt the Triaries, and fight the third time, so that this manner of relieving, & furnishing of the places of those that are stricken down, is both according unto the Greeks and Romans manner. Furthermore, it were not possible to frame a more stronger form of Battle than this, because that all the sides of the Battles are most excellently well furnished with Chiefs and good arms, so that they can not be assailed at any part that is not strong and well governed, herewith considered that the enemies are very seldom so great a number as they might assail those with whom they should have to do alike upon all parts. And if it were so that they were strong enough to do it, I would never counsel the weaker to offer the Battle, nor to accept it, nor to go out of his Fort into an open Country. But if the enemy were so strong, that he had three times as much people as you, and as good Soldiers as yours, and should assail you in divers places, if you could repulse but the one part, the others would do no great deed: for who so should assail his enemies upon divers sides, must of necessity weaken and diminish his Battles, and be constrained to range them so far asunder, that if one part should be repulsed, having no body to secure it, the other parts would be dismayed, or at least would but weakly resist. And as for the enemy his horsemen, if they were stronger than you, yet are you assured from them, by means of the Pikes which environ your Battles upon every side: for what side so ever should be assailed, you have Pikemen to defend the same: moreover, the officers, numbers, & Chiefs, are distributed into such places, that they may easily command their people, & obey their Captain general. The distances betwixt the ranks, bands, & battles, do not only serve for to receive one another, but also to make place for those that come and go, to carry & re-carry the commands of the Chiefs. Furthermore I have said that the Romans had in four of their Legions the number of 21000. footmen, which were all the people that they commonly had in one of their armies. This Host which I frame here, hath 25000. not accounting the principal Chiefs, and Officers, who also have some followers. Finally, they had horsemen, so likewise mine have a good number, who are better armed and furnished then theirs were: wherefore sith the battles are ranged in all points ready to fight, there resteth nothing but to set these people awork. I do require therefore that I may be here permitted to give battle with these four Legions, against another great Host of Enemies, to the intent to show after what manner I would have them to fight: afterward, I will give a reason for that I cause them to do during the battle, which battle I do feign by imagination.   

The Author showeth by a feigned Battle how an army of four Legions ranged after the manner that he teacheth, should use their fight against their enemies upon a day of battle  
The 12. Chapter.  
WE do suppose that every one doth sufficiently understand the ordering of this Host, and do imagine to see it ready to begin battle, when so ever it shall be needful. Or else let us put case that our enemies are come out of their Fort, and our men also, and that both the one and the other mean nothing else but to mere, and are approached within Cannon shot. Let us also suppose that the said enemies are ranged in very good form of battle, and that they have a great force of all sorts of people, aswell footmen as horsemen, & beside, good store of Ordnance. And furthermore, that the place wherein these 2. armies do attend, to enter into battle is large and plain: so that the situation cannot help the one to annoy the other. The matter being in these terms, and the two armies in sight, there resteth no more but to give fire unto the pieces, and to discharge them. You may now see that the gunner's do not sleep on neither side, and also hear how the cannon doth roar. Let us mark what murder it doth. Have you seen how little hurt our Ordnance hath done unto the enemies at the first volley? Hereupon the King his Lieutenant General, doth cause his Trumpet to sound to begin the battle. This done, you see our Forlorn hope, and our Harquebuziers of the flanks do go forwards out of their places, and our Harquebuziers on horseback, and Hargoletiers likewise: and they altogether assault their enemies without keeping any rank, approaching them most furiously, and with the greatest cry that they can make. The enemy's Ordnance hath passed over our footman's heads, not hurting them, and to hinder it for shooting the second time, our Forlorn hope, Harquebuziers on horseback, and Hargoletiers do run upon it, and do all their endeavour to win it, and the enemies to defend it: so that neither their Ordnance, nor ours may do any more service. You see how our horsemen and footmen mingled one with another, do fight valiantly and to good purpose, succouring one another (the practice which they have had, and the trust that they repose in the battalions that are at their backs, are causes of it:) which battalions have already kissed the ground, and march orderly as you see, a good pace, with the horsemen at their wings, every rank of men of arms being one hundred horse. And the light horsemen, who do make as many ranks as they, are upon the outside of the men of arms, and are one rank after an other, and do march all very close: mark how our Ordnance is retired into the spaces that are left betwixt the Legions, for to make place for our Battles, and to leave them the way free. Do you see how the King his Lieutenant General, and the Captain Generals of the horsemen and footmen, do go before the battalions, encouraging the Soldiers to do well, and the Captains also calling every man by his name, or by his office, declaring unto them the victory to be in their hands, so that they abide and resist the enemies charge without fear? Do you mark how our Harquebuziers on horseback, and our Hargoletiers do open themselves to make place for our battles, and how the Harquebuziers of the flanks do return into their places? The Forlorn hope of the right side do return unto the right side, and those of the left unto the left, and do retire without fear or flight, although they have the enemy at their heels, and a far greater number than they are, and how they do return all at once: to weet, the Forlorn hope of two Legions together toward the one side, and the Forlorn hope of the other two Legions together toward the other side, to put themselves into a new order, the Pikemen by themselves, and Harquebuziers by themselves: which Pikemen of each two Legions do rank themselves in eight ranks, and every rank is a Squadron of 21. men: for they are all of this number, which is a sufficient number to represent a small Battailon. But these two small batallions are ranged as you may see behind the Triaries, each of them right behind the space that is betwixt the two Legions, & the Harquebuziers do range themselves in troops by them to defend them behind, while the fronts do fight.  
They do also remain there for to be employed when as the Lieutenant General should have occasion to use them. But whilst I appoint our Forlorn hope their place at the tail of our Legions, I do see that the two armies are come together unto the push of the Pike. Mark how resolutely our battalions do withstand the violence of the enemy, and with what virtue and silence they do it. The King his Lieutenant General commandeth the men of arms stoutly to resist, but not to assail, and that they should not separate themselves from the footmen: and thereupon commandeth the light horsemen to assail, and after they have executed their charge, they should return again into their places. On the other part, I see that our Harquebuziers on horseback, and the Hargoletiers and Harquebuziers of the right flank, are gone to charge certain troops of the enemy's Harquebuziers, who would charge our men upon the flank: and I see that the enemies light horsemen have succoured their men immediately, and that at this instant the horsemen on both sides are so intermingled, that the Harquebuziers can do no service with their Harquebuzzes, but are constrained to retire unto their people. Whilst this is in hand, two of our Guydons go to secure our horsemen, and charge the enemy so courageously that they force them to retire: and having repulsed them, our light horsemen do afterward return to their places. Mark how our Harquebuziers on horseback and Hargoletiers do trouble the enemies without cease? Do you not see that our Pikemen do fight bravely? Our men and the enemies are so near together that they can no more use their Pikes: so that our first ranks of the Hastaries (according unto our Military discipline) do leave their Pikes and take their Swords and Targets, which they do use only in thrusting. Herewithal you may see how a great troup of the enemy's horsemen have repulsed our Hargoletiers upon the left side, who do retire towards the Pikes of the same flank, with whom and the Harquebuziers they turn their faces and do resist their enemies. Do you see how our light horsemen do go to secure them? See how they charge the said enemies one band after another. Hark how they break their Lances: see how they are mingled: behold the murder which the Pikes of the said flank do make of the enemy's horses, running betwixt our horsemen, who do back them against the enemy's assaults: and our said Pikes do also help to defend the light horsemen. He hath good luck that is overthrown, if he escape the footman's hands without death. Do you not see how the enemies men of arms come to assail our men of arms of the said flank, whilst the light horsemen and others are busied other where? Do you see how the Forlorn hope of the two Legions of the same left side of the battle, do go in great haste to secure our men of arms? But they are somewhat too far of to come time enough, notwithstanding they make as much hast as possibly they may do, in the same order that they are ranged in. In the mean while the enemy his men of arms do charge ours as much as the horses can run, but mark well the manner of our men who stand still to receive them. But assoon as the Captain general his Trumpet doth sound, they do run all at once: although the race be not above twenty or thirty paces. And this they have done (as I think) to resist their enemies the more forcibly. Have you seen how our men of arms have with their Lances galled the enemy's horses in their breasts and sides? being sure that the enemies could neither hurt their persons nor their horses, because that they are very well armed themselves, and their horses are barbed and garnished with Chamfrings and Criniers, which the enemies do want: which is the cause that you do see so many of the enemies slain, and so few of ours. Mark how our men with the force of their horses, and with the thrusts of their swords do repulce their enemies, killing their horses as long as they may, & laying on upon the men at all places where they may find them unarmed. The mase doth his office there also, and the Captain General of the horsemen doth command the men of arms to keep themselves firm together, and not to break their ranks, or to suffer their enemies to enter within them by any means. Hereupon the pikemen of the Forlorn hope do arrive, & the men of arms seeing them arrived, do make way for them to pass through the midst of their ranks, and the pikes all at once do fall in amongst the enemies, and the men of arms likewise upon their flanks, and do charge altogether, and the Harquebuziers do go towards the flanks to charge. But mark how the Lieutenant General doth send a company of men of arms to charge the flank of that Battailon, that maketh the enemy his left corner, and he himself is suddenly lighted a foot, and with those that do follow his Cornet, doth give a fight unto one of the corners of the said Battailon, who conducteth our footmen ill in that point. Do you see how he maketh them to give way, and how our men do begin to take heart, and do charge them so rigorously that they do repulce them? This done, the Lieutenant General doth mount on horseback again, and his men also: and seeing certain companies of the enemy's horsemen, which went to charge upon the backs of our Battles to put them in disorder, hath commanded the Hargoletiers, and Harquebuziers on horseback, and part of the Harquebuziers of his side, to go speedily toward them to resist them, and doth send the light horsemen after them. Do you not see how our Harquebuziers on horseback and Hargoletiers have stayed them, and how they fight together in skirmish? But the enemies seeing our light horsemen coming, and Harquebuziers at their tails, do run away as fast as they can gallop. But let us look no more upon that which is done on the sides, but let us behold the battalions, who do fight so near together, that their ranks are almost one upon another's neck: so that their Soldiers can very hardly use their swords, but are constrained for the most part to fight with their daggers. Mark how the enemies are murdered, and fall by heaps, who have nothing but pikes and swords, which at this instant do them no service, specially the pikes, because of the press and their great length, and although that the sword be not altogether unserviceable in a press, yet is it of little value: for that the said enemies are ill armed upon their bodies, and have no Target or other thing to covet them from the thrusts that our men do give them in the faces, thighs, legs, feet, and other places unarmed, they do therefore fall dead and maimed on every side as you do see. Now may you see the enemies upon the right point to shrink, also I do see manifestly that they do fall one upon another, and that the tail doth fly. Behold how those upon the left point do the like, and those in the midst also. Do you see how the Lieutenant doth send after them all the horsemen that are upon his side, except two hundred men of arms, who do range themselves again in their first order, like unto the Forlorn hope: the Pikes and Harquebuziers of the flanks do also put forth themselves to follow the victory, to give them no leisure to join together again, and the four Legions do range themselves in all points as they were before the combat: and after that the pikemen who threw down their Pikes to use their Targets, have taken them up again and amended their ranks, they march a good pace after those that pursue the victory, until that they do see that the enemies have no mean left to defend themselves, but that they do all flee, who best can best may, scattered like partridges. I do think that the retreat will sound immediately, if it do please the Lieutenant General to think it time. We have gotten the victory, and happily overcome the Battle, not having been occasioned to make the Halberdiers of the Hastaries to fight, but only the first eight ranks of pikes: neither have we been enforced to retire the Hastaries within the Princes, nor to make the Triaries to feel of the wars: for the Hastaries have been strong enough of themselves to abide the enemy his forces, and to overcome them. Wherefore there resteth no more to be spoken in this matter, but to show the reasons that made me to range these Battles in the manner aforesaid, and what moved me to order the things that are happened in this Battle, as I have ordered them: which I will do aswell and as briefly as possibly I may.   

The Author yieldeth a reason for every thing that was done, both before the beginning of the battle, & after  
The 13. Chapter.  
TO give a reason why I made our Ordnance to discharge but once, and why I caused it immediately to be retired betwixt the Battles, and what hath been the occasion that I have made no mention of it since, and likewise why I said that the enemies had shot too high: for it should seem that I had laid the Ordnance at mine own pleasure, to make it to shoot high or low as I would myself. As concerning the first point, I say that all men ought to have a more regard to defend themselves from the enemy his shot (and that it is a thing of more importance) then to offend them with theirs. For if so be you would that your Ordnance should shoot more than once, of force your enemies must have as great leisure to discharge against your battles, as you have to discharge against theirs: which cannot be without the hassarding of your people, unto the danger of the said Ordnance, which may do you many great damages before you come to handy strokes. Wherefore it is better that your Ordnance should cease his effect, then that in using of it your enemy's Ordnance should weaken you, in killing your good Soldiers: for you must take heed of the blows that do come far of, being assured that through the good order that your men are in, so that your ranks may aboard the enemy, you shall easily obtain the victory, for that your people are better practised, ranged, and armed then your enemies are. So that you ought to have care of nothing so much as to bring your Soldiers to encounter with your enemies their ranks being whole. And for to keep you from being endamaged with your enemy's Ordnance, it would be necessary that you should be in such a place whereas it might not offend you, or behind a wall or a rampart: for there is nothing else that might save you. Yet to be well assured, it were necessary that they should be very strong: but forasmuch as Captains that will give battles may not be covered with walls and ramparts, nor likewise put themselves into places where Ordnance may hurt them: it must be therefore of necessity, that sith they cannot find a mean to wholly assure themselves, that at the least they do find some one mean which may save them from being too much endamaged. And the best remedy that I do see herein, is that that I am about to tell you, which is presently to seek to hinder the use of the said Ordnance, by assailing it speedily without keeping order, & not slowly or in troup: for by means of the diligence that you use herein, you shall give them no leisure to double their shot. And for that your men are scattered, it shall hit the fewer when it doth shoot: and you know that a band being in order may not do this, because that if it should march in so great haste as it were necessary it should do, it is certain that the ranks would put themselves into disorder. And if so be that the said band should be spread wide, the enemy might break it easily, because the ranks are broken of themselves without using any other force unto them. To withstand which peril, I have ordered this army after that manner that it may do both without danger: to weet, the Forlorn hope & the Harquebuziers of the flanks, who with the Hargoletiers and Harquebuziers on horseback, are appointed expressly for to charge upon the enemy's Ordnance, and to hinder the use of it: which cannot be done if that the Ordnance should shoot always, for the reasons that I have above alleged: which is, that you cannot have that leisure yourself, and take it away from others. It followeth then, that to make the Ordnance to be of no value, there is no other remedy but to assault it speedily. And if you can enforce the enemies to abandon it, than you may use it yourself, and although they would hinder you from the using of it, yet they must leave it behind them: so that being enjoyed by you or troubled by them, it shall remain unserviceable. I conclude then, that if you will defend your battles from the Ordnance, you have no other remedy but to surprise it with the greatest speed that may be possible. As concerning that point that it might seem that I had guided the enemy's Ordnance at my pleasure, making the shot to fly over our footmen, I answer, that great Ordnance doth oftener miss footmen, then touch them; for that the said footmen are so low, and the Ordnance is so troublesome to be used, that how little soever it be raised, the shot doth fly over their heads: and if it be laid a little too low, the shot liteth upon the ground, so that it cometh not amongst them. If the ground wherein they are ranged be any thing bowing, it saveth them also, but if the place were plain, I would put the horsemen behind the battles, chief the men of arms and the light horsemen, until such time as the Ordnance were unserviceable: for by means of their height and close ranging, for that they are ranged closer than the Hargoletiers, or Harquebuziers on horseback, they may be sooner hit than footmen. One thing there is, the enemies small shot may greatly annoy us, but we have it aswell as they. But to avoid the worst, there is no better remedy then to come to the combat, although that at the first assault there are always some slain, as some always must die at the first encounter, yet the particular danger is not so much to be feared as the general: for that the loss of five hundred or a thousand men cannot be so damageable, but that the loss of a greater troup would be more, except the loss should fall upon some of the Chiefs, and yet in such a case we must not be too much amazed, nor account the battle to be lost: for that for the default of one principal Chief there are so many other Chiefs distributed and ranged in so good order, that the loss of one particular Chief could not be missed so much as a man would think it should be. But this business cannot be done with out peril, and all being well weighed our manner is the least venturous that may, be so that you do begin betimes to foresee that your enemies do not hurt you afar of, for therein doth the greatest danger lie: for as for hand blows they may be avoided with less danger, by means of arms, and good order, than those that come from far, as shot which nothing can resist, against the which we must use the Swissers custom, who bowing down their heads do run and assail the ordnance wheresoever it be placed, as I have heard say they have done many times, but specially at the battle of Marignan, and they do not refuse battle at any time against any man whosoever he be, for any doubt that they have of the ordnance: but have a law amongst themselves to put them to death, that should go out of their ranks, or should make any show to be afraid of it. I have caused our Ordnance to be retired unto the tail of our battles after that it had once discharged, which I have done to the intent that our battalions might have the way free before them. And the cause why I made no mention of it since, was because I thought it to be inseruiceable when the troops were at it, hand to hand. I must here reply in this place unto certain people, who judge the Harnis that we do use, and the ancient order in ranging of a battle to be unprofitable, having respect unto the violence of this instrument: for it should seem by their words, that the men of war of the time present have found some better order, & that they would have men to be slain or hurt at their pleasures. Of those, you shall find but few in mine opinion, but they had rather to show their heels unto their enemies then to receive hurt. For wherefore is it that they do blame harness, sith that being naked they are subject to blows, but to the intent rather to fly then to be hurt; and to abandon their Prince at his most need? I would but understand why the Swissers & the Almains do make Battles of 1000 & 15000. men all in one piece, after the ancient manner: and for what occasion all the other nations have imitated them, sith that this form of battle is subject unto the same peril of the ordnance, that the others that are ranged after the ancient manner, are subject unto. I believe they know not how to answer this point, but who so should ask any Soldier of mean judgement, he would answer, that those that would not carry Harness, are ill counseled: for although that Harness be too weak to resist ordnance or harquebuses; notwithstanding, it doth defend a man from the stroke, of Pike, halberd, and Sword, Crossbow, Longbow, and from Stones, and from all other hurt, that may proceed from the enemy's hand, and sometimes a arqebus may be so ill charged, or so hot, or may be shot so far of, that a Harness if it be good, may save a man's life. The said soldier would also answer unto this other demand, that men of war do go so close together, as we see they do: and as the said Swissers and Almains do, the better to resist horsemen, and to give their enemies the more trouble to break them: so that we see that soldiers have many things to fear besides ordnance, from all which, they may be defended, by the means of arms, and good order: whereof ensueth, that the better that an army is armed, and the better that the ranks are closed, so much the better it is assured: so that whosoever is of the opinion above said, is scant wise, or his conceit is not great in this matter.  
Wherefore, sith we see that the least piece of arms which they used in times past, (which we now use, is the Pike) and the least part of their orders, (which are the Battailions of the Swissers) do us so much good, and give so great a force unto our armies, why should we not believe that the other arms, & orders which they used should not be profitable? so that if we have a care to defend ourselves from ordnance, placing our men close & joint together, as the Swissers & Almains do, we need not doubt any other thing: as in truth we ought to fear no order of Battle so much as that wherein the soldiers are kept close and joint together. Furthermore, if the ordnance do not dismay us in placing of a siege before an enemy's town, which may annoy us with a more certainty, & which we cannot attain unto, because of the walls which do defend it, neither is it possible in short time to take away the defence of it with our ordnance, but that they may redouble their shot with ease: why then should we be afraid of it in the field where it may be won incontinent?  
To be brief I rest upon this, that the Ordnance may not any way hinder the Soldiers of the time present, to use the ancient manners almost aswell as if there were none at all. And am also of opinion, that we ought not to leave our bodies unarmed, although that Harness cannot defend us from Ordnance: for (as I have showed) we are subject unto many other more dangers then to be hit with a shot of great Ordnance. To proceed, I am well assured that it will seem that I have ranged this Battle, and won the victory at mine own pleasure: notwithstanding I reply hear unto, that it is impossible, but that an army ordered as I have spoken of, should overcome at the first encounter all other Hosts, that should be ordered as the armies are at this present: for the battalions that are framed at these days, have never but two or three ranks armed in the front, wherein the Chiefs and all the valiantest men are employed, not making any great account of the rest. So that if these two or three ranks were overthrown, the other would make but small defence.  
Likewise the battalions of our time have no Targets, and very few Halberds or none, or if they have any, they keep them only for the defence of their Ensigns, and not for to break into their enemies. Moreover they are unarmed, and therefore being at hand strokes with those that are surely armed, and have also a Target, they will easily kill them, and so likewise will the Halberdiers do. In sum, our said Soldiers do range themselves at this day to their disadvantage, after one of these two manners: that is, either they range their Battles of two great a breadth, and place them one at the flank of another, to make the front to be so much the larger: & in so doing the Battles are too thin, and therefore are in danger to be entered with little difficulcy, or they place them one behind another, wherein if they have not the cunning to ritire one band within another, & to be received without disorder, you may be sure that the host willbe easile overcome, & it helpeth not that they do give it three names, & divide it into three battles, that is, into avant-garde battle, & Kiergard: for this division serveth for no other purpose but to march on the way, & to divide the quarters for their lodgings. but for the giving of Battle this division may give none advantage, no more than if they were not divided: for all the hazard of the combat dependeth upon one of these three battles, whosoever it is that shall fight first, and according unto the fortune that that one hath, the other two do govern themselves: for if it be overthrown, the other two are dismayed, and lose their hope of well doing, and perhaps they shallbe brought into disorder by those that fly, retiring unto them to be saved. And if so be that the Battle which is first assaulted do repulse their enemies that did charge them: yet is it but one part of the enemy that is overthrown, for that the rest continue in their entire: so that it is to begin again, as also it is to be doubted, that if those that have overcome their enemies, should follow them any thing, that they should be enclosed by their other Battles in the sight of their friends. But to proceed in our business, you have seen before, how our Hargoletiers and arquebusiers a Horseback on the left side of our battalions were repulsed by the enemy's Horsemen, and how that they retired unto the Pikes of the same flank. I say unto you that I have caused it to be so handled, to show wherein the Pikes of the flanks may be employed, who are not only appointed always to keep the sides of the battalions, but may serve for more turns than one.  
Likewise I have made the men of arms to fight after that manner that I would that they should fight, without breaking their order, and that they should not bestow their labour upon men heavy laden with harness, for that would be time lost: but the surest way is to bend at the Horses, who so will have the men at their commandment. And as concerning that I made them to stay at the meeting, is, for that I do think it to be much better than to charge running, aswell for to continue them in good order, as to keep their Horses in breath, & for to have them to be fresh at the combat. True it is I have made them to run all at one time, and that was because that they should resist their enemies the better: yet it is very hard for Horsemen to keep their ranks how little soever their Horses do run, for that Horses are some swifter than other some: therefore there is less danger for them to keep themselves firm, not separating themselves, than there is in being too forward. Our men of arms at Ravenna did use the same order: and did easily overthrow the men of arms of Spain. Moreover I have caused the Forlorn hope, to put forth themselves to secure the men of arms, to the intent you should know the service that this order of forlorn hope might do, who after that they have begun the battle, do range themselves in good order either behind or upon the flanks; to serve for Subsides, until such time as they may find some occasion to annoy their enemies. In the mean while the arquebusiers a horseback, are always seeking to endamage their enemies. But to tell you the reason what moved me to make the kings Lieutenant general to light a foot; you must understand that in times passed the captains Generals of Hosts did give order themselves through out all the army, whether it were to range the Battles, to give the signs: to begin the combat; or to send the Subsides one into another's place, and in some all that was done from the first unto the last, was governed by their commandment, and hereof I can allege a number of examples. And yet this was not all, but if their people were at any part distressed they succoured them speedily, and lighted a foot when it was needful, or fought a horseback when as they might do it: which was cause that their battles were better fought than ours are now, forasmuch as the Chiefs left no little piece of their office undone, were it in playing the Chief or the Soldier. But these that are at this present do think to do no more after that the Battle is once begun then a simple valiant Soldier ought to do: where as it is the part of a good Chief to overlook on every side what the enemies do against his people, to the intent to remedy all inconuences & to be careful that his people receive no damage through his default, where in it were necessary that he should employ any of his Soldiers, and sometimes his own person: yet this aught to be done as seldom as maybe possible: or if that he did fight it should be at an extremity as our Captain General did, who lighted to relieve a Batailon that his enemies oppressed: and to resist the enemies force the more surer, you have seen that one band of men of arms did go to charge the enemies upon the flank, and the other bands in the mean while have turned their faces unto the enemy's horsemen, making show to assail 'em to trouble them from going to secure their footmen, and when he had relieved the said Batailon he leapt a horseback immediately. And so likewise would I have our Chief to do, who ought to determine never to fight except he were forced there unto, but should leave that charge unto them that have no body to govern, but their own persons, or particular bands, or that are not of that quality that a Lieutenant general is. And in so doing he can no ways be reproached that he hath not virtuously acquitted himself of his charge although that he lay not to his hands: for it is to be thought that he aspired not unto that estate but through his virtues, and that he hath before sufficiently proved himself to be a valiant, and hardy man: and therefore a Lieutenant general ought not to be reputed for a coward although he fight not. And when all is said there may more mischief happen in playing the hardy man then in playing the coward: as many ancient histories do make mention, as of Fabius the coward and Mutius the hardy, and of many others, specially of Monsieur de Foix, who was slain through his too much hardienes, whose death was more hurtful unto the Frenchmen than the victory that he got was profitable.  
But let us proceed and not stay at that which is too manifest: and let us speak somewhat of the form of our Host: as for to speak of the rest that happened at the end of the combat would be superfluous, sith I have spoken already both in the beginning of the battle and before, of the causes that do give our men the advantage, and the victory, after that they do come unto the fight of the Sword. I have likewise taken the one half of our horsemen from our batallions, to secure those that have the enemies in chase, if peradventure any ambush should charge them, or that the flyars would put themselves again to defence, & should repulse them. And as concerning that I have kept the rest of our men of arms, and caused them and the battalions to be brought again into their order, it was to this intent to have always the greatest strength of mine host ready to fight if so be that the enemies should join together again, or that fresh people should come upon them: for the not doing of it, hath oftentimes happened unluckily unto divers Chiefs: as unto Coradin in Naples in the year 1268. who thought that he had won the victory against Charles the King of the country, because he saw that no man made any longer resistance: but the said Charles coming out of an ambush with fresh men, charged the others that were busy in killing and striping of his men and overthrew them, and the said Coradin also. It might seem that I had not ranged our batallions well, forasmuch as I have placed five bands in the front there in the midst, and two at the tail: for we might think that it were better to order them otherwise: because that a Batailon is worst to break when he that doth assault it doth find it the stronger the further that he doth enter into it, and it should seem that the manner that I have framed should be always the weaker the deeper it is entered into, although that I do know that the Romans did appoint but 600. men in their third battle which are the Triaries, yet I have put two bands into the said battle, each of which bands hath 425. men, which are 850. in all, besides the Captains and other members, and those of the flanks. Wherefore in following the Romans, I do rather fail in taking too many men then to few: & although that in imitating so good a form as theirs is I do neither think to fail nor to be reproved, yet will I give a reason for it. You do understand that the front of every square Battailon ought to be made sure and thick, because it must withstand the first assault of the enemies, and so ought likewise the midst, & the tail, except that they be ranged after the manner that I have ranged these here spoken of. But to order the midst, and the tail in such sort; that the one may receive the other within their ranks, it is necessary that the second which are the Princes, should be a great many fewer in number then the first which are the Hastaries. And for this cause I have put in every rank of Hastaries 105. men, and in every rank of Princes there is but 63. men, which are 42. less in every rank.  
Furthermore, I have appointed the ground that the said Princes should occupy in length, to be the one half longer than that which the Hastaries do occupy: to the intent that the ranks and spaces that the Princes do occupy, might receive the Hastaries, when as they should retire unto them. The ranks of the Triaries are thinner, for they are but 42. men in a rank, and the place that they do occupy in length is twice as long as that the Hastaries do occupy: because that this last Battle should receive into it the Battles aforesaid. Now for that it might be said that how much further the enemy doth enter in, that so much the weaker he shall find the battalions, because that the Battles (as I have said) are diminished of people, and their ranks thinner and thinner. It must be understood, that in keeping of this order, an enemy can never fight with the Princes, until he hath first overthrown the Hastaries, who by our discipline ought not to stay until they were quite overthrown. So that when as they should find the enemies so strong, that it were not in their power to make resistance: I say that then the Colonel of the said Battailon ought to command his Trumpet to sound to this effect; that the King doth command the Hastaries, to retire within the Princes: which sound being heard, the Hastaries shall retire (but not before) easily, not turning their faces from their enemies: and to the intent that this retreat may be made without disorder, the last rank of the Hastaries shall first retire, than those next them, and the others following. All which ranks shall range themselves betwixt the ranks of the Princes, the last rank of the Hastaries, with the last rank of the Princes, and so consequently the other ranks shall range themselves with the other ranks their like. And for that the ranks of the Princes should not be too thick, I mean that those that might place themselves in their ranks should do so, and that the others shall range themselves betwixt their ranks and make new ranks: for they shall have place enough to do it in the length that the Princes do occupy.  
If then the first do range themselves with the second, and that of these two Battles there is made but one: is this, to find the Battles, the further that they are entered into the weaker: for you see that the enemies cannot fight with the second Battle, but the first must be joined with it, so that an enemy shall always find the midst of the Battailon stronger than the front, and not weaker, forasmuch as they shall now have to deal with eight bands, whereas before they had to do but with five. And so likewise if this second Battle be forced to retire unto the third, for an enemy shall not only deal with fresh men, but with all the Legion together, for that this last Battle of the Triaries must receive the Hastaries and the Princes. And for this cause they must be ranged thinner and of greater length than the second Battle was: and therefore I have made the ranks but of 42. men, and their place in length twice as long as the Hastaries, to receive the first and the second the more easier betwixt them. And if this space seem to be too little to receive the eight bands, understand that the ranks being in their first order, do occupy much more place than when they are retired: because that the ranks do shrink together or open when they are too much pressed. I mean that they will open themselves when as they will run away, and when they will tarry by it, they will close themselves together, to the intent not to be opened or entered hastily. Moreover if it be so that the enemies do come unto the Triaries, it must be thought that there are a great many slain and overthrown: and therefore there needeth not so great place for the two first Battles as if they had remained in their entire. Furthermore I suppose that our said Triaries will have a good will to defend themselves, and the others that are retired unto them also, and therefore they will occupy less place: and at the uttermost the place is great enough to receive the ten bands altogether; besides that they have the back and wings at their commandment. I must hear declare one other thing, that is, for what intent I caused the Forlorn hope, the arquebusiers a Horseback, and the Hargeletiers to departed with so great a cry when they went to assault their enemies: and also why I made so great silence to be kept when our battalions approached the said enemies; for it is to the matter to know the causes of these two varieties, whereof many ancient Captains have had divers opinions: to wit, whether they should hasten them in making great noise, or march easily without speaking word: although that this last manner serveth better to keep order more firm, and to understand the commandments of the Chiefs, and the first serveth to kindle and heat the hearts of Soldiers. Notwithstanding I do think that we must have a regard unto both these things, and that it is the necessary that the one should make as great a noise as they might, and that the other should be as silent as might be possible: for I do not think that to cry continually should be done to good purpose, my meaning is that Chiefs should be understood. And for to begin a battle without cry is a token of fear, for commonly the voice serveth for an index of the effect of the battle, whereby they may hope the victory, or mistrust the obtaining of it. So that I think that it is good that a battle should begin with great cries, I mean only at the first assault, and not after the Battailon are near approached: for we may see in the Roman Chronicles that Soldiers which were flying have many times tarried through the words and comforts of the Cheifes, and have immediately changed their order, which could not have been done, if the noise had been louder than the voices of the said Chiefs: or if that the cry had always continued.  
Touching the hasty proceeding in the beginning of the Battle I have showed in what manner we ought to begin it. Concerning the battalions it is necessary that they should assault with great haste, specially if the ordnance do much indomage them, and sometimes it will be good that they should attend the coming of an enemy: to wit when as the place is unfit, or that they might break off themselves not being very skilful soldiers. Now I do think that I may pass further forward having aquitted myself reasonably well here before of my promise in showing the reasons why I ranged the battalions, and gave battle after that manner that you have seen, & take in hand to speak of the other points which are no less necessary than those above spoken of, which I will do after that I have recited that our Legions must oftentimes be exercised and brought together, and ranged after the manner above said, that aswell the Soldiers, as the officers, Members and Chiefs might know what they ought to do. For the Soldiers in every band ought to keep their ranks well, and the officers, Members, and Chiefs to keep their ranks in their order, and the bands well ordered; and they should know to execute the Captain General his commandment, and therefore they ought to be expert to join one band with another, and to teach the Soldiers to know their places readily. And to do this with little difficulty; the Ensigns must be marked to know who they are, aswell for to be there by commanded, as for to be easily known, for if so be that the Ensigns do know their places and the Soldiers their places, you shall see that a Battailon will quickly range itself after that manner that it ought to be ranged, assoon as the Trumpet doth sound: & consequently the whole army assoon as the Lieutenant General, shall make sign. And this is the first exercise of four, that an army ought to know, wherein it ought to be exercised every day that it doth lie still and many times in one day. Secondly an army ought to be exercised to march in battle, and to keep their ranks well, going an ordinary pace, trot, and course. The third excercise is that the battalions should learn what they ought to do upon a day of battle, as to discharge the Ordnance, and to cause it to be retired, and to put forth the arquebusiers in the flanks, and to cause them to go forward with the Forlorn hope. And after that the arquebusiers have discharged three or four shot every man, running here and there without order: and although that they do join with the Pikes, and horsemen whom this charge doth touch, yet they shall retire, unto the flanks, through the spaces betwixt the battalions, each to his place: to weet the arquebusiers of the flanks unto the flanks, and the Forlorn hope behind for to range themselves there as I have said: for if they should tarry before the Battles, they would hinder the battalions to fight. The Horsemen likewise shall retire upon the wings, and the Hastaries must retire within the Princes as if they were forced: and afterwards the Princes and Hastaries, must retire together with in the Triaries: and this done the Hastaries should return unto their first place and the Princes likewise unto theirs.  
The fourth excercise is that every man should give himself to understand the commandment of the Chiefs, and the meaning of the sounds of the trumpet, and the strokes of the Drums: by whom shallbe signified all that should be done in general, that is, when it shall be time for them to put themselves together in battle, and when they ought to march, or to stay, to go forward, or to turn their faces towards the one side or the other, to kiss the ground and to fight. Likewise there shall be signified by the said Trumpet when it shall be necessary to discharge the Ordnance, when it shall retire, when the arquebusiers, Forlorn hope, and others, should go forward, and at what time they should do it: & also at what time the Hastaries ought to retire towards the Princes, and afterwards when the two Battles ought to retire towards the Triaries, and finally when it shall be time that every man should retire from the Battle: all which things must be done by the commandment of the Lieutenant General, and immediately signified by his Trumpet: his sounding will easily be heard by the other Trumpeters that are nearest him, and so the sound will go from one to another, unto the furthest Trumpet in the Host. Most part of these things may be signified by signs, without using of Trumpets or Drums, and likewise by voice, yet me thinks that the sound of the Trumpet is the most surest, because that every man cannot see a sign, but they may easily hear a sound, a voice sometimes may be misunderstood, wherein there must be good heed taken: for many times the commandments of the Captains being ill understood, or ill interpreted, have brought the hosts that were under their charge to an ill end. Wherefore the voices or sounds which are so used in commanding, in places of great danger, aught to be clear and sharp: and both the sounds of the Trumpet and strokes of the Drum, aught in themselves to be so differing the one sound from the other, and the one stroke from the other, that the Soldiers should not be deceived in taking one thing for an other. And if so be that the General would command with voice, he must avoid those voices that may be doubly understood, and must use particular voices: and yet he ought not to use particular voices, except they be expressly invented for one only thing, least that they might be misunderstood: for that a voice cannot always be well understood because of the noise of the arms, for the neighing of Horses, for the noise that the Ordnance doth make, and for the sound of the Drum. One the other side a Chief may not always help himself with signs in this case, because that dark weather, mist, or rain, or the sun in men's faces do trouble and hinder their fight, and likewise the changing of places if the ground be any thing bowing or covered with trees: beside it is almost impossible to find an express sign for every thing, specially for that there may oftentimes happen new matters, wherewith the Soldiers had never before been acquainted: therefore we must have recourse unto Trumpets as I have said, and notwithstanding both signs and voices may be used in time and place. It would not be amiss if we did use at this present a Cornet, or Hunter's Horn for a retreat, and a Trumpet to begin the Combat or otherwise: for it is a hard matter that Trumpeters should make so many things to be understood by one only Instrument, considering also that the sounding of a retreat, is somewhat like unto the sounding to the standard, so that when a man is troubled, and as it were beside himself, it is much for him to discern which of the two it is that the Trumpet soundeth.   
The end of the first Book.   

The second Book of Military Discipline.  

How a General may range his Battles after divers manners, unto his advantage, with certain policies which may do him service when as he shall be at the point to fight with his enemies  
The 10. Chapter.  
IN the first book hath been showed how to levy & practise a great number of Soldiers together, of whom we might have service when as it should be the King his good pleasure that a levy of people should be made in this realm, according unto the pattern given in the same book, or after any other example: wherein hath been so far proceeded that an Host hath been assembled and ranged in battle, and finally brought unto the combat against their enemies & have so well behaved themselves, by the means of their good ordering, and discipline, that they have gotten the victory. There resteth now to speak of other things which an Host ought to know at their finger's end, that is after what manner they may always have the advantage of the wars on their sides, and finally continue victorious in all points: which is the thing that they all do pretend that busy themselves to make wars against others. To attain whereunto there is no better means then to give the foresaid Soldiers, a good General Chief: who are so well instructed that they need nothing else but good conduct. Which Chief must have had great experience in the wars and must perfectly understand all the advantages that may be had in the excercise of the same: for without that, he deserveth not this charge, neither can he at any time do any thing ought worth. But if he have had this experience and besides that be a man of virtue, be may then be trusted, because it is most certain that he will lose nothing through negligence, nor hazard any thing wilfully, but do all in good time: and to the intent he may the better acquit himself in his charge, I have taken in hand following my pretence, to register in writing those things that I have found here and there amongst good authors necessary for the office of a Captain General, and have thereunto added certain things of mine own, lest I should be altogether found naked, if perhaps the said authors should come to the knowledge of their works and take them away: which is a thing easy enough to be done, sith that almost in all places, I do nothing else but translate the Latin and Italian word for word: and have gathered together all the chiefest points that I have found written for this science, whereof I have made certain Chapters in form of advertisements: which shall stand instead of remembrances, which may one day happen to do him some service, that might have the like authority, if it were but to put him in mind of that he hath forgotten through discontinuance, or that sometimes his other business appertinent unto his charge might trouble him from looking into the depth of these matters. So that if any thing should happen upon the sudden, or whilst he is so occupied, it would be a great comfort for him to find immediately a mean to help it, and that remedy which the ancient Chiefs have used in like cases. And although there may fall out inconveniences not heard of, & of which there might be no mention made neither in their books nor in mine: yet is it so, that the most common, and those which have happened very few wanting, are herein contained, and the remedies also, and at the uttermost, the soldiers are compounded of so good stuff, and so well practised, that if he have any good wit of himself, he may easily find new remedies for new accidents.  
Moreover I do not see that it were greatly requisite to speak of the good qualities that a Lieutenant General ought to have in himself, sith that the King doth so well know men that he createth none but he hath in him all that a Chief aught to have or the greater part. But yet not to leave this point altogether unspoken of, and so in order briefly to treat of the other things which he ought to know, I will name a Lord in France (with out going further) in considering and beholding of whose divine conditions, we may see clearly all those tokens to be in him that ought to be in a perfect Lieutenant General: in somuch, that who so would govern an Host, aught to take example of none but of him: for in my judgement, he is such a one as he ought to be, and this I may affirm, not deserving to be called a flatterer, having the truth and opinion of those that are of understanding on my side. It is the Lord Constable whom I do speak of, upon whom God hath bestowed so many graces, as that he is an excellent man of war, in time of war, and none more ready to maintain peace than he: Insomuch that me think, I never saw any man, that could so well fashion himself unto both those times as he doth, and doth addict himself no more unto the one, then unto the other, whereby we see that he respecteth himself indifferently. And therefore God made him to be such a one as we ought to have, for to exercise the estate that the king hath given him, as it ought to be exercised. For he knoweth how to make wars, for to have peace, and to maintain peace, for the avoiding of wars: so that he favoureth not the one, more than than the other, albeit that he have both in his hands, and that the Realm doth depend wholly upon him, because of his virtue, for that he is accompanied with all the qualities necessary for the handling of both those times. But let us leave the peace alone, hath he not in him all that appertaineth unto a good lieutenant General, if it should be requisite to make Wars? Is he not sprung of noble parentage, to win the good wills of Soldiers, (if so be the Nobility of blood may do any thing?) Is he not rich, and of great ability, to win men's hearts by gifts, and by maintaining great state? Is he not modest, sober, painful, wise, politic, liberal, of good age, affable, well spoken, a man of reputation and of renown? Yes verily. Are not these the principal conditions that a General ought to have, as to be temperate, to the intent that pleasures do not disorder him, nor hinder from following the affairs of importance that are under his hand; sober, to have his wits at liberty to understand hard matters, for a man that giveth himself to live delicately, and to eat and drink too much, doth dull and bury his understanding, that he shall want it when he hath need of it; painful, forasmuch as it is necessary that of all men he should be the least weary of taking pains, and be the first that waketh, and the last that sleepeth; wise, and of condition to discourse all his business in himself, to the intent to foresee, understand, or invent a policy; liberal, for by that means he shall make of his enemies his friends; of strangers unknown, his familiars; the best about him will amend themselves, if they do see that he doth use liberality towards those that do good service, and so will the least valiant also, which he shall not bring to pass if he were covetous and sparing: but also it would be feared lest he should be overcome with covetousness, and so become corrupt and disloyal unto the King; of good age, that is to say, neither young nor old: for that the one will believe no body but himself, and will be too bold: and the other is too weak, and fearful in the executions of arms; affable, for there is nothing to be more disliked in a Chief, nor that maketh him to be more hated of every man, then when as he is troublesome or strange to be spoken unto: on the contrary, there is nothing more commendable in him, then to be gentle and affable unto all men: I do mean that this affability and gentleness should be moderated, and measured according unto men's worthiness, for he must show a more familiarity unto one, then unto another, and yet he should give all men contentment if it were possible; well speaking, to the intent that he might persuade his Soldiers through fair words, to make but little account of dangers, for to attain unto great matters, and to win all those unto him that shall hear him speak, to be a man of reputation, and well spoken of. For that if he were not so, his Soldiers would obey him at their pleasure, every man would find it strange to obey him that is thought to be worse than himself, or to be as little worth. It might also be requisite that he should have children, for they would be an assurance unto the realm, that he would practise nothing against it, and if they be little they will serve for pledges, and be as it were a bridle unto the father to restrain him from the taking of any thing in hand that might be hurtful unto his country, yea although he had determined to do any such thing: yet the affection that he beareth unto his children will persuade him from it, who if they were in state to carry arms, would serve him with counsel, strength, and divers other things, more faithfully than others. All which good points, are as I have said in the Lord Constable, and many others, which I do leave to speak of, whereof his deeds have made proof in all places where he hath been. Wherefore, he that will make himself worthy of the charge of a Lieutenant General, aught to imitate him, and to frame his Soldiers to be such, as those that are spoken of in the first book. And if he do so in all points, the king may boldly commit a good host into his hands, and refer himself wholly unto him for the execution of the same war, except the concluding of a peace or of a truce with an enemy. For concerning the giving of a battle, or refraining, the marching forward, or staying, the besieging of this town, or that town, and in sum, the handling of the war as it shall seem good unto him, the king need not to trouble himself; but only to furnish him with things necessary for the maintenance of an army: for otherwise if he would conduct the wars being out of the Camp, and a far of, by Posts and messengers, he should make his Lieutenant to be slow and slack, in stead of being vigilant and ready, for if he should do any good service, he should not carry away the praise of it so: but that he that counseled him thereunto would have the better part. Furthermore, it availeth nothing except the king himself be most expert and skilful in the art Military (as in truth he is more than I can express) if so be that he would govern it, only by the report of the estate of his affairs: but no man can use it better than he that is in the field with the army, because of a thousand small points that must be narrowly looked into, for many accidents do happen every hour, without the sight and understanding whereof, it is impossible for him to give his counsel, but at all adventures. And therefore the King should let his Lieutenant handle the wars according unto his own mind, that the honour might be his own if he did well, and the shame also if he behaved himself ill: for the one would be as a spur to prick him forward, and the other a bridle to restrain him from doing any thing that he ought not to do. Notwithstanding, the matter is used otherwise at this day in many places, for the Captain Generals of hosts are appointed the manner how they ought to govern themselves: insomuch that if there be question to remove a Camp out of one place into another, or to besiege a place & assault it, or to fight with the enemy, or to do any other good action, they dare scant to do it, before that they have given advertisement unto those that have given them the charge of the host. Which manner hath been borrowed of the Venetians, and therefore their armies are called Camps of safety, because they seldom or never come time enough: for when as their Generals have any good opportunity to fight, or to assault a town, they lose it, whilst they are constrained to send unto the Senate for counsel, & stay for answer, & so the time passeth, and their enemies provide in the mean time. If the King therefore do permit him that shall be his Lieutenant to use his own will, he shall be much better served then if he do limit unto him his charge, and the said Lieutenant likewise will not at any time do any thing but to his contentment, if the king do make choice of a man of the good conditions spoken of before, and the said Lieutenant have regard unto that that shall be spoken of after that I have said somewhat of the matter which I left before, which to take in hand again to proceed further, I pray the reader to remember that which hath been spoken of before: for it is necessary for the understanding of that which followeth. For that I do think the manner of ranging of an army in battle by me showed in the first book, to be better than all the other used until this day, I have made choice of it. And although it be a good and sure manner, notwithstanding we must look if the ancient men of war have not used some singularity in this matter, wherewith the Captain General, which may have charge of these Legions or of other better ordered, may help himself at this day: and then immediately we must speak of certain considerations that he must have before his eyes at all times before that he do give battle, and all under one I will speak of the accidents that sometimes do happen in that point, and of the remedies that may be found, for it is a matter of no small importance to have the government of this business: for although the combat betwixt two armies cannot continue much longer than two or three hours; yet the repentance of the evil government, is of too long a continuance, and of a marvelous consequence. Note, that of all the manners of ranging of a battle that may be used, there is none more dangerous, then to make the fronts of the battalions broad: and by that means to make the fewer ranks, except you have a great number of people, and that they likewise be good Soldiers: for else you must rather make the Battailon thick, and not too large in front, then of great breadth, and so much the thinner: because that the thickness of a Battailon is that which doth resist an enemy and overthrow him: for the number of ranks do serve to amend the foremost rank, and to come to the combat in their places, and likewise to give horsemen the more trouble to break through them. And if the general Chief have too small a number in comparison of his enemies, then must he seek to bring his army into some place which may be environed on some side, either with river, or marish, or other place naturally strong, and there range it in battle, having a regard not to be assaulted on every side, nor to be enclosed. And if the place were such the none of all these commodities might be found, he must then make trenches upon the two flanks of his battles, and behind if he will: and take this for a general rule, that is, to enlarge or to narrow the fronts of his battalions, according unto the number of his people, and according unto the force of his enemies, having always regard unto the place that he is in: for in a narrow place you must narrow the ranks, and in an open place not enlarge them too much. These Legions may at all times keep one form, for they have their ranks so ordered, that they are no wider nor narrower than they ought to be; notwithstanding the place doth rule all. But let us put case that the enemies have a less number than our General hath, he ought then to entice them into a large and open ground, to the intent not only to have scope to charge them upon every side, but also to stretch out his ranks, and order his battles according unto our Military discipline, which is an advantage that he cannot have in strait and troublesome places, for that he might not order his people unto his will, nor according unto their order: whereof the Romans in times past were very careful, and avoided as much as they might narrow & unfit places, & sought open and large places. If so be that this General have too few people, or that those which he hath were not well practised Soldiers, he must do the contrary: for than he must seek out those places that are fit to preserve a small number in, as mountains, provided that he might find victuals, & not suffer want: for so a strong country might preserve a small number, and he must always make choice of the higher ground, to have the better mean to offend an enemy: and be well advised never to plant his army upon the side of a hill, nor in any low ground near unto any bank or hill: because that the lower ground would be subject unto the enemy's Ordnance, if they should occupy the higher; against which inconvenience there could no other remedy be found but to change the place and to get further of. Moreover, he that doth order an army to give battle, must have a regard of the Sun and the wind, to the intent that neither of them should be in his soldiers faces: for they would greatly hinder their sight: to weet, the Sun with his brightness, and the wind with that it driveth before it. Moreover, the violence of the wind oftimes is such, that it doth trouble the pikemen, horsemen, and archers, that they cannot help themselves with their Pikes, Lances, and Bows so well as when it is calm. Imagine how they should be served if they had it in their faces. The Romans thereby lost the battle at Canouse against Hannibal. And as for the Sun, it is requisite to take heed that it be not in the faces of the battalions when they are ready to give battle: and also consideration must be had, that in mounting or descending, it do not trouble them, and therefore the battalions must be ranged at the Sun rising, with their backs towards it, and give battle before the Sun should decline to be in their faces: or if the enemy had the advantage of the Sun in the morning, then must they defer to enter into battle until noon, and so they might have the advantage of the Sun at afternoon.  
This was observed by Marius against the Cimbres, and by King Philip Augustus against the Flemings. If this General had a less number of people than his enemies, he might range them amongst vines, and trees, and other such like, as did the great Captain of the Spaniards at Serignolle, when the Frenchmen were overthrown. For by that means horsemen could not hurt them, nor footmen very well; because that trees, bushes, and such other like, do hinder an enemies approaching, without breaking their ranks, and the General his army which do stand firm to receive them, shall have the advantage, so that the place where they are ranged be open and plain forty or fifty paces before the battle. It hath been seen heretofore, that by those self-same Soldiers that Battles have been lost, victories have immediately after been won, by changing their order or accustomed manner of fight, as it came to pass amongst the Carthagenians, who having oftimes been vanquished by Marcus Regulus, were afterwards victorious by the counsel of Xantippus the Lacedaemonian, who only by changing and altering of the place, turned the fortune of the Punic war, and lifted them up again: for he seeing the Carthagenians to be stronger of horsemen than the Romans were, and also to be well accompanied with footmen, and to have many Elephants, and notwithstanding all this to keep themselves in the mountains, and that the Romans who were strong only but in footmen, kept the plain, caused the Punickes to go into the plain, and there fought and overcame the Romans.  
Me think that almost all the ancient Captains when they knew that their enemies placed all their greatest forces in one of the points of their armies, have not placed before the said enemies their greatest forces; but have offered them the weakest battles that they had, and given commandment unto their best forces that they should only stand firm to resist their enemies, but not repulse them, commanding the said weakest battles whom they esteemed least, to assay to vanquish their said enemies, and to retire unto the battles behind them. And this they did with great reason, knowing that this policy might bring their enemies into two great disorders. The first was, that the said enemies should have their best Soldiers enclosed betwixt their adversaries battles. The second was, that when they should think to have gotten the victory, it would be greatly to be marveled at, if their bands did not put themselves into disorder, aswell for the victory which they thought to have gotten, as for to fall to pillage.  
Cornelius Scipio being in Spain against Asdrubal, knowing that the said Asdrubal was advertised that he was accustomed to range his Roman Legions in the midst of the front of his Battles; and that he ranged upon the two points or corners those whom he made least account of: and that for this purpose Asdrubal had placed also in the midst the best Soldiers that he had to make front with them unto the Roman Legions, the said Scipio altered his custom upon the day of battle, and placed his Legions upon the corners of his army, and placed his light armed people in the midst; of whose force he made no great account. afterward when they came to the fight, the said Scipio caused his middle battalions to march fair and softly, and caused the two points or corners to march forward with great diligence and haste, so that the two corners of both their armies fought only, and those in the midst approached not each other: and so the strongest battalions of Scipio, fought against Asdrubal his weakest: and the stoutest Soldiers that Asdrubal had, served but to look on: for the Romans army with their two corner battles marching forward, and their middle battles retiring, were like unto a new Moon: by which policy the Punickes were overthrown.  
When a Captain General doth find his Soldiers to be a more greater number than his enemies, and would environ his said enemies upon every side before he should perceive it, he must range the front of his Battles of the same breadth that his enemies are ranged: and when they come to join, the two points or corners might stretch themselves out, and environ their enemies, not looking for it: as were the Romans at Cans by the Soldiers of Hannibal. If a Lieutenant General will fight in safety, and without hazarding to be quite overthrown, he must frame his battalions near unto some such place, as might serve him for a refuge to retire unto, if so be that they should be forced: and this refuge must be at the backs of his Battles, as some marish, or hills, or some strong town: for although he should lose the Battle, yet they could not be utterly put to the sword: which advantage his enemies should not have, but he might follow them if he thought it good. Annibal oftimes helped himself with this foresight after that his fortune began to change, when as he had to do with Marcellus.  
divers Chiefs to bring their enemies into disorder, have commanded their light armed Soldiers to begin the battle: and the battle being begun that they should retire themselves in the spaces left betwixt the battalions, and that when the armies were come to aboard one another, and the enemies attentive unto the fight, they should then issue out at the flanks, and should assault the said enemies upon the sides of the battalions. I would think it not amiss sometimes to place a rank of Target men before the first ranks of the Hastaries; which Target men should be furnished with fire pots, balls, and other such like fire works, which they might throw amongst their enemies, when they are approached within ten or twelve paces one of an other. And this done, it might be thought that these fireworks would spoil many a man, or at the least break their order. And put raze that this do no effect, yet it is a most certain thing that the Targets will greatly annoy the enemies Pikemen, in cutting off their Pikes with their Swords, which they might do without any great danger, because of the Targets which do cover them, & the Hastaries are at their heels to defend them: for if the Targets should get under the Pikes, they might easily cut their throats, whilst the Hastaries do occupy them in fight. Concerning this matter I have heard say that at the battle of Serignolle, the Spaniards with their Targets entered within our Swissers under their Pikes, and constrained them to forsake their Pikes, and to take their swords, because the Pikes for their length might do them no more service, whereof ensued, that the Swissers were overthrown. It failed but a little that the like did not happen unto our Lantsknights at the battle at Ravenna, for the Spaniards with their Targets had taken away the use of our Pikes, and did cut them at their wills, so that if our horsemen had not come to their succour, they had slain them all. If a Lieutenant General had too few horsemen, he might place Pikemen to back them, and appoint that when they should come unto the fight, the horsemen should make place for the said Pikemen, to the intent they might fight against their enemies horsemen in good order. And therefore the said Lieutenant General should always have a certain number of footmen, both Pikes, and arquebusiers, who should be practised (as I have said before) to fight among horsemen: for it may stand him in great steed, and many good Chiefs have heretofore helped themselves by that means, and specially the arquebusiers at this day may do great service therein. Caesar overcame his enemies in Pharsalia, by means of mingling footmen amongst horsemen. Likewise Scanderbeke Duke of Epire, hath won many good victories within this 90. years against the Turks by this manner of fight. Forasmutch as we do speak of those that have found advantages, by altering the form of the ranging of their men in Battle, I must say, that Scipio and Hannibal were the two most expertest men in this art in their time, or that have been since, Caesar excepted, unto whom, I dare attribute this commendation, that he was the best man of war that ever was: and the other two were the most excellentest next him, who showed their good wits, chiefly at that day that they fought in Africa, for which they have been commended of every man, and shall be eternally. For these two Chiefs being ready to give Battle, which they could not with honesty avoid, ordered their Armies in these forms that I will show you.  
Hannibal having in his Army divers Nations, placed 80. Elephants in the fronts of his Battles, behind whom, he placed his aids or partakers, and behind them the Carthagenians, and ranged his italians (whom he trusted not) behind all. He ordered them after this manner, to the intent that his assistants being betwixt his enemies and the Carthagenians, might not fly: so that the said assistants being constrained to fight, should either vanquish or weary the Romans, meaning afterward to overcome the said wearied Romans with his Carthagenians, who were fresh men. Against which ordered Battle, Scipio placed his Legions after their accustomed manner, and made the front full of distances or spaces left betwixt his batallions: and to the intent that these spaces should not be seen, but that the front might seem to be furnished as it was wont, he filled the said spaces with his Velites or light armed men, giving them commandment to make way for the Elephants to pass when the Battles did approach near together, and to retire themselves into the spaces betwixt the Battles, meaning thereby that the force of the said Elephants should come to nothing, and it happened so. This done, the Battles of Scipio came to fight hand to hand with those of Hannibal, and overthrew them, during which combat, Scipio joined his Princes and Triaries together, and caused the Hastaries to open themselves to make way for the others to pass betwixt them, and placed the said Hastaries upon the sides, seeing them to be wearied with fight against the first Battles: and that the greatest forces were yet behind, which were the Carthagenians themselves, who were placed in the second Battle as is aforesaid. And because that Hannibal had placed all the force of his army in his second Battle, Scipio to present him the like force, caused his Princes and Triaries to come forward, for he accounted not his Hastaries to be of that value that his Princes were, and in truth it was so: for the Princes were reputed to be more valiant than the Hastaries, and the Triaries more than the Princes, by this assembling of his three Battles into one, he overthrew his enemies. This direction both in the one and the other proceeded of a very good wit. And if we at this instant should have wars with a people that would use Elephants, we might imitate Scipio: yet they are subject unto Ordnance how great and strong so ever they be. As for the order that Hannibal used, it might be imitated as often as we have an Host framed of many Nations, and such as we did give no great credit unto, but only unto our own. Mounsieur de Lautrec (whom I may well name amongst all the most excellent Chiefs that have been of long time) ranged his Battles in another order, as that day that he presented Battle unto the Emperor his army in the kingdom of Naples before Troy. For although that he had divers nations in his army, as italians, Almains, Swissers, Gascons, & Frenchmen: notwithstanding, to make show that he mistrusted no more the loyalty of Strangers, then of the Frenchmen themselves, made but one front of all these 4. or 5. Nations togethers, so that the one could not say that he was more preferred then the other, nor more kept back, yet there were amongst them that did require the first point, or to term it better, to make the Forlorn hope. And I heard it spoken that this new order (which I term to be new with us, who are accustomed but to hear speak of a Vanguard, Battle, and Reregard) was such, as the Lord Dartiguelove, than Lieutenant to Mounsieur Negrepelisse, of whose company I was sometime, told me, and certain other his familiar friends, that this Battle was ranged according unto the ancient manner, the which is the best and most surest that may be, as I have afore said. And likewise that the aforesaid Mounsire de Lautrec knew well that the nations whom he governed, had each others honour in great jealousy: for the Swissers were jealous over the Almains, and the Frenchmen over the italians, and contrarily: therefore he could not have preferred the one, without discrediting the other: so that to make his profit of the malice that was amongst them, it was better to place them all in one front to see what they could do for to spite one another, then to use the accustomed manner: for it is no small occasion to move Soldiers withal, to tell them that such have vanquished those with whom they fought, or when as they fear they should do it before them, had it pleased God that the enemies heat had not been so cooled as it seemed it was at that time, but that they had come out of their Fort: for through the good will that was in our men, and the good order that was aswell amongst the footmen as the horsemen, it is most certain that there hath not been a battle given in many a day, that had been better fought, then that was like to do: but he that ordereth all things, had determined that it should happen otherwise, and therefore it was not fought: but to return to my purpose. Heretofore in Asia they used certain Waggens, garnished with sharp scythes, made fast unto the sides of the same Waggens, who served not only to open a Battle by means of their violence (for that the said Waggens were drawn by the swiftest horses that might be found) but also the scythes were good to cut as many in pieces as they touched: which Waggens might be resisted after three manner of ways: first, with ranks of the Pikes: secondly, by making them way through the Battles, as hath been spoken of the Elephants: and thirdly, by placing somewhat upon the way that might keep them from approaching the Battles, as Silla did against Archelaus, who having many of these Waggens, caused great plants of Pine trees to be set in the ground behind his Hastaries, in the place left void betwixt them and the Princes: and seeing the Waggens approaching near, he gave a sign that the Hastaries should retire within the Princes, who being retired, were out of danger to be slain with the said scythes, and the Wagons were stayed from approaching the Battles. Moreover upon the same day Silla invented a new manner of ranging of an Host, for he put all his light armed men behind his Battles, and left many spaces betwixt his said Battles for them to pass through to go forward as often as it should be needful. And when the Battle was begun, he caused his light armed men and his horsemen to come forward to charge his enemies, who being out of their course because their Wagons were repulsed, were broken, and overthrown in short time. There is yet many other forms to be used in the ranging of a Battle, of which I will speak as the matter will lead me thereunto, not staying otherwise: to the intent to speak in few words a little of every thing that concerneth this discipline, and that which is needful to be known, for to have service of these Legions ordered as I have showed, it is necessary that I should overpass them all briefly, and yet not so briefly as to leave those points unspoken of that aught to be touched, or at the least the most necessariest: therefore I will begin with those things that ought to be done during the Combat, and will speak of other things that may trouble and discourage an enemy whilst he attendeth for the Combat.  
A General Chief may cause a voice to be given out, that he hath a new supply of men coming unto him, and may make a show of some matter like a truth, that may signify his succour to be near, and it may happen that through this bruit, his enemies would be discouraged at the likelihood of the said succour, and being discouraged, he might overthrow them with little difficulty. Minutius Rufus, and Acilius Glabrion, two Roman Consuls, helped themselves with this subtlety. Sulpitius put all the servants and labourers of his Host upon Moils and other Beasts, unfit for fight, causing them to be ranged in such sort that they seemed a far off to be a great number of horsemen, whom he sent up upon a Mountain somewhat near unto his enemies Camp, commanding them to keep themselves close, until the Battle was begun, and that then they should show themselves in many troops like horsemen, feigning to come down upon the Gauls, who thinking that certain new bands had come unto the Romans, retired notwithstanding that they were in a good forwardness to get the victory: whereby we see, that feigned assaults do help to amaze enemies while they are in fight. And therefore it may be thought that the assault that might be given them in good earnest, would do much more service, specially if they were given upon the flanks or behind at unwares, when the fight is at the hottest. Truth it is that this can not be done but very hardly, except the ground be very fit for the purpose, for if the country be plain and open, it will be impossible to hide your people in any place, which is a thing necessary in such like enterprises: for the ground must be bowing, or full of bushes & hedges, or otherwise fit for the purpose, in which places the General might lay part of his people in ambush to issue out, and suddenly assault his enemies, not giving them leisure to provide for it. And this must be handled so secretly, that his enemies do not perceive it: for if the said ambush do wisely execute their enterprise in due time, it shall never fail to obtain victory. This manner of war did Scanderbag oftimes use against the Turks, who hath overthrown more Turks with his ambushes, and surprices, than any other Prince that I do know, how great a number of people so ever he hath had. It hath ofttimes served to good purpose, to give out a voice during the Combat, that the Captain General of the enemies is slain, or to encourage soldiers with crying that they have the victory. An enemies Horse may also be troubled with horrible sights, and unaccustomed noise, which policy Croesus used, placing Camels before his enemies horsemen, and Pyrrhus placed Elephants before the Romans horsemen, the sight whereof so feared and disordered their horses, that they could not be masters of them. Semiramis caused many artificial Elephants to be made, which representing natural Eleplants, put the horsemen of Staurobates King of India to flight, because the horses were feared with that new shape, and with a smell that was contrary unto the Elephants that they had been accustomed unto. It is not long since, that the Turk Soltan Selim overthrew the Sophy in Persia, and the soldan in Syria, principally with the noise of the Harquebusery, which was a thing that they had not been accustomed unto, and therefore so scared their horses, that it was not possible to keep them in order to fight, but did put them to flight incontinent, he that best might fastest. The Spaniards to vanquish the army of Amilcar, placed before their Battles divers Wagons full of light wood and brimstone, which were drawn by Oxen, and when the battles approached, they put fire into their Wagons, whereupon the said Oxen to fly from the fire which they perceived at their tails, thrust into the battles of Amilcar so forceibly, that they opened them, and put them in disorder. An enemy may be deceived, if in fight he may be brought unto an ambush, as is abovesaid. But if so be that the country be not fit for ambushes, there may be divers great ditches made, which may be covered with bushes, and earth lightly laid over again, and certain firm places be left betwixt the ditches, with good marks for to find them, at which places those may retire that are sent to charge their enemies, feigning to be afraid in their returning back again, to cause their enemies to follow them the faster, and to fall into the snare. A King of the Etheolytes, which are a people near unto Persia, used this policy against Perosas, King of Persia. The Egyptians also at a day of Battle, having certain quagmires near them, covered the said quags with an herb called Alga, to hide the evil places from the sight of their enemies, and when the battle began, the said Egyptians feigning to fly, retired unto the quags, and passed through at certain sure passages, and their enemies who pursued them in great haste, sunk into the mire up to the throats, and so were overthrown. Viriatus did as much against the Romans.  
If any accident should happen unto the General during the combat, which might dismay his soldiers, it is a point of great wisdom to cover it, and to make the best of it presently: as Tullius Hostilius, who seeing that his assistants which ought to enter battle with him, went their ways without striking stroke, and that their departure would have greatly dismayed his soldiers, caused it to be given out through all his Host, that they went away by his commandment, which did not only appease his people, but did moreover so encourage them, that they were victorious. The like did Silla when a great part of his horsemen forsook him. And another time when as he had sent certain of his assistants into a place where they were all overthrown and slain except one person, fearing lest his Army should be dismayed, said incontinently that it was done by his own will and counsel, because they had conspired against him, and that therefore he had sent them unto that place to dispatch them, to prevent their mischief. Sertorius being in Spain in battle against his enemies, slew a messenger that brought him word of the death of one of his Captains, doubting that this news should have discouraged, and taken away his soldiers good wills for to fight. Titus Didius having lost many of his people in battle against his enemies, who on both sides had given over, not known who had the better, to hide the loss he had sustained, caused all the night long his dead men to be carried away, and to be buried: the next day his enemies seeing a great number of dead men on their side, and very few of the Romans, imagining thereby that they were greatly weakened, forsook the place, not offering battle any more. It is a hard matter to stay and to bring an Army back again unto the Combat when it is fleeing, I mean, if they be all in going: but if it were but part of them, there might then some remedy be found, and such a remedy, as divers Captains have helped themselves withal heretofore, which hath been, to place themselves before those that fled, showing them the danger and shame that doth follow a flight. Of which Captains was Silla, who seeing that a great part of his Soldiers chased by Mithridates, had turned their backs, got before them with his sword in his hand, and used these words unto them in a loud voice, as in reproach: You Roman Soldiers that fly away, when you are returned unto your City, if any man do ask you where you have left your Captain, answer them that you forsook him in Boetia fight against his enemies. Attilius the Consul, seeing that a great part of his army did fight valiantly, and that another part began to fly, took those that made no show to fly, and placed them against those that were flying, saying unto them, that those that would not return again unto the Combat, although they had escaped their enemy's hands, should not escape their friends. Philip King of Macedon, knowing that his soldiers feared greatly the Scythians, against whom he was constrained to fight, appointed that a great number of his best horsemen, and those whom he trusted most unto, should be placed upon the wings and tail of his battles, commanding them to kill all those that would make any show to turn their backs: whereof his people being advertised, chose rather to abide the adventure of the Battle, then to trust unto the flight, and by that means overcame them. The Romans not only to stay a flight, but also the more to animate their soldiers in the fight, have sometimes taken their Ensigns from those that carried them, and thrust them forward into the thickest press of their enemies, who remembering the shame and punishment that might come upon those that should suffer their Ensigns to be lost, have fought manfully. At other times it hath happened that the Roman Consuls seeing their Ensignebearers to march too slowly & coldly against their enemies, have caused them to be slain upon the place, and if it chanced that all the army did fly before their enemies, they did then shut the gates of their Camp, saying, that no soldier should enter before they had vanquished their enemies, which caused them to re-enter in battle, and to begin the Combat in better order. I do here remember myself somewhat as touching the form of ranging of an army in battle: there have been heretofore Captains that have ranged their battles in point, that is to say, narrow and strong, their chiefest forces before, thinking by that means to open the enemy's Host the easier, against which manner, hath been invented a form of battle like unto a pair of shears, or fork, for to receive the said point and to environ it, and to fight with it upon every side: in which cases, this general rule must be used, that is, that the greatest remedy that a man may find against his enemy's pretence, is to do that voluntarily which he shall be enforced to do, for that doing it voluntarily, it may be done in good order to his advantage, and unto the prejudice of his enemies, whereas if he be enforced to do it upon an extremity, it will be his manifest perdition. And to verify this, I must repeat certain things spoken of before, if our enemy do make the head of his battles sharp and strong before, to open our battles, and that we attend, or assail him, having ours open, we are sure to put our enemies into disorder without any doubt, and they shall not be able to put our men to any foil. To prove it to be true, Hannibal placed Elephants in the front of his army, to open Scipio his Battles, which Scipio marching with his Battles open, did thereby overthrow him. Asdrubal placed the best soldiers that he had in the midst of the front of his army, for to enforce Scipio his men, but Scipio commanded that they should retire of themselves, and so overcame them: so that we do see that an enemy may be frustrated of his imagination, when as we do provide for it betime, and when as we do that voluntarily which we think we must do either by force, or extremity.   

What a Lieutenant General ought to do, after the winning or losing of a Battle, and what considerations he ought to have before that he do enter into Battle  
The 2. Chapter.  
IT shall not be amiss, to add unto this discourse the chances that may happen after the winning or lieging of a Battle: specially for that those things which I do mean to entreat of concerning this matter are so appertinent thereunto, that they ought not to be left unspoken, and may be written briefly. Let us say then that Battles may be won and lost (as every man knoweth) who so winneth, aught to follow the victory with all diligence, imitating Caesar in this case, and not Hannibal, who lost the opportunity of having the upper hand of the Romans, after that he had vanquished them at Cans: because that he rested too much, and Caesar would never rest after that he had the victory, but followed his enemies more fiercely after that he had broken their forces, than he did assault them being in their entire. But when a battle is lost, a Captain General must see if by his loss he may not have a mean to hurt his enemies, & to repair his loss, specially if he have any people left to do it withal. The opportunity may be given through the small care that an enemy hath oftimes after a victory, for that many times he doth become negligent, having no care of watch, nor regard of being surprised: wherefore a Captain General may then have means to repair his loss, as did Martius the Roman, after that the two Roman armies were overthrown, & the two Scipio's dead, who overthrew the Carthagenians at that time they thought themselves to be most surest, and when as they doubted not that the remnant of two vanquished hosts durst assault their vanquishers: so that (through the great trust that they had in their own assurance) they neglected to keep good watch the night following, in which the said Martius assailed & overthrew them: for every man knoweth that there is nothing so easy to be brought to pass, as that which an enemy thinketh dare not be put in practice, and they do oftimes take hurt on that side that do least look for it. And if a Captain General could not help himself by this means, because of the vigilancy of his enemies, yet he must study to make his loss as little damageable, as he may possible. Which to do, it were necessary that he should handle the matter so that his enemies might not follow his men, nor overtake them flying from the battle, but find some policy to hinder his said enemies upon the way. As concerning the flying without being followed, or being followed not to be overtaken, & utterly overthrown, he must imitate the example of Sertorius, who being vanquished by Metellus, knowing that it would but little avail him to fly away, commanded his Captains & men of war, that they should retire unto divers places, as scattered & dispersed as they might possible, having before advertised them of the place where they should all meet together again. Viriatus did as much. In our time happened almost the like amongst the Spaniards which retired from Marcellus in great disorder, who having the King at their tails, knowing that he made haste to cut off their passages to arrive at Milan before them, and to enjoy all the strong towns of Italy, could not imagine a better remedy to help it, then to name the places unto which every man should retire, and to disperse themselves divers ways for the speed & safety of their journey, for all the country was full of French soldiers: but what one way and other, they did so get through, that they assembled at the towns that were appointed them by their principal Chief, and there made themselves strong, namely, at Loads, Pavia, and Cremona, which was the cause that we could not recover the Duchy of Milan, but received divers losses. This advertisement might ofttimes be given before the beginning of a Battle, if it were thought that the end of the Combat might happen to our loss: but this advertisement might be given unto the principal Chiefs that have the greatest authority in an Host, who afterward might advertise the Captains when as they do see no likelihood of victory, and not before: and thereof might this profit ensue, that is, that the General of the enemies doubting to divide his army, might suffer either all or the greatest part of the vanquished to escape. Furthermore, to stay an enemy that should follow those that fly, he might cast his gold and treasure in the way as he flieth, and it is sure that the enemies will stay to gather it up, and in the mean while his army may have time to escape, and to win ground of them. By this means have divers Princes & great Captains helped themselves, and amongst others, King Mithridates, to escape from the hands of Lucullus, and Triphon King of Syria, to escape from the hands of Antiochus. Frotho King of the Danes being landed in England, did as much to deceive the Englishmen that pursued him, who were so laden with the baggage of the Danes, that when they should have defended themselves being assaulted, they were scattered here & there to gather up the spoils that the Danes left behind them, so that the Danes had as good a match at their hands as they did desire, and slew them at their pleasures. It resteth yet if I do well remember myself, to speak of the considerations that a Captain General ought to have, before that he come so far as to give battle: for I have promised before to speak somewhat thereof. Unto which point I do say first of all, that a Captain General ought never to hazard a Battle, except he see an advantage, or that he be constrained thereunto. The advantage proceedeth of his enemies wéerynes, ill ordering of his Battles, of the having of a greater number of people, than the said enemy hath, or of the having of better soldiers. The constraint proceedeth of an assurance that we have to lose if we fight not: as if so be that the want of money should cause an army to break, or if so be that the assistants should force the said General for to hazard the battle, as it happened unto Mounsieur de Lautrec at Bicocque, where the Swissers being the strongest, enforced him to fight with the Spaniards, and to assault them in their fort, threatening the said Lord, and protesting that at that very instant they would return into their country, if so be that he gave not battle. And herein they did so greatly importune him, that he was forced to yield unto their wills, and to fight at his great disadvantage: at which time he was repulsed, and consequently chased out of Italy. It is also requisite to hazard a battle when an army is in danger of a present famine, or that the enemies do look for a new supply within short time: in such a case a General ought to give battle, although that the advantage be not on his side, for it is better to try if fortune would favour him any thing, than not trying it, to abide the arriving of his ruin. And a Lieutenant General deserveth as great a check when he falleth into these inconvenients, as if he had a fit opportunity to vanquish his enemies, and had not known it through his ignorance, or had lost it through his sloth. These advantages are sometimes offered by an enemy, and sometimes our own wisdom doth give us them. The advantages which an enemy doth give, are after divers manners, as when they are separated, & far distant one from another, having their enemies near unto them: as were the soldiers of the Duke Destoutuille upon the day that they were overthrown at Adrian: for the avant-garde & the greatest part of the army were so far from the battle & the Arriergard, that they could not be advertised in time to return to join themselves together: wherefore being separated so far off, the Spaniards made of them what market they would. A Lieutenant General doth likewise cause his own overthrow, when he doth send any part of his people out of his Camp, lodging them far off in weak places at the mercy of his enemies: for there needeth no man but the enemies to know of it to cut their throats, as it happened unto Mounsieur Bayard, at Rebethe, who lay there unfortified by the commandment of the Lord Admiral Bonnivet, looking every hour when the enemies should assault him, which they did in the end, & slew both him & his. It hath many times happened that an army hath been overthrown in passing over great rivers, through the good advisement of the Captain General, who hath stayed until the one half hath been past, & afterward hath charged upon that part that stood best for his hand, as Caesar did against the Swissers, being come down alongst the river of Sun, where he stayed until 3. parts of them were passed, & after charged upon the fourth that was behind, & overthrew them, the others by no means able to secure them. Sometime an enemy doth over-travaile himself, at which time if he should assault us being fresh & rested, we ought by no means to let this opportunity to slip, for we should have them as good cheap as we would ourselves, as the Englishmen had the Frenchmen at the battle of Cresye. Moreover, a General may spend a good part of the day before his issuing out of his Camp, when he thinketh that his enemies have been long armed, and after that they have lost their first heat. This manner did Scipio & Metellus use in Spain, the one against Asdrubal, & the other against Sertorius. A Captain General may likewise hazard the Combat, if he knew that his enemies have diminished his host, as did the Spaniards in Navarre against the Lord of Espattez, or that he had divided them, as the two Scipios did in Spain, whereby they were overthrown & slain. We did likewise weaken our host at Pavy, to send unto Naples & other places, which was cause that the enemies did the bolder assault us, & that we were so much the weaker to defend ourselves against them. A wise Captain ought rather to resist the violence of his enemies, then to assault them furiously: for fury is easily resisted by fast & sure men, and if it be once withstood, the rest is nothing, both because they do put themselves out of breath, & also their battles out of order, how little so ever they march hastily, as also for that the first heat doth cool, when as they see the constancy of the attendant to be other than they looked for before. By the means of this patience in staying to receive the enemies army without stirring foot, did Fabius Maximus overcome the gauls & the Samnites: and the Englishmen overthrew the Frenchmen at the battle of Poitiers, only because they stayed for our battles, & received them standing fast: yet that staying to receive an enemy without moving foot, may sometime be dangerous, specially when those that assault are good soldiers & expert men, & that their hasty marching doth not put them out of order: for all men have a natural heat in them, and a bravery of mind, which is set on fire through the desire that they have to fight, which must be maintained by the Captain General, & not be cooled. Sith then, marching hastily doth increase it, because one man doth encourage another, & going doth heat them more & more, therefore this manner to assail, is better than the other to resist: true it is, that practised & expert soldiers may use it, & not others, for the reason that I have showed, and if Caesar his soldiers had not been so good as they were, Pompey his manner had prevailed in Pharsalia, who commanded his soldiers to stand to receive their enemies: and if the Frenchmen had been well practised being so great a number as they were, the Englishmen had abidden their fury but a while, notwithstanding that they were enclosed in a strong place. Certain good Chiefs, when as their enemy's soldiers have been more in number then theirs, have given battle in the evening, to the intent that if they were vanquished, they might save the greatest part of their men through the darkness of the night, as did jugurtha against Metellus. Others knowing that their enemy's host was governed by superstitions, & that they would not fight but on certain days, have chosen at that time to give them battle, & have vanquished them: but this policy would take no place amongst us at this day, for that superstitions have no more that course that they had heretofore in the time of Caesar, when he fought against Ariouistus, & when Pompey fought against the jews. The wisest point that a Captain General can do, is to keep a good number of faithful men commonly about him, who are wise & expert in that feats of the wars, with whom he may consult at all hours, & confer with them touching his own force and his enemies: to discern whether of them hath the greatest power, best soldiers, best armed, and best practised men, or which of their two armies can best abide the extremities of the wars. Likewise he ought to debate with his said counsel whether he might trust most, unto his horsemen, or unto his footmen, and whether it were for his most advantage to put himself in the plain, or to keep the hills. Furthermore, whether the place that he is in be of more advantage for him, then for his enemies, and to consider whether of the two armies may be most commodiously victualled, and whether it be good to defer the giving of battle, or to come to the fight immediately, & what advantage the time may either give or take: for many times when soldiers do see the war prolonged, they wax discontented, and therefore being wearied with pains and grief, and moved with a desire that they have to return unto their own houses; they might be like enough to forsake the Camp, and to go their ways. Above all things he ought to know the Captain General of his enemies army, and what people he hath about him, and seek to understand whether he be rash or wary, a coward, or valiant, and whether his men be new soldiers, or hardened, and with what enemies they have had to do, and whether the said enemies were men of war or not. Furthermore, the said Lieutenant ought to consider whether he may repose his most trust in his assistants & other strange soldiers, or in his own countrymen, and consider in which of them there is the greatest likelihood, and if so be that he see his Host dismayed, or out of hope to vanquish their enemies, he ought then to have the greatest care that may be not to give battle: for the greatest token that may be of the loss of a battle, is, when as soldiers have a conceit in themselves that their enemies cannot be overcome. Therefore all occasions that might bring a Chief unto this point against his will must be avoided, & Fa. Maximus imitated herein, who always placed his Camp in strong places, which was the occasion that Hannibal had never the heart to assail him. And when a Captain General doth doubt that his enemy hath so great power that he might, or would assail him in his trenches, there is no better remedy for him then to leave the field, and to retire his men into strong Garrisons, parting his bands some one way and some another: to the intent that the trouble of the besieging of many towns and strong places, might weary his enemies, so that they should be constrained to lose their time altogether, or at the least he himself have respite to strengthen himself to go again into the field when he should see time, or else I do not think that it were possible for a Chief to avoid the battle (whatsoever should happen) if so be that his enemies had will for to fight: except he kept himself always twenty or thirty miles from them, to the intent to have time enough to raise his Camp before his enemies coming, if so be, that they would assault him, as did the aforesaid Fabius Maximus in keeping himself far from Hannibal. And although that the distance was not above twenty or thirty miles, yet the country was so fit for to avoid the combat, that if so be he would have fled he might have done it, although he had been hard followed, which Fabius never meant to do: for he did not so much avoid the combat for the fear he had of his enemies, as to constrain them to assault him in his fort at their disadvantage, or to weary them in deferring to come to the combat, and thereby to constrain them to abandon the country, or at the least to keep themselves the closer together, and to make less spoil and waste of the country, then if he had left them alone. And on the other part, Hannibal (through his obstinacy) attended to vanquish the Romans patience, until such time as they should come down into the plain to fight with him, putting his men in greater danger, then if he had tried to vanquish Fabius by assaulting him in his fort with the loss of a few men. We must think that he should have been forced to come to the battle, or to have gone his ways, how unwilling soever he had been to fight. Philip of Macedon father of Perses, having wars against the Romans, placed his Camp upon a mountain, to the intent that he would not be constrained to fight but with his own free-will: but the Romans how dangerous soever it was, went and fought with him in his fort and overthrew him. The Venetians when they were at Pandin, sith they were not determined to fight, ought betimes to have removed far of from the host of King Lewis, or at the least to have assaulted the Frenchmen whilst they were in passing the river of Add: but they tarrying too long, could not departed when they would without strokes: for in the removing of their Camp the French men charged them and overthrew them.   

How a Captain General ought to defer to come unto combat with his enemies as much as he may possible, when as the said enemies are entered into his Prince's country: and whether is the greater danger to attend for his enemies at home in his own country, or to go seek them in theirs. And likewise, if the said General should be importuned by his Soldiers to fight, how he might avoid it, and how to encourage them, if so be they were afraid of their enemies  
The 3. Chapter.  
IT is a great point of wisdom to defer the coming to battle, when as a man is assailed in his own country, his enemies having better soldiers, and a greater number than he hath: for if the battle should be lost through the assailing of them, the country would be in hazard to be lost. The example of the last King of Hungary may prove it to be true, who being assailed (in the year 1526.) by the Turk them reigning, thought it better to hazard the battle and to fight with the Turks at their arrival, then to forbear and to stand upon his guard; which was cause that he himself was slain, and his kingdom lost. Wherefore, the surest way is to make a defensive war in providing for the towns that are upon the frontiers, & to cause the victuals to be spoiled that cannot be brought safely away: & this doing our enemies shallbe famished, or constrained (if they do not retire) to seek to fight with us, how greatly soever it be to their disadvantage. And we shallbe at choice to accept or to refuse the battle, as we shall see it to be for our advantage. As concerning this point of forbearing an enemy, & wisely defending of a country: I cannot allege a more fresh example, than the manner that was observed by the Lord Constable in Province against the Emperor: for after that he had well furnished the towns upon the frontiers, that were defenceable, and those that might hinder his enemies coming forward (if so be that they would have entered far into the country) having caused all the mills and ovens to be spoiled, & the corn and fruit to be destroyed that could not safely be carried away, and likewise the wells and springs to be corrupted: the said Lord Constable made himself strong in Avignon, and there determined to attend to receive the Swissers and other Soldiers that came for to aid him, and also the coming of his enemies if they had will for to fight with him, which act was commended both of the one side & the other, for the most surest counsel that might have been used at that time: considering the force of our enemies, and how ill accompanied the King was, and that the war was stirring in many places within his country: therefore to deceive the Emperor his pretence (for he made his account to have had a better match at our hands at home in our own country then abroad) it was the best remedy that might have been thought upon, not to fight at the first arrival, nor at the will of the said Emperor: but to suffer him to cool, & to weaken himself of men, victuals, & money: whilst the said Lord Constable did make himself strong of all things necessary, attending for a time convenient to make him to know in what danger he putteth himself that entereth into another man his country, with a wrong conceit: which danger (to say truth) is greatly to be feared. As for me I would never be of the opinion to assail a Prince in his country, that is so mighty and so well obeyed, as the King of France is, what reason soever is alleged unto the contrary. As for to say that he that doth assail hath many advantages upon his side, I find that he that is assailed hath many also upon his side: and it little availeth that some maintain, that those that assail have more courage than those that are assailed: for although that this may sometimes be true, yet is it not always so, for a General may embolden his men many ways, to make but little account of those whom they feared at the first. Moreover, the just and holy quarrel that bindeth every man to defend his country, may be laid out before them; which is a thing that hath a more force in it, than the desire or hope of the enemies to be rich by other men's goods. And if we will say that a Prince that doth assault another, doth take from his enemies the commodity which he had before of the assistance of his subjects, for that the country will be destroyed, and his subjects; so that he may be no more assisted by them: it may be answered, that although the goods be lost, yet the loss of goods doth not alienate, nor turn the people's hearts from the affection that they bear unto their natural Prince. But it is an occasion to root them in it more and more, and to stir them up and hearten them against those that have endamaged them, so that one of those that have lost their goods, are worth four of them that have lost nothing, or that make wars for their Princes particular quarrel. Every man knoweth what damage those of Province did of late unto the Spaniards, that spoiled them, which damage had not been so great, if they had not misused the country people, or had not been the occasion of the destroying of their fruits that could not be saved. As for to ground upon that, that a Prince which is assaulted, is constrained to have the greater regard in taxing of his subjects, or in commanding them to do any thing, lest his people should refuse or deny to do it, upon the hope they might have to join with his enemies, if their said Prince should misuse them, or never so little threaten them, is an argument that may be resolved in one word: to weet, that this assistance cannot be taken from a Prince, except that he do lose all his lands and all his friends, for otherwise he shall be succoured in despite of his enemies, as appeareth by the succour that the Kings of France have had of their subjects at all times: although that the Englishmen, Navarrians, and a great number of the Princes of the realm were almost possessed of all France, so that the Kings of France knew not where to set a foot for theirs: yet notwithstanding they were always obeyed, none of all those that were left theirs, refusing to be taxed, or to be employed at the King his pleasure, so that this patience prevailed, and in the end chased his enemies out of the realm. I do believe that if a Prince did use himself towards his subjects like a Tyrant, always evil entreating and misusing them, that if an enemy did assault him in his country, he might then be in hazard to be ill followed and obeyed of his people: but in doing the contrary, there is no doubt to be had in this matter. One thing there is for them that do assail, & which is a great point, that is, that Soldiers who find themselves in a strange country far from any refuge to retire unto, seeing themselves in that extremity, do fight so much the more resolute, making a virtue of necessity: but this necessity may not be compared unto the need that those have to fight virtuously that are assailed, because that they are in danger to abide many extremities more than the assailants, if the said assailants should overthrow them: for the loss of life, ransom, or imprisonment, do pay the reckoning for them: whereas those that are assailed, do lose their goods, the honest reputation of their wives and daughters, and their lives: and if so be that they do escape killing, yet do they look for a perpetual servitude, with an infinite number of other mischiefs: so that the advantage on both sides is clearly seen, and the assailant cannot have one reason so strong for him, but the assailed may have a better. Wherefore I do make no doubt to rest upon this conclusion, that is, that every Prince ought to have a regard, before he enter into the country of another Prince his neighbour that is as mighty as himself, and moreover maketh himself to be well beloved and obeyed of his subjects, as we see the King is. And besides the reasons aforesaid, he that is assailed may attend the coming of his enemies into his country with a great advantage: for that he may famish them, and take from them the use of all things appertaining unto a Camp, without the danger of having any lack of victual on his side. Moreover, he may withstand the enterprises of his enemies, and impeach them to be executed, if the assailed have better notice of the country and passages, than the assailants have. To be brief, he may make great store of people in short time: for there is no body but will be ready at a need to enter into battle to defend his own, and of these there will be found an hundred to one of those that are content to leave their own dunghill, to the intent to make wars against other men. But let us suppose that a Prince that is assailed in his own country is overthrown, every man knoweth well that he may recover it again in short space: because that the vanquished cannot be so utterly overthrown, but that there will a great many save themselves, because of the retreat they have so near them: moreover, his succour is not far of to come unto him. In some, he that is assailed in his country can hazard little but part of his forces: but if the assailant be overthrown, he doth not only put his people in hazard, but also his state, goods, and subjects; notwithstanding that he is out of his country: for being taken, he shall be constrained to remain prisoner all the days of his life, or to accomplish the will of the vanquisher, and God knows what conditions of peace are used to be given unto those that are in hands if they make peace, and what ransoms they must pay for their delivery before that they be let go. Besides all this danger, into what inconvenience would the assailant his country fall into if he were slain? Would it be possible that a battle might be lost upon another man his ground, without the slaughter of all the best Captains and Soldiers? Or that his country being advertised of his death, & of the overthrow of his men, would not lose all their hope to defend themselves, if they should be assailed upon the heat of this trouble? All these things considered, I may conclude that he is in greater hazard that doth assail his neighbour, than he that doth stay for to resist him: as the coming of the above said Emperor doth give me occasion to speak, which is the fittest example that I may allege for this matter. And although that the said Emperor did not taste of the inconveniences that might have ensued of such an enterprise; yet he was upon the way to have proved them all, if he had stayed any thing longer in the king his country. And this is so well known, that there is no man that can speak against it, how little judgement soever he have.  
Concerning this matter, I must here make answer unto some that misliked at that time (as it was told me) that the said Lord Constable went not forwards towards the mountains to stop the passage of the Emperor: saying, that because of the difficulty of the passage, five hundred men had been sufficient to have stopped ten thousand, and that therefore the one half of our people had been strong enough to have repulsed our enemies: or if that the aforesaid Lord Constable had been forced, he might have retired time enough unto Avignon (if so be that he would have encamped there as he did) and that in so doing Province had not been destroyed. But those that used these words did not look near enough into the dangers that we might have fallen into, if that their opinion had had place: for first of all it had not been wisely done to have stayed to defend a passage against such a power, as that was that came against us: nor likewise for him to have enclosed himself in a naughty barren country, out of which he could not have retired, and have had safe going and coming at all times: except the place had been so large, & beside so fit for the attendants, that they might have placed a great Camp easily, and there have ranged their battles in order to fight. If it had been so, their counsel had been good, specially for if that the enemies would have assailed them, they must have done it in disorder, our men attending in their fort in good order to receive them: but it is so (as it hath been told me) that there is no place in all that passage, wherein it was possible for us to find that commodity, or to impeach the said assailants from coming divers ways upon the backs of the attendants. Wherefore considering of the sudden coming and of the great force of the said assailants, who were masters of the Sea, and so mighty upon land, as every man knoweth, that it had been in their powers to have enclosed and assailed on every side all those that should have showed their faces in those straits: it was better done of the said Lord to keep himself far from them, then to have been there and to have lodged himself in this danger. Suppose that he might have made a good retreat at all times; yet is it so that if he had been driven away by his enemies, his reputation had been less worthy by a great deal. And when as a General doth make his account to keep a place or passage, and that his Soldiers do trust thereunto: if it happen afterwards that his enemies do enforce him to forsake it, it is sure that such a fear will come upon them all at once, that it will be hard in long time after to put them in heart again, specially if there have been some small number beaten: for that will make others that shall but hear of it to be as much a feared, as if they had carried part of the blows themselves.  
The Spaniards that kept the passage at Suze, albeit that they were a great number, yet the Lord Constable overthrew them easy enough: so that thereby may be known that it is not so sure a match to stay and keep these straits, specially the attendants not having many advantages on their sides, and an enemy of great force in his teeth, which doth assail him fiercely as the said Lord and his did. The said Spaniards might well have perceived the error which they did commit in reposing all their trust in the keeping of the said passage: for being driven away by force, they were so scared that hardly they durst look behind them to see who perused them: and not only those that had been beaten were so astonished, but also they were so afeard that besieged Pignerol, that they ran away secretly by night, and all those that were of the league were afeard, until such time as we ceased to pursue them. Moreover, the Lord Constable did wisely to leave the strait, and to keep himself at large: for by that mean he might have made resistance unto the said enemies, if that they had come any other way than that they did: which he could not have done, if he had busied himself to keep one passage expressly, for that it is not said that there are no more passages through the mountains to enter into France then that which they came: nor likewise that they should have lacked guides to have showed them some entrance: so that although that the said Lord had kept them, yet it had not been possible for him to have kept all the other: and consequently to have kept himself from being enclosed, or that his enemy should not have been far entered into the country, before that he could have gotten unto his refuge.  
The Swissers in the year 1515. did cease upon many passages in the mountains, to the intent to keep the King from entering into italy: but so it was that they kept them not all, or it may be that they knew them not all, or that they would not divide themselves into too many bands. It may be also thought, that the King would never have passed his army whereas they did pass: but be it the one or the other, no body hindered them from looking unto it. The said Lord found one passage free, at which he and his passed, & it failed but little that he had not surprised a great company within Coulny: yet they understood of his coming in so good time, that they saved themselves in running away. I say that the retreat of the said Swissers, who made their account that the Frenchmen should not pass, was cause that many towns in Italy turned unto us incontinent: for having reposed all their trust in the Swissers promise, and finding immediately after that our army was within the country, and had passed contrary unto the opinion of all men, the Lombard's were so discouraged, and in that extremity that they knew not unto what saint to bequeath themselves, or to take any other counsel, but to render themselves at the hearing of it: as (it may be thought) the towns in the plain country of Dauphin and Province would have done, if our army had been placed to keep the passages, and that the Emperor should have driven them away. To be short, those that thought it to be strange that our Camp was lodged so far from the mountains, do show that they have not greatly used this occupation. For a General ought never to stay in such like places, except he have means (as I have before said) to plant all his forces, & that there be no other place to pass far from that he doth keep: & yet it is necessary that the place where the Camp should stay, should have all these commodities that are necessary for it, as wood, water, forage, & the passages for victuallers to come to the Camp free and open: and moreover that the situation should be wholly as necessary as might be. A Lieutenant General lying near unto his enemy's Camp, may sometimes be importuned by his Soldiers to give battle: although that he knoweth by the number of his people, or by the situation of the place, or by some other reason, that it should be to his great disadvantage to fight. It may likewise come to pass, that when either necessity or occasion given do constrain him to fight, that he shall then find his soldiers discomforted, and not disposed to do well: therefore it is necessary to know how to bridle their desire in the one case, and how to animate them in the other. As concerning the first case, if persuasions would not suffice, there were no better remedy then to suffer some small company to lose themselves at their own desires, to the intent that the rest might give him the more credit, which happened unto Fabius Maximus unlooked for: for when as his host was desirous to fight against Hannibal; Minutius the Captain General of the Romans Horsemen, being himself as forward in the matter as the rest, which although it was contrary unto the opinion of the said Fabius being Dictator, yet proceeded so far in this variance, that they divided the army: & the army being divided, Minutius presenting battle unto his enemies, who accepted it, had been utterly overthrown, had not the Dictator helped to secure him. Which the said Minutius and his Soldiers seeing, governed themselves ever after by the counsel of Fabius, as the most surest, without enterprising at any time after any thing of their own heads. Sertorius, when he could not bridle the boldness of his men, was content to suffer part of them to be well beaten: yet lest that they should be utterly overthrown, he succoured them at their need, after which correction he was ever after better obeyed. Concerning the animating of Soldiers unto the Combat, it is not amiss to make them to have their enemies in contempt, and to account but little of them, by giving them to understand that their enemies speak reproachful words of them, or to make show to have intelligence with some of the chiefest of their army, and that a great part of them are corrupted, and also to lodge the Camp in some place where the Soldiers may fee their enemies, and skirmish with them: because that those things which men do daily see, they do acquaint themselves withal by little & little: but we must handle these skirmishes so wisely, that our Soldiers may always have the better hand of their enemies: for if they should have the repulse at the first, it is a thing most certain that their fear & want of courage would be much more increased: and so it might happen quite contrary unto the General his meaning in approaching so near, and skirmishing with his enemies, to wit, for the imbouldening of them, and not for the dismaying of them: wherefore a General must employ his study, that nothing may take away his soldiers hearts from doing well, what accident soever might happen. And nothing may more discourage them then to be beaten at the first; and therefore all the remedy that I can see in this matter, is so to proceed against his enemies, that his may have the better hand of them at their first arrival, if it be possible. And to do this, he ought not to skirmish at all with his enemies, but to keep his men within his fort, until that he see an advantage, and seeing the advantage manifestly, that then they might issue out of the fort upon their enemies, & vanquish them. A Lieutenant General may likewise make show that he is angry with his people, and may make unto them some oration of purpose, wherein he may reprove them for the little valour that is in them: and to make them ashamed, he might say that he would fight with his enemies although he should be left all alone, or if he had but such and such to follow him: and this may be an occasion that the one to be accounted of no less estimation than the other, will present themselves: and the other to maintain their reputation, will show themselves the readier to come unto the Combat.  
Caesar helped himself by this means in France, his soldiers being afraid of the Almains, to make them to fight resolutely, and be the better served of them in the Battle. soldiers ought never to be suffered to send any of their booties, or of their own goods home unto their houses, or out of the Camp, until such time as the war be ended: to the intent that they might know, that although in running away they might save their lives, yet they could not save their goods: the love whereof will be an occasion to make them to fight as resolutely, as the danger of the losing of their lives. And as touching the persuading and dissuading of a small number to do any thing, is a thing easy enough to be done: for that if they will not obey the Lieutenant General his words, he may use his authority and force: but the greatest difficulty is, when as it shall be expedient to remove a multitude from an evil opinion, which might be contrary unto their common welfare, or unto his will: in which case for that he may but use persuasion, he must do it publicly in the hearing of all his Soldiers, because the matter doth touch them all: & for this cause good Captains ought to be good Orators: for that not knowing how to exhort a whole army, it will be hard to do any thing ought worth. But at this day we make no great account of it, and yet it is a thing so necessary, that to do well without it is almost a thing impossible: I mean, for to do any act of importance. Who so would read the life of Alexander the great, & of many other Princes and Chiefs that have been heretofore, he should find that it hath oft times been needful for them to speak publicly unto their armies, and to use exhortations unto them, when as they would have any great matter done: for many times there may accidents happen in an army, by means whereof it might be overthrown if the General could not play the Orator, or if he should not speak unto them publicly, as the ancient Chiefs were accustomed to do, the reason is, that speech hath many and sundry effects in itself: for it taketh away fear, it inflameth the hearts of Soldiers; it maketh them the more firm and resolute for the Combat; it discovereth deceits; it promiseth recompense; it showeth danger and the mean to avoid them; it reproveth, entreateth, exhorteth, filleth full of hope, praiseth and blameth: and in sum; a Lieutenant General may by his speech do all those things, wherewith men's passions are either mortified or kindled. Wherefore if the King were determined to maintain his first Legionaries, or to levy other, after the manner spoken of in the first book, or a better, he should command his Colonels to accustom themselves to speak publicly to their soldiers, that they might be accustomed to hear them to speak, to the intent that they should not find it strange to come together unto the declaration that their Lieutenant General would make them, whensoever they should be called thereunto by his Trumpet. Heretofore the reverence that men had unto religion, was much worth to keep Soldiers in fear and obedience, and likewise the oath  they made when they were led into the field: for then those that committed any offence, or those that did contrary unto their oaths and promises, were not so greatly threatened to incur corporal pains, which equity and law ordained: as they were threatened that they should fall into the indignation of the gods whom they worshipped, which being mingled with other superstitions, was oftentimes an occasion that the Chiefs who were at that time, came more easily unto the end of their enterprises: and at this day it would do no less, if so be that God were feared better than he is, and that we made a greater account of Christian religion than we do. Sertorius did make his Soldiers to believe that a tame dear which he had, did advertise him of all things touching the pleasure of the gods, which was cause that the Spaniards gave too great credit unto his words: specially for that they believed that he knew their news secretly before that they did themselves, and as for those things that were done far from the Camp, and those things that he took in hand with an assurance to bring to pass, he made show that he understood them by the said beast. Silla said that he had intelligence by an Image that he had out of the Temple of Apollo in Delphos, which he carried always in his bosom when he entered into Battle. In the time of King Charles the seventh, in the wars which he had with the Englishmen, was jahane the maiden of France esteemed to be a divine person, and every one affirmed that she was sent from God: but some will say it was the King that invented this policy, to encourage the Frenchmen, giving them to understand that God had a care of the realm, and therewithal the King took great pains that the said jahane might be found veritable in her words, and that the most part of her enterprises might come to good effect, for the execution whereof she armed herself, and was always amongst the knights in the combat. The Frenchmen were so encouraged through the trust that they had therein that from thenceforth the Englishmen'S force did diminish, and theirs did augment. Moreover there may be means found to make Soldiers to make but little account of their enemies, which to do Agesilaus King of the Lacedæmonians showed unto his Soldiers certain Persians naked, to the intent that they seeing the bodies of the said Persians white and delicate, should have no occasion to fear them, but to esteem of them as soft and effeminate people. divers good Captains have hitherto made their Soldiers to fight through very force, taking from them all the hope that they might have to save themselves if they should break, or seek to escape otherwise then by the victory. Agathocles helped himself by this means in Africa, and it is also the most surest to make Soldiers resolute: which resolution will be augmented through the confidence that they have to get the victory, & also through the love that they do bear unto their Captain General, & unto their Prince: which confidence proceedeth of that they are better armed, or better ranged, than their enemies, and of their getting of some battle of fresh memory, and likewise of the good opinion that they have of their captain General. As for the love which they do bear unto their natural Prince & country, it is nature that is cause of it, as virtue is cause of the affection that Soldiers do bear unto their Captain General which may do much more in this matter, than gifts or any other thing: and although that a man may use other means to win the hearts of men of war: yet the reputation that a General Chief hath to be a valiant & good man, passeth all the other that may be thought upon. Concerning the constraining of an army to fight against their wills, may be in divers manners: notwithstanding that is the greatest which constraineth an army to vanquish or to die in the field, which is a fit remedy for those, who fight not for the love that they do bear unto the Prince that doth pay them: nor for the confidence that they have in their General. Of which sort are all the mercenaries properly, who would never give one only thrust with a Pike, if they should not be forced thereunto, or that it were not too great a shame for them not to do it, as for any other cause they will never put themselves in danger: wherefore it is most certain, that the service of those who fight for the love of their natural Lord, and their country is much better and more assured: for besides this bond of amity, they shall be renowned to be valiant men, which is of no less value with them, than force and constraint is with the other.   

The order that a Lieutenant ought to keep in marching through the enemy's country: and the manner how to range a square Battailon with four faces, leaving an empty place in the midst of it.  
The 4 Chapter.  
I Have heretofore spoken of the manner that an host ought to keep in giving of a battle, and after what manner it ought to be governed, having their enemies hard by them: and also the manner how to vanquish them. Moreover I have spoken of many circumstances appertinent to this business, wholly according unto the accidents that might happen before the giving of a battle, in fight, after the vanquishing of an enemy, or the receiving of an overthrow: & as I think I have said so much therein, that it were now time to change purpose, and to show how four such Legions as these which I have ordained, aught to be ranged in traveling (although no enemies be seen) when as a Lieutenant General that hath four such legions in charge, is continually in doubt to be assaulted: which may happen when as he marcheth through his enemy's country, or through a country suspect. First of all we must understand that the Romans army being in this case, did always send out certain troops of Horsemen far before their battles, for to discover the ways; and after them marched the right point of their Battailon in order ready to sight, & at the tail of it marched all the baggage of the same point. After that marched another Legion and their baggage behind them, and afterward the third Legion & their baggage, & last of all the left point & their baggage at their tails, behind which baggage marched all the horsemen: & this manner did the said Romans ordinarily use in going through the country: & if the host were assailed either before or behind, they caused their baggage and carriage to be retired all at once either upon the left side or upon the right side, as came best to hand, and when the Soldiers and place were free of all encumbrances, the Battles turned their faces towards that side that their enemies came to assault them on. And if so be that they were assailed upon one of the flanks, they put their baggage one the other side, and made head unto their enemies. Me thinks that this manner of marching through an enemy his country, should be the best that might be imitated in this case: we might likewise send out before on every side a good number of Hargoletiers and arquebusiers a Horseback to discover the ways round about our host, & send part of our light Horsemen to follow the said Hargoletiers and arquebusiers somewhat near to secure them, if they should have any encounter; the battles (as is aforesaid) marching in good order with their ranks at large, so that the way were broad enough, or at the least that in every rank should be ten men. As for to march at length being in an enemy's country, is an evil counsel. The Legions ought every one to march by themselves, with their carriages at their backs, after the manner of the Romans. And for that there are two sorts of baggage, to wit, one that pertaineth unto the Soldiers particularly, and the carriages which do appertain unto the common use, as the provision of victuals, arms, & Ordnance; it would not be amiss to divide the said carriage into four parts, and to give unto each legion besides their particular baggage, the one fourth part of the public carriages. Moreover it would be well done to divide the ordnance into four parts if it were but to avoid the envy that would be amongst men of war, if the one part of the army should have it in charge and the other not, or if the one should have more than the other. And likewise the unarmed people ought to be divided equally, such as Pioneers, Carters, Victuallers, men of occupation, and other poor people that do follow a Camp to get their living: to the intent that every number of armed men might have justly their charge, that the one should not be more advantaged and charged then the other. But when as it doth happen that an host doth travail through a country that is not only suspected: but also is such an enemy as the said Host doth look every hour to be assailed, than the form of marching before spoken of may be altered, and the host ranged in another order, which order should be so good, that neither the people of the Country, or an enemy his army might at any time find the lieutenant General, nor his battles in disorder, in any one point: nor likewise give him any repulse, or to do any damage unto his men. To avoid the danger of these sudden assaults which are made by stealth, the ancient Chiefs, were accustomed to march with their hosts square, not that they were altogether square: but they were ranged with four faces, and by that means they marched through their enemy his Country, being ready to defend themselves, whensoever that they should be assaulted, and used no other form, except they were constrained to fight with their Battles ranged, or that they were charged with too great a force of enemies. This manner of marching will I use in this place, and will show how to order four Legions after this manner, by imitating of whose example a greater army may be conducted, to march through out all Countries, without danger of enemies, and to make head one what part soever that it should be assailed. The Battles must be ranged in such sort, that the first Legion must be at the right corner of the said square, and the Hastaries of this Legion, should occupy their accustomed place towards the east: (for it shallbe supposed, that they do march toward the east) and afterward the Princes and Triaries must place themselves towards the South: so that they and the said Hastaries shall make a right angle which is one fourth part of a quadrant.  
The second Legion shallbe placed upon the left corner and the Hastaries of the said Legion, shallbe ranged on the east part, as the Hastaries of the first Legion: so that the Hastaries of these two legions, shall make the front of the said square upon the east side, leaving a space of ten paces distant betwixt the said two legions. The Princes and Triaries of the second legion must be ranged on the north side, who being joined unto their Hastaries, shall make another angle, and by that means, these two legions are the one half of the quadrant. and to finish it, the third Legion must be ranged behind the first, in such sort, that the Hastaries of that legion shall make the one half of the angle towards the West, to show their faces that way if it should be needful: and their Princes and Triaries, shall make the other half of the corner, and shall have their faces towards the South, if it should be needful, and shall join unto the Princes and Triaries of the first Legion: reserving the space that ought to be left betwixt them, which shallbe ten paces as is aforesaid: and these spaces shall likewise be observed betwixt the people, and the other Legions, to the intent that they do not touch one another: and there must be a regard had, that those spaces may be kept. The fourth Legion shallbe ranged behind the second, placing the Hastaries on the west side, and the Princes, and Triaries on the north: so that the Hastaries of the first and second Legions, shall make the front, and the Hastaries of the third and fourth shall make the tail. The Princes and Triaries of the first & third Legions, shall make the right side, & the Princes and Triaries of the second and fourth, shall make the left side: & these two said sides, when need requireth, shall turn the faces towards their two Regions, to wit, those upon the right side towards the South, & those on the left side towards the North.  
All which four Legions shall make one quadrant, not that it shallbe perfectly square, forasmuch as it shallbe a little more in length then in breadth, for from the front unto the tail, there shallbe a more space left, then from the one side unto the other, which square or quadrant shallbe ordered in such sort, that the spaces which I have said, that shallbe left betwixt the bands in the front, when they are in their first order, should likewise be left now: & the distance from the one rank to the other, should be always kept according unto the form of the Hastaries, and as I have said before. By this means, the place that this square btttaile will occupy, may have in breadth 470. paces, and 590. in length.  
Within the said battle, there shallbe an empty space, which shallbe in length, 470. paces, and in breadth 340. and within the same place, shall the four Colonels be placed, to wit the Colonel of the first Legion, in the right corner of the front, and the Colonel of the second Legion, within the corner of the second Legion: and the others likewise within the corner of their Legions with their guard, to the intent, that every man might be near, and have an eye to over look his people. The Lieutenant General may be within this empty place, right against the space which is betwixt the Hastaries of the two Legions in the front, accompanied with his guard, and with those that do follow his Cornet. The Pikes of the Flanks may be ranged within the said empty place joining unto their bands, and the arquebusiers of the flanks by them, who shall leave the spaces betwixt the bands, as the bands themselves do. As for the Captains, and other members and officers, they shallbe in their places appointed them before, and the forlorn hope shallbe without upon the four sides of the Battle, in their order, or they may be with in: and likewise the baggage and carriage shall be within the empty place, which the four Legions do make. And the ordnance may march alongst the Flanks, or at the head and tail. The Pieces upon the Flanks, may march one after another: but those in the front and at the tail shall march one by another, for otherwise, they could not help themselves with it, when it shallbe needful, nor easily to defend it, if it should be assaulted.  
Concerning the Horsemen, the arquebusiers, and the Hargoletiers, must be ranged on every side, a good way off, that the light horsemen might be betwixt them and the men of arms, and that the men of arms might be at the least, fifty paces from the battle, ranged upon the four ancomminge, by simple Decuries, or double or more, to wit, one of the companies of the first Legion shallbe at the front, and the other upon the right Flank, the one of the companies of the second legion, should be likewise at the front of the battle before the said legion, & the other upon the left Flank: & the companies of the other two legions should be likewise behind, and upon the Flanks each of them by the legion they belong unto. One thing a Lieutenant General must note in this place, for a general rule, that is, that as often as he shall range his army for to fight, he take heed, not to range his horsemen before his battles, except he do place them so far of, that being repulsed, they may have space enough to retire beside the footmen: for otherwise he might overrune them: Or else he must leave many spaces in the front of the said footmen, to the intent that the horsemen might return with in them, without breaking or disordering their ranks. And of this advertisement, he ought to make no small account. For many Chiefs which heretofore have not regarded it, have found themselves deceived, and their people have been broken, and mingled one among another, when as their horsemen have been repulsed by their enemies.  
Our four Legions being ordered in that form that I have spoken off, may put themselves forward to march upon the way, when as it shall please them, and may keep the said order going a good pace. I do not say that in traveling, not being troubled by an enemy, that they should always keep the ranks of their Hastaries so near together nor the soldiers of the, Princes & Triaries, likewise as I have spoken before: for they could not carry their Pikes upon their shoulders, but should be constrained to bear them right up an end, for it would be impossible to carry them otherwise, because of the little space betwixt the ranks. But my meaning is, that when as they would resist the assault of their enemies, that then they should join together in such order as is spoken of. And if so be, that their enemies did but skirmish with them, to trouble them upon the way, & notwithstanding were always ready to assault them, and that the said four Legions, would win ground and not fight: in such a case, the Soldiers must carry their Pikes right up, although it be more painful: for the necessity, which they should have to march close together, would ease their pains. But if that they should not be enforced, there would be no danger, if the Hastaries ranks should follow one another at more scope, and that the princes and Triaries should occupy more ground in length to c●●tch their Pikes, and to march at more ease: for the horsemen and the forlorn hope which do environ this square battle, would be sufficient enough to stay the assaulters, until such time as the battle were brought near together into their order, for their would be no more to do, but stay the first ranks, & to cause the others to come forward nearer them. Moreover, it is not to be doubted, that people who assault without keeping order and rank, should ever have the courage and good will to approach them that are well ordered and ranked within the length of a Pike, nor the arquebusiers within the shot of a arquebus, except they had some advantage of ground, as if it were that these Legions kept the lower ground and their enemies the higher, or that there were some great river betwixt them: my meaning is that this order is only for a plain country, for in troublesome passages it is not good, but when as they should pass near or betwixt mountains, the plain being large enough to receive them in this order: the remedy must be to get the highest ground, and drive away their enemies. For otherwise although that the Legions should keep the form of a square Battle, or of batallions ranged by themselves, I would never be of opinion that they should put themselves into strait passages, except that they were masters of the higher ground. The Lord of Montpezat when he returned into France with the bands that he had under him at Fossar, being constrained to take his way through the valley of Pratgella, the entry into which is most difficile, seeing that the mountains were held by the people of the country, and certain men of war which were joined with them, and that he was not entered far within the said mountains, without the loss of a certain number of his people, which were slain and maimed by their enemies, who kept themselves in the higher ground, being there placed to have done him mischief enough, if it had not been speedily looked into: the said Lord sent immediately part of his people under the charge of Monsieur Dambres, to get the higher ground, to drive away his enemies, which thing those that were sent did so well execute, marching always upon the higher ground on the wings of his Battles; that there was not a Frenchman hurt afterwards, whereas before they were a mark for their enemies to shoot at: it is all the remedy that may be used in such like passages. But if it were in a plain, Horsemen with the help of arquebusiers, may stay an enemy far off, without hindering of the Battles in losing of their time, for that Horsemen may maintain a skirmish with an enemy, winning ground always, not running far from the battle, nor forgetting themselves otherwise. True it is, that in marching in this order square, it were necessary that the Country should be even & open, that the battle might always continue as it was ordered: and therefore it should be necessary to have a great number of pioneers, to make the way plain & open, whereas it should pass, & the said pioneers might be defended by the Hargoletiers, and other discoverers, if their enemies were not able to repulse them: but if so be that their enemies were of force sufficient to repulse the said discoverers: the other horsemen following at their backs, would relieve them, or if it came to the worst, the pioneers might retire within the battles, and the horsemen unto the flanks, if they could not stay their enemies otherwise: for which enemies there need no jot of this order of marching be changed, except that they were so great a number that they might assail these Legions ranked in battle: but this assault cannot be done so suddenly, but that the General shall have time enough to retire the Pioneers, & to range his people in order to give battle: for as he in marching on his way, doth go but an ordinary pace, so an enemy in coming towards him doth march but an ordinary pace: so that the one aswell as the other, do go so leisurely, that they shall always have leisure enough to provide on both sides. Besides the discoverers who are abroad, will advertise the said General time enough: & then he may bring the Legions into the same order that is taught in the first book: and if he be assaulted upon the front, he may turn the mouth of the Cannon, towards his enemies, and put the horsemen upon the wings, and cause the third Legion to range themselves in their first order and accustomed place, and the fourth likewise: and the Princes and Triaries of each Legion to take their places.  
In the mean while, the ordnance may play their parts, and the forlorn hope with the arquebusiers a horseback, and hargoletiers many likewise do theirs. The Baggage must be retired behind the Legion with the Pioneers, and the unarmed men, who may make themselves strong with wagons, coffers, packs, and other carriages, with all which, they may entrench themselves, if so be that they had no strong place near to retire unto, or time to fortify. Yet if leisure would serve, it would be better to stay and to make some place strong before the battle, then to hazard a battle before a Camp were made to retire unto if need were. And if so be that the said enemy would assault these Legions behind, the Lieutenant General must make the head of the battalions that way, or towards any other part that he looketh to be assaulted upon. And if so be that the said enemy should assault him upon two sides, and that he were of force enough to do it; this General ought to take Soldiers from the other two sides that are not assaulted, to strengthen those that are assaulted, or else he must use another manner of order, to wit, to range the Princes and Triaries all in one front, or to do otherwise, that is in every Legion to retire one band of Hastaries, and to place it with another band of Princes, and that those two bands should range themselves in 10. ranks at the backs of the said Hastaries: and the other two bands of Princes, should retire backwards to be ranged with the Triaries: so that at the front their should be four bands, and at the tail as many, and the two bands in the midst should stretch out their ranks, and should occupy asmuch ground in breadth as the other four, and this must be done throughout all the Legions: and so their would be two fronts well furnished, and the Flanks also would be sufficient enough of themselves, besides the Pikes of the Flanks for to help them. And when as the front were broken they might retire unto the two bands in the midst to make an enemy to fight again with them.  
I have spoken before of these two forms, and therefore to return to my matter: I say that if the General of our enemy's Army should assail these our aforesaid four legions upon two or three parts: that either he or we were not be thought wise. For if a General Chief be wise, he will never put himself into a place where an enemy may assail him with a great power upon so many sides, or parts.  
For so it is, that he that will hurt another man, and be sure to take no hurt himself, but deal upon the advantage, must needs have upon every side, that he would assail his enemy, as much people, or very near as much, as his said enemy hath in all his: if so be then that our General should he so evil advised, as to enter into a Prince his Country, his enemy, who had three or four times as many Soldiers as himself, and should take any hurt: there were no reason, but that he should blame his own lack of understanding, & not put the fault in his ill luck. But let us put case, that the General of our enemy's host, hath but a few Soldiers more than we have: and not withstanding, thinking to put us into disorder, he chargeth us in divers places: you may say then, that the folly is his, and the advantage is ours: As for to assail our four legions, in which of the forms abovesaid soever they should be ranged, he shallbe forced to make his battles so thin and small, that our army might easily resist the one, and beat the other, and by that means get the victory.  
Our General might also (if he thought it good) range his Legions two and two together, or every one a part, in manner of a square, & leave a place empty in the midst, which he might do after this manner: that is, that one Legion should make the front with his Hastaries, & the left Flank with his Princes and Triaries, and that the other legion should make the tail with his Hastaries, and the right Flank with his Princes and Triaries, and so these two Legions should occupy 230. paces in breadth, and 350. in length: and the square that should be left empty in the midst, should have 110. paces in breadth, and 230 in length. Touching the ranging of these legions by themselves, three bands of Hastaries might make the front, and the other two should be placed, one band upon the one Flank, and the other Band upon the other Flank. Likewise two bands of the Princes, might range themselves upon the Flanks behind the other two bands of the said Hastaries in a right line, & the third band should make the tail with the Triaries: for by that means the space that one legion so ordered would occupy, might be 136. paces in breadth, and 219. in length: the space which is left empty in the midst, should have by this reckoning 16. paces in breadth, and 99 in length.  
This form might serve, as often as it should be necessary that the Legions should march through the country one after another, or one alone, not being accompanied with some good number of horsemen, if so be that they would be provided against the surprises and sudden assaults of their enemies, & have their sick and hurt men, and also their baggage out of danger of the said enemies. For that this manner of marching doth require that the way where it should pass should be large and even, and is also invented but to withstand people that should assail it without keeping order, and at unwares, to the intent to put those that travel into disorder, if they could, or at the least to make their hands with the baggage: the chiefest remedy (as I have above said) is to range the Soldiers in such order that they might defend themselves on every side: and also have their baggage in a sure place, for otherwise it would not be possible to defend it so well if it should be without the battle, but that in marching and staying there might be much lost: wherefore this order of marching, for doubt of our enemies whom we see not, is most necessary. And it would be a most profitable thing to accustom our Legionaries to put themselves together, and to march in this order. And upon the way to take them out of this order, and range them according unto their first manner of battle, or like unto the others which we have showed: and immediately to bring them again into the order of marching that is here spoken of. Moreover, to cause them to make the tail of their battles the head, and the head the tail: and afterwards to make of either of the two flanks sometimes the one, and sometime the other. This done, they may then be ranged again in their first order: and it shall be necessary to exercise them often in these exercises, if we will have them to be right good and expert Soldiers: for Military discipline is nothing else but to know how to begin and to execute the things above said: wherein all Captains and others that have charge of the government of Soldiers ought to take pains. And I believe that an host so ordered, should be always the vanquisher, and could never at any time be broken and vanquished. If so be that the forms aforesaid do seem any thing hard, it is most certain that the difficulty will become easy enough by means of exercise. Moreover, who so doth know how to range an host and to order them in these forms, shall know the easier how to range and order an host in others, which are not altogether so hard.   

The order that a Lieutenant General ought to use for the victualling of his army: and how the ancient Chiefs did use their booties, with divers means that a General may use to endamage his enemies, and to keep himself from surprise  
The 5. Chapter.  
A Lieutenant General ought to have a care so to provide for his host, that it might be free of all encumbrances as might be possible, and aught to look into all those causes that might hinder the compass of his enterprises. Amongst all which, there is none greater than this: to weet, to keep a Camp furnished with bread and wine. The ancient Chiefs were not careful for wine: for when the wine failed them, they drank water mingled with a little vinegar to give it colour and savour. And amongst their provisions for their hosts, there were no speeches made of wine, but only to have water and vinegar. Moreover, the ancient Soldiers had not their bread baked in ovens, as we have at this instant every where, but baked cakes themselves of a certain quantity of meal that was delivered unto them day by day, out of the store, and besides that, a certain quantity of lard; and this was all: so that the victuals whereof the ancient Chiefs made their provision for the sustentation of a Camp, was only meal, vinegar, and lard for the Soldiers, and barley for the horses. They had moreover a great number of cattle both great and small, that followed their Camps; which cattle (for that it needed not to be carted or carried, nor likewise was fed with any thing that was carried) was not chargeable, nor troublesome unto an army: which was the occasion in times past that their armies went many journeys through deserts and solitary places, without lack of victuals, for that they lived of victual that might easily follow a Camp.  
The Turk his Soldiers need no wine, because that their law doth forbid them to drink it, and also they go long without eating bread, if so be that they may have water and rice, and seldom it is that they do suffer want: for they carry ordinarily sacks full of powdered flesh minced so fine, that it seemeth to be a powder, and to eat this powdered flesh, they take but a little at a meal, and temper it in warm water, and afterward sup it up, and so do the said Turks live. Moreover, if they have great want of victual, the said flesh being spent, they do let their horse's blood: for they are almost all horsemen, and do live certain days with this blood. And if so be that the famine do too much oppress them, they do kill their horses, and eat them before they do forsake to do their Prince loyal service, and the uttermost of their power; which our delicate Soldiers will not do: for they will very hardly serve one day without they be in wine up to the ears, or full crammed ready to burst: but when I say our Soldiers, I mean those that are at this instant, but not those that might be levied in France: for that they might easily be made temperate enough, so that the Chiefs themselves would give them example, and that they were not so much given unto disordinate eating and drinking as they are. The Scotchmen (as saith Froisard) have a very good manner to live in time of war: for first of all they do carry no provision of bread and wine with them. Moreover, they content themselves long time, so that they may have flesh but half sodden, which they do eat very well without bread, and drink water. And moreover, they are not troubled with the carrying of kettles or pans, because that they do see the their flesh in the skins of beasts when they have flayed them: nor have no care to carry provision with them, because they are sure to find in the country where they do pretend to make war. One thing they have care of, that is, to carry a plate of iron, and a bag of meal, to the intent that when they feel their stomachs weak and feeble with the eating of too much raw flesh, they might comfort them with cakes, which they do make after this manner. They temper a little meal in a dish, and cast their plate into the fire, and when the plate is hot enough, they do make little cakes of their paste, and bake them upon the said plate: and by this means they do make great journeys to surprise their neighbours, without rumour of their enterprises, and without any great cost. As for us Frenchmen, we will have a regard not to live so soberly what need soever there were: for hardly will we one hour endure the lack of good wine or good bread, nor of any other dainty, no more than if we were at home in our own houses, and that every man were of ability to have all that he desired. And therefore our armies are quickly famished, as well for that it is hard to make provision for many days of so many things as we do require, as also for the marvelous spoil that are made of our provisions when we have them. Wherefore we must reform our hosts after a new manner, that is, never to suffer men of war to eat other bread then that they should bake themselves. And in so doing, it should be necessary to furnish the said Soldiers, every man with a quantity of meal, whether it were by gift, or in rebating it upon their wages. As for wine, the General should not trouble himself to provide any, nor impeach the victuallers from bringing it abundantly, and yet he should use no great diligence on his part to cause any to be brought unto the Camp. As for the other provisions, they may be used altogether according unto the ancient manner. This doing, all well considered, you shall find that a Lieutenant General shall free his army of a most great charge, and ease himself of a great burden. And to the intent that our Legionaries should find the want of victuals to be the less strange unto them, if that they should lack at any time, and that they might pass at a need without wine, and choice of meats: I am of opinion, that in going and returning from their musters they should be forbidden to drink wine, and to eat bread baked in an oven, and likewise the eating of flesh, except lard, whereof only I would cause provision to be made at the places where they should pass & lodge: and for the rest they should carry upon their backs as much meal as should serve them during the voyage, if that they would eat: for other provision I would make them none of any thing.  
Through this order the Soldiers would learn to suffer all necessities at a need, the country should be eased, and the Soldiers would not be so ready to make quarrels and debates amongst themselves as they are, when they have great abundance of victuals. To treat of the booties that are gotten after the winning of a battle, or in going through an enemy his country, or in getting any town by assault, or by the ransoming of the town or country where an army doth pass, and for prisoners that may be taken: first it shall not be amiss to examine how the ancient Chiefs did govern their armies in the like business. And consider what is the cause that the wars at these days do aswell impoverish the Princes that are vanquishers, as those which are vanquished: for that if the one do lose honour, and any part of his lands, the other doth spend his treasure, and his goods: which was not so in times past, because that the vanquisher enriched himself always with the goods and spoils of his enemies, and at this time we do make no such account of the booties which we do get as they did then: but all is abandoned unto the Soldiers, which is cause of two great disorders: the one is that which I have spoken of touching the impourishing of a Prince; and the other is, that the Soldiers do become the more covetous to get, and less careful to keep the orders of the wars. For many times it hath been seen that the covetousness of the pillage hath overthrown the vanquisher: as happened unto the Frenchmen at Guyngate, where the victory was wholly ours, if the French Archers had not given themselves unto pillage; which they paid for dearly, for they lost all their lives there.  
The Romans who without doubt have been the masters of this exercise, did provide wisely for these two inconveniences: for it was ordained amongst them that the booty that was gotten, should appertain unto the common use, and that the Consul should distribute it as he thought good in the name of the Senate and people. And in this case they had Questors, which were as we would say treasurers, into whose hands were assigned all the booties, and ransoms that were made: wherewithal the Consul did help to pay his Soldiers, to secure sick and hurt men, and to help to support the other charges of the host. But yet the Consul might suffer his men to ransack, and they did it sometimes; but it never caused any disorder: for that their enemy's host being overthrown, all the spoil was placed in the midst of the army, and afterward it was distributed unto every man according unto his quality and virtue: which manner was cause that the Soldiers gave themselves unto the fight, and not unto pillage: and also that the ordinary bands ranged in the body of the Battailon, did not pursue those that fled, but continued fast in their ranks without danger: for the light armed men only had the charge to follow the victory; so that if the booty should have appertained unto those that did first gather it up, it had not been possible nor agreeing unto equity to have kept the battalions in order, & have given others liberty to make their profit. By this means the common treasure augmented marvelously, and that was the occasion that a Consul carried so much treasure at his triumph, having gathered it together of his booties and ransoms. The Romans did also another thing with great consideration, that was, that the one third part of the wages that they gave monthly unto every Soldier, was delivered into the hands of the ensign-baerer, which he might not render unto them again until such time as the wars were finished. And this did they, being thereunto moved by two reasons, the one was to the intent that the Soldiers might have some profit of their wages: (for being young men, and without care, the more goods that they had, the more they spent without need) the other reason was, that the Soldiers should fight the more resolutely, & with the better wills defend him that had their goods in keeping. So that by this means they became rich and valiant, which manner we must use, and also the others before spoken of, if we will reduce the exercise of the wars into it first estate. But to return to speak of the office of a General that would surely conduct an army marching through an enemy his country from place to place: because that sometimes there may happen many accidences wherein there are great danger: which to withstand, me think that it were requisite that a Lieutenant General should employ his wits and his Soldiers their virtues: & therefore it shallbe necessary to speak somewhat thereof. Wherefore, I say that as often as a Lieutenant General doth travel with a great company or a small, that above all things he ought to provide for the sudden assaults, and ambushes of his enemies, into which he may fall two manner of ways: for either he falleth thereinto of himself in travailing, or else he is enticed thereunto by his enemies, for lack of taking heed. To withstand the first manner, it shallbe needful to send out two or three troops of discoveries before. The first troup ought to be but a small number to run on the one side & the other to discover. The second should be of a reasonable force to back them, if they should be assailed. And the third ought to be stronger than the second, for to resist a good force of their enemies, if that they did meet them in the teeth. And how much the fit the country were for ambushes, as full of woods, hills, and such like; so much the greater should the troops of the discoverers be: for ambushes are most commonly made in a wood, or behind a hill, & sometimes in caves and ditches, alongst the banks of rivers, if they be high enough, sometimes in valleys and houses, and behind old walls. In brief, ambushes may be laid in all places how little covered soever they be: specially for that footmen may lie down flat upon the ground to be the less perceived. But as an ambush where there is no heed taken may do great hurt: so being provided for & discovered it can do nothing at all. The fowls of the air have oftimes discovered ambushes, and so likewise hath the dust of the ground discovered the coming of an enemy, because of the dust which an army doth cause to rise in travailing. Paulus Aemelius Consul of Rome, being to pass through a forest with his men near unto a water, seeing a far of that many foul rose up suddenly, conjectured that in the water there were men hid; because that the foul rose wholly afeard & flew over the water to & fro without cease: he therefore sending discoverers to see what it was, and finding that there were 10000 Bohemians in ambush for to have surprised him in passage, caused his Legions to turn back again, & took another way that his enemies doubted not of, & surprised & overthrew them that would have surprised him. Likewise Thyamenus the son of Horestes being advertised that his enemies lay upon the top of a high mountain, where he and his men should pass: having sent to know the truth by his discoverers, who reported unto him that it was otherwise then had been told him before: as the said Thyamenus was proceeding upon his way, he saw a great number of foul rise from the place that he doubted, which flew round about not lighting: whereby he understood of his enemy's ambush, and sought another way to pass through. As concerning the second point, that is to be enticed upon an ambush: a General ought always to stand upon his guard, and ought never to give credit unto things that are but like unto a truth: as if an enemy doth place before him some troup of cattle or other thing to pray upon, he may believe that it is but a hook to catch him with all, and a covering of his deceit. Likewise, if a great number of his enemy's Soldiers, should fly before a small number of his men; or that a small number of his enemies dare assault a great number of his, he may be assured that it is not done without a consideration. Moreover, if an enemy do suddenly fly without cause, a General may be assured that it hath a subtle meaning in it. True it is that these things may oftimes be done without thinking of any evil, specially when as they that make these shows, have as much reason to doubt on their sides, as the others on theirs: notwithstanding, the surest way in these cases, is to take all that is done by the enemy at the worst, except a man had a most certain advertisement. Moreover, a General must not believe but that his enemy can do his business with wisdom. Wherefore if a General would take heed for being deceived, & endamaged, he ought to esteem of his enemy most, when he perceiveth him to be weakest and worst counseled: and in this business he must use two contrary terms. First of all he ought to doubt his enemy in his own thought, and in the government of his army; but to dispraise him in speech, and by all his outward demonstrations to make show that he maketh no account of him. This doing, the last manner will be an occasion to animate his Soldiers to conceive the better hope of the victory against their enemies: and the first will make him the more wary and advised to keep himself from surprice: which is a thing more than necessary, when as a General is in an enemy his country, because that an army is there a thousand times more in danger, than it may be upon a day of Battle. And therefore he ought to be circumspect, and aught to have all the country described unto him, and plaited in such sort, that he might know all the places in the country, distances from one place unto another, ways, footepaths, mountains, floods, marshes, rivers, and all other qualities. And for to understand all this the better, he must get those about him that know the country, and must interogat them severally from point to point: and afterwards having penned their answers, he must confer them together, to try whether they be like or contrary. And to be the better assured, he must send out horsemen somewhat before into the country, and certain wise Chiefs with them, to discover the force and estate of his enemies, and to see if the description made unto him by the others, do agree with the truth. He must likewise have a great regard that his guides be safe kept, for many times false and traitorous guides have been the occasion of the loss of many a good man, and so likewise have false spies: of whom, to be well served, he must promise to give them great recompense for their pains in doing their duties faithfully: and also must threaten them with death, if that they should fail, and deceive him: and above all things his army must never know unto what place he doth determine to bring them: for in all the exercise of the wars, there is no one point more profitable, then to keep secret that which is pretended. And to the intent that an army should not be troubled or astonished through any sudden assault, the soldiers ought to be always in a readiness to receive their enemies, that is to say, to be advertised and taught what they should do, if that they should be assailed either by night or by day, while they rest, or are upon the way, for things that are provided for, do least hurt. We must also note this advertisement to use it when as we do travail through the country, that is, that the one part of the army should not be too far from the other. And for that some do go sometimes too fast, and others too slow, it should be needful to place certain express Chiefs both before, behind, and betwixt the battles, who should have charge to cause them to march all of one form and time, keeping back those that go too fast, and hastening those that go too slowly: for if a General do not cause that to be done, they will fall into a disorder, which might happen to cause their overthrow. Every man shall measure his pace according unto the stroke of the Drum, and so their gate will be all one. The single order of every Legion for the time that they do march together, (I mean when they do march one after another, and that they be far from enemies) must be 21. men in a rank, who so would range the Legions readily in battle: and therefore there must be order given that the ways where that they should pass, should be at the least broad enough to receive the said number. A General ought also to consider of the custom and quality of his enemy, to weet, whether he use to assail in the evening, or in the morning, or in the night, and whether he be strongest of footmen, or of horsemen, to the intent to provide for him.   

How a Lieutenant General ought to govern himself when he findeth himself too weak to abide his enemies, with certain policies to escape their danger when as he is fallen into it, and how to have the advantage of them  
The 6. Chapter.  
I I happeneth sometimes that a General doth raise his Camp being near unto his enemies, because that he doth perceive himself to be too weak, and therefore is neither determined to offer, nor to accept Battle, but would avoid it by all means possible: but so it is, that his enemies are always at his back, and endeavour to follow him as much as they may; and therefore the said General seeking to avoid the danger he is like to fall into, doth get away as fast as he can, until at length he doth arrive at the edge of a river, which doth hinder him for want of ready passage, so that his enemies may overtake him whilst he is at this point, and enforce him to fight, how unwilling soever he be. The remedy in this case is to imitate the example of Sertorius; who having his enemies at his heels, & being arrived at the edge of a river which he should pass, devised to stay his enemies whilst he did pass to enclose his Camp with a trench in form of a half Moon, and placed wood and other things apt to burn, round about the said trench, and afterwards set it on fire, the flame whereof was so vehement, that his enemies durst never adventure to make way through, and by that means he passed over the said river at ease, and saved himself. Pelopidas of Thebes did the like in Thessalia. Hanno being enclosed with his enemies, environed the place where he would issue out at with a great many faggots, not making any trench at all, and causing the wood to be set on fire, whereupon his enemies assembling to keep the other issues (for they never thought that he could have passed that way) he went through the fire with his people, having admonished them that they should cover their faces with their targets, & their thighs with their skirts. Quintus Luctatius being near pursued of that Cimbres, & coming unto the edge of a river that he should pass, made show to tarry for them to have that safer passage, & feigned to place his Camp there, causing trenches to be made, & certain tents to be raised, and sent out certain boys for forage, by reason whereof, the Cimbres thought that the Romans would have lodged all that night in that place, and therefore they camped also, dividing themselves into many parts, some going for forage, and other seeking to recover victuals, which when Luctatius perceived, he caused his foragers suddenly to be called back again, and immediately passed the river without impeachment: for his enemies being scattered as is said, could not assail him at that instant, for they could by no means have been assembled so suddenly to follow him.  
Croesus' seeing that he could not pass through a river called Halis, and that he had nothing to help himself withal to make a Bridge, caused a great ditch to be made, which came from the said river behind his Camp: which ditch was made so deep, that all the water in the river, or at the least the greatest part thereof, might issue out of the first currant into it: which being done, the river was drawn so low, that his soldiers passed through almost dry shod. And as for the passing through rivers with horsemen and footmen, that are but of mean depth, but run marvelous strong, there is no other thing to be done, but to place the greatest part of the horsemen which are best mounted, uppermost toward the stream, to resist and break the force of the water, and to place another part beneath them, leaving a broad passage betwixt them, for the footmen and the other worst horses to pass through without peril: and if so be that the force of the water should overthrow any of them, those that were lowermost should secure him, and take him up. But rivers that are not to be waded through, must be passed over with bridges placed upon boats: which bridges and boats may be both carted and carried alongst with an army, as we have seen in our time one, which the King caused to be made, which was strong enough to pass all carriges, and the great Ordnance passed surely upon it also, and notwithstanding it was portable, & easy to be carted, for one Wagon carried one of those boats easily, and the planks that were laid upon it. There may be many sorts of bridges made to pass rivers, but that with boats is the surest: and if there should be enemies on the other side of the river to impeach the laying of a bridge, or to keep the river, and to stop the passage, which oft times doth happen, I do know no better remedy therein, then to imitate Caesar, who having his Host at the edge of the river to go into Awergne, perceiving that Vercingenberix did keep the other side against him, who had caused all the bridges to be broken, so that by that means he could not pass. He travailed certain days alongst the said river, weighting an opportunity that might help him to pass: but for that his enemies marched on the other side of the river right against him to hinder him for passing, Caesar could find no means in certain days to do it, until at length he found a place covered with trees where he lodged: and in the morning he stayed in that place with part of his army, and sent the rest to follow their way, coasting the river as they did before: and this he did to the intent to repair a Bridge there which was broken but a few days before: and when his enemies were dislodged, Caesar fell to work: for Vercingentrix thinking that the Romans had been altogether, continued his way, and never perceived Caesar his policy, until the Bridge was laid and fortified. Let us also speak of the enclosing of an army betwixt two high Mountains, where there is but two issues to pass through, to weet, that before the said army and the other that it is entered in at: and let us suppose that both these ways the army being entered are ceased upon by their enemies, and the tops of the Mountains also: the best remedy in this case is, to make a great ditch toward that issue that the army is entered at, to the intent that their enemies might think that it were done to stop those behind them from assaulting them, whilst they did assay to open the passage before them: and to confirm their enemies the better in this opinion, they may make show to march forward to repulse those that keep the passage before them: and it will be a great chance but that both those that are behind, and those upon the Mountains, will make haste to secure the others at the place where they think that the army will seek passage: and if so be that they do forsake the place where the army entered, there is no more to be done, but speedily to make passage over the ditch, and to return that way that they are entered. After this manner escaped Pericles from the Peloponesians. Quintus Fabius, Consul of Rome, being enclosed in the Mountains of Genes, not knowing how to get out, except he might help himself with some policy, sent a good company of his Numidian horsemen towards one of the straits that his enemies kept, who at the first sight ranked themselves in battle, to keep the passage against them: but seeing that the Numidians did make no great show, or to be of no great force to win the passage: and that they were in poor estate, and their Horses very lean, they made so little account of them, that a great part of those that had the passage in charge went home, and others stood gaping upon the Numidians expressly to see them: whereupon the said Numidians perceiving the evil order and little account that their enemies did make of them, pricked their horses all at once, and charged their said enemies so violently, that they passed through the strait, and after that they were passed, they ran upon the country to spoil it, so that their enemies were constrained to leave the passage open for the said Consul and his men to rescue their own goods which the said Numidians did make spoil of.  
Brasydas the Lacedaemonian, being assailed by a great number of Athenians, did keep his men close up together as near as he could, that his enemies might the better environ him: but seeing himself enclosed, he charged with all his men upon the weakest part of his enemies, and made them to make him way by force of arms.  
Mark Anthony, as he marched in retiring out of the country of the Parthians where Crassus had been newly slain, seeing that his enemies did assail him ordinarily early in the morning, and skirmished and troubled him all day long, until that he lodged, and that then they let him alone, and lodged themselves far from his Camp: to pass the rest of his way with the less trouble, he determined one day not to dislodge until it was very late, and did so: whereupon the Parthians being dislodged, and seeing that the Romans remained in their Camp, thinking that they would not have stirred that day, returned again unto their lodging, and Mark Anthony removed immediately after, and had leisure enough to march all the rest of that day without trouble. In this place I must make mention of one thing which his soldiers did through his counsel, to cover themselves from the great number of arrows that the Parthians did shoot amongst them, that was, as often as the said Parrhians did charge them, they kneeled down upon one knee, and those of the second rank did lay their targets upon the heads of those of the first rank, and those of the third upon the heads of those of the second rank: and those of the fourth upon the heads of those of the third, and so following, so that all the ranks were covered as if it had been under a roof, which manner might be observed by our Legionaries, by means of their targets, if so be that at any time they were in danger of archers. During the wars with the Englishmen, Shields were in use, which at this instant would not be ill so that a arquebus could not pierce them, for to have one rank of men that should carry them before the battles, to the intent that the first ranks of the battles might continue whole, when as they should come hand to hand with their enemies. I will not forget in this place, this one rule of the science of the wars, which is of great importance, that is, to make overture and passage for an enemy on some one side, when as he is so enclosed, that he can escape no way, except a man have some great advantage of them: for it is to be feared that they would do some great mischief, seeing themselves out of hope: for that all good Soldiers, which do make their reckoning to die but once, will sell their lives so dear, that the remembrance of it may continue long after: and sometimes this desperation is cause of their safety that are in this danger, because that then they do make of necessity, a virtue: as the Englishmen did at the battle of Poitiers, where they were but a handful of people enclosed by a great number of Frenchmen, who would take no reasonable composition at their hands: wherefore as men out of hope to escape from the place, the said Englishmen stood all upon this resolution, that it was more honour for them to be overthrown in fight virtuously, (although that they should all die) then to escape, and to be reproached ever after: and upon this deliberation they fought so well, that the Frenchmen who were ten to one, were foully overthrown, and King john taken. Therefore in such a case it is good to be somewhat gracious, specially when we are at that point that our enemies must defend themselves of mere force: for it were better to give than passage upon some one side, and by that means to give them some hope to save themselves, & the less will to resist, then by thinking to overthrow them quite, to fall into the danger to be overthrown, or to lose many men: for this passage which I speak of is not to give them leave to departed for altogether, but is to have a better mean to break than, for that in thinking to scape quite and out of danger, every one of those that would defend themselves stoutly, being constrained thereunto, would not seek or hearken to any other thing, but how to save themselves: wherefore they would all think to escape, some one way, and some another: and in this doing they would break, for as much as every man would have care but of himself. A General ought likewise to let an enemy his army to pass, when it seemeth to be strong enough to defend itself in the plain field, and doth forsake the place without fight, mistrusting itself not to be strong enough, or dare not stay the coming of their enemies: for the departure only is greatly for his reputation, unto whom the place is left: and how much more secretly that his enemies do departed, so much the greater is his credit that doth fear them away. It is well known what retreat that the Spaniards did make at their departure from Troy, without sounding Trumpet or Drum, and that the said retreat was as great an honour unto Mounsieur de Lautrec, as almost the victory would have been. And that he looked into before, which was the occasion that he constrained not his enemies for to fight, lest that he should have fallen into any danger by that constraint: also to show apparently that his enemies were no ways equal unto him, he did not force them so much as to amend their gate: and being advertised time enough of their flying, and persuaded to pursue them, he answered with Scipio, that a man ought not only to leave the way free before his enemies to fly, but also to amend and open it. This matter requireth that we should here speak of another great point, that is, how an Host might retire from another, when as it feeleth itself too weak to fight with an enemy, or to abide his coming: for all good Captains affirm, that in all the actions of the wars, there is none more dangerous. For that when a General doth retire without Combat, being near unto his enemies, he doth take away the value of his soldiers, and give it unto their enemies: but so it is that these things do happen oft enough, and therefore I will show how we may retire with the least danger. Above all things the soldiers may not know that their General doth retire to avoid the Combat: but they must be made to believe that the retreat is made to draw their enemies into some other more commodious place, to have a more advantage of them: or that it is done to make their enemies to follow them, to bring the said enemies upon some ambush: for who so would not allege unto his Soldiers some reason like a truth for his sudden departure, should make them to think that their General doth retire for the fear that he hath of his enemies, being out of hope of his ability to resit them if he should come unto the combat: by means whereof, they would fall into such a fear, that how little force so ever their enemies should do unto them, they would immediately fly, chiefly if it were by night: for the proverb is, that shame shutteth her eyes by night, and seethe not one jot. We must therefore in such cases dislodge so stilly, that our enemies do not perceive it, for it would be to be doubted, that in the raising of the Camp they would give us an assault, in which doing, those which before were in fear, would by & by put themselves into disorder: therefore they that heretofore have been constrained to use such retreats, placed their Horsemen upon two sides like unto two hedges: and left away betwixt them, through which way their footmen did retire being covered with their Horsemen, so that they could not be perceived by their enemies. And after this manner they caused their battles to pass one after another: and when one battle was escaped, it fortified itself in some place out of the enemy his sight, staying whilst the others came, who retired in like manner as the first did: and in the end all the army did put themselves in safety. We must note, that if this were done by day, that it ought to be in some covered place, or plain country: for how little a hill soever that their enemies might have upon their side, they might easily discover this departing. The order that an army observed heretofore in removing by night, was this: first of all, after it was determined what way that they should take to save themselves, and at what cry or sound of the Trumpet that they should be ready to departed, the General sent a good number of light armed men before, (as we would say the Forlorn hope, which I have appointed in this work,) to cease upon all the places of advantage, and of all the straits that the Camp should pass through in retiring: and when the General thought that they had ceased upon them all, he then set forth with the rest of his army, and followed the first with as little noise as might be possible. Now if his enemies understood of this departure, they immediately used all the diligence possible to cease upon the passages which were taken before, and kept by the light armed men, not breaking their order: & if they were followed in this retreat, the rest of the light armed men that were with the army (for it is to be understood they had remaining with them the one half or more) kept at the tail, and upon the flanks with the Horsemen: who resisted their enemies with all their power, skirmishing in retiring, not staying long in a place, but following the battles as near as they could: as for to stay behind them there were no great wisdom, and with these skirmishes both the Battles and they went forward upon their way, being little endamaged by their enemies, nor hindered to arrive at the passages that their men kept for them.  
At which passages when they were arrived, having all their men together they encamped: if the place were fit to do it, and that they knew an advantage by it, and might have in it things necessary for them without danger, and might be relieved in despite of their enemies, or else they passed further: and their light armed men that were before at the tail of their battles, marched now at the front, and all the host followed them, and those who had kept the passages before, who were fresh, and had rested, kept at the tail, to maintain skirmish against their enemies, whilst the others did go their ways, they themselves following them, skirmishing, and resisting their enemies all day long, until such time as they did come unto their lodging. And this is concerning those that do retire in the sight of their enemies, which is more hard, then when as they do departed, not being discovered in a good while after that they are removed, or until the next day: for in such a case they shall have time enough to get away far enough off from their enemies.  
And those that would so dilslodge, that their enemies being near should not perceive it, aught to use all the means that they may possible, to make their enemies to think, that they do still remain in their fort, they must dislodge by night, & their fierce must be refreshed that they should not go out in long time after their departure: but continue burning until it were day. Moreover they must place the bodies of their dead if they have any, round about their trench: which should be underset with shoores, and clothed and weaponed as if they were alive: or they should plant some bushes, and cloth them with soldiers apparel: or stuff the said clothes with grass, and leave certain head pieces placed upon the trench, laying stakes by them, with match burning, for to represent arquebusiers: the one of these devices will serve by night, and the other by day.  
Moreover, they might leave Dogs, Bullocks, Asses, and Horses made fast within their Camp: whose crying, neighing, and howling, might make their enemies to believe that the Camp were not removed: and Cocks also would do the like (if there were any in the Camp: the Almains do carry good store) I think not but these policies would cover the departing of an army. And when as the ordnance could not be saved, it might be broken in pieces, and carried away to be new melted afterward, or might be buried so, that it might afterward be hard to be found: or if it should come unto the worst it could be but lost, although it should fall into our enemies hands: the loss whereof could not be so great, but the loss that might fall upon the men would be more to be feared: because that Ordnance might be easier recovered than the men that would be lost to defend it: notwithstanding at this day we do make such account to preserve it, that we do almost forget all our other business, making our account that if it may be saved it is all that we do care for: and that if it were left behind, all were lost: for which cause we leave oft times to give order for many things of great importance, being troubled with a great quantity of Ordnance, which may not be left without a great guard to keep it: notwithstanding the estimation that we do make of it, if it were requisite for an army to make any extreme haste, whether it were to indomage an enemy, or to keep us from their hands: through these occasions we must either abandon the said Ordnance, or do our business ill, as we did ours at Landrian, for the desire that we had for to save a naughty Cannon. Wherefore as often as we are in this extremity, it were much better for to save the men (albeit that the ordnance, baggage, & other movables, should be lost) then to hazard men for a thing that may so easily afterward be recovered. Scythe I have before spoken of a retreat made in the sight of an enemy, I will now speak of a retreat made which an enemy doth not see. Let us put case that a General doth retire by night so secretly that his enemies do not perceive his going, until long time after his dislodging: it is to be thought that in short time he will be far on his way, and so far as it were not possible for his enemies to overtake him, what hast soever they should make: whether they should pursue him, or might pursue him if they would, the said General can use no better counsel then to travail day and night without rest, until such time as he were out of danger, & in resting by the way, to take great heed not to be one minute of an hour without good watch, nor without Horsemen, skouting out upon the ways a good way of from his Camp, and not suffer his Soldiers to go out of their quarter: but to be ready with their arms at every hour for to resist those that would assail them, and to set forward upon the way when they should departed: and this order must be kept at the meals that they do make by day: and as concerning their night resting, it must be as short as it may be possible, the Soldiers having continually their arms in their hands: that every man might be ready to defend himself.  
If the stay that they did make by night should be any thing long, I would counsel the General to lodge his men in some strong place of advantage: but the surest and safest way is not to stay: but to win ground as much as he may possible: thinking upon the danger that he was in but a little before, and the danger and grief it would be unto him to be overtaken through his own default. It were therefore better for him to use diligence, whilst he may do it without let, then to tarry the coming of his enemies, and to be constrained to fight, or to fall into their mercy: this doing he shall save himself and his people, and give his enemy no time to overtake him, or to force him to fight: but the pursuer must take heed, least in pursuing foolishly & rashly he fall into the ambushes that are made in such cases against the pursuers, who oft times become so audacious, that they do think scorn to foresee into any thing that might hurt them: so that those whom they do pursue might easily surprise, and greatly endamage them: and sometime put them utterly into disorder, if the Lieutenant General who is pursued be a man any thing hardy and adventurous: into which inconvenience they do sometimes fall that are fullest of policy: but those good Chiefs which will avoid it, pursue as coldly as they can, & the colder that they do pursue, the more they do stay the gate of their people: which stay doth give them the more leisure to get a way that do retire. Moreover it is better to be too slow in this business then too hasty: for those that do retire, have many ways to annoy them that do pursue them, specially if their way do lie through a strong country, or forest, for that they may cut down trees, and fell them cross the ways: and likewise may lay ambushes, which they may make unto their advantage, being in strong and covered places, and in ways fit for ambushes: which said ambushes must be made by those that are the beast footmen, or if that they should make ambushes of Horsemen, they must be of those that are best mounted, to the intent they might retire in safety when they have executed their charge: & in their ambushes they must not tarry or stay to long behind the host, lest their enemies perceiving them should cut them off from the army. But if the retreat be wisely handled, the troops not staying too long behind the army, the pursuers shall be in danger to take more hurt through their pursuit, than those that do retire through their retreat: for the retirers shall better secure one another at their need being near together, than those that do pursue undiscréetly, he that best may fastest. And if that those that retire do diligently take heed of these small points, and do cease upon the troublesome passages through which they must pass, betime not delaying until that their enemies should get them: it is to be hoped that they should save themselves in despite of their enemies, except that some other inconvenience do happen unto them upon the way, which must be foreseen into after one of the manners spoken of before, in showing the means that a General might use to escape from a dangerous place. And although I had not spoken of all the perils into which they may fall sometimes that do exercise the wars: I suppose that having spoken of the most commonest, a General Chief (if he be aught worth) will find a remedy of himself for the other. In the manner aforesaid in mine opinion may those retire that find themselves too weak to abide the adventure of a battle. On the contrary part if the pursuers have kept so ill watch that they have not understood of their enemies departing, until that they were gone a good part of their way: there is no other remedy but to take pains to repair that negligence by some other means. But if it were so that they did before hand understand of their determination to departed, they should seek to cease the passages, and to break them with trenches, and to fell trees in their ways, or other things that might trouble the passage. And must moreover keep their battalions in good order ready to fight, and the host ready to departed at all times, and to have them the readier, to cause them to eat their meat as they ranged in Battle not breaking their order, to the intent that they might be ready to assail their enemies, at what time soever that they should make show to put themselves upon the way, for to follow them at the heels, and to enclose them at the passages which are stopped and ceased upon before. And if so be that the country were so open that there could be no means found to stop them upon the way, me thinks that in this case there were no way to stay them, but to charge them behind thick and often: and to trouble them in such sort that the hindmost should be constrained to stay to defend themselves, and consequently the foremost to secure them: and those charges should be made by the arquebusiers a horseback, and by the Hargoletiers, amongst whom there should be a good part of the Forlorn hope, or some other extraordinary bands, if there were any at that time in the Campe. And if the enemy were too strong of Horsemen for these skirmishes, than part of the light Horsemen must be sent to secure them: and the battles must march diligently in very good order to fight with their enemies, with the lightest Ordnance that they have, leaving their heaviest in some strong place, and also their baggage to make the more haste, that nothing might hinder them to pursue their enemies, nor to fight with them when they have overtaken them.  
And when as the said enemies are dislodged so secretly that they are so far upon the way before it be known, that by no means they may be overtaken in a whole day: I know no other remedy but to follow them, and that the General who pursueth, do it wisely standing always upon his guard, that he fall not into his enemies ambushes: and in pursuing them, it may happen that his enemies will think, that they are escaped out of his hands, and become so negligent of themselves that they will give him time enough to overtake them, & peradventure be the occasion of their own ruin: for those who think to be in safety, and are careless to look unto their business, do oft times trifle away the time upon the way for small occasion, and thereby are overtaken, and sometimes they are found out of order, whilst that they do eat, or sleep: as our men were at Brignolle, or are out of their quarters here and there for forage: as sometime happened unto Simon the Roman in Calabria, and unto many others both before and since, & will happen: except that he that retireth, foresee before all things to keep good watch on every side, and to fortify himself where he meaneth to stay any time: if it were but to withstand the assaults that his enemy might attempt against him every hour, which is a thing that ought one both sides to be looked into: for the pursuer is as much subject unto this inconvenience, as he that doth retire: specially if their enemies have any spies whom they may entrap, for that of force those which do pursue others hastily, do weary themselves with the great journeys that they do make, and being wearied and tired, they will have the less regard of themselves: by which means the others who have already gotten the advantage of the way, are at liberty to go forward, or to stay, and therefore may do either of them which they will. For that I have spoken enough of this matter, I will go unto another: that is to show how to lodge an army in Camp, to the intent it might rest in quiet without danger of enemies.   

How to lodge four Legions together in a Camp, and what watch they ought to keep, with other points concerning the said manner of lodging in Camp, and whilst the Camp is making  
The 7. Chapter.  
Whosoever will lodge an host surely, aught to place his Camp where it may be strong and well ordered. Concerning the ordering of it; that doth depend upon the industry of the Lieutenant General: and as for the making of it strong, it is the situation, and art that doth it. We have a custom at this day to lodge in no place except there be ditches or rivers, or a great number of trees or mountains: or some other natural rampart that do make the place strong of itself. Notwithstanding I find that the Romans used a far better manner: for they regarded not so much the strength of a place that was naturally strong, as to place their Camp where that they might help themselves by their art, in which they trusted above all things: and seldom would they camp in any place, how strong so ever it were, if it were not large enough to range all their Battles in, according unto their military discipline, in which doing they might always keep one self same form of lodging: for the place was subject unto them, and not they unto the place. But we which do observe no general rule herein, are constrained to make our Camp of many forms: sometimes to make it crooked, at other times to make it triangular; of too great a length, or round, or square, according unto the situation which seldom doth fall out fit. And if we should remove our Camps often, and march sometime amongst mountains, and sometimes through plains, and change our manner of lodging, and the forms of our Camps as often as we do find the situations far to differ; we should not only fail in this point, but also (which is worse) order our Camps with in so grossly, that almost nothing should be placed in his right place, nor to purpose, so that a man might think our Camps rather to show us to be a confused assembly and without order, then to be men of war orderly governed, which is a thing of no less importance, then to make a camp strong round about: for as the fortress doth serve to defend men against the assaults of their enemies, so the well ordering of a Camp within, serveth for to distribute & place them, so that every one might know what part he should defend: without which order we had need to make Bulwarks and Trenehes about a Camp; for we may better want this Fortification, than the defence that the Soldiers may make within it, who being lodged as they ought to be, may for a need pass without fort, and be always in order to resist all assaults.  
There are also many other small things requisite, besides the strength of the place, and the orderly distribution of the people that should keep it: for in the placing of a Camp there must be respect had of more than one thing: for not only aught a man to be careful to be surely defended against his enemies, but also to have a care that it may be delectable within, and commodious for all necessary uses, so that the pleasantness of the place might delight the people, for by that means it doth keep them the better, & doth make them less weary of it, then when as it ill quallited & distributed, as we do see that our Camps are: which are moreover so fowl and stinking, how little soever they continue in a place, that the air is by & by corrupted, whereof do proceed afterwards plagues and other grievous diseases, which we do see to reign amongst us when we are in Campe. God doth know the delight that men have to be in them, and whether the Soldiers do no tarry in them oft times against their wills, how great a desire soever that they have to follow the wars. Wherefore we ought to order and divide a camp in such sort that it might keep them from sickness that should dwell in it, and fashion it so well, that the commodity and pleasantness of the same, might make the soldiers the more willing for to tarry in it. And for that we cannot find places ordinarily so well situated, as to be both strong and delectable of themselves: we must therefore use industry to supply that by labour, which the situation wanteth. As for the fortifying of a Camp, we do take as great pains as is possible to do: but we leave our Camps within, somewhat confused. Wherefore I am determined to speak mine opinion in this matter, and to lodge my four Legions, whom I have conducted hitherto, with all their carriages and followers, who are in all 24400. ordinary footmen, and 2500. horsemen, not counting the principal chiefs, and officers of the Camp, and their train, nor likewise the ordnance, provision, baggage, nor other followers, which Camp shallbe great enough to lodge them all, and more than they, if need were.  
After that we have chosen the place where the army shall be lodged, we must begin in the very midst of the same, and there plant a Halberd, and mark round about the said Halberd a square place, which shallbe 170. paces in length, and as much in breadth, with four sides, every side towards his region. This said square must be divided into four other squares, each one of them containing 65. paces, every way making a cross in the midst of them, which may serve for a separation of the one place from the other: and likewise for a street which shallbe 40. paces in breadth. The one of these squares must serve to lodge the General chief of the host, and his guard: another shall serve for the Captain General of the footmen, and for all those that do follow him without wages. The Captain General of the horsemen shallbe lodged in the third, and his provost: & those that follow him for their pleasure. The fourth shallbe for the marshal of the Camp, the chancellor, chief Treasurer, Mustermaisters, and Controwlers, every one of which four quarters may be enclosed within a small trench. And for the lodging of the Legions, we must begin and stretch a line from the aforesaid Halberd towards the east, which must be 600. paces long, and another towards the west of the same length; so that these lines may pass through the midst of the street which I have before ordained within the four small quarters abovesaid.  
There must likewise two other lines be stretched from the said Halberd; the one towards the South, and the other towards the North, and of the same length that the others are: at the ends of which lines, shall the four gates of the Camp be, the which shall take their names of the Regions towards which they do stand. The principal streets shallbe laid out along these four lines, and shall keep that breadth I have given unto the camps that do lodge the legions by themselves, to wit, 60. paces every one.  
I must also take from every one of the Legions, one of their four quarters described in their camps where they are lodged by themselves, and turn those four quarters into void places, and those quarters shall be taken from the horsemen, so that the horsemen that lodged in those quarters shallbe lodged with the other bands of their Legions. Then the horsemen's quarter shall be divided like unto one of those wherein the footmen are lodged: in which quarter, two bands shall have room enough, without pestering horse or man. The Colonel's lodgings shall continue in their first state, and also three of the quarters of the Legion. So that then I may say that the first Legion shall have his quarter betwixt the East and the South gate. And the second shall have his betwixt the said East, and North gate. The third legion shallbe lodged betwixt the South & the West gates. And the fourth betwixt the West, and the North gate. So that these four legions shall furnish the circuit of the camp, having in the midst of them their General and principal chiefs, & on the outside of them a rampart with many bulwarks defending each other, betwixt which rampart & their lodgings, must be a space left round about the camp of 160. paces broad which shall serve to place the ordnance in, and the watch, & to range the Legions in battle if need were, and also to practise the Soldiers in. The Soldiers may likewise put the cattle of their booties there, and Victuallers may keep all theirs by night, if so be that they be of our own nation: for else I would put them out of the fort, or into some place out of the danger of their enemies, because that they should not know after what manner I did keep my watch, nor likewise see the quantity of mine ordnance, nor should approach near the place where I do keep my provision.  
To be short, this distance betwixt the rampart and the quarters, may serve for to keep the Camp from burning by fireworks that those without might throw in, which is a thing easy enough to be done, and may trouble a camp marvelously. Concerning the four quarters which I took from the legions, I do mean to employ them for the common use of the Army: and first, that quarter that I took from the horsemen of the first Legion, shall be for the provision of the ordnance, to wit, for powder and shot, which quarter shallbe environed with two or three trenches, and there must no fire be suffered to come near but as far of as may possible. The quarter that was taken from the second legion, shall serve for all the smiths in the Army: by whom the master of the ordnance shall lodge, and his Gunners, pioneers, Carters, and other attendants upon the ordnance. As for the quarter of the third legion, I do ordain it for the provision of victual and arms, and for the market to sell cattles in. In one corner of this quarter shall those be lodged that come in embassage unto the General, and all others of whom there is any doubt to be had, who ought to be forbidden assoon as they do arrive, not to go through, or about the camp, nor to stur out of their quarter, without being conducted by one of the Trumpeters of the said General, or by some other whom he should appoint. Likewise the General must forbid, that none of his host should have conference with them in any manner, whosoever it were, except it were those that were appointed to keep them company, or such as had leave expressly. The fourth quarter shallbe to keep the market for all necessaries: as bread, wine, wheat, oats, hay, and other victuals. The butchery shallbe kept there also, I mean not that the beasts should be killed there, for no man must be so bold as to kill, flay, or open a beast within the Camp, nor to bury horse, dog, nor any other thing that may smell ill: nor go to high business in the long public streets, nor in the particular little streets, (I term them to be little streets that are amongst the quarters) nor no where else, but in certain holes which every one shall make in his quarters but it were better that they should go without the Camp, and when as any one should do the contrary, he ought to be grievously punished: and if any scorner, do laugh at my words, because that I do speak of those stinking things; I answer him, that he was never in camp: or if he were, it hath not been when as the camp hath stayed long in one place, for he would quickly have perceived what hurt infection doth unto a camp, and negligence in causing foul & unclean things to be thrown far without a camp. And hereof the ruin of that camp, that Mounsieur de Lautrec, had before Naples can witness, which perished through a plague, that was engendered of the corruption of the air which was infected through the carrian, and paunches of beasts that were left here and there in the camp unburied: which negligence, brought us the plague, and finally our ruin, and in mine opinion, we ought to put the fault in nothing else whatsoever we do say. The places taken from the legions being employed to the use of the camp, we must appoint the streets for their use that do follow the army, and place every one of them in a place by himself: to wit, in the east street, the shopkeepers, tailors, hosiers, and shoemakers, in the West street, the tap-houses, cooks, bakers, pi-makers, and such like sellers of victuals. In the south street, the Physicians, Apothecaries, surgeons, Barbers, Chandelers, & pouther-makers. And the north street shallbe for Sadlers, Spurmakers, Armourers, and other their like. And these people must lodge all alongst the said streets hindering their breadth as little as they may, & one lodging must not be any thing before another. The gates (as I have said) shallbe at the ends of the streets, & shallbe shut with bars, and the trenches that are round about the camp, may be commonly three paces broad, and two deep: and if the enemies did lie near, they might be made much brother and deeper, or if so be that the camp should stay long in one place with out removing, and the earth of the same Trench must be cast inward, and the corners of the Trench and fort must be laid out in the form of Bulwarks, and at divers other places, so that there may be bulwarks and flanks round about, and by that means I dare say, that the Trench of the Camp shall be strong enough to resist the enemy his assaults without, and within it will show like a little City, equally divided, and aptly distributed, aswell for the lodgings, as for the public places, so that to liken it wholly unto a City, there would be no other difference, but that the stuff whereof the walls and houses are built would be different, for the one is movable, and the others do not stir from their place, for in the other points they have many things alike: and also a camp must be governed by laws as a City is.  
Moreover, it must have a certain number of Magistrates & officers to govern it. I will speak hereafter of the laws, but now I must speak summarily; yet orderly of the charge that the chiefs and principal officers ought to exercise in a camp. And touching the General of the army, for as much as I have promised that this second book should wholly concern him, therefore I will not mingle him with the other. The Chiefs whereof, I will speak here are these: the Captain General of the footmen, the Captain General of the horsemen, the Colonels, the Captains of a hundred men of arms: and as for the officers are these, the chancellor, the Marshal of the camp, the Threasurer, the master of the ordnance. Of other chiefs I pretend to say nothing, for as much as their office and charge is well known unto every man, that it would be time lost, to speak of a thing so manifest and plain. But to come to the matter. I say that it were not amiss, that those two estates, to wit, that of the Captain General of the footmen, and of the Captain General of the horsemen, to be exercised by two marshals of France, or others of less quality might be deputed thereunto, sith it is in the king, to choose whom it shall be his pleasure, and he that must name them: for it sufficeth, that they are advanced unto these estates, and created by his hands: nor we must not dispute whether these, of whom I speak here, are those which in times past were called Magistri Militum, and Magistri equitum, or Praefecti Militum, and Tribuni: for it were better for us to imitate the ancient Romans, in that they did duly exercise their charge, then to spend time in these curious matters.  
Therefore I will speak of the charge of their offices, which is this: the Captain General of the footmen, aught to have a regard that his Legions should be lodged the most commodiously that they might be possible. He ought also to have a care to keep his men from mutinies, or if so be that any did happen, to quench them immediately by some good means. Moreover, it is his charge to judge controversies that come before him to be determined, and to give such order therein as appertaineth.  
Also he ought to cause the Legions oftentimes to be ranged in battle, to view whether they have their full number, and be in state to fight: for not doing this, he shall think himself to be strong enough to vanquish his enemies, when he hath not enough to defend himself against them, nor scant the one half of those be made his account of: because that men do die, and diminish by divers means, so that the Legions do want their numbers: insomuch, that who so doth not take heed, shall find himself greatly weakened of Soldiers in a short time. Wherefore the said Captain General must look unto it, as often as he may, causing the Colonels to show their rolls, who must give him reckoning of the number that they do want in their Legions: and it is his duty to make report unto the Lieutenant General, for to have order that the Bands may be speedily furnished with their full number, if so be that they be in place where it may be done: or to take counsel thereupon, for to measure his enterprises and power, with the force and strength of his enemies: this doing I doubt not but that his business will fall out according unto his will and desire.  
I would that this manner of visiting the bands, from time to time, had been in use at that time when as the king held his siege before Pavy, for he had known his estate better than he did.  
The charge of the said Captain General of the footmen extendeth also unto the practising of soldiers, unto whom he ought to be assistant, as often as the said legions shallbe exercised together, or one alone. In sum, he is appointed to have a care of all that appertaineth unto the footmen, to counsel the lieutenant General of the army, and to ease his burden as much as possibly he may.  
Concerning the charge of the Captain General of the horsemen, he ought to look into all the passeth amongst the horsemen, as the other doth into all that passeth amongst footmen, aswell for the necessary lodging of them, as for reviews, exercises mutunies, and other things, and likewise that every horseman should be furnished according unto his estate. Moreover, aswell this Captain General as the other, aught to be expert in the wars, and the one to know how to exercise the others office, for that it is not said, but that at a need, they might put their hands unto both. To be short, these two chiefs shall sometimes visit the watches round about the camp, & either of them, of himself shallbe as much worth in a day of battle, as a General chief might be: not that they should command, or should do any thing of themselves, but I mean that they should be ready to do it, when it were needful, in absence of the Lieutenant general. They shall take the watchword of the Lieutenant General, and the one of them must afterwards give it unto his Colonels, and the other unto his Captains. As for the Colonels they must give the watchword unto their Sergeant Majors, after that they have received it from the captain general of the footmen. The Colonel his charge is to be circumspect that the captains or soldiers, do make no false musters, and to have a regard of the sick and hurt men, to the intent, that they may be diligently dressed and cherished. Moreover, a Colonel ought to have a care of the suppressing of Mutinies, and to appease Soldiers, when as they are moved for any thing, and aught also to have a regard that the Legion should be well armed, weaponed, and in state to fight, and should be as ready, and practised, as might be possible: wherein every Colonel must be diligent, and must range them in battle himself, to the intent that they should never refuse to do any thing that should be commanded them, how hard or painful so ever it were. And to have them to be so, I say that there is no better mean then to accustom them betime to abide hardness: and better it were to do it in time when as they have no need to do it, then to defer them until such time as they must do it, how unwilling so ever they be, and by that means they would not be discouraged, although they should abide great extremities, for as much as they should be accustomed unto necessities and labour.  
A Colonel ought to have intelligence of the crimes that those of his Legion do commit, and to proceed in judgement upon them after the manner that I will show hereafter. Finally, amongst other things he must take heed to see good watch kept in his quarter, and to govern his Legion in peace & justice. A Captain of the men of arms hath the like charge over his horsemen that a Colonel hath over his footmen: and is charged as well to exercise his men, as a Colonel is to exercise his footmen, and to have a regard unto their arms and horses that all should be in good order, to wéet, that their arms should be whole & bright, their Horses well harnessed and shod to have service of them hourly, and that the said Horses should be serviceable, swift, long breathed, good travailers, as gentle as may be, or at the lest no strikers, for such horses are dangerous in a press, for that one stroke of a Horse foot may spoil a most valiant man. methink I have spoken enough of these four Chiefs, when as I have said that they ought to ease one another's burden, and to keep their people in good quiet, for as much as these two points do comprehend a great number in general, but sith I have spoken mine opinion of many other particularly, me think I have fully satisfied this matter. But yet I will say further, the four aforesaid Chiefs ought to govern their people in such sort, that there might no one Soldier be found who should be the occasion of any disorder: but that all things should be so governed and moderated, that the Camp might be the harbour of all honest men, and their refuge and Sanctuary, within which, all things ought to be as safe, as in one of our Churches: and therefore there must a regard be had that the Soldiers might live well within the Camp: and is also necessary to give order that they should keep their hands from taking other men's goods without the Camp, either near, or far off, except it be from their enemies, and yet not from them, without leave of the General of the Army, for it is he that must permit (before that any thing may be done) that the Soldiers might spoil and bring away that they could find, and use it afterwards as their own. But this rule is not observed at this day amongst our Soldiers, they will not stay while the spoiling of a town or country be permitted by the General, for they will take authority of themselves: and they do not only use this liberty against their enemies, and in a conquested country, but also they handle those that yield upon the brute of their coming, long time before the army do come near unto their country, as ill as those who have stood obstinate until the coming of the army, and until they are declared Rebels and enemies.  
Yet if we will indifferently consider of the robberies, ransoms, thefts, and violences which they do in France, not far from their own dwellings, we shall think that the hurt that they do after that they are out of France in another country, not to be strange: but I leave that for this time, to take in hand to speak of the charge of four principal Officers of the army, the one of which is a civilian, and doth execute the office of Chancellor properly, for that he is an assistant unto the General, as often as there is cause to speak of the administration of justice, be it in Civil causes, or in Criminal, and in cases of complaint, whether it be one particular person that complaineth, or a whole country: and for to answer the demands of Ambassadors, and the requests of a particular person, town, or country: and if any Proclamation should be made, it is he that ought to pen it, specially for that the knowledge of the laws of the Emperors which are necessary, are not commonly in the heads of the Lieutenant's Generals that are now adays.  
This said civilian is to assist the General when he will make any new orders, concerning any matter of consequency, and finally, to make answer unto Letters that do come from any great parsonage, chiefly, if it be matter of importance: in sum, he is called to all counsels wherein there lieth any difficulty. And moreover besides all these services abovesaid, he may busy himself to cause victuals to be brought into the Camp, and to all other places where any provision ought to be laid, whether it were to victual the Camp, a Town, or for a passage: and yet this charge is more fit for the Marshal of the Camp, or for the Provost general, or for an express commissioner of the victuals, then for a long gown; yet I have seen the Lord Chancellor that is at this instant execute this office as well within France as without, continuing the wars that we have had within these four years. Before him I never knew any of his quality execute that office: but to be a Counsellor unto the General as is abovesaid, I do not deny, for I have seen one with Mounsieur de Lautrec, who used the title and office of Chancellor. Now to speak of the Marshal of the Camp, who is one of the principal officers of an host, unto whom it appertaineth to place the Camp, and to distribute it into quarters, and to fortify it: he also is to regard that the victuals should be equally distributed throughout all the quarters of the Camp, and that every thing should be set in his place. The controversies which are not under the Colonels, or of those that are not of the Camp, the complaints of victuallers, of artificers, and of other men of occupation which do follow a Camp, do come before him: he also must have care of the sick men. The third principal officer is the master of the Ordnance, who is of no small estimation at this day, because of the estimation that we do make of that instrument. His charge is, to cause his pieces to be well mounted, and to have them furnished with great quantity of shot and powder.  
Moreover, he ought to have good Gunners, many pioneers, Smiths, Carpenters, Carters, and other people fit for the occupation of the Ordnance. It appertaineth unto his office to be expert, to make the approaches before a place, for to batter it, to have judgement of himself, and also to be inquisitive of them that know the place, where it may be best approached, and beaten, is weakest, and easiest to be taken.  
Moreover, he ought to have understanding in Mines, to devise them, and to cause them to be made as they ought to be: which being made with judgement, may do them great service that do besiege a strong place, and hardly will they be prevented. The County Pedro of Navarre had the best skill in these Mines of any man in his time and ours: and by the means of them hath taken many Towns and Castles, as well against the King, as for him.  
We may say that the Lord of Bury hath succeeded in the said County his place, for he in mine opinion doth understand this business as well as any man in France, or if I durst say, better: I should not greatly fail if I said better than any other nation. Concerning the Ordnance, it ought to be accounted amongst the most excellentest arms, as in the use of it we do see the effect, but leave that to itself which doth sufficiently commend itself: I do say, that he that doth exercise the office of the Master of the Ordnance, must have an eye unto all those that do belong unto it, and to punish those that do offend.  
It had been necessary that I had followed my Lord great esquire, who is at this present to speak further in this matter: for every man knoweth that he doth understand this occupation better than any other man, but I have neither had leisure to follow him, nor time to learn after other, wherefore I will content myself with these Generalities which I have spoken of, without passing further. Now it is necessary to speak of the Threasurer, who is one of the necessariest Officers in a Camp, because of the charge that he hath under his hands, to weet, the King his money, which is the maintenance of the wars, without which, it is impossible that an Army could be maintained long, having to do with a strong, and obstinate enemy. The said treasurer is to employ the King's money many ways for the preferment of his service, moreover, he ought to receive the tributes, and taxes that the towns and country conquested do pay unto the King, and that those that are under his obedience do contribute: or if so be that there be any league, and that the said league should furnish money and no people: he must also provide that the Camp should be furnished with store of victual, and must have a care that every man as well the great as the small, the Pioneers, as the principals, should be contented and paid their wages at the term that they ought to be paid, if you would that the King should be well served, and that the soldiers should obey their Chiefs, and be men of good life. For if money do want, I do not know how a Camp could be maintained, nor the soldiers kept from robbing, and committing of a thousand mischiefs: for I see no means how to correct them for any fault, when as necessity doth constrain them thereunto: but I do not say but that they ought to have patience, and to have a care not to offend, although that money be long a coming: for I do know well enough that it cannot always be brought at the time appointed, because of the lets that they have oft times that should bring it, or that the threasurie is sometimes so near emptied, that there must be a time to recover new: and therefore the soldiers ought to have patience until it be levied, and do arrive: but if the attending for it be too long, there is nothing more injust then to have men to live by the wind, or without money, like unto grey Friars. But then there must be daily a certain quantity of victuals distributed unto them, and other things necessary for their living, and apparel to maintain them, until that their pay do come: or for to abandon them to their own discretions (that is to say, that they may take where they can find it) which is a thing that ought never to be permitted but in an extremity, and when as all other means do fail, for that this liberty is cause that the soldiers do fall into such insolency, that it will be almost impossible to bring them afterwards again into their right course: yet it is less dangerous than to see them to perish with famine, and to see the army to decay before our faces. The one of which two will happen if so be that it be not foreseen speedily, and the fault hereof must not be attributed unto Chiefs or Captains, when as we do know that they cannot have wherewithal to nourish themselves & others, seeing that their wages is behind as well as the soldiers, and are as needy, or more needy, than the simplest soldier. If we will say that the speeches of the Chiefs do appease, & prolong the soldiers, I do confess it to be true: but it is but for a few days, & whilst the soldiers do give some credit unto their words: but afterwards when they do see that they are led from day to day with bare words, there will be no mean to keep them contented any longer, but they will murmur after divers manners, & will give no more credit unto their Chiefs afterwards: it might also be an occasion that they would not credit them at other times when as they do tell them the truth, and when as it shall be very necessary to use speeches unto them: for one of the principallest point that a Chief aught to have in recommendation, is, not to lie unto his soldiers, if that the untruth may be found & discovered afterwards, because that at another time he shall have much to do to persuade them to believe him in speaking the truth, for that he hath deceived them before. And although that there ought a regard to be had in this matter, yet at this day we would that lies should stand in stead of payment, & that soldiers should be pacified with words, & by the means the Captain is discredited for a thing that may be remedied another way, & when all is said, to cover the Threasurers faults by another man, who oft times do play the Dukes in good towns, whilst the soldiers do starve in a Camp, or do employ the money that is due unto soldiers, to their particular uses, whereas they ought to leave all other business undone to be at the Camp in due time. The Threasurer for the wars ought to provide in such sort, that the soldiers, & all others that do take wages, might be paid at their term: and if so be that the payment do stay certain days after that term, that at the least the soldiers do not lose those days, for reason would that the workman should be paid his hire. And when as the said Threasurer doth know that it will be longer before money do come then were needful it should be, he must advertise the Lieutenant General incontinent, that order may be taken how every man should live: and that provision of victuals might be made before hand, to be distributed afterwards unto every man according unto his estate, to attend whilst that money doth come. And there would be no great hurt done if that the soldiers did know how long it would be ere that they should be paid, for some would save their money and have to spare that make no reckoning to spare, thinking to receive new money at the end of the month, such as do live but from hand to mouth, without care what shall come after. By means of this advertisement, the Captains should not need to content their people with words, & the soldiers should have as little occasion to mistrust their Chiefs. And this is all that I do pretend to speak of the four Officers or Magistrates aforesaid, who are to have to do with many other things, but these that I have spoken of are the most general. I will therefore return to my matter which I left before, concerning the placing and ordering of a Camp: for division whereof, it were necessary that those that should have that charge, should be expert in the art of measuring, to the intent that immediately after that the place is chosen, they may give the Camp such square form as is said, and afterwards distribute the quarters, places, & public streets, & in sum, all that is requisite in a Camp, which doing, they shall never be constrained to stay long for the ordering of a Camp, for that they must keep always lemma self-same form, and manner of lodging, without variety at any time: and by that means every man should know his place after once lodging, although that no body do show him his quarter, because that of himself he shall easily understand what space, and how much place every man ought to occupy in his quarter, which may not be understood and observed by those that do seek to lodge their Camps in strong places, because that they are constrained to alter the forms of their Camps, according unto the variety of the situation, whereunto the Romans would in no case be subject, for as I have said before, they did always fortify by their art the situations which were weak of themselves, as we may do if we will, and use it in the same sort that they did, or in better: for we have Ordnance which they had not, albeit that they had certain other engines, which never have been put in use since the said Ordnance hath been invented: neither were they of that violence that it is, nor so easy to be carried too and fro. For the rest, it is known that the greatest part of their fortresses were made of wood, which might not endure against one shot of those pieces that we do use to beat places withal at this instant: against which there is no other remedy, but to make ramparts of earth, and of the greatest thickness that is possible, which yet can very hardly withstand them: and were it not that it doth yield unto the shot, and by that means doth kill it, a man should make but sorry work in ramparing with earth, or with other matter, for it would be time lost, I do mean for the strengthening of a Town, but not of a Camp: for that Camps do think themselves to be as strong in the field as their enemies are, and consequently will not suffer themselves to be besieged & beaten with Ordnance, so that they need not to make any such great ramparts as I speak of, except that they be very weak, and fear to be forced to fight, or do forbear attending succour: for in these cases they must seek by all means to fortify themselves, and to have all the advantages that might be thought upon: as to make platforms of earth, and cavaliers raised high to beat round about the Camp a far off. The Lord Constable's Camp that was before Avignon, was of the most incomparable force of all other that ever I have seen in my time for a camp situated in plain ground. By this appeareth, that we have the means & industry to fortify a Camp as well as the ancient Romans had, if we do consider of the little force of their engines, & of the marvelous violence of ours. And furthermore, that our ramparts being of earth, we need not to build towers or castles of wood, to the intent to be the surer against the violence of the Cannon, which breaketh & shivereth to pieces all that it doth meet withal: wherefore we must not think that it would be hard for us to keep always one form of camp if we would: but also we must believe that it is as easy for us to do it, as it was for the said Romans, and easier, because wood is hard to be found, but there is earth enough to be had every where.  
In this passage I must speak somewhat of the considerations, that a Lieutenant General ought to have when he will encamp near unto his enemies: before that he enterprise to approach so near unto his enemies, that the two armies cannot afterwards departed the one from the other without shame or battle. He ought to have consideration of his estate and force, to know whether his men have a good will to fight or not, or if they are strong enough to do it whensoever his enemies should assault him, or else I would not be of opinion that he should put himself into that danger: forasmuch as it would be to be doubted that his enemies would assail him, at such time as he would think to lodge, and before that his Camp could be fortified. Suppose that he were not fought withal at that instant, I cannot think but that the said enemy atttendant would famish him, or else the situation of the country must be very favourable. For to avoid these incoveniences, the aforesaid General ought to look unto his business: and if so be that he be strong enough to deal with them, there is no danger if he do approach them within Cannon shot: having viewed himself the place whereas he will plant his Camp, or caused it to be viewed before that his Legions do arrive. And the Legions being arrived, he must cause the Hastaries and Princes to keep themselves in order of battle, with their faces towards their enemies, and must help himself with the Triaries to make his trenches upon the flanks, when as he is not sufficiently furnished with pioneers: and to enclose the other sides, he might employ the servants and boys with other followers of the army: all which should labour at the back of the battle being covered by the Hastaries and Princes. The Forlorn hope should be in their order of battle, and the horsemen likewise. If the enemy would fight in the mean time, the Triaries should always have time enough to leave their work and to take their arms, and to range themselves in their order whilst that the Hastaries do make resistance, & so his battles should by no means be surprised. But let us suppose that his enemy do make no great show to assail him ranged in battle, but doth give him skirmishes all day long to trouble his people, and to keep them in arms to hinder the fortification of his Camp: this brag must be no cause of stay, but they must do the like by them, and give them good store of great shot withal, causing the Hastaries and others, as I have said, to keep themselves continually in battle, and the Triaries to continue at their work, not stirring from it until such time as the Camp were fortified and the quarters made. This done, the said Triaries must be first lodged and the provision immediately. And after them the Princes and the Ordnance which must be brought into the place where it is accustomed to be placed. The Hastaries must afterwards take their places, and afterwards the horsemen: to wéet, the men of arms first, the light horsemen after them, and the Hargoletiers and Harquebuziers on horseback after them, and last of all the Forlorn hope: so that those that aught to be foremost when they should enter into battle against their enemies, shall be the last that shall be lodged: and in lodging them after this manner, there might be no disorder nor cryings as there is amongst us. For when our Soldiers are to be lodged in Camp, every man runneth to be the first lodged, crying and making such a noise that it is a confusion, ofttimes lodging themselves before their turns, making no account to leave their Ensigns and to abandon them, having their enemies in their teeth.  
The Lord Martial of Montian was in great distress through this disorder, with his avant-garde before Montcailer: for that even at that instant that we looked that the Spaniards should have assailed us, our Ensigns were left from time to time without people, who were gone to seek lodgings: albeit that they had no leave of him nor their Captains, and in lodging themselves, God knows what a noise those gapers and criers did make: and what was the cause of this disorder, but the disobedience that is amongst us Frenchmen, who are so delicate that we cannot suffer want one whole day, but we wast with grief of it as snow against the Sun. Certainly the said Lord did his endeavour to stay them, and it was needful for the danger that we were in: and at that time was seen (as much as in any other place) the great want of order that is amongst us: specially in the morning in passing a little brook, for except it were some of the first ranks of the Battailon, the others made no difficulty at all to break, and put themselves out of their ranks, to pass at their case one after an other over a little plank that was in the same place: so that it was our good fortune that we were not assailed at that instant: for the first should have suffered the smart of the others negligence and disorder: and perhaps there might have ensued some great inconvenience, as it was told me within two days after when as I did arrive at the Camp, for at that time I was not there, because of the Commission that the Lord Constable had given unto the Lord of Roberual, and the commandment that he gave me by his letter to accompany the said Roberual with my hand, to cease upon the valleys of S. Martin and Lucerne to the King his use, and by that means I was not there: notwithstanding, I was told of it afterwards of all that happened in the Camp by men of credit, who were in the danger afore said very near unto the person of the said Lord: to weet, the Baron Castelnan, and the Vicont Dorth, and since much better by the Lord Dambres, who told me all: & helped to repair & cover the disorder, as others have told me. Those cryings must not be used amongst these Legions of whom I treat: they must be always lodged timely before night, if it were possible. Which doing, using the manner that I have so many times spoken of before, that is, the Camp having always lemma self-same form: it shall not be needful for the Soldiers to seek their quarters, or where the bands should lodge, for they shall know the places of themselves, for they shall see where their Ensigns do stay, and by them know their places easily, and the Ensigns shall know their places as easily by the General his lodging, and the gates which shall be towards the four Regions, as I have said. All that may make any alteration in a Camp, is, that the first and second Legions shall be always lodged next their enemies, and thereunto the Soldiers must have a regard every man unto the place that he shall lodge in. Further, it must not be forgotten to appoint certain bands to watch: for that without watch, the fortification of the Camp, and all that may be said or done for these Legions would be labour lost. But sith I am fallen into this matter, I will speak mine opinion of the Skoutes and Sentenells that are placed by night without a Camp, which is a custom that I cannot judge to be either good or serviceable: neither can I find upon what example they were grounded that were the first inventors of this manner: for it is not after the manner of the ancient watches, at the least those that I have read of, I do think that they had a more care to avoid the mischief that might happen through the renewing and changing of the Skoutes and Sentenells: for that they might perhaps be sometimes corrupted with money, or be surprised so near, that the watch might not be advertised by them of the coming of their enemies: specially if it were so that the watch were kept after the French fashion, that is to say, if the Soldiers did sleep their bellies full, in hope to be wakened by the Sentenells, it should be in danger to be surprised and to have their throats cut. For which cause the ancient men of war made their watches within their trenches, and had no body to scout without: and by this manner of watch they were always so well preserved, that they altered it not, but used very great diligence in it, and very good order, and punished all those with death that failed of their duties in the same, as we may see in Polybius: unto whom I send all those that would see the manner of their doing at large. Me think that the reasons above said may suffice to show the profit of sending of Skoutes out of a fort: which is, that they do serve for no other purpose but to make the watch within to be the more careless and negligent: for they do give themselves unto nothing but to play, drunkenness, and sleep (as I have said) whilst peradventure the Sentenells do keep as ill watch as they. But is not this a great fault to commit the safety of a whole army unto two or three roisters, who have neither regard of honesty nor any other thing: and albeit that those that are Skoutes on horseback, are gentlemen, and men of credit: and likewise those that visit the watch do their endeavour as much as is possible, may not both sometimes be surprised by their enemies, or may they not sleep aswell as the others, and forget their business, & by that means be slain by their enemies: but may it not happen that their enemies might have the watch word, or that they might guess at it, and approach the Sentenells with false tokens given them to understand that they are of their Soldiers: I know not who hath showed us this manner, nor what reason we have to observe it at this day, men of war being more subtle and politic than they were in times past, except we will be void of reason to persist in a most evident and manifest error, whereunto I will not from henceforth, that a Lieutenant General should consent, but that he should forbid it expressly. And furthermore, that for his ordinary night-watch he do appoint the one third part of his people, which are 16. Ensigns of footmen, to the intent that the Soldiers might have two nights free: the one of which Ensigns must watch round about the General his quarter, and another must guard the Powder: two other Ensigns must be placed upon the two market places: for the master of Ordnance his quarter is well enough furnished with gunner's, carters and pioneers. By this account there should be in the midst of the Camp one band of every Legion, who shall guard the General and principal Chiefs, and also impeach the mischiefs which oftimes do happen by night, and the excesses and thefts that are done more at time then by day. The 12. bands which do remain, three of every Legion shall keep watch alongst the ramparts in the empty space that I have left betwixt the rampart and the quarter: I do mean that three bands of the first Legion shall keep watch against the quarter of the fourth Legion; and those of the fourth against the quarter of the first; those of the second Legion shall keep watch against the quarter of the third; and those of the third against the quarter of the second: so that by this means the Soldiers should have the less opportunity to steal from their watch unto their lodgings, which they would do perhaps if their watch were near their quarter.  
The greatest strength of the watch must be at the gates, and at the four corners of the Camp: and in stead of the Skoutes which we do send out to be the better advertised of our enemies coming, the fourth part of the said watch must be kept waking, and so by that means the watch shall be divided into four watches: and to proceed in this watch the more equally, so that the one watch might not be more grieved or burdened then the other, the General his Trumpet shall signify by his sound, at what time they ought to be changed, and for to do it justly, he ought to have some sure clock, or the Marshal of the Camp should give him the advertisement. This charge might be given unto one of the four Colonels, who ought to watch every man in his turn, every night one: and each of them in his turn should have the whole charge of the watch throughout the Campe. As for the horsemen, their office shall be to search the watch, and should be divided into five night watches, that is, two Decuries of every company of men of arms, and the accomplishment of other horsemen after that rate. And if this number be thought to be too great (for it doth amount unto 480. horse for every night) there might be but the one half of them appointed, or any other number that might be thought sufficient, and they might be divided into two watches, or more. Vegetius would that the horsemen should keep Sentenell without the Camp by night: but he doth allege no reason for it, which is the occasion that I do not ground myself any way upon his saying, sith I have very good reasons on my side, and that I do presuppose that the Camp is a very strong place: but if it were in an open place, and without rampart, I do not say that I would not put horsemen out upon the ways. As concerning the watch by day, they must do it that watched by night, or a great part of them. And then I would keep horsemen abroad round about the Camp to see who goeth and cometh, and in so doing, the Camp need not to fear surprise. Concerning the giving of the watch word, and the renewing of it every evening, and sometimes to change it four or five times in one night, I will say nothing, nor of many other small points that we are accustomed in this matter: for they are well enough known unto every man. Of one thing I do mean to speak, which may do them some pleasure that do make account of it, and contrariwise may do them some great mischief that do not regard it: that is, diligently to look into all those that come into the Camp, and those that go out: and likewise unto those that do want by night, and unto new comers: for this is a thing of great importance, and may be easily done, by the means of the divisions of the quarters and lodgings, for that it is not only known what number of people should lodge in every quarter, but in every tent particularly, by which means it may be easily found if any do want, or if there were any new comers. Those that do want, or do lodge out of their quarter, shall be punished as fugitives, except that they had leave of their superiors: and those that should be found over and above the number, should be demanded what business they had there, & should be constrained to give an account of their quality thoroughly. This industry will be an occasion that our enemies could not practise, or have conference with our Soldiers, how secretly soever they should go to work. And moreover, there would this commodity proceed of it, that is, our enemies should seldom know any sure news of our estate, so that this observation might have place, which is a great point: and hereof the Romans made a very great account, as we do find written in many places expressly by that, which Claudius Nero did once in his Camp, being lodged near unto Hannibal in Calabria, who departed so secretly from his Camp to join with Salinator, who was at Anconne against Asdrubal, that he went unto his companion and helped to overthrow Asdrubal, and returned with his people back again into his Camp, Hannibal not understanding of his going or coming. Hardly could this be done at this present in a French Camp, for that all manner of persons are suffered there, and because that those are not punished that go out without leave, what commandment soever is given that they should not abandon their Ensigns: and we may make what cries we will either of this, or other things, sith there is no regard had to cause them to be straightly observed, nor to punish those that do contrary unto the cries: & yet there is nothing in this world that we ought to keep so much in obedience as an host. And therefore Military laws ought to be most sharp, and he that hath the charge of justice to be most rigorous. Of this matter there shall hereafter be spoken in his course. To make an end, I say that in the old time when as they would raise their Camps, the Captain General his Trumpet sounded three times. At the first sound they took down their Tents, and made their packs: at the second they did lad: and at the third every man went into the field, and marched towards the place that the General did appoint them. In our time the first sound commandeth to saddle, and serveth in stead of their first. Our second commandeth to put foot in the stirrup, and so was theirs. It would not be amiss that we did keep amongst us the silence that the Turks do use in their departing from their lodgings, who do dislodge so quietly, that it is almost impossible to perceive it by the little noise that they do make: and their silence likewise in lodging is such, that a man might think them rather to be dumb, then otherwise: whereas we do far differ from them, that whether it be in lodging, or whilst we do abide in the Camp, or in our departing, we could not well hear if God should thunder amongst us. A Lieutenant General ought yet to have divers other considerations in the placing of the Camp: principally two; the one is to lodge in a healthful place; & the other, that his enemies may not besiege it, nor cut it off from victuals, and water. He ought never to lodge in a marish ground, or in a place of ill air, for the avoiding of diseases: which is easily known by the situation of the place, and the evil colour of the inhabitants that dwell there. As for the other point to be free from siege, he must consider of the nature of the place, and how he may keep the way open towards his friends, and where his enemies do keep and may annoy him: and thereupon to make his conjecture, whether he may be besieged, or recover victuals and other things necessary in despite of his said enemies. An army may be besieged and overthrown without striking stroke, if it be lodged where an enemy may drown it, by breaking of Sluices, and floodgates: as happened unto the Christians in the year 1221. being alongst the Nile near unto Cairo against the soldan: this matter must be looked unto. And certainly, a Lieutenant General ought to have great knowledge of the countries he must pass through, and to have those about them that do know them. The sickness and famine that ofttimes do happen unto an army, may be avoided by taking heed unto the excess that the Soldiers do use, and to keep them the better in health, there must be provision made that they may lie in tents, and a care had to lodge them in places where there are good store of trees to shadow them from the Sun and wether, and for to boil their meat. It is also necessary to take heed that they do not travail in hot wether: and therefore in Summer they must departed from their lodgings before day, and be lodged again before the great heat of day: and in winter they must never be made to march through snow and ice, except they may find upon the way wherewithal to make fire. Moreover, they must not be suffered to drink ill waters, nor to be ill clad: for all these do cause great sicknesses, and they must be all carefully provided for, of how base condition soever they be: and this care doth bind the hearts of Soldiers more unto their General, than any other benefit he can bestow upon them. And in so doing it shall be for his own profit: for if that he should have wars with sickness, and likewise with his enemies, he might quickly be overthrown, in resisting two such adversaries. Exercise helpeth much to keep men's bodies in health: wherefore the General must cause all the Soldiers of his host to exercise themselves in arms once a day at the least, until that they do sweat, if not longer: for there is no better mean to keep an army in health, and to make it victorious over their enemies, than this.  
Concerning the famine that may happen unto a Camp, it is not said that a General ought to take heed but of his enemies only, that they should not cut off his victuals: but furthermore he must foresee from whence it might be brought unto him, and to give order that the victuals which he hath, do not too hastily consume, except he know incontinent where to have others. And for to do well, he ought always to have one months victuals in store for his whole army. Suppose that he hath in his Camp of men of war, and all other manner of people 40000. persons, and more: 35 Muys of Paris measure will suffice them a whole day honestly: out of every one of which, as saith master Bude, will be made 1152. loafes, every one of which loafes will suffice one man a whole day. By this account the provision for 30. days doth amount unto 1656.  
Concerning horse meat, Oats and Barley is good: but if that these cannot be had, there would be no great danger if that they lived sometime without them, provided that they did not want other food, if it were possible, that is, hay, chaff, or grass: yet grass doth weaken them greatly. The leaves and small boughs of trees are good for them, when as there is no better to be had, and the staulkes of vines: and for that they are hard, they may be broken with mallets, and so the horses may eat them the better. But to come again to my matter, I say that a Lieutenant General ought to tax the towns in the country where he makes his wars, or his alliance, if that they be near, to bring a certain great quantity of victuals unto his Camp to feed his Soldiers, if that money do want, or to cause them to sell it at a reasonable price, both to refresh his provision, and to keep it for a need: for as all things that concern the wars, may be trained long: so also famine without help, will bring a Camp low, and overthrow it in time: and an enemy if he can have means to overthrow it by famine, will never prove to overthrow it by battle; because that the victory would be so much the less bloody and dangerous, although it be not altogether so honourable. That which is said may suffice to avoid this inconvenience: and justice, if it be observed, will do service in an host: and the order which may be given to bridle Soldiers from living after their own wills, is likewise as necessary as any other that can be named. And to prove this to be true, concerning the one, all men do know that if justice do not govern in an army, all things will go quite contrary, and there is no victualler or other that will bring any thing unto it. And as concerning the other, if there were no order, a months victual would not last one day: wherefore justice ought to be maintained, & whosoever should use force against a victualler, aught to be grievously punished. Therefore every Soldier must have daily given unto him some such quantity of victuals as he may spend in a day: & moreover, they must be forbidden to eat but at certain hours. This would be an occasion that the victuals would be the better spared: and that those that do live this soberly, will be much more peaceable, watching, and healthful, then if they should eat & drink at all hours, as we don, which causeth many particular quarrels, and the brave mutinies that we see do reign amongst us. Furthermore, if we had more people to lodge, than the number above said: I say that they may be lodged in the places in the midst of the Camp, and alongst the streets, or with the Legionaries themselves: for they are lodged at large. But me think that these four Legions with their horsemen, Chiefs, officers, and others, which I have appointed to follow the host, are sufficient to enterprise any act of what importance soever it were, for to fight with twice as many enemies as themselves. The best is, every man may use his own free will, and make his wars with as great a number of people as he will himself. Wherefore if the number were much greater, the Camp must be of greater compass than that here before spoken of, and notwithstanding it must be distributed like unto it. If it were not that this second part would be greater than the first; and the third part too little in respect of them, I would proceed further: wherefore I will breath and rest myself here, to treat the better of the third Book.   
The end of the second Book.   

The third Book of Military Discipline.  

How a General may help himself in the wars with divers policies  
The 1. Chapter.  
IN this third book shall be showed what means a Lieutenant General may use to bring his wars to an end in short time. Suppose that after he hath overthrown his enemies in battle (as is aforesaid) that there doth yet remain a certain number in the field, or that there are certain towns who do stand upon their guard like enemies, or others which are not to be trusted: the means how to have an end of the one, & to be assured of the other, are these. First of all, if there were any part of the country to be suspected to revolt, if so be that it should be left in it entire: the Lieutenant General must excogitat some practice that may be for his profit, and damageable unto those whom he doth suspect: as to command them to beat down the walls of their towns, and to banish certain of their citizens: (I mean those whom he doubteth most) and this commandment must be given in such sort, that no town so commanded might think this charge to concern others than themselves particularly: and therefore the said commandment & charge must be given in all the said towns at one instant, to the intent they might immediately obey, & not have respite to confer & take counsel one of another. And as for the banishment of those whom he thinketh might make any commotion or rebellion in a town, they must be deceived in some manner, as to be made to believe they shall be employed in some business, wherein the Lieutenant will do them good, in giving them commission to do certain affairs far of, in some such place where they should have no means to trouble him: which commission might stand in stead of an honest and covered banishment. And as for those towns that are of great power, and so inclined to disobey, that for every little occasion they might refuse the commandment of the General, there is no better means then to assure himself of them, assaying to surprise them at unwares. And to colour his pretence, he must make a relation unto them of some enterprise like a truth: for the execution whereof he is to use their helps, and must make show that he reposeth great trust in them, and that his intent is to some other purpose then to deceive them. And in mine opinion, they will be persuaded without any great difficulty: and being once entered into this opinion, they will give any such number of their towns men as he will require. And if the General do but sometimes smile a little upon some of the principals, they will be forward enough to levy the greatest part of their people to do him service: of whom he may make his profit afterwards, as if they were given him for pledges. Furthermore, to be assured of a town, of whose loyalty there is no good opinion to be had, the remedy that I see, whether it be before the battle, or after, is to imitate Pompey and others, which heretofore have had the like business: for Pompey having some doubt of a town which is in Spain, prayed the inhabitants that they would lodge the sick men of his army in their town: which request being consented, he sent them under colour of sick men, part of the most valiantest Soldiers that he had: who when they were entered, made themselves masters of the said town incontinent, and so constrained them to continue in his alliance. Publius Valerius in like case to assure himself of the Epidaures, caused (as we would say) a general pardon to be brought from the Pope into a Church without the town, and at the day appointed for them to obtain the said pardon, all the people went out of the town, and left but few in it to defend it, but the said Publius and his men: who seeing themselves to be strongest, did shut the gates, and would not suffer afterwards any man to enter, but those of whom they were well assured. Some say that he caused all the chiefest men to be given for pledges, before he would suffer any of the inhabitants to enter. Alexander the great, when he made his voyage into Asia, foreseeing that the people which he left behind him should not rebel after his departure, (specially the Thracians whom he had newly subdued) took all the principal of the country, and the flower of the fight men, and gave them many honourable offices in his army, and all the places of credit, and carried them in his company: in whose places at home he established over the people of Thrace certain men of small quality: in which doing, he contented first of all the Princes of the country by using them well, as I have said: afterwards he unfurnished the country of the best Soldiers they had, giving them to understand that he would be served by them in his enterprise (although that that was not only the end of his intent) and moreover he took from the common people all their hope of rebelling, by taking from them all their good Chiefs and good Soldiers. We see then by these policies after what manner a General may assure himself of those whom he doth suspect. As for the taking of the towns which hold strong of themselves, or which have garrison of enemies, is a matter that shall be spoken of hereafter. At this present I will continue these matters of policy and foresight: for they may stand our General in some stead in time and place. If so be he should have any suspicion in any of his counsel, to weet, that he did discover his secrets and his estate unto his enemies, he cannot use a better policy, then to help himself with the fraud of this traitor, in imparting that unto him that he hath no intention to do, and feigning that he hath doubt of things that he feareth nothing at all, and that he desireth that his enemies should do those things which he would in no case that they should do, and this may be an occasion that his said enemies may take some enterprise in hand, thinking assuredly that they do know his secrets, and thereby he may surprise them at his advantage, having deceived them voluntarily. Ventidius helped himself with this policy against the Parthians. If the General have determined, or if he be constrained to send part of his people out of the Camp to secure any man, as I have said, Claudius Nero succoured his companion, and that they both were lodged very near unto their enemies; if the said General would that his said enemies should not perceive that his Camp were weakened of people, he must leave the lodgings of those that are departed in the same state that they always were in, and the Ensigns likewise and the same number of fires that were there accustomed to be made: and furthermore, the watch must be made as strong as ever it was. On the other part, he unto whom the succour is sent, if he would deceive his enemies, aught to take heed not to enlarge his Camp, nor to suffer any new lodgings to be made, nor to make show of any other Ensigns than those which were accustomed to be seen, but those which come last must lodge with the first: to weet, Captains with Captains, Lieutenants with Lieutenants, ensign-bearers with ensign-bearers, and consequently officers with officers, and simple Soldiers with their like, like as those of the said Nero did with those of Salinator. If our General desire at any time to know sure news of the enemy's business, he may imitate Scipio, who being in Africa against the Carthagenians, sent certain of his men in embassage unto Syphax, feigning to treat of an agreement betwixt them; with whose servants he mingled certain Captains of his of the most expertest he had, who were simply appareled like unto servants, expressly for to spy the state of his enemies fully: when as the said Ambassadors were arrived before Syphax, and doing their charge, the spies in the mean while took occasion to do their business by one of their horses which they did let scape, to the intent to follow him throughout the host, and to mark all things at their pleasure: whereof they made their report unto the said Scipio; who being advertised of all, surprised two mighty Camps in one morning. A General might likewise banish some one of his familiars, and fain some great displeasure against them, which might retire unto his enemies, and from thence give advertisement of their estate: he may likewise sometimes understand their secrets by prisoners, and by spies that he sendeth into their Camp, under colour of bringing victuals, or to serve there for some other turn. And sometimes some of the chiefest of the said enemy's army may be corrupted, in such sort that they may give advertisement. For what is it that covetousness will not do amongst men? True it is, that for to maintain these spies and traitors, the General ought to spare nothing, because that the want of not having ofttimes news of enemy's proceedings, doth make us sometimes to feel the smart of it: whereas only good advertisement might be the occasion of the winning of a whole war. For to prove what trust a man may have in a town, or in a whole country, he may help himself with the policy of Marius, who being occupied in the wars against the Cimbres, and willing to make proof of the faith of the Gauls, which dwelled in the parts of Italy, which we call Lombardy at this day, and who were in alliance with the Romans at that time, he sent them two packs of Letters, the one open and the other sealed: In the open Letters it was forbidden them, that they should by no means open the sealed Letters, but at a certain day: but they could not so long forbear but did open them before their term: and thereupon the Letters being demanded again by the said Marius, he perceived manifestly that he ought not to trust them no more than needed.  
If a Prince were assailed in his own country that would not attend at home for the wars, he may enter upon another part of his enemy's country, and by that means constrain him to return for to defend his own: I mean, if the said Prince have his towns stronger and better provided for, or his country stronger and more difficile than his enemies. If our General do find himself to be besieged by his enemies in any part that he could not escape without shame, or loss, in this case he may practise to agree with them, and to take truce: for in mine opinion they will then become so negligent, that easily he may escape their hands, or in the mean time while such agreements are in hand, or whilst he hath truce, he might practise to do his enemy a mischief: for it is then that the scourge will be given better than at any other time: and when the mischief is once happened, he may say: I have been deceived under shadow of true meaning: but to think that an army overthrown, or a place gotten, whilst the intercourse doth continue, should be repaired or restored by the deceiver, is a vain hope: for I know not what we would do ourselves if it were so that we should at any time have the like advantage of our enemies. When the General should find himself at any time in that danger not to departed out of a place without using some policy, he must excogitate all the inventions that may serve his turn, and prove them all one after another, until such time as some one may do him good. Amongst others he may prove these two, the one is to assail his enemies on the one side with a small number of soldiers, and the most resolute men: and with the others in the mean time to do all endeavour to open the passage on the other side, whilst the enemies are busied to resist their assaults; the other manner is to invent some new thing to amaze his enemies, to cause them to keep themselves close upon their guard, doubting that this novelty hath some dangerous tail after it, and this must be done by night to amaze them the more. Hannibal escaped the hands of Fabius by that means, causing faggots to be made fast unto the horns of a great multitude of Oxen that he had in his Camp, which being set on fire, he caused them to be driven towards Fabius his host, and this sight was thought to be so wonderful and strange unto the said Fabius, that he doubted to be surprised, specially being in a dark night, he durst not start out of his fort until it was day. The said General ought to study by all means possible to make his enemies to be jealous, and to suspect and mistrust one another, and bear as great an envy one to another as might be possible: and this may he do, by preserving the goods and possessions of some of them, and by spoiling all that may be found of the others: and moreover, by restoring their children, parents, and friends, that he hath taken in the wars, unto their own fathers and parents, without taking any ransom of any of them: and it cannot be possible but that this good deed will profit either to win the hearts of those unto whom the good hath been done, or make dissension amongst them that have received it, and others which will mislike it. He may likewise cause divers persons to be ill thought of by certain feigned letters, which may be made to fall into the enemies hands directed unto certain of the principallest amongst them: by which letters there may be show made of the handling of some practise with them, which may be an occasion that those unto whom the letters were directed, should no more be credited as they were before, or at the least be looked at over the shoulder: of which mistrust this profit will proceed, that the chiefest which are most esteemed, shallbe holden suspect, and therefore there will be but little credit given unto their opinions, which is one of the chiefest goods that may happen unto a General: and peradventure it may be that those that shallbe so wrongfully suspected may be of that nature that they will think to revenge the wrong that is offered them, or may cause them to absent themselves from counsel. Their Prince might likewise be so suspicious, that he might reject them from his person, or might cause them to be slain, as jugurtha did cause the chiefest of his Counsel, because of the letters that Metellus did write unto them, albeit they were nothing in fault. Hannibal after that he was overthrown by Scipio, retired unto King Antiochus, with whom he was always well entertained, until the coming of the Ambassadors from Rome, who frequented him so often, and after so many manners, that the said Antiochus thought they had intelligence together, and therefore would never after be counseled by him, and so poor Hannibal lost his credit through the subtlety of the Romans. It shall likewise not be amiss for the General to employ his care to divide the forces of his enemies, if the assembly be of divers sorts of people, specially having mean to make a course upon some of their countries, for in sending thither a sufficient number of soldiers, those which are left in the country will quickly call their men back again for to defend their own country. The Spaniards used this policy against our people, while the King was at Pavy: for knowing the number of the grisons that were there (the which wanting, our camp was greatly weakened) for they sent the Castelein of Mur then being, or otherwise the marquess Mortane, to run into the country of the said grisons, for which occasion, they did abandon us at our need, to go to defend their own country, yet they might have done well enough without going, if they had willed, considering the force of the country where they dwell, which in my judgement is one of the most strongest & hardest that may be seen: and beside, so well peopled, that the number of the people which the Castelein conducted upon their frontiers, were not to fear them in that manner that they made show: neither for the loss of one Castle ought they to have abandoned us as they did: notwithstanding it is one of the tricks that strangers do play ordinarily with those which ground themselves too much upon the waging of other people, than their own proper nation. If the General should be in camp so near his enemy's that those of both parts did look for the battle from time to time, & that there were other people coming unto his assistance, if he feared that his enemies would go & meet them upon the way to fight with them, to cut them off before they should join with him, he might make the brute to run throughout his host, that every man should be ready by an hour, or the next day to enter into battle, and might let scape some prisoner that might advertise his enemies of this determination: and in mine opinion this will be a mean to keep them together within their Camp, without sending any body out, nor diminishing their forces, making their account to be fought withal at the hour spoken of, & by that means the bands which are to come, might arrive safe & whole. To give an enemy an occasion to weaken his army, the best way were to let them to come far into the country, and to abandon all the towns unto him that could not be kept out of his hands: and it is to be thought, that to keep them all, he would put garrison into them, and by that means his forces would be diminished, & then he might be fought withal upon the letting go of his people, to embrace more things than he could well defend. And furthermore, a General may sometimes use dissimulation in his enterprises: as when he is determined to go into one country, to make the brute to run that he pretendeth to assail another, & must use extreme diligence to conquer the same said country which looked in no manner of wise for his coming before they might be provided for to defend themselves, or before his enemies might be transported thither for to keep it. If a General do understand that his enemies are oppressed by famine, or by any other necessity, that for this cause they are as it were desperate, and offer battle in this rage: he ought to keep himself within his fort, and to defer the combat as long as he may: and it may be that within few days he shall have them all at his mercy without striking stroke. A General may sometimes have to do with people ill practised, and too courageous: who so much abandon themselves to pursue those that fly, that oftentimes there is no mean to retire them, until such time as they are foully beaten, so that if the said General will look to his business, he may easily find an opportunity to do them a marvelous damage in a small time, for as much as he may lay his ambushes on that part of his enemy's camp that seemeth to be most strongest, and where at no time there hath been any fight or skirmish offered, so that the place be fit to hide his people: and ordain his skirmishes towards the other part where they are accustomed to be fought withal, and must entice them so cunningly, that they may come all out of their Camp if it be possible: or at the least that the watch on that part that his men are hidden might come to see the pastime: wherein there is no doubt that they will keep themselves from running out, so that the said General his men do retire sometime to entice them out so much the more, and to draw them the farther from their fort. Which being done, the said General may give a sign by certain shots of the Ordnance, or by some other mean, unto those that are in the ambush: at which sign, they must charge upon their enemies camp so swift & fiercely, without being perceived of their enemies, or of very few, that fort may be gotten before the said enemies do see into their own error. It shall be necessary sometimes when two armies are lodged near one to another, that the said General should send out certain of his people to overrun & pillage the country that is in his subjection under colour of enemies, to make his adversaries to think them to be their soldiers, or new succour that doth come unto them, & so running to meet them in hope to have their part of the pray, may be endamaged and surprised. A General may also make great destruction of his enemies, in giving them occasion to eat and drink disordinately, I mean, having to do with those nations that are subject unto Wine. He might make show that he dare not abide them: and for a colour abandon his Camp, which he might leave in as great disorder as might be possible, to the intent to dissemble his pretence the better, and might leave his baggage, tents, and all the rest in their estate, and his Camp as well furnished with Wine, and meats ready dressed, as he might possible, to the intent that his enemies entering after his departure, might fill their bellies with the victuals that his men had left: and when as the said General shall think his said adversaries to be overcome with Wine, and sleeping like Beasts, he may return upon them, and overthrow them: for it is to be presumed that having them at that point, he might have of them as good a market as he would himself. Grimault, King of the Lombard's did once overthrow the Frenchmen at Ast by this policy, and many others have used it. For to deceive the enemies, we ought oftentimes to change our manner of doing, or if not often, at the least sometimes: I speak not of the order of the Battles, nor of the lodging of a Camp, nor of other generalties: but I speak of little small things, which have but small show a far off, and at hand do serve more than we think for: as this of a certain Captain, who to have it signified that his enemies marched through the country, caused a sign to be made with fire by night, and with smoke by day, and knowing that his enemies were advertised of these signs, and therefore were the more wary, knowing that they were discovered: wherefore to take them in the snare, he was driven to use some policy, which he did after this manner: that is, he appointed his people to make fire and smoke as well by day as by night, without ceasing, whether they saw enemy or none: and that when as they did see the enemies army, they should make neither the one, nor the other. This being ordained as I have said, was executed from point to point by those which had the charge, and when as his enemies were in the fields, the signs ceased, and thereby the Captain of whom I make mention at this present, knew that his enemies approached: the which on the other part seeing the accustomed signs to fail, thought they were come the watches not knowing, and therefore they were so much the less careful to march in good order: whereas the said Captain was wholly provided, and comforted in his business, weighting to charge upon his enemies, which he did, overthrowing them quite, and destroying them utterly. Mennon of Rhodes finding no means to draw his enemies out of a most strong place that they were in, to cause them to come to the Combat in an open place; sent unto the Camp of his adversaries one of his household servants, under colour of a fugitive, who gave them to understand that the people of the said Mennon were mutined together, & that for that cause the greatest part went away at that instant: and to the intent that there might be the greater credit given unto his words, there were sent away certain bands, whom they saw to departed from the said Camp: and so understood that there was a great tumult, which was done of purpose: and being persuaded by the said fugitive to take that opportunity, and moved through the disorder that they thought for a certainty to be in the Camp of the said Mennon, they were so evil advised, that they issued out of their strong place to assail those who afterwards overthrew them. There are many other policies to be used then these that I have spoken of héerebefore, that have been put in practice to hurt an enemy, which I might have inferred in this place, as well as those that I have spoken off.   

The order that the General ought to keep in the besieging of a Town  
The 2. Chapter.  
I Have showed before how towns suspected might sometimes happen to fall into our hands without striking stroke: those whom we do mistrust. But suppose that there are Towns, not only suspected, but also have declared themselves to be enemies, so that there is no remedy but to proceed against them in this business by arms, and to prove to conquer by force that which we have failed to get by policy. In this business there are two means to be used, the one is, to overcome the towns either by assault, or by composition. In the first we may likewise use two other means, to weet, force mingled with fraud, or manifest violence: I call it force mingled with fraud, when we have any intelligence with the soldiers of the garrison, or with the Citizens: by whose means we attain to get or win a good part of the inhabitants, or of the men of war who keep the towns, to enter into them the rest not knowing. I term it to be manifest violence when as we assault a town unlooked for, or at our first arrival, not staying whilst the Ordnance hath beaten the walls: or when we do assault it, after that there is a breach made. As touching that point that the towns do fall sometimes into our hands by composition, we must note that this composition is voluntary or forced. Voluntary hath place when as a town doth deliver itself from the jurisdiction of one, to give it free unto another, as Geneva hath done within these few years, hoping to be better governed by the Swissers, than she was by her Duke. And Casall of Montferat called in the Frenchmen, and gave herself unto the King, desiring rather to be on his side then on the Emperors: I know not upon what consideration this said voluntary composition is grounded: likewise when as a town doth give itself unto a Prince to be maintained against her enemies, as Genes did, who gave herself unto King Charles the seventh, throwing herself into his arms, to be defended from King Alphonsus of Naples, who made her wars: but because this piece doth nothing serve my purpose, I will leave it aside, and will speak nothing of it. Concerning forced composition, either it proceedeth of the long siege that is kept before a place, or through the courses which are continually made, not besieging it near, by which courses the country is overrun, pillaged, and destroyed, and the goods of the inhabitants, and of those that are retired thither, if they be of the country: and furthermore, in keeping them subject in such sort, that they can not issue out of their gates, without danger of their persons: nor suffer victuals, or any other provision to enter without great difficulty: for which cause, the said inhabitants shall be constrained to yield themselves and their town unto those which do so hardly deal with them, lest they should be afterwards evil used. Also towns sometimes yield themselves not seeing their enemies, finding themselves too weak for to resist them. The two means than which are used to get Towns are those that I have spoken of. Wherefore a Lieutenant General may help himself with either of them which he findeth most easy, and may practise it after that manner that a wise Captain ought to put it in execution. Me think he may use it after this manner that I am about to declare, except he may be better counseled, and that is, before all things he diligently inquire of all the points that concern this business, that is to weet, whether the town that he pretendeth to besiege, be strong by nature, or by art: whether it be subject to battery or no, and to have it in portraiture, with the situation of the country round about it, if it be possible. Furthermore, whether it may be mined or not: whether they do keep good watch, or do doubt any thing: whether they do make any preparation at that instant, or have done it before hand: whether it be well furnished with all store, or if it want, if it may be victualled from time to time, and relieved in despite of those that besiege it: or be cut off, that neither victuals nor succour can enter: what garrison it hath: what Chiefs: what will the inhabitants have: and finally, whether the said inhabitants and soldiers do agree together, or if there be any controversy and factions betwixt them. Which advertisements are of such importance, that they deserve to be bought with their weight in gold: and to this end a General ought to entertain certain good spies, and should seek to have intelligence in many and divers places, to be advertised often and particularly of all things truly: before he thrust himself into this dance: and after that he hath known the truth of all things, of his enemies estate, he must make his principal foundation upon one of the points abovesaid, which is best for his purpose: as if the town be much easier to mine, then to batter, he shall ground his principal hope upon the mine: or if it were ill victualled, he might attend to conquer it through famine, or may use any of the other means which he thinketh may help himself best. Above all things he must rather use force mingled with fraud: then with manifest violence; if it were so that he might use either of those two forces which he thought best: and if so be that he should have to do with a strong and puissant town, I would never be of opinion he should use any force, if he might have it lovingly and by honest composition: for besides that, that he shall avoid a marvelous cost, and the death of many honest men, which may happen on both sides, he shall keep the same town afterwards which he hath gotten by the said composition with less difffcultie (the inhabitants nor others having received either shame or damage by any of his) then if he conquered them by force of arms: and consequently if they wear hurt in body or goods. To win them then by this gracious means, a General ought to spare neither money nor words; money to corrupt the chiefest, and those that have credit among the commonalty; and words to persuade the inhabitants, or the Soldiers by lively reasons that they ought to yield: and for that this office may not well be executed by himself, not having the commodity to use speech unto his enemies but in his host, he ought to have about him men for to handle this business who are great persuaders of themselves & fair speakers. The Trumpeters and the Drums ought likewise to know this art, for because that they are much more permitted to go and come every where upon every light occasion, then are any other of greater mettle. There may also be others sent under colour of fugitives, & by them may all means be practised to taste the minds of his enemies, and to cause them to yield unto his will, not constraining them at all. When there is question to win a town by such like means we must first consider the occasion it hath to defend itself: to wit, if it be the towns own proper quarrel, or if it touch them little. Afterwards if the quarrel be theirs, to know truly if any extreme necessity hath constrained them thereunto or not: as if it had rebelled against the King, & that it had committed some heinous fact: I speak not of the towns of this Realm: who are inhabited with people so well minded that it is not to be thought that ever they will fall into this crime, & therefore I need not to speak of them: but when I speak of Towns, I mean those that are out of the realm which ever and anon do rebel and revolt, and in revolting do sometimes kill their governors, and cut in pieces the garrison they have: we must think that those towns where this like offence should happen, would fight & defend themselves much more obstinately, then if they had not any ways offended: because of the punishment that their offence deserveth: which (according to their opinion) will fall upon their necks, if that they may be overcome. We may likewise make our account that the towns which by nature do hate us, as the Englishmen and the Flemings: or which have our honour in jealousy and desire to rule over their neghbors, as the Spaniards, and the Almains, will yield as late as may be possible: and with great hardness will they be gotten without using of force. Notwithstanding a Lieutenant General shall make a proof before all other things if the two champions, I have spoken of, to weet, gifts, and words, may do him any service: for many good towns, and places impregnable, have been conquested in short time by them two: and many things that were thought impossible, have yielded easily at the length, through their means. Therefore they that shall have the charge to confer with these said towns, or to summon them in the behalf of the General, aught to employ all their wits to take from the inhabitants, rebels, as others, this said necessity, and afterwards there obstinacy, in promising mountains and marvels, and that they shall be pardoned, if they fear to be punished for their rebellion. Likewise if it be against a people that are in doubt to lose their liberty, and which have learned to live under their own laws not obeyeing unto any man, they shall give them to understand that it is better for them to be governed by one only Chief, them by a whole commonalty: so that they may be maintaned in good peace possessing their goods with quiet, without being molested or tyrannised by any man: whereof they might be sure being under the protection of so a good Prince, as is he, for whom those words are spoken: and furthermore that the King his pretence doth extend but to quench the ambition of certain particular persons, and not that the people should come into bondage: showing them moreover the mischief moreover the mischief that may happen unto their town if it were besieged, & to the country round about it, and besides the desolations, murders, forces, and violences, which are made in the taking of a town, & to give them the better encouragement to this matter, to show the welfare that may happen unto them in general, in having of the good favour of so mighty a king. Concerning the towns that are not constrained to defend themselves through any extreme necessity, but only make wars to take part with others, we must say that they make wars of themselves, or that they do favour an enemy: if so be that they make wars of themselves, there will not be so great difficulty to win them, as when they do defend themselves of necessity, for they will soon be weary of the great expenses and danger that they do put themselves into for other men's quarrels, & in this case, there must be fair promises made to win them, to cause them to abandon the alliance of the said enemy: but when as they do but favour an enemy, it is either with the consent of the inhabitants, or against their wills: if it be against their wills, the way is open to persuade them all that the aforesaid General will: and if it be with there wills, there must be pains taken to corrupt the principal Chiefs, and certain Captains, or other officers amongst the soldiers, who may make them to believe that their town is not defensible, or that they should not be succoured in time, or if the town did rampart, they might hinder fortification by working sloly: & if they were soldiers, that did work, they might sow some voice amongst them ●o cause them to refuse to do it: saying that it is a work belonging to pioneers, & not to soldiers, & if they were pioneers, they ought to cause them by some means to go their ways, to the intent the town might by no means be found strong nor rampared when it should be assaulted, but be constrained to yield to us by & by. These corrupted people may also cause the provisions to be consumed by the soldiers, feigning to give no regard thereunto until that all were spent, as Francis the Lord Marquis of Salusse did, at the time that he should have kept Tossan for the king, who played his part so subtly before that he turned his coat throughly that the town at there need, was in all points in as evil an estate, to defend itself, as the Emperor might have wished it to be: and notwithstanding it held certain days, making of necessity, a virtue. These things might rather be put in proof, than the using of force. He must consider if the town which he doth practise to get, be in estate to abide a siege, and to continue it long or not, and if it be sufficiently provided, and always kept with good watch, the mean aforesaid must be put in proof. But when as it shallbe unprovided of things necessary, & hath not begun to provide before hand, it is then time to aboard it, whilst it is unprovided. The Spaniards took this opportunity when as the Lord bonneval did but enter in at Loads: for before he had divided the quarters, & appointed what part every band should keep, they were at the gates, whereupon the said town finding itself unready in all points, was won by assault. We must therefore take these opportunities, & not let them slip, because it is to be feared, how little leisure so ever they may have, & whilst we go & come, that they would make the place strong, and furnish it with all that it should have need of, which is an opportunity that ought to be taken from an enemy, & not to be given him. Therefore if the said general will have this advantage, or other upon his enemies, he must have a care to know their business truly, as I have said: & determine thereupon afterwards how he may proceed most surest. In mine opinion, if a town be in division, to wit, if there be strife between the inhabitants, or amongst the soldiers, or between the inhabitants & the soldiers, the general ought not to lose such an opportunity, but to do all his endeavour to come before it, furnished with many ladders to stall it, & with other light engines, to beat down gates and walls, whilst they within do think upon other matters, & these enterprises must be executed in coming far of: for how further of the general doth come (so that he make great speed) the more he shall amaze his enemies, when they shall see him at their gates, because they doubted nothing: at which place when he is arrived, he must assault it so quickly, & hotly on all sides that the inhabitants should not know unto what Saint to bequeatheth themselves, except they yield at the very instant that he did summon them, for if he give them but a quarter of an hour respite to counsel together, & look about, he shall find that the common danger wherein they are all, that are with in the town, will cause them to remember themselves, and to defend their persons and town together: whereas if he do not give them leisure to bethink themselves, being so suddenly supprized (with the distrust that they have one of another) the greatest haste that the town will make, will be to yield itself. Me think also that a town where there are divers partakers (as in Italy) may easily be gotten, by means of intelligence had with one of the parts, who might give entrance into the town, at some place, were it by night or by day: or if the walls were well kept, than those with whom the General had this intelligence, might seize upon the void places and strong buildings within the town: and at some certain sign given, he might appoint to begin the broil within, and assault the town without at the gates and walls, which doing, I dare believe, that the most hardiest, and most assuredst amongst them, would abandon their defences incontinent, to save their lives, seeing them to be assaulted in so many places at once. By that means was Genes taken in the year 1527. in the name of the king, by the Lord Caesar Fregose. I make mine account, that if the said Lord had the last time given intelligence unto those of the league, as he did at the first, that it had been taken again without any difficulty, and that he had not been repulsed as he was. But he meaning to surprise it by full assault, doubting that if he advertised his friends, that those of the contrary part should have known it also: and trusting his partakers would have been ready enough, when as they should hear his name cried, would not that any man should know of his coming: which was cause that his partakers had rather at his coming to keep their town with one common accord, with his enemies then not taking arms, to abide the adventure, not knowing for whom or what. It may be also that they doubted that they should have had their reward with their contrary parties, if the Frenchmen had gotten the town at that instant: for that in such like business there is no men spared, which is an ill case, and aught to be looked into: for it is enough to choke all those that might have will to receive us into their towns, by the mean that is spoken of, knowing that divers other have been evil used. Moreover as it is good to besiege a town before it be provided of those things that it hath need of: so is it as convenient to assault it, when as it doth stand upon his guard, both for the little estimation that the Citizens will make of their enemies, thinking that they would not assault them, specially if they were far of: & for that their Chiefs are men of so small experience, and the people & soldiers so subject to their pleasures, that they would keep but little watch or none at al. And for the handling of this business, a General ought to choose some one in his army that were a sufficient man to execute an enterprise of great importance, & give him some such number of soldiers as were thought necessary, who should be furnished with victuals for a certain time, causing them to carry it at their backs to take the less baggage with them at their departure. And although that said General were far of that hindereth not, so that he make show to some other place, and give out speech so: or that he that is sent do departed by night secretly. In laying these enterprises to work, he must foresee whether that after the town shallbe taken by his men, it may be defended against those that would recover it again from them or not, for it is not all to get into a place, because it is a thing that may be easily done, by means of the surprises that may be used in such cases, & of the intelligence that may be had: but in keeping it afterwards is all the difficulty, if that it be entered with an opinion, that is to say, with too little company: especially if the town were divided, & that the one league did maintain the contrary part, for it would be to begin again a new every day, except the said league were driven out at that instant that it were taken, or that the principals were laid hands on, & those that might cause any commotion, which is one of the best remedies that may be used, & to make some part of the town strong, to have their refuge to it at their need: when as all the town could not be kept, or that the surprizer should be repulsed by his enemies, who might be brought into the same town by his contrary party, if so be that the town were left in her entire, which woul●… 〈◊〉 great oversight. For it is to be presumed, that if succour should come to them which were strong enough to thro' out the garrison that they by and by would join with them: and so those that thought themselves to be masters, shall be driven out again: and might be taken, in taking: by suffering their adversaries to haunt amongst them, & wanting place of safety, not having made some fortress before in some part of the town, to retire unto at their need, as I have said. If it were so that there were never a Castle in the said town, or if there were any which were not in their custody: in which case likewise the surprizers must look well unto their business, because that if within the town there be any Castle or Fortress which is in the hands of their adversaries, they may at all hours be assaulted by it: for that the said adversary may receive aid at all times, specially if the said Castle have issue into the fields. And it helpeth not although that the inhabitants of the town did call them of their own free wills, if that their enemies be stronger than both they and their assistants: for that the said enemies may have entrance into the town by the aforesaid Castle at all hours, except the town were very well fortified, and that the passage out of the said Castle into the town were rampared in such sort that they might abide all comers, or else it is to be thought that they should be constrained to leave their prize, what help or favour the inhabitants might give them. And besides that they shallbe constrained to leave their town so, they shall be in hazard to be overthrown, and the town pillaged, as Bresse was. The Venetians which had taken it with the consent of the citizens, being overthrown by the Lord of Foix, who got this victory by means of the Castle which held on his side. My Lord Marshal of Foix got Cremone again also, by means of the Castle: although the town was not pillaged, nor those that had caused it to rebel, slain: yet was it in great hazard to have been sacked. casal of Mountferat hath felt the smart of it, and those which took it likewise: for the town was sacked, & the Frenchmen that entered into it were all slain or taken. It is therefore necessary to look well into this business, before the taking in hand of a matter so dangerous, and to go so well accompanied that an enemy may have no advantage, although that he had intelligence within the town, or that the Castle (if there were any) did take his part, by whose aid he might recover that he had lost. But let us pass further, and let us put case that the towns which do resist are so well provided of all things, and so well guided, that there is no hope left to conquer them, by surprise, nor by intelligence, nor otherwise then by mere force. We must say, that if the aforesaid General do go to besiege one of them, he ought to do it with the determination not to departed from it until such time as he have taken it: for that if he besiege a town, and do departed without the taking of it, he doth give the other towns so much the more encouragement to resist him. Wherefore the said General ought to consider before hand of the force and strength of the town he pretendeth to besiege: to know whether it may be taken or not. If it may be taken by any one of those means that towns are accustomed to be won, although that it be furnished with things necessary, let him go boldly. But if so be it were so strong of people, & so well provided, that it would be invincible, it would be time lost to prove it: besides the shame and the loss that he should receive. In this case he must try another way, that is to see if he might in continuance of time get it with long molesting it: which to do, he must put his people round about it into the other towns & forts that are at his obedience, and distrubute them by Garrisons, by which Garrisons there may be courses made hourly against the town which he doth trouble, pretending to conquer it by that means. And if there were no towns near enough, the said General might keep a flying camp round about it, the which should neither be far from it, nor near, and in mine opinion, it is better to follow this counsel: although it were somewhat far of, then to besiege such a town with all his force at hand: for by means of the courses that may be made out of the Garrisons, it will be a great marvel, if the town at length do not famish, or do not agree to some composition, how long soever it do hold out. Besides that there happen accidents from time to time unlooked for, which may make a war quickly won or lost: whereas to enterprise a thing impossible, is as much as to beat a man his fist against a wall, and there can no good proceed of it: considering the expenses that shall be made to no purpose; the loss of time, and valiant men that are destroyed at such like places: so that who so would make account of the pains taken in the besieging of a strong town, and that which it costeth before it be conquered by force of arms, with the profit that the conqueror hath afterwards when it is in his hands: shall find that the pain and the charges do far surmount the profit. And I dare say, that the conquest of a great country may be easier made, than the taking of one of these strong and obstinate towns, for in conquering a Country, we might help ourselves, with our Military Discipline, and win a battle, through good order, if it come there too: but to take one town well in order, there is a thousand difficulties. But sith I speak of these strong towns, I will declare what town or place it is that I esteem to be invincible or at the least very hard to be taken, & against which, we should get more by making wars warlike out of garrisons then otherwise, for that there is no other mean to entice the Garrison of the same town, into the field to fight with it. I say that town is invincible, that is, as strong of people, and aswell furnished with all provisions, as are those that do besiege it, besides the fortress of the town which the besieged have for their advantage, as the Spaniards had, being besieged within Naples by the Lord of Lautrec, who were as strong in all points, as we were; excepting good hearts. Or although the said town be not altogether so strong of people, at the uttermost if it have men enough to furnish the walls and Bulwarks round about it from place to place: and moreover a good number to defend the breaches which those that are without, might make. And if a Town be so furnished although that the walls, and the other defences be not of the best, yet it may be accounted to be most strong: because that the surest walls, and defences that may be made, are men: so that they be good. Every man knoweth well that Perone was too weak of itself, to resist the one half of the army of Flemings and Almains that did besiege it: notwithstanding the virtue of the Lord Martial of the March, and his men made it invincible. It is but 18. years since Meziers was found unprovided of all things necessary to make a Town strong: and notwithstanding the Frenchmen, which were within it, amongst whose principal Chiefs (as I have understood) was the Lord Constable, did keep it against the power of an Emperor. The Lacedæmonians would never suffer that their Cities should be enclosed with walls, saying that the people would become lazy and of little value: because that they would put their chiefest trust in their fortress, and not in their arms, and in truth necessity causeth many great matters to be done: specially if the men employed in this business, are somewhat courageous, as the said Lacedæmonians were, who were oftentimes assaulted by their neighbours, and others of great force: and notwithstanding they kept their city always against all men, without making ditches or walls. It is then the virtue of the men that make a Town principally strong, and invincible, whilst they have victuals and where with all to defend themselves. Furthermore I may say that it is hard to besiege towns and places that are strong by nature: for there is no man that would counsel to besiege a Town that were placed so high that it could not be beaten with Ordnance, nor be approached upon any side to be assaulted, without being in danger of them within: as are many Castles upon rocks, which can neither be mined, for the hardness of the rocks whereupon they are situated, nor beaten because of their height. The towns that are situated in morie countries, or environed with sea, although they be not environed upon all sides, but upon some one part (so that the rest be good) or with some large and deep river, are likewise most strong: and before them, a General may lose his time, if it be not a great hap: forasmuch as it is not possible to approach them but at a marvelous disadvantage. Moreover, it willbe a great hap, if the besieged be not refreshed often, as well with victuals as with men, in the despite of the besiegers and they not knowing it, and such are most of the Towns in Flaunders: in Italy there are many, as Venice, Ferrare, Iscle Gayette, Tarente, and others. Concerning the other Towns which are of the number of the most strongest in what place soever they are situated, whether they be upon hills, or in plains, we must think that they have been fortified within this thirty years: for those which were before, may not be termed to be strong, sith the skill to rampare is come to light but sithence a short time. These than that have been rampared since that time, or in our time (which have been rampared by leisure, and not in haste) may be thought to be the most hardest to be conquered: before which there may be more lost then won. But where is this General that would stay before Padua, Teroenne, and Turin, and many other Towns situated in a plain, or before Veconnie, or Bess, and others which are situated high, except he would departed thence with great shame. I think in myself that there is no man that would lose his time so. But, not to spoke of Italy only we have also many towns upon the Frontiers and within the Realm which may well be compared with the above said. And as there is in Italy and France so there is in other places: and there willbe more ere it be long, sith every man is busied with ramparing and making strong towns, wherefore the conquest of a country from henceforth will be a most hard matter, I mean who so would plant himself before every strong town, and where there is no hill or high place near unto them, from which a man may look into the town, or beat some part of it: for than it might not be thought to be strong, except there were some remedy to be found against that annoyance. If the towns then against which a General doth pretend to proceed in arms, are provided with great number of people, or strong by nature, or artificially as are those I have spoken of, he is not to meddle to besiege any one of them, except it be far off: or when as he shall be advertised that any of them is ill furnished with victuals, or other provision: or that the use of the water might be taken from them, in such a cause he must not stay to plant a siege: for that one of these necessities may suffice to constrain the most strongest town in the world to render itself in short time, likewise if the Soldiers be il paid, or if they be a small number because that few consume in time: and that being ill paid they serve against their wills chiefly if they be strangers, who do nothing but for profit, and not for the maintenance of their proper quarrel. Moreover all towns are not so strong, nor so well provided that the manner of besieging before spoken of aught always be used nor that regard had, and when as the said General would besieege any town as strong as those before spoken of or any other of mean strength, whatsoever should happen unto him, the order that he ought to keep therein must be as here followeth. Let us suppose that he is in the field with his four Legions and their followers, going towards a place which he pretendeth to besiege: me think that his camp may march in that form that I have spoken of heretofore: to weet every Legion with their part of the Ordnance, and other carriages: the first Legion making the vanguard: the second and the third the battle: and the fourth the arriergard. The baggage appertaining unto the fourth Legion may follow the third or at the tail of the forth, so that there be some horsemen behind them and one band of the forlorn hope. When the army is upon the way, the Lieutenant General should send some trumpet before to summon them although it were a day or two before the army can arrive before the said town, and after that the town is summoned, when as the host is with in 3 or 4 miles of it, the said Lieutenant General shall send the Captain General of the horsemen before, & the marshal of the field with him, or some other express man of judgement, or go himself in person, if he give not credit enough to them: to view the town, & to consider of the situation and strength of it: and to see where it were best to place the camp. And to the intent that he that should have this charge might not be hindered by those of the Garrison to take a sufficient view, he must be accompanied with some such number of horsemen as might be thought to be strong enough to repulse those of the town, when as they should issue out.  
Moreover he must be furnished with so many bands of the forlone hope, as might be thought sufficient to secure the horsemen, and to maintain the skirmish until the Legions arrival: and for a need to enter into the town, if they saw a fit occasion, I mean if the Garrison were not very strong: and that these forerunners, were stronger than they. If so be that the town were situated in such a place, as it might be viewed at ease, without danger of the ordnance, it might be done so much the better: but if it were so situated that it might be approached by no means undiscovered, when they are come near the town with in Cannon shot, the general Chief that hath the charge must go on the one side, and must disperse his people some one way, & some an other, to retire unto them if he were pursued: he might likewise cause some of his troops (skattering themselves) to approach near unto the town walls: and he himself (with one or two at the most) might go about the town as near as he might with safety, to the intent to view and consider of the weakness, and strength of the town, as near as he might conjecture: & what part is easiest to be battered, where he might plant his ordaunce, and where the Camp should be made. Whilst this is a doing, it will be a great marvel if those of the town do not issue out upon his men, who so doing, it shall be necessary for the assaulters to meet them, and to charge them with such a fury, that they may drive them again in at their gates, if it were possible: or at the least beat them them well: and with how much more value they do execute this charge, so much the less hurt they shall receive of the ordnance in the town, for that the townsmen seeing them to be mingled pell-mell with their men, not knowing wheere to bestow a shot surely, shall be constrained to leave their shooting, fearing to hurt their own men assoon as their enemies. I saw the like by the Emperor his soldiers before Monople, when as the Marquis of Gwast came to view it, who charged them so whoatly, his men being so mingled amongst the light-horse of the town, that the ordnance nor harquebusieres with in the town, could not shoot without spoiling of their own men, yet the meddle was almost at the edge of the ditch. I say therefore that this first charge being handled as it ought to be, may work many great effects: as to dismay the townsmen at their first arrival, which is no small matter. For this assault will as much dismay them if so be that they be beaten at the first recounter, as it would embolden them if so be that they did resist the assaliants, or have the better hand of them. It is a thing of a marvelous consequence, to handle the skirmish at the first arrival with courage: for it will make those within the town to think that it would be impossible to resist a people of such valour, and thereupon will afterwards fear them in their hearts: for to say the truth, it is very strange if the vanquished do not fear him that hath once beaten him. Besides this, it may perhaps be an occasion of the taking of some of the chiefest of the town prisoners, or if it were but some of the simpliest sort, the estate of the town may be discovered by them: and if any of the chiefest were taken, the General should prove to corrupt them with money, and to win them unto him, and it might happen that the town would be yielded through his authority, or the affection that those within do bear unto him. And if it were so, that such an one were taken by whose means the town might be gotten, the General must help himself with him, either by love or force: by love; that is in promising him many fair things in recompense, if so be that he will yield the town over unto him. And if by that means he can do nothing with him, he may threaten him with death, & may advertise those within the town what he pretendeth to do, if so be that they will not yield to save his life, or that he himself do not his endeavour to avoid it: and the said General must cause the prisoner to be brought in the sight of the town, neither to near nor to far from it, & there make show to put him to death, to move the inhabitants with compassion, & to make them the more afraid. Likewise his person may be used for an instrument to approach to the gates to assault them, for hardly will those within shoot at him. Finally the furious handling of this first skirmish that I have spoken of, might be an occasion that the assaulters might be so mingled with the townsmen, that they might win the gates, & enter pell-mell with them: which is not so greatly to be marveled at, because of the press & troubles that happen in such like actions, which oft times do fall out so great, that those that are repulsed, have not leisure to re-enter their place in good order; but do retire who best can fastest: so that if these towns have not provided for this inconvenience before hand, except that they do shut their gates against their own people, & leave them at the mercy of the assaulters: it is to be thought, that if the said assaulters do pursue them pell-mell at their heels, that the town will be gotten at the instant, or at the lest those that are issued out will be taken prisoners. It is therefore a matter of no small importance, to proceed at the first in the manner before spoken of, sith it may cause the war so soon to be ended. The assaulters must have a special regard unto one thing if it should come so to pass, that they should enter into the town pell-mell with the defenders, that is to assure themselves of the gates, & to break them off from the hinges if it were possible, or to let them from shutting by laying great stones or timber in the way, & also to impeach the letting down of the pertcullis: for the townsmen may use a flight for a policy to entice the besiegers into the town, & when as they do see that there are as many entered as they can well master, they may let down the pertcullis & shut them in: therefore this must be taken heed of, & a good guard set to keep the gates, and others appointed to win the gate house, which being won must be kept as long as the townsmen do make resistance. The rest must follow the victory, who must execute it so diligently, that the garrison nor others may have leisure to range themselves in battle in the market place, or elsewhere: for it is not to be thought that there are any beforehand to defend those places, for at this day we make no such reckoning: for every man assoon as they do hear that an enemy is in sight, do run to the walls to behold them. I do not blame this diligence: but yet I do not find it good that Soldiers should abandon the place that they ought to keep, to run unto any other: nor that the market places in a town that is besieged, or that doth look for a siege, should be without men of war at any time, but should be always guarded with a good number: but these things have carried me a little from my matter. Wherefore to return again unto the Captain General of the Horsemen, who after that he hath viewed all things well: specially where the approaches may be best made, must sound a retreat & return again unto the General: and the marshal of the Camp must stay upon the place where the army should lodge that night, which may be within cannon shot or nearer if it may be free from the danger of the ordnance. As for the form of the Camp, I leave it unto the discretion of the Marshal, who must be ruled by the situation of the place, and the greatness of the town.  
Above all things he must have a care that the Legions do not lie so disjoint the one from the other, nor so placed but that they may easily secure one another. And if there were any river that should cause the army to lie divided, there must be a bridge made over it, for them to pass and repass the one unto the other, which bridge must be fortified at both ends. Moreover the army being lodged, dispersed, whether it be to keep the town the more subject, or to batter it in divers places, every part must be so well fortified & rampared, that their forts might not be entered, what endeavour or force the Townsmen or others might use. Likewise it were necessary, that every fort should have in it twice as much people as the garrison of the town, except the situation did help them greatly. One Legion may lodge alone, so that it were lodged in a strong place, although that the garrison of the town were as strong as it. And when as there are eight or ten thousand men of war in a town, two Legions might be lodged together: and keep the siege in two places, making a trench from the one to the other, placing certain small forts betwixt the two Camps, to hinder those of the Town from overrunning those that should pass too and fro betwixt them And as there must a care be had to defend the army from the town, so must the like care also be had of the hurt that it may receive of the country. And if so be that the legions do lodge several by themselves, their fort must have the form that I have given it in the first book, in lodging of one legion alone. And when as the Horsemen might not be lodged with them conveniently, or that the place were not large enough to lay out the quarters at length, the Marshal of the camp may take out the Horsemen and lay them further off from the Town, provided that he do lodge them in some strong place: for in truth the nature of Horsemen in the siege of a town, is to be lodged somewhat far off, for to resist the courses of their enemies coming from other towns and garrisons near. Concerning the alarms which the besieged may give, their footmen do issue forth & not their Horsemen, except that they have some gate free, or that the besiegers do lie far off. If the Horsemen do lodge a part, it shall be necessary that the Camp should be so much lessened as the room that the Horsemen did occupy, & whereas it should be square if they were all lodged together, and had place enough, it must be lodged as the situation & the siege will permit. And in this point only the Camp must be subject unto the situation, because that Towns are diversly placed, according unto whose situation, the besiegers must be lodged, and not after the manner that they would. That is here spoken of the disjoint, lodging, or dividing of the army, may be used at the General his pleasure. But for the first day of the army his arrival before the Town, the Camp may have the accustomed form: and afterward the night following, or when the General doth think it convenient, he may divide his people at his will: but as soon as the said General doth arrive with his army, he ought to send one that is a man well spoken to summon it, who in executing this charge, must seek by all means to have conference with the Chiefs as is before said: and the Town being summoned, the General the night following must cause the approaches to be made in as many places as he doth pretend to batter it, and give order what people should lodge on the one side of the Town, and what upon the other. Likewise what Chiefs should have the charges of the said sieges, and what quantity of Ordnance should be necessary in every part. I do not counsel him to plant all his Ordnance towards the Town, but to have a regard to place some of the smallest to beat the ways, specially if he do doubt to be assaulted toward the country. Neither would I counsel him to divide and disperse his Camp too much, if he did doubt any puissant enemy that were of sufficient strength to keep him waking from time to time. But it is before presupposed, that his enemies have no strength in the field, but only that there are certain obstinate Towns near, whose garrisons might make sudden courses, which to impeach, there may be divers bands of horsemen lodged in strong places near unto them, who might both convoy the victuallers in passing and repassing, and keep the way free from thieves, and other naughty people which do commonly follow a Camp to spoil comers and goers: but to return unto the siege. Before that the Ordnance should be brought near unto the Town, the Master of the same should be furnished with good store of Gabbions', causing them to be rolled by his Pioneers unto the place where the Ordnance should be placed. And this work should be put in practice when as the Moon shineth not, but when the nights are dark. Also the Ordnance must be brought unto the battery with as little noise as may be, to the intent not to be discovered unto those of the Town, who might shoot at them. And to colour their business the better, there may be a great noise made in the Camp with Drums, trumpets, and other things, whilst that the Carters do their endeavour. Part of the Forlorn hope must be placed hard unto the town-gates, who must lie flat upon their bellies, ready to receive those that might issue out: and part must occupy Spade and Pickaxe with the Pioneers, to bring the trenches as near unto the ditch side as they may, and fill those Gabbions with earth that are appointed to cover the Ordnance, and the places of the trenches that are subject unto the shot of the Town, which must be done with so great diligence, that the day do not surprise them before that they have made the said Trenches, and filled the Gabbions, for being uncovered, they will serve the defenders for a mark to shoot at: for my meaning is that the Forlorn hope should be appointed to guard the Trenches, and if they were not thought strong enough for those of the Garrison, the Soldiers that serve for the flanks may be put unto them. Which doing, the Forlorn hope, and those of the flanks of two Legions will make 3432. men, which is a sufficient number to resist a strong Garrison as I do think, and they may be augmented, or refreshed with the other bands, if it shall please the General to appoint them to be in the Trenches by turns, and this guard must be placed by the Ordnance for to defend it at all times. The same night that the General hath divided his army, he might make a proffer to assault it before that the Ordnance begin to batter, and if he would scale it with ladders, the ditches being full of water, which could not immediately be drawn dry, or filled, he must prepare Bridges expressly to pass the water; and lay Timber from the Bridges to the Gates of the Town. And if he would put this in execution, it must be done a little before day, or at midnight when as the defenders are most heaviest asleep: but being done in a dark night, the assaulters must have some token or cognisance amongst them, as some word, or garments of like colour. We do at this present use shirts drawn over our garments.  
If this counsel of assaulting do not like the General, the Master of the Ordnance must salute the Town in the dawning of the day with Cannon shot, and must hasten the battery as much as possibly he may, for there is no better way to have his will of those that are within the Town, if the wall be weak, then to continue the battery the first day with great diligence, until such time as the breach be of reasonable breadth, and although it be not of great breadth, so that the defences be taken away, it may be assaulted, without giving the defenders leisure to rampare, or to make any Trench against it whilst the battery doth continue, the stones and clods that fly from the breach hindering them from doing it. Moreover, they will be so dismayed with the sudden arrival of the army, and speedy handling of the battery (except that they be hardened, and accustomed to see a battery) that it will be very hard but they will be vanquished at the first assault.  
Further, at that instant that the assault is given, the Town may be scaled with ladders on every side, which will put the defenders in great fear to be lost, how little so ever any part is entered by their enemy, or abandoned by the defenders. Or there needeth but one amongst them to cry that their enemies are entered at some part for to astonish all the rest, and to cause them to quit the places that they ought to defend. The assaulters must use all their endeavour for to enter at the first assault, resolutely assuring themselves to do it to good purpose: for if so be that they should be resisted or repulsed, the defenders would be encouraged, and the assaulters discouraged, so that afterward there would be much ado to vanquish them, and to bring the besiegers again unto the assault, but greatly against their wills.  
If the General do think it good to defer the assault until that the breach be wide and large he may do it: but then those of the town having leisure, will fortify against him, so that it will be hard to enter, for that the inventions are so great that are used at this day in the defending of a town, that the first assaulters (except it be a great marvel) may account themselves to be spoiled and murdered, as soon as they do set forward to go to a breach, for that it is almost impossible that they should escape without death: yet notwithstanding the custom is to send foremost the most expertest and valiantest men of all the army, who serve for no other purpose but to receive upon their persons all the mischiefs that an enemy hath studied to invent, and prepared in long time before. Moreover, when as these first valiant men are slain, it is not seen that those that did follow them do long abide the place, or that they do any endeavour to revenge the death of their Chiefs, or to go forward, but are so scared with the loss of them, that they have neither heart nor will to do well, so that the best and first being lost, the rest will do nothing aught worth. I would confirm my sayings to be true by the assault that was given at the Castle of Hedin, in the King his presence, my Lord the Doulphine, and in the presence of the greatest part of the Princes and Lords of France, if I thought that many of those that were there, appointed for to assault, would not think evil of me, who ought to have been encouraged by the forwardness of many Lords, Captains, and other valiant men, which showed them the way to aboard their enemies: notwithstanding they were so scared with the slaughter of those that went foremost, that there was none of them afterward that would once stir afoot: indeed I would allege this for an authority, but that I should have ill will for it, and therefore I will hold my peace, for because that the County Danserne, Captain Harencourt his brother, and certain others, were slain and hurt like men of virtue, the rest would not fight, but retired quickly enough.  
The Turks do make a better account in preserving of their janissaries, and other valiant men in their armies, for their Asaspes are appointed first of all to assault, who are a certain kind of soldiers that are made little account of, and do serve but only to discover and endeavour all the inventions that defenders can devise: so that when as the said Asaspes are repulsed, the janissaries need to fear nothing but handstroakes, for that the murders, the trains, firepots, firepicks, poddings, faggots, and all other fireworks do make, have played their parts: besides the Galtrappes, tables with nails, and a thousand other mischiefs, are covered with slain and maimed men before that they do come unto the breach, and their trenches are covered over head, so that they do but only fight against men, and are so good men that there can be no better, wherefore it is almost impossible that the defenders should resist them. If the King in these like cases would be served with those that are in prisons, and have deserved death, causing them to be safely kept in following the army, and hazard them at the first point of the assaults that might be given, dividing them so that they might serve for many times, he should not lose so many good men as he doth, and by that means it would be a hard matter to repulse his men at any time as they are repulsed: for the said prisoners should be the first that should abide the mischief that the defenders had prepared: which prisoners should do nothing but carry boards, planks, and make bridges over the ditches, and return, and then the soldiers being always at their heels in a readiness, might enter, and by that means they should be free of the danger which the first assaulters are subject unto, for that the defenders will have spewed out all their venom upon them first, so that there is nothing to be doubted before the coming to handstroakes, but certain harquebus shot. And to the intent that these condemned prisoners should the more willingly adventure themselves unto this manifest death, all those must be promised to be pardoned that do their endeavours well, who should by and by be quitted of all their offence. Besides, if any of them were hurt, the Marshal of the Camp should cause them to be provided for. Who so should demand to know what bands the General should use in these assaults, whether it should be to enter a breach, or to scale a bulwark, or wall: I would answer, that although this question touch the ordinary bands of the Legions, yet he ought first of all to appoint certain troops of Pikemen of the Forlorn hope, and as many of those of the flanks. As for the arquebusiers, they must be in the trenches, all alongst the edge of the ditch, to shoot at the defenders when as they do show themselves. Let us suppose that there is but one breach. When the General hath caused all things to be done, and is ready to assault, the Princes and Triaries of the first and second Legion should be mingled together, and ranged in one square Battailon of 50. ranks, every rank having 85. men: and the Princes and Triaries of the third and fourth Legion should be ranged together in like manner, and in some place very near unto the town, and not subject unto the Ordnance: and if the place be not covered enough from the said Ordnance, they must lie down upon the ground on their bellies, attending in that order until that the General be ready to use them. As for the Hastaries, they must be divided into four troops, and must take off those pieces off from their harness, that might hinder them from mounting lightly and nimbly at a breach: and when as the Trumpets and Drums do sound to assault, the Hastaries of the four Legions must assault one after another, the fourth Legion first, and the Forlorn hope of the fourth Legion must scale it with ladders: and if that they were not a number great enough, the Forlorn hope of the third Legion should be at hand to help them. The Hastaries might have their choice to use their Pikes or their Targets. If they did make choice of the Pike, they might throw down their Targets in the breach to fill it, to save their feet from Galtrappes and such like. If their Targets did like them best, they might make a bridge with their Pikes if need were: and must fight valiantly as long as they may stand: and if they were victorious they should enter the Town, and if the Hastaries of the fourth Legion were not enough, the Hastaries of the third Legion should follow them when as the General did make sign, and after them the Hastaries of the other Legions. Those which do enter first, and those of the third Legion, must execute the victory, and the rest must go directly unto the Market places, and unto the other great places within the Town, and range themselves in Battle in them, to keep them until such time as there were no more resistance made. The Princes and Triaries must not stir from their places, except that they were commanded. But if so be that the aforesaid Hastaries who first assaulted should be repulsed, it toucheth them of the third Legion to assault after them, and then those of the second, and those of the first after them. And if so be that all these Hastaries should be repulsed, the Princes must assault after them, every Legion in his turn, beginning with the fourth, and ending with the first. And if the Princes could do nothing, the Triaries must have their turns one after another: and by this means the defenders should be troubled with one assault upon another, and not have leisure to take breath: and in so doing, I do not blame the defenders if they can not withstand twelve assaults, one being given presently after another, by good soldiers and fresh men, specially in the presence of the General of the army, the Captain General of the footmen, and the Colonels who being near assistants, will judge of every man's valour. As for the sending of the horsemen when all these have failed, I know not what to say, but the proof will cost nothing. Which said horsemen upon the days of batteries and assaults, aught to guard that side of the Camp next the Country, to withstand the inconvenience that might happen on that side, specially if there were any enemies near, who might assault any quarter of the Camp to hinder the assault of the Town, at which time also the Camp might be troubled to make resistance unto those of the Town, who might sally out at the same instant.  
I have said before, that the General should appoint the Princes and Triaries of two Legions to be ranged in one whole Batailion together, and those of the other two together, as near unto the town as they might, to be employed when it should be needful, who should serve for no other purpose, but to make resistance unto those of the town if so be that they did sally forth whilst the assault did continue: and when as the General should take the Princes from one of his batallions to send them unto the assault, it is meet that the Hastaries should be put in their places, and by this means the batallions might be reinforced, and not diminished. I must not here forget a policy that was used before Golette in Barbary, by the Emperor his Gunners, at that instant that the Christians were ready to give the assault: that was for to deceive the Turks and moors that were within, and to make them to believe that the assaulters did continue in their trenches (for it is a general rule that the battery must cease when the assaulters are near the breach) the said Gunners continued their shooting, until such time as the said Christians had aborded them in their fort: and because the Ordnance should do no hurt amongst their men, they did put in wadds of hay instead of shot: wherein the infidels were deceived, for that they attended upon the Ordnance which ceased not: wherefore when as they saw the Christians at handstroakes with them, before that they did look for them, it did dismay and trouble them, and caused them to break. In that manner before spoken of may the Legions be divided for to go unto the assault, the first day that the Ordnance doth beat, or at any other time: and if the General do know any great difficulty to win it by battery only, he may put the mine in practice also, if it may be mined: which mine may be used to enter into the town withal, and piersed through: or may be used to overthrow the walls and other defences through the violence of the powder that must be put into it, which powder must not be fired, before the General see his time convenient to give order to assault it. The General should also inquire, and cause it to be diligently searched, if there were no vault, or watercourse that issued into the ditches, for they might be very necessary helps to get a Town by. Naples was taken by Bellisarius, in the year 538. by means of a conduct of water. It was likewise taken in the self-same place by King Remus in the year 1463. Monople was taken by the Marquis of Guast, by means of an old cave that lay buried under ground. Moreover, it would not be amiss to offer many skirmishes, and to seek by all means possible to draw the defenders out of their fort, to the intent to diminish and waste their people. And if it were so that the plague were in the country, there might be commandment given to recover some of the garments or other things that the infected did use, or the persons infected might be brought, so that there were heed taken for bringing the infection amongst his men in stead of sending it amongst others. And having recovered these things, or the persons infected, they should be laid in such places whereas they might fall into his enemy's hands, that by that means they might have the infection to come amongst them. This means used the Lord Rance against us to infect our Camp, when he was in Cremone. Furthermore, if the General did hope to vanquish them by famine, he ought to have a care that no victual should enter. If the town he besieged were situated near the Sea, it were necessary that he should be master of the Sea: or else it will be victualled and refreshed of all things in despite of him. And if it have any great river near, he must keep good watch that no victual do enter by it: and not only for boats, but for all other things that the water may drive alongst. For the Romans maintained many days the garrison of Casselin, by means of barrels full of corn and nuts which they cast into the river that passed by their walls, which were afterwards taken up by those of the town, Hannibal not knowing of it in long time. There are means also to be used for the famishing of a town, which do well serve in this place. Fabius Maximus destroyed all the corn of the Campenois, insomuch that there was nothing gathered in all the whole summer season: and when the seed time came, he went far of and forsook them, because that he would not hinder them from sowing again: hoping that they would unfurnish themselves of a great part of their grain, which they did: whereupon the said Fabius returned again afterwards & destroyed all that was grown upon the ground: who finding themselves unfurnished of victuals, were constrained to yield unto his mercy. After that he conquered many other towns, and desiring that a town called Rhege, sometimes situated in Calabria, and now destroyed, feigned himself to be a friend unto the towns men: and under colour of friendship he required victuals for to maintain his army, which being granted unto him for his money, he lived a certain time with their victuals: and afterwards, when he knew that their victuals went low, he then declared himself to be their enemy, and overcame them.  
By this means Alexander would have taken Leucadie, which abounded with all things: who before he approached unto it, taking all the towns and strong places round about it, suffered the garrisons of the said places and all others to retire unto Leucadie, to the intent that the great multitude of people that retired thither should famish the town the sooner. Phalaris having had wars with certain knights of Sicil, feigning afterwards to be friends with them, gave them certain corn of his to keep, which was (as he said) remaining: which corn he put into certain Garners within their town, causing secret holes to be made in the roofs of the said Garners, whereby the rain running into the corn might corrupt it: upon the trust of which corn, the inhabitants sold their own corn so much the better cheap: but being besieged the year following, finding the corn that the said Phalaris had given them to keep to be corrupted, & their own spent, he forced them to do what he would.  
With these policies the aforesaid General might help himself, if they might fall out for his purpose: and on the other part if he would make the besieged believe that he would not stir from before their town until he had his pretence; he might imitate the examples following: as Clearchus the Lacedaemonian, who being advertised that the Thracians were retired unto the mountains, having carried with them all things necessary for their sustentation, and that they hoped to be delivered from him by means of the famine which would constrain him to go his ways: he commanded that at the coming of certain Ambassadors unto him in the behalf of the Thracians, that some one of his Thracian prisoners should be publicly slain, and that afterward he should be cut in small pieces: which being done, he sent these pieces into divers quarters of his Camp in the sight of the said Ambassadors, making show that it was the victual wherewith he fed his Camp: which inhumanity being reported unto the said Thracians, made them so afraid, that they yielded sooner than they would have done, imagining that the said Clearchus sought by all means possible to keep himself long time in the country, seeing that he fed his men with so execrable a meat.  
Tiberius' Gracchus having wars with the Portugals, besieging a certain town of theirs, which vaunted that they were sufficiently victualled for ten years: he answered them, that he would have them the eleventh year; wherewith they were so dismayed, that they came to composition with him immediately. An enemy may also be persuaded that a siege should continue long, by building of houses, and lodgings, which may hold out winter and summer, and by making of great provision of victuals, and building of mills and Ovens, to grind corn and bake bread. The General must seek by all means possible to make the besieged afraid, and help himself with all the subtleties that might serve his turn: specially with the same that Philip used against a Castle which he could not take by force, who caused a great quantity of earth to be brought unto the edge of their ditch by night, making show that he mined: for which cause those of the Garrison fearing that their place would be pierced through in short time by the mine, yielded themselves incontinent. Pelopidas besieging two towns that stood near together; being before the one, commanded secretly that four of his knights should come unto him, out of the other siege with the greatest joy that they might possible, and crowned as it was the manner of those that did bring any good news: and had given order that a wood that was betwixt both the towns should be set on fire, to the intent to make them believe that it was their neighbour's town that burned. And moreover, he caused certain of his own men to be appareled and led like prisoners near unto the town side that he besieged: wherefore the inhabitants thinking that the other aforesaid town was taken, doubting that the like misery would happen unto them, if they did not yield, gave themselves over incontinent unto Pelopidas: who knew that the other would do no less when as it saw itself to be left alone.  
A General may likewise cause a town to be assaulted on that side that it doth least doubt an assault: beginning first to assault it on that part that they do keep greatest watch. He might alsso practise to entice them into the field, if that there were no other way to vanquish them: and do as many good Chiefs have done in times past: amongst whom Lucius Scipio in Sardaigne, having besieged a most strong town, appointed at a certain time during the assiege, that his men should make show to mutin, and to be in arms one against another, for which mutins sake he feigned suddenly to fly and all his in disorder: which being perceived by the towns men, they issued out at their heels with a great power, and went so far after them from their town, that a certain ambush which the said Scipio had laid near unto the town, had time enough to assault and take it, for that there was not one soul that did defend itself.  
Hannibal being before a great town, placed a good number of his Soldiers in ambush near unto the said town, and having enticed the citizens out with a skirmish, making show that he was not in safety for them in his Camp, he abandoned it, suffering them to take it: the towns men thinking that all was won, seized upon his Camp, besides those that were left within issued out both great and small, thinking to have their part of the pillage: but when as they thought that they had won all, they lost all: because that those that were in the ambush thrust themselves into their town and took it easily, for that there was no body in it to defend it.  
Himilco likewise placed an ambush by night near unto a town which he besieged called Agrigentum, commanding them that when as he had enticed the towns men out, & drawn them far of, that they should set certain wood and other things on fire, and issue out of their ambush: and when the day came, he offered them of the town skirmish, who issuing out upon him, chased him far of, for he would have it to be so. Whereupon the ambush put fire unto the wood, the smoke whereof was so great, that the Agregentins thinking that it was their town that was set on fire by some mishap, returned to save their town who best might fastest: whereupon the ambush presenting themselves before them, and Himilco following them near, they got the towns men betwixt them, and overthrew them.  
The Children of Israel used once this policy against the line of Benjamin. To make short, if all these subtleties can bring forth no fruit, the General may assay to overcome them by making show to leave them quite, removing his host: for in so doing, perhaps the towns men will think themselves so sure, that they will keep but little watch or none at all: whereupon the said General may return with all speed to assault them, travailing as much ground in one night as he did before in four days. I had forgotten to tell, that in pretending to besiege one town, a General may make show to besiege another: to the intent that the town that doth doubt nothing, might unfurnish itself of garrison for to help the other: whereupon that may be left which is furnished, & the other besieged that is unarmed: as the Lord of Lautrec did when as he approached near unto Milan, who feigned that he cared not for Pavia, (although it was the town that he sought) for after that he was advertised that the County of Belleioyense had sent part of his people unto the succour of Milan, and thereby to have disarmed Pavia which he ought to have better furnished and armed: the said Lord of Lautrec placed his siege before Pavia, & took it easy enough. But for to get out of this matter, leaving all these subtleties a part, I say that a Lieutenant General ought never to keep the field, nor an assiege so long as winter lasteth: for it will be a great change if it do not happen ill in the end: for that a winter siege wasteth, and consumeth an army; whereas those within a town are well lodged, and do take no more care than they need. Moreover, the besiegers are at the mercy of the cold, snows, rains, and a thousand other persecutions: so that there needeth no other enemy but the wether itself to overthrow them, if the siege do continue any time: beside, in winter victuals can hardly be brought unto a Camp for the difficulty of the ways, & waters, if so be it should come by land: and if it should come by sea, the tempests and outrages which are more common in the winter then at any other time, would hinder the bringing of it: so that we must conclude, that all things necessary for the maintenance of a siege, will then fall out ill for the besiegers. Winter therefore is a most dangerous season for those that do keep the Camp, and of most advantage for those that are besieged: so that if they be strong, and can tarry for a time convenient, they may raise the siege and overthrow all, or at the least give the besiegers some scourges. Also the Garrisons of the other towns and forts that are in the country may be in short time assembled, to charge the said Camp, of whom (in mine opinion) they might have as good a market as they would wish: forasmuch as the said Garrisons are fresh and rested men, and the others are pined and half dead with famine. The like may happen unto those that do keep the field, or do march from place to place in an enemy his country in the winter: for that ill wether will consume them in short time, if so be that they lodge without doors: and for to lodge them covered, they shall be forced to separate themselves in villages here and there: and being assaulted when as they are so lodged, they may be overthrown easily. In fine, the best way for a General is to retire his men into towns, when as winter doth come, and to go into the field about the last of March, and to keep the field until the last of October: & the countries might be such where the wars should be made, that the months of july and August would be as much to be feared, by reason of the extreme heat that it doth make in some regions, as the most coldest winter that might be: for these two extremities are not to be endured: for either of them may be causes of many great sicknesses and evils, who so doth not provide for it. Wherefore, the General must have a care to end his wars before winter. And being constrained to keep his army in the field in a very hot country, he must always plant his Camp in such places, where it might be covered with trees, and watered with springs, to refresh his Soldiers. And moreover, lodge them housed, if it were possible, to keep them from the heat. But this matter hath lasted long enough, specially for that men's wits at these days are so quick, that they do provide of themselves for all things that are necessary in such like cases. I do but only say, that if the General do get a town by composition, that he ought to keep all the articles that have been agreed upon betwixt him & those of the town from point to point: for in doing otherwise, he should never find town or man that would give him credit, or trust his promise afterward, but they would do all that they could imagine before that they would fall into his hands. As I do say he ought to keep his promise unto those of a town that doth yield: so mean I that he should keep it unto all others after that he hath once passed his word, using towards all those that he doth conquer, as great lenity and meekness as he may possible, and above all things to eschew cruelty: because that the true office of a conqueror is to pardon and to have pity upon the conquered: yet reason would that this pardoning should be done with advise, lest he do give them an occasion to begin the wars again at their own appetites. For oftentimes the clemency of Captain generals of hosts is so great, that they do pardon all those whom they do conquer, and all those that have offended: which facility in pardoning, doth cause them ofttimes to commit new offences: for that they do look to be received whensoever they should yield.  
In such cases me think there ought a mean to be used, & sometimes some one ought to be chastened, to make others to be afraid: specially those which do revolt without cause. I do say moreover, that they ought likewise to be chastened that are so fool hardy, that they dare defend a place which is not defenceable (and but a dove house) hoping to be received unto mercy at all times: causing upon this hope a great quantity of provision to be spent, and an army to spend time for a thing of no value. I say that such aught to be used somewhat rigorously, & so we do reasonably well at this day: for their least punishment is to be married unto the Galleys for ever: yet some do use it more graciously than others, of whom the County of tend is one, who might have used prisoners more rigorously than he did: but it is not said that faults should be always punished according unto their deserts: specially if he that hath failed be otherwise a man of virtue: nor likewise that great hearts should not show their greatness many ways, specially to pardon a fault that toucheth them particularly: as the said County did the offence of a certain Captain, which he took in one of his fortresses in Piedmont, whom he used always so courteously, that the remembrance of that clemency ought not to be forgotten: and for that cause I have inferred it in this place. But the cruelty that a Lieutenant General ought to fly, is after the winning of a battle, or after the taking of a town by force. For what can be more disagreeing from man his nature, then after the treading of an enemy his Ensigns under feet, sacking their Camp, dispersing them, in putting them to fight, and cutting their battles in pieces in the fury, to slay them in a cold mood that were not slain in the battle: or after that a breach is forced, and those slain that stood in the defence of their town, then to kill all those that do yield? and the poor inhabitants both old and young, notwithstanding that they are disarmed and innocent? And moreover, to suffer wives and maidens to be ravished, and sometimes slain, their Churches pillaged, and their sacred things converted into vild uses? In truth it is more than cruelty. The General therefore aught to have a great care of those disorders, forbidding his people to exercise the like cruelties, but only while the battle continueth, and there should be those amongst them that should forbid it. Moreover, if he would that the people of a town should make the less resistance, after that they are forced to quite a breach, & not constrain them to fight and to sell their lives dear, as people out of hope for want of a place to retire unto: he should cause one of the town gates to be set open to give them passage, and proclamation to be made that his Soldiers should not charge them that did not resist, nor hurt those that laid down their arms. For to be brief, if a General will be well spoken of both by his friends and his enemies, and be beloved of all men; he must after a victory cause the hurt men of both parts to be provided for as carefully, as if they were his mere kinsmen. Furthermore it is requisite that he should recompense his men, that did their endeavours well: or at the least that he should commend them publicly, and advertise the king of their virtue, attributing unto every man his deserts: and not unto himself as many do, that speaking nothing of that their Soldiers have done, but give the praise unto themselves. And finally he must use himself so towards all men, that it might not be thought that he made war, to the intent to kill and to murder his enemies: nor to ravish their goods, and to appropriate unto himself the honour due unto other men: but only to get a good name, and to do his Prince service. I might speak many things more of a conqueror, for I have a large argument, but that is spoken shall suffice: and therefore I will take another matter in hand, which is no less requisite in an host than any other may be, of which I must make a great discourse: to wit, of the justice that ought to reign and to be exercised in a Camp, I mean the laws that men of war ought to keep, if they do intend to do their duties, and to deserve the name of good and true Soldiers.   

How Soldiers ought to govern themselves according unto the laws of the wars: with the chiefest laws, and the manner of proceeding in judgement against an offender  
The 3. Chapter.  
SO far hath been proceeded in this matter in the chapters before going, that the four legions which I have taken upon me to conduct, have wholly vanquished their enemies: and by consequence they do continue masters of town and country: wherefore they now do want nothing else but to know how to keep that they have won, which is no small thing: for being well understood, there is more difficulty to keep things conquered then to get them. And therefore I do say that although the General have beaten his enemies in the field, and have all the towns, and strong places of the country in his possessions, yet there is nothing done except he do seek to keep surely those things that he hath conquered: specially the towns taken by force of arms: who in my judgement will always have an eye upon those that have endamaged them: and a desire to be revenges of outrages that have been done unto them, how long so ever that they do tarry. And therefore it is impossible to keep so good a watch ordinarily, having to do with a people so desirous to revenge, but that in time the watch may be surprised. To withstand this danger mine opinion is, that after the taking of a town by an assault, which cannot be done without great mischiefs, that the inhabitants should avoid the town wholly, and go seek some other place to inhabit in far off. And who so would separate them sending part one way, and part another, should do wisely, and the first inhabitants being voided, the towns should be replenished with Frenchmen, assigning unto them their houses and possessions. By this means the king should be assured of the town: beside if he would place part of his Soldiers in it, he might richly reward them with the goods and lands of his enemies. One the other part the towns would not be so apt to rebel, and ready to stand in arms against us as they are, fearing to be dealt withal as is aforesaid, whereas they do now make no difficulty, seeing that rebels and recusants (although that they be conquered) are not constrained to change place nor habitations. When as the Romans in times past did take any town by force, they used costomarilye to take out all the old inhabitants, and to replenish it with a certain number of other Citizens: and sometimes with one of their Legions: which town being so peopled, was called a Roman Colony: and served the City of Rome for a most strong Bulwark, and faithful Garrison against their enemies: in which doing they did assure their estate more and more, and enlarged their Empire by little and little. So likewise might the King do if the towns that were taken by force of arms, were made French Colonies: & that the first inhabitants dispersed here & there within his realm, I mean if he would handle them so gently, & had not rather to have them far off then near. We read concerning this matter that the Children of Israel used their Conquests much more rigorously: for in all the land of Canaan they never did take one to mercy: but slew them all small & great: I believe that they did it partly to obey the will of God, who had so commanded them, & partly to assure their own state the better, & not to stand always in doubt as they should have done, if they had suffered their enemies to have lived mingled amongst them. Edward the King of England having taken the town of Calais (not by assault, but by composition) after that he had besieged it eleven months, drove away utterly the people that he found in it, and replenished it wholly with Englishmen hoping to assure himself of the town, better than if the first inhabitants had continued in it: because of the affection he knew that they would always have carried unto the Frenchmen, and that either first or last they would have proved to have returned unto their first Prince, and have thrust out their second: as in truth it was to be feared. If we will be warned by those examples that do happen every day, and that have happened in such like cases within this Realm and else where they would make us to be wise & well advised, and keep us in time to come from falling into those inconveniences, which the Princes do fall into: that do not regard to people the towns which they do win by force with their own natural subjects, driving away the vanquished: which in mine opinion is the chiefest remedy to withstand the malice of an enemy, and the treasons that the vanquished might practise against their new Lords. The General may also find other remidies to be assured of a country or town newly conquered: which is by putting Garrisons into the foretresses which are in them, or which he may cause to be new built in places most fit to keep the country in obedience. He may likewise assure himself of a place, by seizing upon the principal personages of the country, or those that have the greatest credit within the Towns, and keep them for Hostages in some sure place. And although that these are good means to keep people of a Province in subjection: yet the first, to weet the making of French Colonies is much better: specially if we had conquered them by force as is a foresaid: or that they were weary to be our subjects, as the Italians are within ten days after that they are conquered: for than they will practise nothing so much as to be revenged, or to hunt us out from amongst them: and there are no hostages that will serve the turn: for after that a people do suffer their own desires to surmount them, and do discover their courage: there is nothing in this world that can appease them, but only force: wherefore we are constrained to keep always strong Garrisons amongst them, and by that means are put unto a marvelous charge. As for the towns which do give themselves unto a Prince of their own fréewills, or those that do yield before that any force be done unto them, they will not be so hard to be kept, as if they had been taken with violence: so that there were no other to be doubted than they themselves, I would not greatly care for to give them any garrison. But if there were any fortress or castle in such a town, I do not say but that we should seize upon it, and furnish it with people and all things necessary, or else raze it utterly. But if there were none before, I would cause none to be builded afterwards: but would do mine endeavour to win the hearts of the inhabitants, and to keep them in subjection more by benevolence then by constraint: having a regard not to hurt them either in body or goods without great cause. Above all things the General must abstain from taking of other men's goods: for that men do sooner forget the deaths of their parents, than the loss of their patrimony: and furthermore he ought to be abstinent & chaste, having a regard not to defile any man's wife or daughter, either by love or force: for there is no crime that doth so much offend the hearts of the people, as to see their wives seduced or forced: and contrarily no greater mean to win their hearts, then to use chastity and justice towards every man, imitating Scipio the chaste, and Caesar the just, who obtained with more ease the dominions (the one of Spain, & the other of France, through two examples which they did show of their virtue) then by any great force that they did use. For Scipio although that he was young, & a gallant man, yet he restored a Gentlewoman of most excellent beauty, unto her father & husband, without ransom: and as he quitted her freely so he restored her unto her friends as entirely in her honour, as she was at the time of her taking: which act did profit him more than all his force.  
Caesar being in France paid for the wood that he had caused to be cut for to fortify his host withal: wherein he got such a reputation to be just, that it made his enterprises to be achieved with the more ease. I say therefore that a General that is chaste and just, shall win the hearts of a people more thereby, then by any other means that he may use. Wheerefore if I were in his place, I would have as great a care as might be possible, neither to do them wrong in goods or reputation: and as I would refrain myself from doing wrong, so would I also that my Soldiers should use themselves well, and that they should so behave themselves, and live amongst others, as they would live amongst themselves, or amongst their most special friends. And this were easy enough to be done, if that they had been taught to live well before, and that justice had been exercised in the host. But forasmuch as there is nothing so hard to be done, as that which a man hath not been exercised in (as appeareth by our Soldiers, who knows not at what end to begin to do well, until such time as they are constrained to refrain themselves from doing evil) if our Lieutenant General will have his Soldiers to be such as is requisite that they should be for to exercise the art of the wars as it ought to be exercised, and to behave themselves in time of peace like honest men, he must begin betimes to govern them according unto the military laws of the wars, to the intent that force may be changed into custom, and the custom of well doing may be converted into nature: and by that means how nought and corrupt soever the Soldiers are at the beginning, by use they might become honest men.  
I take all those for Military laws, which do command men to live honestly upon pain of death: that no man should be endamaged without the General his leave, that the king might be humbly served: and that the faction of the wars should be exercised as duty would, in sum, that the Chief under whose charge they swear to serve, and of whom they are waged should be obeyed in all things: which points are so general and do comprehend in them so many others, that it is convenient to specify them particularly, principally those that do condemn unto death. As for the other laws that do not extend unto the taking away of life, I do refer them unto the discretion of the Provost, and unto others that have power and charge to punish them that do not observe them. As for the chiefest laws, they are these that follow.  
FIrst of all, whosoever shall practise or commit treason against the king, in what manner so ever it be, or who so shall counsel or favour and aid his enemies.  
Item, whosoever shall have conference with his enemies, without leave of the Captain General, or of one of the principal Chiefs.  
Whosoever shall reveal the secrets of the Counsel, be it unto the king his enemies, or unto his own proper friends: specially if any hurt might proceed of the discovery.  
Whosoever shall send lettets or message unto his enemies, without leave of the Lieutenant General.  
Whosoever doth not immediately advertise his superior, of all that he doth know concerning the king his honour and profit, or his damage.  
Whosoever doth run away, and go towards his enemies, or who so is taken in his departing.  
Whosoever doth break the truce or peace, not having express charge to do it, by those unto whom it doth appertain.  
Whosoever being taken prisoner by his enemies, doth not seek to escape as often as he may, except he hath given his promise not to departed without leave.  
Whosoever shall yield up a place into his enemy's hands, except that he should be too much constrained to do it, & that in truth it were like, that a very good man would have done as much.  
Whosoever doth lay hands upon his superior, or his Provost, or upon any officer to do them hurt.  
Whosoever doth lay hands upon any of the Chiefs, members, or officers, of any legion or band whatsoever it be▪ specially if it be at that time that the said Chiefs and Officers do exercise their offices, or at any other time except that the said Chiefs would do them wrong, and beat them without a good occasion, or put them in danger of their lives.  
Whosoever doth kill his Soldier for his own pleasure, the said Soldiers not deserving to be ill used.  
Whosoever shall disobey the cries that the Drums and Trumpets shall make: specially if the said cries be made upon pain of the heart, or upon pain of death.  
Whosoever shall practise to make any mutiny.  
Whosoever shall kill any man except it be in the defence of his own person.  
Whosoever shall ravish any woman.  
Whosoever shall take any thing in the Church, whether it be sacred or profane, but with the licence of the General.  
Whosoever shall cause himself to be enrolled in two bands at once.  
Whosoever shall pass twice in one muster.  
Whosoever shall go out of any band without leave of his Colonel, who also shall have no authority to give leave unto any man except it be to be absent for a certain time, and afterward the party licenced, is bound to return again within his time: for the Lieutenant General only hath this authority. soldiers ought likewise to be forbidden from running from one band unto another, and the Captains from receiving or harbowring of them, upon great peril unto them both.  
Whosoever shall fail to follow his Ensign, or not be found in any other place that he is commanded.  
Whosoever shall abandon his Ensign without leave, or leave the place that he ought to keep being ranked in battle.  
Whosoever shall fail to be at the watch when he is commanded, and who so shall forsake his watch.  
Whosoever shall reveal the watcheworde unto his enemies, or unto any other that any damage might ensue unto the Host.  
Whosoever shall be found sleeping, either in Skoute or in Sentenell.  
Whosoever shall abandon the place that he ought to keep, being placed in it by the Sergeant of the band or other officer, whether it be in watch, scout, or other place, except that he that hath placed him there, do take him away, or some other whom he knoweth well hath charge to do it.  
Whosoever shall be absent under colour of spy, or being in Skoute without the Camp, or be not found in a readiness when as an enemy doth assail the host.  
Whosoever having charge to Skoute without or within the Camp, doth so evil his endeavour, that the enemy doth assault the said Camp suddenly, and surprise it.  
Whosoever is appointed to defend a breach, trench, or passage, and doth abandon it wholly, although that he be forced by his enemy,  
Whosoever entering into a town taken by force shall stay to sack and not follow his Ensign unto what place soever it doth go, not forsaking it, until that proclamation be made by the General his Trumpet, that every man shall make his prea: and if so be that no proclamation were made, than every man must refrain from sacking upon the same pain.  
Whosoever shall not do his endeavour to recover his Ensign if it happen to fall into the enemy his hands, and when as it cannot be recovered, then must be some rigour used against the Soldiers that have suffered it to be lost.  
Whosoever flieth being ranged in battle, or doth march too slowly, in the giving of an assault, or doth play the coward in what manner soever it be.  
Whosoever feigneth to be sick, when as he should fight with his enemies, or go unto any service.  
Whosoever shall see his superior in the danger of his enemies, and not do all his endeavour to secure him immediately.  
Whosoever shall take any thing from a victualler or other that do bring any provision unto the Campe.  
Whosoever shall take any thing from those that are the king his friends, or who so shall steal any thing from his soldiers, specially their arms and horses,  
Whosoever shall misuze the people of the country where the war is made, either in body or goods, except that they be declared rebels to the king.  
Whosoever shallbe found unfurnished of the harness and arms, for which he is inrouled: specially if he had lost them in play or in flying, or else where through his own negligence.  
In like manner must those horsemen be handled, which do play away their horses, or suffer them to be spoiled through their own negligence, for not keeping them as they should do.  
Whosoever shall go out of the quarter of his Legion above an hundred paces without leave of one of his superiors.  
Whosoever should receive a stranger or a suspected person in to his lodging, or any other except he be of the same legion without showing him first unto his Superior, and ask leave to lodge him.  
Whosoever doth quarrel with any man in his watch, ambush, or in any other place, where silence ought to be kept.  
Whosoever shall first begin to do any man injury, either in word or deed, because that of injuries quarrels do rise, and of quarrels proceed many disorders in a Campe.  
Whosoever shall run unto a fray, with any other weapon then with his Sword, except he be a Chief, or have some office in the host.  
Whosoever shall go about to revenge any injury done unto him, whether it were done unto him at that instant, or long before, by any other means then by justice: it is not said, that he may not require the Combat, body for body, if so be that the controversy cannot be mitigated by any other means, which point is reserved unto the lieutenant General his authority.  
Whosoever shall strike stroke at his adversary, either in heat or otherwise, if a third do cry hold, to the intent to part them: except that they did fight a Combat in a place enclosed: and then no man shallbe so hardy to bid hold, but the General.  
Whosoever should carry away money that another hath truly won, or doth take his last hand, except it be with the good will of him that hath won, but to do well, and to avoid the manifold inconveniences that do proceed of play, it ought to be forbidden altogether.  
Whosoever should use cozenage or false play, after what manner soever it were, whereby any man should be deceived.  
Whosoever shall run before the battles whether it be to be first lodged, or for any other intent, or whosoever shall straggle from the hands, whilst that they do march.  
Whosoever should ransom his host, or other person, not being lawful prisoner, & being lawful prisoner, do take more than the conditions which are agreed upon betwixt the chiefs of the two hosts do allow; if so be that there be any conditions made betwixt them, and if there be none the ransom must be as favourable as may be possible, because that the like may happen unto us.  
Whosoever should enter into a Camp, or other place of war at any other place then at the gates accustomed to go in and out at: for going in & out at any other place, is a capital crime.  
Whosoever should not retire when the Trumpet one his side doth sound the retreat, whether it be in issuing out of a town, in skirmishing, or in other fight.  
Whosoever should speak loud, or make great noise whilst the army i● in battle, or in other place where as they ought to keep silence, except they be Chifes and officers.  
Whosoever should pass one whole day without exercising of his arms in some part of the same, except he were otherwise employed in the king's service.  
Whosoever shall do any thing that may be prejudicial unto the king his service, or damageable unto his friends, in what manner soever it should be.  
And finally, whosoever should despite God, and blaspheme him after the manner that they do at this day.  
I would also willingly put in those that do swear, & take his name in vain, & do cut of his arms, & head if I thought it would be received amongst us. I would likewise make mention of false witnesses, Sodomites, and those that have an ill opinion of our christian faith: if these crimes were not so greatly privileged as they are, and that there is no man but he doth know well, that they ought not to be supported, nor many other offences which I do leave for brevity. I would have all these laws to be written in certain tables, and to be hanged in the entrances of all the Colonel's tents: to the intent that the Soldiers might always see the orders, that they ought to keep in camp, and in following the wars upon pain of death, which pain shall be measured according unto the crime. For I do mean that the one shallbe more grievously punished then the other, having regard unto the shame which is or may proceed of the offence: and who so would, that his soldiers should not excuse themselves with ignorance in this matter, as to say that they knew not, that this or that was forbidden, or commanded, must cause these laws to be published through his host once every month, and also cause them to be read publicly in the presence of the legions, as often as they do pass muster. They must also be taught them before that the Legions do assemble, and likewise when as the army is assembled. For the first thing that a general aught to do, is to foresee unto the disorders that his own men might commit amongst themselves, and afterwards unto the damage that they may do unto the Country round about him, if so be that they be his friends: and this done, he may with a greater liberty make wars with his enemies, then if he had wars within his army, and without it with his enemies.  
We read that Emperor Frediricke barbarous, being entered into Italy with a great army, to the intent to punish the Milannois, who were rebelled, would not begin his wars until such time as his men had sworn to observe certain laws which he established, because he would take away the occasion of controversies which do happen amongst Soldiers, from time to time: and also punish those that should commit any disorder. The example of this Emperor ought our General to imitate at the beginning of the assembling of his Host, causing them to swear, from the highest to the lowest, to observe the aforesaid laws, and to help with all their power to maintain them: and those things which I have said, the Soldiers should be forbidden to do one unto another: shall be likewise forbidden to be done unto those of the towns that are under our obedience, and also unto those of the conquered Country. For reason would that we should live with them as if we were one body.  
But sith I have proceeded so far, I must speak of the manner of judging and condemning the Soldiers that do not obey the aforesaid laws, or the setting at liberty of those that are wrongfully accused, and to condemn those false accusers. For after the giving of laws, it is necessary, to show how the same should be executed. For as I have said before, that it serveth to no purpose, to make laws & proclamations every day, if so be that they be not kept from point to point. Wherefore sithence I have spoken of the principal points where on life doth depend: and those that I do think to be most fit to bridle Soldiers from doing those evils which they do most commonly commit, it is necessary that the manner of proceeding in judgement, wherein death consisteth should follow: for I will not touch the other at all. For the handling of this business, me think that every Colonel ought to judge those of his own legion, taking unto him his Captains, with their members, and officers: who should proceed in that manner that I will show hereafter. As for that which I have said in the first book touching the particular orders of these legions, that in every legion there should be a provost: I do mean that his office should extend but to the determining of civil causes, and not to causes of life and death, nor after any appeal. So it is that an appeal should never be permitted, except the matter did concern some officer, who were condemned to be punished corporally, or to do some notable penance. But as for the simple soldiers, they should not be permitted to appeal from the judgement of a provost, except that he were condemned to die: & then the appeal shall come before the Colonel, who with the other judges aforesaid, shall examine if the party condemned did rightly appeal or not, Moreover, I do not mean any way to diminish the authritie of the Provosts, nor of my masters the Marshals, although that I have appointed other particular: for I am not ignorant that they do know all manner of vagabonds, and have power to punish them with death when they do get them: but for that the Legionaries are sworn & known men, it is requisite that they should have their ordinary judge, who should administer justice unto them aswell in civil causes as in criminal as long as the Legions are under their Ensigns: and to that intent I have instituted unto every Legion a man of law, to counsel the Colonels: wherefore I will not spend the time to show the order that the provosts ought to observe in their judgements: for as much as it is to be thought that they should not have their offices except they understood how to execute them, and they are clerks of the right stamp which I have appointed them to assist them in all their courts that they do hold, when as they would judge in any matter. I will therefore begin to speak of the manner that the Colonel and his people ought to use in their judgements, and first of all I will choose a certain number of judges by lot, to avoid confusion, and the jealousy that might be had of them that do judge: and afterward shallbe showed how we must proceed to condemn or discharge a prisoner. Concerning the first point I do presuppose that the accuser (I do mean he that doth make the report) whether it be one of the preservers of Military discipline or other, must first come unto the Provost of the League and inform him very well of the matter, and this done the Provost shall confer with his counsel, whether the party do deserve death or not: if the case do not concern death he shall proceed therein according unto his charge. But if the crime be so heinous that it doth deserve death, he shall go immediately unto the Colonel & inform him of it: and thus the matter shallbe handled at the first complaint. Concerning the manner of bringing of an appeal before the Colonel, it is too manifest. The Colonel being fully informed of the accusation, shall cause the offender to be taken: and commit him unto the custody of the Provost. If the Colonel do know that to summon him to appear personally will serve the turn, the offender shallbe summoned to appear personally: the one of which commissions must be executed by the Provost & his men, to weet, that of taking him prisoner, except the accused were a Chief or Member: for in such a case, the master of the Camp, or the Sergeant mayor, accompanied with the Colonel his guard shall go & take them: as for the adiourning the Drum mayor or the Colonel his trumpet must do it. If it be late before the accused be taken, the matter shallbe deferred until the next day: but if it were any thing timely, he shall cause proclamation to be made, that all the Captains, lieutenants, Ensigns, Corporals, Chiefs of Squadrons, and Deceniers of his Legion, should immediately come unto his lodging: which proclamation being made, all these that I have named shall go thither incontinent, carrying no other arms with them than their swords.  
The Sergeants of the bands must be there also: and if the Colonel his lodging or tent be not great enough to receive all this people, the assembly must be made with out doors: and the Colonel before he doth proceed further shall show unto them for what intent he hath called them together: that is to administer justice unto his soldiers, to preserve the good from oppression, & to punish the offences that the wicked do commit. If so be that this assembly were made for to hear any appeal, the Colonel shall show them the matter: and for whether soever of these two causes it were, he shall cause them all to lift up their hands and to swear with one voice, to help to maintain justice with all their power, against all those of the Legion that should commit any crime with out exception of person, except the Colonel, who is to be judged in an other place & not there. The oath being taken in general, the Deceniers shall assemble by themselves together, the Chiefs of Squadrons by themselves, and the Corporals likewise by themselves: the Colonel shall sit in a chair, & shall have two pots set at his feet: in the one of which pots there shallbe as many leadden bullets as there are Deceniers in one band lacking one, & in steed of the one leadden bullet which wanteth, there shallbe a Latin bullet: so that amongst a great many of white bullets there shall be one yellow: the other pot shall have nothing in it & shallbe set at the Colonel his right foot, and that with the bullets at his left. The Master of the Camp, the Sergeant Maior, and the Provost and his Clerk shall be by him. These two pots being so placed, the Colonel shall make sign unto the Dceniers of the first band, who shall march one after another according unto the order that they are accustomed to keep in the Battailon. The first shall show his right hand unto the Sergeant Maior, stripping his sleeve up unto the elbow to avoid all suspicion of deceit: and afterward shall put his hand into the pot to take out one of the bullets: and shall show the bullet that he doth take unto the Master of the Camp, to show what bullet that it is: and if it be a leaden bullet the said Decenier shall put it into the empty pot immediately: and shall return unto his lodging, but if he do draw the latin bullet, the Clerk shall take his name, and he shall stand aside in a place appointed. After that this first Decenier hath drawn, all the rest of the same band shall draw until such time as some one hath drawn the latin bullet. And this being done by the Deceniers of the first band, the Colonel shall cause all the leaden bullets with the latin bullet to be set again in their places, removing the full pot into the empty pot his place: and shall afterwards make sign unto the Deceniers of the second band, to come forward as he did before unto those of the first: who shall do as they did and so shall all the other following: so that by this means when as all the Deceniers of the 12 bands have drawn, he shall have 12 men of those sorts of officers ready to judge. And to the intent that he might have as many Chiefs of Squadrons, as Deceniers he shall cause the Chiefs of Squadrons to draw each band after other, using so many bullets with the latin bullet as are Chiefs of Squadrons in a band, & afterward the Corporals shall do as much, one band after another. Concerning the Members and Captains they shall not draw bullets at this time: but their number shall continue whole. Wherefore of all these six sorts of officers, there shall be 12 men of every one which is in number 72, that is 6 of every band: all which 72 men shall range themselves in form of a circle, the Colonel being in the midst of them, who shall command the prisoner to be brought. In the mean while the Drum Maior shall make proclamation that every man shall repair unto his lodging except those that have been kept as aforesaid, the master of the Camp, Sergeant Maior, and the Sergeants of the bands: which Sergeants must stand so far from the Counsel that they may hear nothing. Whilst this is doing, the Provost shall bring the prisoner, and show him all those that are there to give judgement upon him, and shall advertise him to consider if there be any amongst them that he doth hold suspected, to the intent that he might be refused incontinent, if so be that the causes of his refusement are just, and to be allowed, which causes shall be referred unto the Colonel. And if so be that the said prisoner had a conrarie party, his said party might likewise refuse those whom he did hold suspect. But so it is that neither of them may refuse above two men of every one of the 6 conditions abovesaid. And put case that this whole number should be refused which do make 24 men (for more shall not be permitted to be refused) which refused shall incontinent departed thence, the other shall put themselves into six parts each sort by themselves, and the Colonel shall sit down in his place, and the two pots shall be placed again at his feet. The one of them shall be empty, and the other shall have six bullets of lead, and as many bullets of latin, as there shall remain Captains unrefused. And the like shall be afterwards observed amongst Members, and officers. Which being so ordered the Captains shall go first and draw out of the pot every man in his degree, and those that shall happen to draw bullets of latin shall go their ways unto their lodgings: and those that do draw leaden bullets must show them unto the master of the Camp, and their names shall be written by the Clerk, and afterwards they shall place themselves on either side of the Colonel: the one half on the one side and the other one the other. After this the Sergeant Maior shall again put six bullets of lead into one pot, and as many bullets of latin, as there are Lieutenants more than six, which Lieutenants shall do as the Captains have done, & the Ensign bearers shall do the like after them, & consequently the Corporals, and after them the Chiefs of Squadrons, and finally the Deceniers. By this last lot the number of the judges shallbe reduced unto 36. persons, not coumpting the Colonel, which 36. judges shall range themselves 18. on the one side, and 18. on the other, in manner of an angle: and the Colonel shallbe the angle, the Sergeants of the bands shallbe there as assistants, but they shallbe far of & every man alone by himself. The Colonel his guard shallbe round about the Counsel, and so far of that they may not understand what doth pass. The matter being this ordered, the Colonel shall cause the prisoner to be brought, who being brought by the Provost, his Clerk shall recite before them all the contents of the information, and the depositions of the witnesses (if that there be any) whereunto the prisoner shall answer & shallbe heard to speak. And if so be that he do deny the fact, the witnesses shallbe brought before him: & for want of witnesses, if the presumptions be great, the Colonel with the advise of the said Counsel, shall condemn him unto the rack, and shall pass unto judgement, or defer it until the next day, or longer if it be necessary. As concerning the condemning or releasing of a prisoner, it shallbe handled as here followeth: that is, after that the Provost hath made his demand in the behalf of the King, & the party, if there be any, hath made his demand for his damage: and that the said prisoner hath answered from point to point, the Counsel shallbe left alone, and the prisoner and his accuser also shall be put a little a side out of the sight of the judges. Upon this the Clerk shall read the evidences before them all: & the judges there present shall hear it, the master of the Camp, the Sergeant mayor, & none other. The evidences being read at large, the Colonel shall declare unto them that they are assembled for to judge according unto the truth, & not for any favour that they do bear unto the prisoner, his parentage, or friends, nor likewise for hatred: & therefore that every man should speak his mind according unto his conscience, following the laws of the wars, & not otherwise: for in this business of the wars there must be no favour nor lenity used, but only the rigour of the laws which have been made for men of war, the which shallbe registered in a table, as I have said before, & the said table shallbe always hanged before the Colonel his tent, or the gate of his lodging, to the intent that it may be in sight, that every man may know what he ought to fly for to avoid the danger of justice. And the said table shallbe brought and read by the Clerk from the one end unto the other. And this done, the Colonel shall command the Sergeant mayor to give unto every one of the said judges three bullets: upon one of which bullets there shall be a great R, which shall signify to release: upon another a great C, which shall signify to condemn: and upon the third there shall be a great I, which shall signify to be better informed of the matter: one of these three bullets shall be used when as they would release, or condemn, or when as the proofs are not sufficient to release or condemn, but that they would be better informed.  
After that every one of these have received three bullets, as is aforesaid, and the Colonel three likewise as the others: the Sergeant mayor shall place two empty pots at the Colonel his feet, the one somewhat distant from the other, unto which pots the judges shall come one after another: to weet, the Deceniers first, the Chiefs of Squadrons next, and the others following, and after them the Captains, and the Colonel last of all. Every one of them shall put the bullet by which he doth pretend to signify his opinion into the pot appointed for the purpose, and the other two bullets into the other pot, and afterwards shall return unto their places. And the Colonel shall cause the pot of their opinions to be overthrown, to see if the bullets that do release be more than 18. and if so be that it should happen that the prisoner should be released simply and purely, he might bring the party afterwards to his answer, that did accuse him & wrongfully swear against him. But if so be that the bullets which do condemn are more than 18. the Colonel shall pronounce the judgement of death against the prisoner. And when as neither sort of bullets do exceed the one half of the number of judges; because that some perhaps might require that the matter might be better looked into: in which case the judgement shall be referred until the next day, or two days after. In the mean while the Provost and his Counsel shall precisely oversee the evidences, to see if there were any point that were not well verified, to the intent to put the indictment in good order, and take from the judges all occasions of prolonging judgement. If the prisoner be released, there is no more to be done, but that he may return unto his lodging when as he will. But if so be that the matter be deferred until another day, the Colonel shall appoint the day and hour, when the Counsel shall meet again, at which day and hour the prisoner shall be brought again by the Provost. This delay of saying that the matter is not evidently enough proved, may be used three times, and not above: and then the Sergeant mayor shall give but two sorts of bullets: to weet, those two that do release or condemn: but if he be condemned, so that there be 19 bullets or more marked with C, the Colonel shall immediately pronounce that the prisoner is condemned: & then the Sergeant mayor shall set the two empty pots at the Colonel his feet, as before, and shall give four bullets unto every one of the judges: upon the one of which bullets shall be a great S, which shall signify for to smite off his head: upon another shall be a great G, which shall signify that he hath deserved the gallows: upon the third there shall be a great P, which shall signify to pass the Pikes: upon the fourth shall be an H, which shall signify that the prisoner shall be shot to death with Harquebuziers: whereupon the judges shall put the bullets of their opinions (which sort of death they do think the crime hath deserved) into the pot appointed: and if there were more bullets found in the pot marked with S, then with any one of the other letters, the prisoner shall have judgement to have his head to be smitten of. Likewise, if there were more bullets marked with P, then with any other letter, the prisoner shall be judged to pass the Pikes: and so likewise of the others; which judgement shall be first registered in wrighting, and afterward pronounced by the Colonel. And if so be the prisoner should lose his head, or be hanged, he shall be delivered unto the Provost to be executed. And if so be that he should be condemned to pass the Pikes, or be Harquebuzzed, he shall be delivered unto the Sergeants of the band, for this execution appertaineth unto Soldiers. And if this execution were the first that were made in the Legion, the Soldiers of the first band should do it: and the other executions must be done afterwards by the other bands every one in his turn.  
After this manner must be proceeded as often as any man shallbe condemned to die, and more precisely if it were possible: and after the sentence pronounced, it shallbe necessary to proceed unto the execution immediately without showing mercy unto any man whosoever it were. For if one offender shall be pardoned, the Soldiers would afterwards have the less care to refrain from offending. And likewise, if any man were attainted of crime, and should suffer death for the same, he would take it the more impatiently, for that mercy should be used unto some, and not unto others. Concerning the manner of proceeding in appeals, in these cases which do not concern death, it shall suffice that all the summons be made publicly, except the last: but for to judge any man unto death, we must proceed secretly as I have said: which need not to be so handled when as the fault doth not deserve so heinous a punishment: for in such cases a man may declare his opinion openly, and speak his mind with out using of bullets. Concerning the punishment of the horsemen, that appertaineth unto their Captain, and the punishment of the Captains unto their General, who likewise is under the justice of the King his Lieutenant, whilst they are in the wars, or elsewhere under his charge: or else if it be in time of peace, the ordinary justice of the country will look into them, reserving the quality of their estates, in which case my Lords the Marshals of France will look to have a saying unto them: but being in Camp, or elsewhere under the charge of the Lieutenant General, the justice of every Captain of an hundred men of arms ought to punish his own men: and for default thereof, the General might be complained unto. A Captain of an hundred men of arms, may choose certain of his own officers to assist him in his judgements, if he will: and may use his own authority or lot, which he thinketh best, without calling any other assistance unto him, but his own members, who at the least ought to be called: yet men of war do with greater patience suffer punishment, when as they do see that many judges are assembled to judge them, than when as they are wholly referred unto three or four.  
And if that they do use lots, the manner before showed need not to be greatly altered, because there are Chiefs amongst the horsemen aswell as amongst the footmen: of which Chiefs there may be a certain number taken to have the hearing of the matter, and the Marshal that is appointed to lodge the horsemen, must execute the office of the Provost, aswell for to inform, as to accuse: and moreover, the execution must be done by the Captain General of the horsemen his Provost, or by themselves, in the self-same manner that the footmen do: for, as the one sort have Pikes, so the other have Lances, and either of them have Harquebuziers: but I will not stand longer upon this matter, but will show that the manner of proceeding in judgement with bullets, hath two good considerations in it. The first is, that neither the Colonel, nor Captains, have authority to judge alone. The other is, that those that do judge, do not speak their opinions publicly: but with silence do signify their opinions by a bullet: which two manners me think are very good; better then to give authority wholly unto the Colonels or Captains to judge according unto their own wills, and without information, as they might sometimes do through hatred or favour.  
Moreover, if a prisoner should be set at liberty, or condemned by a small number of judges, those that should scan upon the matter might sooner have an evil opinion of a small number then of a great, and the common Soldiers would exclaim that their right were overthrown, because there should be no body on their sides to maintain it: for which cause I have appointed a certain number of Deceniers, who have a more familiarity with the common Soldiers, and a greater authority to speak unto the chiefest, than the common Soldiers have with their Captains. I have likewise appointed Chiefs of Squadrons, corporals, and Members, as many of the one sort as of the other, to make them all (in the seat of justice) equal in authority one with another. Moreover, to avoid all occasions of envy amongst them, I have chosen them all by lot, so that the one cannot say that he hath been preferred; nor the other, that he hath been rejected; except that the prisoner did refuse him, and that the cause of the refusal were just. Concerning that the said judges do deliver their opinions secretly, it is to the intent that they should do it more freely, than they would do if that they should speak their opinions in the hearing of all men: for sometimes they might be troubled for judging indifferently, because that the prisoner might be either parent or friend unto some one of them, or that they might before have received some good turn at his hands: whereupon they might be thought to be ingrateful, if they did not requite a good turn at a need: which is a reason to withdraw the hearts of those that have been beholding unto him, from judging according unto equity, although that the crime were the most heinous and most detestable that might be possible: specially if every man's judgement should be know afterwards: for in such a case there would very hardly be any man, that would renounce the friendship of the prisoner, or would incur the indignation of his parents, if he were a man of any reputation: but moreover would make a difficulty to do any thing against him, who before had done them pleasure, or who had means, and friends to do them the like again. Furthermore, if their opinions should be verbally pronounced, it would be doubtful that the one of them would depend upon another's opinion: specially if they thought the first speakers to be men of judgement: and it might be that some amongst them durst not contrary the first speakers, which might be an occasion sooner to sow discord, then to root it out. Therefore, who so would have the occasions of hatred amongst Soldiers to be wholly quenched, and extinguished, and that wicked men which do not their duty as they ought to do, should be plucked out from amongst good men; must use no other mean but judge according unto equity. And to judge justly according unto the law, the surest way is that every man should deliver his opinion secretly with a bullet: for so doing, it will be impossible for any man to know who hath released or condemned the prisoner: because that every one of the judges shall know but only what he himself hath done; but not not what his companions have done. And in this doing every man will employ himself to do his duty, and judge according unto the law, not perjuring himself any way to spare or condemn a prisoner wrongfully; who never shall come by the true knowledge who it was that did him good or hurt. To conclude, I do esteem this form of judgement to be the best and most surest that may be used in this case: albeit that judgement may be handled after divers other manners: but after this manner should a Colonel handle his judgements, if so be that he would maintain good justice amongst his hands, and make his Soldiers to live like honest men. But if the manner before spoken of should seem to be too long a work: I do know no better way, then to leave the determination of all matters unto the Provosts, and that they should judge all Soldiers, whether they were Chiefs, officers, or simple companions: which Provost should be enjoined to administer good and short justice unto all men, and to punish those rigorously that did not use their vocations as they ought to do. And when as the crimes were such, or the persons of that quality, that it were not convenient to proceed in judgement immediately, and presently to do execution, because of the mutiny, and cause of offence that it might give; it would suffice to do it assoon as it might be conveniently done: and if so be that the offender might not be taken by day, or that it would be dangerous to do execution, there must both be stay made of the apprehending, and punishing, until a fit time: or the offender might be taken by night, or at the first holding up of his finger, or at such time as he doth think that the offence is forgotten, and doth think least of it: to the intent that justice might be well maintained, and that the crime which is deferred to be punished for a time, be not altogether forgotten.   

How divers crimes have been sharply punished in times past: and how it is necessary for a Lieutenant General to be somewhat cruel, if so be he would be well served of his Soldiers.  
The 4 Chapter.  
I Will here infer certain examples of the severity that the ancient Chiefs in times past have used towards their Soldiers, when as they did commit any great offence; I do mean capital crimes: which were committed after one of these two manners, either by one man only, or by many (for sometimes whole Legions did offend) and were punished either particularly or in general. As for particular persons, I do find that the ancient Chiefs did punish chief all those that were not at their watches with their Ensigns, or with those whom they ought to follow in such like services: they likewise were punished that went from their watch after they were in it. Also he was punished that did forsake the place he ought to keep or to fight in, or that did vaunt that he had done any good service, and was afterwards proved a liar. He also was as sure to lose his life that fought with his enemies without leave, or express charge, as if he had been slain by them. Moreover, they that did throw away their arms for fear of their enemies, and those which did fly from a battle, had their payment likewise with the others. Concerning general faults; if the Legions did use any rebellion against their Chiefs, or if that they did mutiny, or did fly from their enemies, the custom was to put a great many of them unto death, or the chiefest rebels: the least punishment was to cassier them quite & clean from the ordinary bands, and consequently to pronounce them to be infamous, and deprived of all those privileges, which the other Soldiers who served their time, and went away with the good wills of their Chiefs, did enjoy and their children. Of which particular and general faults, I have here inferred certain examples: by which shall be showed how the ancient Chiefs, and many other good Soldiers long since, have grievously punished all those that did not their duties in the wars, and those likewise that did commit any crime of importance. Chiefly disloyalty was had in contempt amongst them: and all those that did falsify their faiths, were grievously punished with the most cruel death that could be devised: as appeareth by Mutius Suffetius, who was plucked in pieces betwixt two Wagons, because of his disloyalty unto Tullius King of Rome in forsaking him, when as the Romans and the said King fought against their neighbours, and that he should have succoured them with his men being there present with them, and sent for unto that intent: who in stead of aiding the said Romans, and entering into battle with them, stood still to see what success they should have in their fight: by means of which dissimulation, the Romans were in great doubt and jeopardy being forsaken, having to deal with two great armies, to wéet, the Venetians, and the Fidenats, who were assembled against the City of Rome: but it came so to pass that the Romans got the victory, and Tullius seized upon the traitor, causing him to be put to death in the sight of all his partakers after the manner aforesaid. I do put in amongst these disloyal persons all those strangers which sometime serve the King, and do forsake him at his need, or do go away unto his enemies without ask leave: which disloyalty in mine opinion is so detestable, that it cannot be enough contemned, nor punished so grievously as it doth deserve, because it is a deceiving of God and man: which crime is more practised at this day then ever it was, especially amongst a great number of italians, which do nothing but troth too and fro, now to one, and to morrow unto another, not staying long in a place (but like peason boiling in a pot) and that for every light occasion, so that there are very few of them that can vaunt that they have always held upon one side, so greatly is the said Nation subject to the changing of opinions: and those whom the King hath maintained long time, are the worst, who do forsake him as if they never had known him, sooner without taking their leaves, than otherwise: and this they do aswell in time of war as in peace, which is most dishonest and infamous, for at the least they should take their leaves before that they did forsake his service. I dare say that amongst the simple soldiers there is not one that hath continued in his service during the wars without going unto his enemies, except the Chiefs have had so good an eye unto them, as that they could not escape when they would: so are there others likewise that do come from our enemies unto us, and so they do troth too & fro, not resting long in a place, yea, some of them that have not carried one month in a place, do run away the next day after that they have passed muster. Our own countrymen do the like oftimes, many of them imitating the italians going unto our enemies, making no more difficulty then if they were stranges: there are also many of them that go home unto their own houses, and other that do go from one band unto another assoon as they have received their money, not making any account of the oath that they have taken, making God as their companion, making no account of the King's money which they do carry away & steal from him as approved thieves, traitors, & perjured persons, so that there is not almost one soldier that hath the fear of God, nor the reverence due unto christian religion before his eyes, for if they had, the oaths and promises which they do make should be observed, & the wickedness which they do commit, should not be committed: but for that they do not fear him they do dispraise him, & dispraising him, it is not possible that they should keep any thing that they do swear in his name. Is it possible that they should fear him whose name they do blaspheme & contemn in all their communications? as we see they do, therefore there is no other remedy but to compel them by man's laws to observe that, which they do make no reckoning to keep by God's laws: and mine opinion is that it should be decreed, that who so ever should be found in this fault, were he Frenchman or stranger, should immediately be beaten to death with mallets, or buried alive, or plucked in pieces with four horses, or have a stake thrust through his body, for the other punishments are too gentle for such a crime. And as concerning the disloyalty of those which do go unto our enemies without taking their leaves before that they bear arms against the King, which liberty of departure with leave is only to be permitted unto those that are not bound unto him either by faith or homage. I have read one example of Henry the 7. Emperor of Rome, who caused an execution to be made in his Camp, when as he besieged the City of Bresse, upon an italian named Galleas Brusat, who forsook him without leave, and served against him with his enemies, who being taken by the Emperor his men at a sally that he made out of the said town, was immediately plucked in pieces with Wagons. This example need not to be accounted ancient, for it is not above 200. years since it happened, yet I have alleged it ancient, because that the manner of punishing of this offence doth like me better than that we do use at this time, which is either to hang, or to behead, or to pass the pikes, which punishments are to be thought to be rigorous enough for many other crimes which the soldiers do commit, but for such an offence as this, I do think them to be too gentle: wherefore I will continue in mine opinion, that one of the aforesaid punishments ought to be used in this case, for these comers & goers are causes of too many inconveniences, and therefore when that any of them are taken, they should be so handled, that the remembrance of their punishment should remain for an example for ever: and above all things we must never let such a crime scape unpunished, if we have opportunity to punish it. The Romans had a great regard not to pardon their fugitives, nor to restore them unto their goods, or first honours, nor to trust them at any time after with any charge whatsoever it were, as we do at this present, but they were assured to be put to a most cruel death whensoever that they were taken, whereof we have many examples in their histories, specially of those which Fabius Maximus found in certain towns which he took from Hannibal, who being sent unto Rome, were first of all whipped, & afterward thrown down from an high rock. Certain fugitives that were delivered unto Scipio by an accord that was made betwixt the Romans & the Carthagenians, some were beheaded, & others crucified. The aforesaid Fabius at another time caused the hands of all the fugitive Romans, and other strangers fugitives that had served than to be cut off, which he did, to the intent that the remembrance of the offence & punishment might be refreshed as often as they were seen that had lost their hands. Yet me think that these pernicious people, although that they were maimed of their hands, should not therefore leave to do many mischiefs, having the other parts of their bodies whole, wherefore I would at the least dispatch them of all at once.  
Paulus Aemelius after that he had vanquished Perseus' King of Macedony, made all the fugitives that were found in his enemies host to be slain by Elephants: the son of the said Paulus, to wéet, that Scipio which razed Carthage, condemned all the fugitives that he could lay hands upon, to be quartered and devoured with wild beasts. Auidius Cassus, and many others, have proceeded in the like business most seuéerely, and yet not so rigorously, but that they have deserved a great deal more. Moreover, the said Chiefs did most sharply punish those which did not obey the Proclamations and commandments that were made by their Chiefs, as appeareth by the example of Manlius Torquatus, who caused his own son to be beheaded for fight with his enemies contrary to his commandment: and the victory which he got saved not his life, and yet he was challenged the Combat body for body, of which challenge he could not rid his hands with honesty, if there had not been commandment unto the contrary: the said Mutius preferred the observation of military discipline before fatherly love, and caused his son to be put to death. Within a little after there was enough to do, for that Quintus Fabius, Captain General of the Roman Horsemen, fought with his enemies contrary unto the commandment of the Dictator Papyrius Cursor, who although that he had overthrown his said enemies, yet the Dictator would have put him to death for his disobedience, so highly was this discipline and obedience esteemed amongst them above all things, without the which they knew that the occupation of arms whereof they made their profession, and for which they were honoured and feared more than any other Nation, would be abolished in short time, without the which, the Chiefs did neither deserved to be called Chiefs, nor the soldiers true soldiers, but might be accounted to be a disordered multitude, if the Chiefs were not obeyed, nor the soldiers showed themselves to be obedient: and thus much concerning the principal offences which soldiers do commit during the wars, and the disorders which they do, being in Camp, as running over the country, ransoming their hosts, eating them unto the bones, pilling them, beating them that they do die of it, and forcing their Wives and daughters, and to be short, for all the other outrages which they do. I have many examples worthy to be remembered in such like cases, and those that have happened specially amongst Heathen men, that have had no knowledge of God, nor of his truth, who notwithstanding would not suffer that this wickedness should reign amongst them, for the aforesaid Auidius Cassius doing all his endeavour to restore the discipline of the wars unto his entire, after that it was made base and come to nothing, ordained that the soldiers that did take any thing from the people of the country where he came, should be crucified upon the place. Peseinius the black, a great observer of ancient discipline, did condemn a whole Deceine of soldiers unto death, for that they had taken a Cock from a poor countryman, and had eaten it, but to have the good wills of his army, who instantly besought him to show mercy, he pardoned them, with condition that they should recompense the poor man with ten times as much as the Cock was worth: and moreover, that no soldier of the Deceine should kindle fire as long as the wars lasted, nor should eat any thing but dry & raw flesh. Alexander Severus did sharply & grievously punish any of his soldiers that did go out of their way to run into any house to do any damage, having always these honest words in his mouth, Do not that unto others, that thou wouldst not have other do unto thee. It were necessary that Captains at this day should use the like diligence, for to avoid the disorders that soldiers do commit in marching upon the way, for there shall hardly be house or village upon the way, either far or near, but shall feel them, for they would be very sorry if they had not left tokens behind them, or that the country should not have occasion to remember their passage long time after. I do not speak for those places which do ofttimes resist to give lodging unto the King his good servants, who march at his commandment, to secure him in his extremity, as many walled towns within this realm are accustomed to do, for a bravery, or presuming upon their strength, although that the said soldiers do demand nothing but lodging and victuals. In which case me think there would be no great hurt done if that they might be showed what difference there is betwixt these subjects that do abandon their goods, and hazard their lives to serve their Prince: and those that are good for nothing but to rake up the fire, and to hurt those that do him service. But I do speak concerning villages, open places, and houses that stand scattered here and there, who have neither power nor will to resist, whom they do use like unto places that had resisted them, and done them much hurt: so that there are but few Towns, Villadges, or houses that can scape free whereas men of war do pass, but they shall be let blood in the purse, either by the Captains, or harbingers, if so be that they were too far out of the way for the soldiers. And if the soldiers should come there, it would be worse, for that there is no man, or if there be any, it is very few, that do withdraw them from doing evil, for that there are many Chiefs that do make no other account, but that every man might do what he would himself, for that they do reasonably well for their own parts. Moreover, it would be very hard to make the simple soldiers to live honestly, and their superiors to make their hands, for the rule must be general, and the small must imitate the great. This taking that I speak of is so usual at this day, that robbery doth seem to be but a rent, so that there is no account made to punish those that do ransack the places that are in their passage: I do speak both of the Captains & soldiers that do pillage the country. Those likewise ought to be punished which do seek to corrupt Captains, or harbingers, causing them to pass any one place to go unto another: and those also ought not to go free which do take upon them to lodge in any place with intent to be revenged of the said place through the charge, trouble, and damage that soldiers ordinarily do whereas they lodge, and being lodged to such an intent, it will make their wills sharper to do ill, who of themselves are so sharp, that they need no whetstone, for in such a case there would be but too many askers found, whereas if punishment were used, there should be no man would put forward himself.  
The aforesaid manner of rebellion doth deserve to have an express order made, commanding that Soldiers which do march through the country with good commission, should be readily obeyed, and if so be that the said soldiers did commit any crime, except satisfaction were made immediately, the towns where the crime was committed, should be holden, to send accusations and complaints unto the Lieutenant General, or unto the Governor of the country, to attach the Chief himself. Moreover to speak truly, to suffer a baggage town, or a good, to shut their gates against men of war, which do go to serve the King, and do use themselves like honest men, there is neither reason nor order in it, for first of all it is a resistance against the King who doth pay them, secondly, it is the way to famish the poor men. Moreover it may be that they may take their ill using in so ill part as to leave their Captain in the lurch that hath been at the charge to levy them, and return home again. Furthermore, this refusal might encourage the country people to be as unreasonable as the towns that do shut their gates, and cause them to assemble themselves a great number together to charge them, imagining that they might lawfully do it, forasmuch as the towns did resist the said soldiers. And I leave it unto your consideration to think unto what end all these inconveniences might come. For the shutting of the soldiers out of their towns, is in truth the way to ruin them, for that the suburbs of towns are not commonly so great, that all the soldiers of one, or many bands may lie covered over head, and in such places the said town may stand, as there is neither house nor bush near, who then having no tents with them (as they are accustomed to carry none) except that the place have many trees in it for them to cut down, which would be too great a damage, they must lie in the dew all night, & therefore how little time soever that this course doth last, they do fall sick, and die by the way, whereas else they would come fresh unto the Camp, & in state to do service: in sum, it is the way to make both the Captains and Soldiers to despair, and to cause them to do those things, which when they are done, might displease both parties, and when all is well weighed it must be so: for we do say commonly, that of two evils, we must avoid the greatest, for in mine opinion, there would be less hurt to enter forcibly into one of these rebel towns, and rather into the first that should stand upon these terms, than any other, to make the rest afraid: provided that they did kill no body if it were possible, and that there might be no ravishing of women, Church robberies, or other disorders committed, then to suffer resistance, or to have a war with the country all alongst their way, or to be in danger of famine, or of being overthrown, or of falling sick for want of lodging, and so to return home again, for these are matters of a greater damage, than the forceible taking of a place, forasmuch as of the one there doth ensue but the damage of certain resistants, who are the first causers of the strife; and of the other might proceed the discredit of many poor captains, for that they might be unfurnished of their people to serve their Prince, which is a hard match for them, and enough to throw them down from honour all the days of their life, besides the danger that they are in to be slain by their own soldiers, if so be that they did mutin during those troubles, as hath happened many times in like cases. On the other part the King might find himself so unprovided of people, & so forced by his enemies, that a small power might do him great service, and perhaps give him the victory, for I have used it for a proverb, that a thousand men sometimes are not worth one, and at others one is worth a thousand. Moreover, if the bands that should be taken up in France should find these rebellions, there is no man although he were willing that could do him service, so that the King should be unprovided of soldiers at all times when as he had need, wherefore all considered, me think that there might be a time found to chasten these rebels, seeing that the soldiers do enter and lodge in the best Cities of the Realm, when as they are commanded to march: or there should be a general law, that they should altogether lie in the fields, or else that they should be received into the towns that were appointed for them to lodge in: and not to suffer certain particular places to resist, whereas all France in general doth obey. But to leave this matter, to the intent that aswell the Captains as the Soldiers should know that the virtue of the Heathen hath been such, that they did forbid their people to do, that which we Christians do amongst us, in devouring and oppressing one another, that the wicked might amend their lives. I am about to declare what the Emperor Aurelian did write unto his Lieutenant General, concerning the life of his Soldiers: the tenor of his letter was this.  
If so be that thou art determined to be my Lieutenant, or if thou wilt live long, it were necessary that thou shouldest command, that no Soldier should be so bold, as to take a Hen or a sheep from any man, or to carry away a plant of a Vine, or to spoil the seed upon the ground: nor likewise that they should constrain any man to give them oil, wood, or other thing: but should content themselves with that portion of victuals, that was delivered them out of the store. Furthermore thou shalt forbid them to make any booty or prey of the poor people's goods that are our friends, but only prey upon our enemies.  
Moreover thou shalt enjoin them, that every man shall have his harness clean and bright at all times, his weapons sharp and well kept, the Soldiers themselves to be well hoased, and when as they are new appareled, let them rid themselves off the old quite & clean: cause them to keep their wages warily, and suffer them not to spend it in drunkenness or in Taverns. What so ever they be that have gotten any prize by force of arms, as Bracelets, Collars, or Rings, let them be worn ordinarily.  
Moreover, for the horsemen, let them curry and rub their Horses of price themselves, if any of them do make any booty of Cattle, suffer them not to be sold, but let them remain in the host for the service of Soldiers, or for food: and let every one of them in his turn look unto the Mule or Horse that is appointed to carry the Baggage of the Deceine or Squadron that he is of. Moreover, thou shalt make thy Soldiers to be serviceable one unto another as if they were bound unto this duty as slaves: and cause the Surgeons to heal them without taking any thing of them. finally let them give nothing unto Soothsayers, and cause them to live chastely with their hosts: and whosoever is author of any mutiny, let him be grievously punished.  
And this was the contents of the letter that the said Emperor did write unto his Lieutenant: which was not written unto the Soldiers of that age to better purpose: than it would be necessary for us at this time, at the least a great part of it: nor the said Emperor had never more need to use greater severity towards his Soldiers, than it is necessary for us to use at this day towards ours. A man cannot sufficiently declare the want of justice, that we have amongst us: because that all vices do reign amongst us, and that we do pass them by dissimulation: or if that any offender be punished, the punishment is not so grievous as it ought to be: for we punish great faults and small all alike: for as well shall he be quit with a hanging, that hath ravished a woman, as he that hath stolen but one loaf of bread, or any other small thing: notwithstanding the punishments ought to be different, for that the crimes of ravishing, is without comparison, more shameful, and detestable then robbing.  
I would that the severity of the said Aurelian, were used amongst us: for I do think that our forcers of women would then be rudely enough handled, if we would imitate his example by the punishment that he did unto one of his Soldiers that had committed adultery with his Hostess: which word of adultery doth import a free-will in itself, and is not to be thought so heinous as forcing: yet notwithstanding he caused him to be set betwixt two high trees, and the tops of the trees to be bowed downward, and one of his legs to be made fast unto the one tree, and the other unto the other tree, and being so bound, the trees were let go at once, so that the trees springing up, pluck him in two pieces. Which manner of justice was long after of such force, that there was no Soldiers of his that durst commit any offence, they were made so sore afraid with the punishment that was used unto one poor adulterer, which vice was almost as much used at that time, as it is at this day.  
The Emperor Macrinus caused two of his Soldiers to be put to death, after a strange manner, that had ravished their Hostess maid: which was, he caused two great Oxen to be paunched, and put the condemned into their bellies, and their bellies to be sowed up afterward: and to the intent that they might speak each unto other, he appointed that they should have their heads out: so that these two offenders did rot, and were eaten with the Vermin that engendered of the flesh, as it did corrupt: yet not so soon but that they pined many days. A worthy example for all other to be warned by.  
The like punishments did the ancient Chiefs invent to punish the wicked that did commit offence, not only against those that did the like unto the foresaid, but also against those that did seek to betray any Town, and sell it unto their enemies, or to put any troup of men into their hands, or other thing, as it seemed by a certain treason that divers young men of Rome did practise to put Torquinus into their City: who being discovered, were beheaded, with diverse other of their partakers: and amongst others two of the Sons of Brutus, who being then Consul, commanded the execution to be done upon them.  
There was likewise in our time certain of those traitors punished, which is a thing worthy to be had in remembrance: It was when the Lord Rans was Lieutenant for the King in Barlette in the kingdom of Naples, who having given charge of the town and Soldiers in his absence: whilst he was occupied to win certain places upon the mountain of Saintange, unto an Italian Captain named Ieronimie of Cremone: who had sold the said Town unto the Spaniards that were at Andria under the County of Boeiel: which traitor being taken with his Sergeant, who only were found culpable in this treason: were condemned to be hanged by the feet until they died. Which sentence being executed immediately, the Sergeant was hanged over the gate towards the sea, and the Captain at one of the windows in the Castle. I saw them hanging in this manner, when I came from the Spanish Camp, with whom I was kept prisoner from our overthrow at Naples, until I came unto Barlette, not finding any means to departed sooner.  
Another like execution was done at Thurine, by the Lord of Boutiers, upon a traitor which brought the Spaniards into one of the Bulwarks of the town: so that if the said Lord had not been in place as he was for his great profit, the town had been lost at that time: but thereby his vigilance was known, and that he was not a man that loved his ease as many others do, when as they are appointed to keep places that are worth the keeping.  
The traitor as it was told me was drawn in pieces with four horses: and he did well deserve to be so punished or worse: considering the great damage that might have ensued of the loss of the said town, which is of such importance, that it were necessary to have good chiefs in it, which should be vigilant, as the said Lord of Boutiers was, and as the Lord of Langey is, who doth govern it at this instant: who cannot fail in executing of this charge any way, for his virtues and perfect knowledge in learning and arms. I dare say that he hath a great care of the charge of the foresaid Thurine: for our enemies have a good will to get it from us, and do always use all their endeavour: for in mine opinion it is the town that that they do most desire in all Italy: wherefore the King ought to make a great reckoning of it.  
Forasmuch as I have said before that the faults committed by particular persons were punished particularly, and those which the Legions did commit in General, were punished generally.  
Having spoken of particular punishment: it resteth to show how the Legions were punished for the general crime or disorder which they did commit: whereof we have an ensample in the life of Augustus Caesar, who cassierd the tenth Legion reprochfullye, because they had disobeyed him: which was a blot of infamy, that honest men did fear more than death: because they were always after repulsed and rejected from all honest places, after that they were once cassierd, and were never after suffered to follow the wars, nor to exercise any charge, nor to attain to office or estate whatsoever it were. This manner of cassiering of bands hath been used in Province in our time, by the Lord Constable upon part of those of the Garrison of Arle, and by the Lord Martial of Montiean in Thurin: but this manner was not like in all things, because that the ancient Chiefs declared theirs to be unfit for all honest business: & those that the said two Lords did cassier were not so handled: but they may aswell attain unto any office, as if they never had been cassierd. The cause of this cassiering, was for a mutiny that was committed by the Soldiers of both the foresaid towns, against the said Lords, who presented the king his person, & they proceeded so far, that they did enter both their lodgings forcibly. We are so given unto these mutinies, that there is no nation that doth care for our companies one hour, but they had rather be far from us, then near unto us: because that we run from one unto another, for every small occasion, and are hastier to begin these quarrels amongst ourselves, then to fight with our enemies when time requireth: and these disorders do oftener happen, when as we have our enemies near us then far of: for which there must be some good order taken, and most sharp punishment used, as often as these mutinies do happen, and that Soldiers do rise against their Chiefs. As for the mutinies of particular bands amongst themselves, I would have him laid hands upon that were the occasion of the mutiny, or had begun it: and would have him put to death after the manner that we are accustomed to punish mutineers at this present. And if so be that any did lay hands upon the Captains or Chiefs, I would have them to be put to some cruel death: as to be buried alive, to have their bones broken, or to be drawn at a Horse tail until such time as their bodies did fall a pieces: or have them to be punished in such sort, that it might be an horror and a fear unto all others. And for to weight a time convenient to lay hands upon one of these mutineers, I would have the greatest patience that might be possible: and rather dissemble a year or two, then to suffer one mutineer to escape the punishment that he had deserved. And if so be that a whole Legion had committed this offence, that there were no means to know the principal mutineers, there were no better way then to imitate the ancient Chiefs herein, who took out the tenth man, or a great part of their people, when as the fault was general: and this taking was done by lot, which was an occasion that the punishment did touch but some certain number, and yet they all in general were made afraid to be of that number that the lot did condemn.  
Wherefore because that every man was in danger of this lot, they endeavoured with all their powers to do their duties justly, fearing to bear the burden of other men's faults. The lot likewise was used, when as the bands or Legions did forsake a place, or run away before their enemies: for that to put a whole army unto death had been too great a loss, therefore they took the tenth man, and sometime more: and he was executed immediately. That which Appius Claudius did amongst his Soldiers, may witness my sayings: who fight against the Voloces, fled from the battle: for which cause he did put to death all the Captains, Centeniers, Corporals, and Soldiers of his host that had lost their arms, and the Ensign bearers that had lost their Ensigns, and not content with all this, he caused the tenth man of the Soldiers to be put to death by lot.  
Augustus Caesar caused likewise the tenth man of certain bands that fled from their enemies to be slain. Many other Chiefs have proceeded extaordinarily in this business, as the one was more severe than the other. The Lacedæmonians made a law, that who so fled from a battle, might never attain unto office in their commonwealths, nor marry their daughters (if that they had any) nor take wives if they were to marry. Moreover it was lawful for any man that did meet them upon the way, to strike or beat them at his pleasure: so that those poor miserable creatures were subject unto blows, and unto a thousand infamies, that the worst Citizens might do unto them. And to the intent that they might be known from other men, they did wear their coats of two colours, and their beards shaven on the one side, and long on the other. If this law had been established in France during the wars which have been in our time, there would be more Soldiers found wearing party coloured coats, and half shaven, then others: but let that pass: it might suffice if we had a good will to amend our faults for that that is to come, and to do our endeavour from henceforth better than we have done hitherto. To be brief, the severity of the ancient Chiefs did not only extend unto the punishment of those faults which deserved death. But also they had a regard unto those faults that were not of that importance, to the intent to leave no fault unpunished, how little soever it was, contrary unto the discipline of the wars, as their Histories do make mention. Our General shall likewise take order that all the faults which his soldiers should commit, might be grievously punished, how little soever they were, contrary unto the discipline of the wars, or unto the King his service, although they were not damageble at that time that they were committed, but might be afterwards. Wherefore the said General must look deeply into this matter, causing offenders to be punished according unto the quality of the offence that they did commit, having a regard unto the evil that hath ensued, or the inconvenience that might ensue: for which consideration it is necessary that the said General should be somewhat cruel, if he would be well served by his people; chiefly at the beginning, until he hath brought them in order to live well, & to that point, that they do excercise their faculty as it ought to be.  
And if so be that he himself were of so gentle, and pitiful nature, that he would not punish offenders rigorously: yet were it necessary that some other should cause the punishment to be done for him. For which intent I have instituted before, the justice of the Legions, which manner of justice he may use if he will: both for to ease himself of trouble, as also for not withdrawing his wits from his other business, but whether he himself doth take knowledge of the offences that his people do commit, or that he do refer it unto their Chiefs, those that do commit any heinous crime: and amongst others, the one of them that I have named before, aught to be extraordinarily punished. And to the intent that these wicked offenders might be punished according unto their deserts, and that the example might withdraw others from doing the like: it were necessary to devise some new torment, to punish them with the most terriblest death that might be invented. And if so be that any man will say that a Captain General ought to be merciful, and not such a one as I would have him, I do answer, that to execute justice is no cruelty, but to give every one his higher, unto the good all good things, and unto the wicked their reward: for even as we hold it for a most sure opinion, that good men cannot be so well esteemed or rewarded, but that they do deserve much more: so likewise we may say by those that are wicked, that it is impossible to punish them so grievously, but that they do deserve a great deal worse. Me thinks that whosoever doth betray his Prince, in what manner soever it be, or doth fail to perform the principal points of the art of the wars: or generally any other that may be an occasion of the slacking of his service: that is to say, if he do hinder it willingly, and err wilfully, such aught to be tormented after the most cruelest sort that may be devised: & that General that should have such people in his host, aught to put them to death with one of the torments abovesaid, without mercy or pardon. And although he should be counted to be cruel, for using of such rigour, yet should not this tittle withdraw him from doing his endeavour, but good men will not blame him, but esteem him the more, & besides their estimation, the blame of the wicked is a thing not to be accounted of at all. Moreover, he shallbe enforced to do so, if he have a great number in charge, whether that they be all of one nation, or of divers: for except that he be feared, & accounted to be such a one, he shall never keep his host in quiet, nor have have them ready & willing at all hours to obey him.  
Amongst all the great acts, for which Hannibal is renowned, I find one to be the chiefest: that is, that he having under his conduct a very great army compounded of divers nations, did govern them so well, that he never had one only mutunie in his camp, although they were of strange countries, & did sometimes win, and sometimes lose: which is a thing worthy to be remembered. The occasion of the maintaining of his army in this peace, in mine opinion, was the unnatural cruelty which he did use, which together with his virtues, made him always to be reverenced and feared of his soldiers: but with out his severity: his good qualities would have done him as little service as Scipio his did him: who although he was accounted to be one of the most virtuous men that ever was: yet for that he was no ways cruel, but the readiest man to pardon that ever was seen, his lenity so bouldened his soldiers to mutunie in Spain against the chiefs, and to rebel. His great pity another time, was cause of the destruction of those of Locres, and that many murders were committed amongst his own people. So that it appeareth, that lenity, & pity are not profitable for a Chief that will be obeyed of his soldiers, and that cruelty is more necessary for him. But because that this word, is somewhat odious, I will term it severity, & will say that a Lieutenant General that doth pretend to do good service: ought to be as severe as is possible. And if so be that he do not punish so rigorously, as is aforesaid, yet at the least he should suffer no fault to scape unpunished: for in so doing every man will endeavour to do well, and fear to offend seeing no offence shallbe borne withal. And if I were asked whether it were better for a General to be feared, then loved of his people, or to be beloved then feared: I would answer, that he ought to do his endeavour to be both, if it were possible. But for that it is hard that fear and love should be allied together, I say that it is much more surer to be feared, then to be beloved, if that he might not be both: forasmuch as we do see that soldiers are generally ingrateful, variable, deceitful, do willingly eschew peril and covet gain, & whilst that they are provided for and that there is no great need of them, they do say that they are ready to serve, and to be wholly at the commandment of their Chiefs: but when it doth come unto the push that they must be put to their business, than they do feign themselves sick, or start away, or do find some forged excuse to be exempted from their service: so that if there be no other mean to induce them to do their endeavour, the account may be made that they will do nothing of themselves. Which other means must rather be for the love that they do bear unto their General, because that all men have least regard to offend him who maketh himself to be beloved, then him that maketh himself to be feared: for because that love is held by a certain bond of obligation, which is soon broken by those men who do love their particular profits, more than their honesties: of which sort the most part of soldiers are at this day. But fear is held of a doubt to incur the punishment which is appointed for every fault, which fear doth never leave those that do their endeavour by force.  
But a General must make himself to be so feared, that if he could not get the love of his soldiers, yet at the least he should not make himself to be hated by them. For these two things may well agree together, to wit, to be feared, and not to be hated. With which mean the Lord of Lautrec helped himself as well as any General that was before him or since: for he was so feared of his men with out hatred, that every man doubted to disobey him: many examples thereof were seen in many places, but specially upon Easter day a little from Naples, where his Camp was in such a mutunie one against another, that there was neither Colonels, nor Captain Generals that could appease them, or keep them from beginning a war amongst themselves, not unlike to have made a marvelous medley, if the said Lord had not gone betwixt them to part them: which he did with so little difficulty, that assoon as he was arrived there was no stroke stricken, nor man that kept his place: but they vanished suddenly out of his presence some one way some another, he neither beating nor striking any man: but only for the fear that every man had to do aught that might displease him. And in truth he did all with his Soldiers that he would do, for which cause he struck them not: knowing that to be common and familiar with every man (although that this familiarity in getting the favour and love of men) might be an occasion to emboulden them to offend sooner than if he showed himself to be strange and severe: considering moreover, that although he made himself to be feared of his Soldiers, that he was not therefore to be hated of them: but also furthermore he lost nothing by showing himself to be such a none as he would have his Soldiers for to be. Moreover, if there were occasion to put any man to death, the cause being just, he deferred it not: so that things were handled by him, that he was not to be reproved.  
In like manner must our General live with his people, and to have that excellency in him, to make himself to be loved and feared.   

How Soldiers ought to be recompensed after that they have done good service: with the Author his excuse.  
Chap. 5. To the Lord Constable.  
FOr as much as the laws that do concern Military discipline, where unto soldiers that do exercise the wars are bound and subject, are so rigorous that it cannot be possible that they should be more: it is reason on the other part, to institute certain Privileges, Honours, Authorities, Dignities, Gifts, and profits, to recompense those that have honostly acquitted themselves of their duties: and which have patiently borne the burden of the wars, during the time that the king his pleasure was to be served by them. For there is nothing more just than where offenders are greatly punished, that well deservers should be well rewarded: if so be that we would have men to hope, and fear all at once. For which cause the Romans did ordain a certain recompense for every virtuous act: to weet, for him that saved any citizen's life, fight against his enemies: likewise, unto him that got up first upon a wall, or that entered first at a breach, or into his enemtes' Fort: likewise, for him that in any sally out of a town besieged, did first pass his enemy's trenches: in sum, every virtuous act was remembered, and recompensed by the Consuls: and moreover, praised publicly of every man. And besides the honour & good fame that those that did obtain those gifts did get amongst other soldiers, they might wear them amongst the citizens, and go to and fro with them, and none other durst wear the like, but only those which had gotten them by the way abovesaid. I will not stay to tell what gifts they were, nor whereof the garments were that were given them: for it is enough that the recompense was good: and although it was not rich, yet it was honourable. The King had ordained that the Legionaries which did any act of valour should have certain gold rings given them: and that order had been very good if it had been kept. I would likewise, that those of whom I treat here, should have uppergarments, or rings, or bracelets, or jewels, I do not care what they were, so that they might serve for tokens and shows unto the world, that those that did wear them had behaved themselves like unto men of virtue. Moreover, they might enjoy the Privileges and other freedoms which the laws of Emperors do permit, and also the Prerogatives which the ancient Soldiers did enjoy amongst the ancient Romans. The King might likewise exempt them from taxes, and though not from all, yet at the least from part. And if so be that he conquered any country or town by force of arms, he might people them with those soldiers that had taken pains to do him service, and banish the other inhabitants as I have said before: or place them amongst the first inhabitants, if the said town & country were able to receive them all.  
The orders of the Legions do import that those that have been maimed of their limbs in the king his service, should be put into Garrisons & be kept there as the other dead pays were, and the recompense is honest. But for that it is not only enough to recompense maimed men, & to forget others that have showed themselves to be honest men, although that they were not maimed, for I am of opinion that the king should make account of all those that had served him faithfully in his wars, and should be informed of every man his deserts, to the intent that he himself might cut their bread, and not a quidam, whom the matter doth not touch at all, and who will pass it lightly: except it be the General that hath had them in charge, or some other that doth know their deserts, which to do well must distribute here one thing and there another, according unto every man his valour and merit, whether they be places of dead pays, keeping of Castles, Captain ships, Baliages, Provosties, Stewardshippes, or other courtlike offices: and if so be that those offices and estates may not suffice, the king hath wherewithal to recompense them richly by pension or otherwise: at the uttermost there are many governments in France, which may be charged to maintain a great number. Moreover, the Prelates & great benefices of France might be charged to maintain another part, with the third penny of their revenues which they are bound to employ for the maintenance of the poor, but they do it not: wherefore it would be labour well spent to make them to be charitable, that will not be so of themselves. And this I mean for the recompensing of simple soldiers & poor gentlemen: as for the Chiefs, they may be recompensed with the offices and estates abovesaid. If that soldiers did hope to be recompensed honestly when as the wars were ended, & to live without fear of poverty: it is a thing most certain, that whilst they are in the wars they would incline themselves to no other thing, but to do the king good service: whereas they are constrained before all things to think upon their particular profit, and afterward to exercise their faculty. But God knoweth how, for we do see, that who so doth not win by his industry, doth lose his time in tarrying until that an other do give him any thing: and that is also the occasion that soldiers at this day do use the wars for their occupation, & not to the intent to do the Prince service that doth give them their wages. Wherefore, when as the wars do fail, there are few soldiers that will labour or work again at the occupation that they did learn in their youth: and then, if they have nothing to maintain them to live idly, they do become robbers & skouters upon ways, as Montclou his men did, and many other the like have done in France, since the king his reign.  
I speak nothing of the subtleties that they do use, nor of the desire that they have of the continuance of the war, nor what enemies they are unto the peace, nor how they do seek many inventions to delay the king his service, which they would not do, if that they had any hope to be recompensed.  
To conclude, I do say that who so shall levy soldiers after the manner before spoken of in this book, and shall use the observations of punishment, and reward abovesaid towards those that through their good, or ill deeds had deserved praise or blame, that he should have as good soldiers as ever were. Whereof there must be no doubt made: for I dare affirm that these here spoken of are in all points so well ordered, as any soldiers were since that the Romans were in their triumph: and to prove that it is so, who so doth look into it, shall find that they are first of all levied and chosen according unto true election, & beside so well armed & weaponed (that in mine opinion) there is nothing to be found fault with all. Moreover, the distribution of them unto bands and officers, doth agree partly with the ancient manner, and partly with the manner that is now used: beside, the manner of ranging them is borrowed of both: so that what manner soever the ancient Romans did use that was better than ours, & that which we have that is better than theirs, hath been here in observed: and as for the number if it be thought to be too small, I do not say that it is forbidden to make it greater, whether it were of footmen or horsemen. But I am well assured that the ordinary host of a Roman Consall, was not so great of Citizens, & alliance as these before spoken of: neither is that much greater which Vigetius suiteth, if so be that they be not equal all things counted: and yet the Romans helped themselves against the greatest part of their adversaries, with their small number, except when as they had to deal with a mighty enemy, and then they did put two Consuls hosts together: and then if their number amounted unto 50000. Romans, Allies & Voluntaries, that came without commandment, it was a whole world. Sith than they did augment their number at their need, what shall let us to levy as many as we will, having men enough as well as they had, if it were 50000. or 100000. if it were requisite? but this great levy may be reserved until an extremity, & the abovesaid four legions might serve for a war of mean importance: to wit, if we were to encounter but with 30000. or 40000. enemies. For I do make arcount, that the order that is used in this small number is more worth than an enemy that hath fifteen or twenty thousand more. And if so be that we did levy any small number more than these, they might serve for sudden courses, and skirmishes, and to put into garrisons in conquered towns: as for a day of battle, these four legions with their accomplishmentes, may do as good service as if they were a greater number, for peradventure a greater number would make a confusion, as great multitudes are accustomed to do, for that they cannot so well be ordered as a meaner number. Pyrrhus' the king of the Epirotes, used to say that he would have but 15000. only to fight against all men. The small number of Alexander his soldiers do verify his words, which number being well ordered, were more worth than Darius' great multitude ill governed.  
Moreover, I do think that I have so well advertised the General that might have the conduct of this people of so many points, that if he do lose any thing, or do not bring his enterprises to a good end, it shallbe his own negligence that will hinder him and not the want of advertisement of any thing that might serve his turn: for I have showed him how he shall take least hurt, and have taught him how to give battle, and to get the victory. Moreover, I have showed him what might happen during the combat, or after, & the way to remedy inconveniences.  
Consequently, I have led him through his enemies so sure, that he was not to be surprised, and have made mention of the inconveniences that may happen unto an host, marching by the way: afterward I have lodged him so strongly encamped, that he might rest with his people without fear of any man. Moreover, he hath been taught divers policies for to overcome his enemies that are left after a battle: & what order ought to be observed in the besieging of a town. Moreover I have given him laws to help himself withal, for to have good service of the people under his charge; and therewith have showed him how he might proceed in his judgements for to condemn or release a prisoner. Finally, I have inferred at the tail of these things before spoken of: certain examples of the severity that the ancient Chiefs did use, when as they did punish any crimes of importance: of all which there hath been so largely spoken, that as I have tired myself in writing them, so I doubt that those that shall thoroughly peruse them, will be weary themselves in reading them. What resteth now then, but to conclude, that who so would put this levy in practice should make his Soldiers the most excellentst men of war that have been since the Romans: which is so easy a matter to be instituted in France, and to be maintained, that nothing is more easy. If it had pleased God that the levying of our legions had been like it: for it might be thought that the king would have liked them so well, that he would not have changed or released them, for to have been served with strangers, or adventurers as he hath done: & yet I hope he will remember himself, & make his wars with his own people. But suppose that he doth reject the legions, & that the order spoken of in this work, be not worthy to be received: yet I do hope shortly to see, that Military Discipline shall be restored unto her ancient force by the said Lord, and through the diligence that you my Lord Constable will employ before all other, both for your office sake, and also for that I do think that you were ordained for to deliver us from the servitude of strangers, wherein we have been long time, who may vaunt that they have been the disposers of all the wars that we have made within this 30. years, and have made us to lose as often as it pleased them. for in truth all our hope and trust consisted, and it lay in their hands for to defend or to destroy us, but I am in good hope that through the good order that you will take, that we shall no more hereafter be at their mercy: which opinion, both Frenchmen and strangers have of you, grounding their argument upon that which you have begun, in showing the Frenchmen that way how to resist all their enemies. And moreover because that you have begun to reform the state of the horsemen not long since, it is thought that you will not leave the footmen in their accustomed error, specially for that the horsemen had not so great need of reformation as the footmen. Besides, it is not so requisite to have good horsemen, as good footmen, for the footmen are they that may win or lose a battle, and not the horsemen, except that it be by a great chance. I am assured that you putting your helping hand unto this work, shall be well assisted by many good and ancient Captains, who do understand this business better than I can express it. And moreover, there are my Lords the Marshals, and so many other to help, that it would be impossible if the matter were once set abroach, and put in question, but that it would have good success: and for to make the matter the more easy, this realm is so well furnished with experimented, wise, and wellwilling men, that there wanteth nothing to set up this art incontinent, but the setting of them awork, and showing them the manner how to exercise those small things that appertain thereunto: wherefore there is no more to do but to make a levy of men after the manner that I have showed, or after a better, and immediately to commit them unto the charge of those that are fittest, and do best understand this business for to train them: and if the matter were so handled, you may be sure (as you do well understand) that this discipline well exercised, would restore us unto the reputation that we have lost through our negligence, and besides that, you should get an immortal fame for your travel. Moreover my Lord, if I did not know the great affection that you have borne of long time unto this reformation, I would enforce myself to persuade you thereunto at this instant, but knowing that it would be but foolishly done of me to trouble you with a matter that you so greatly desire, I will but only remember you for the speedy effecting of your desire, to the intent that we might yet one day have amongst us the manner, value, & advantage that a well ordered host hath above an host that is ill ordered, to do us service chiefly against the enemies of our faith, if so be that the King would take any voyage in hand against them, as every man hopeth that he will do, or if so be that he would attend until that they should assail us at home, as it is to be feared that they will do, if that our Lord GOD do not put to his helping hand, which were a thing very needful for us: as for us to think that we could resist them with our accustomed manner of war, we should deceive ourselves, seeing they do far excel us in power & discipline, and except we do reform our naughty manner of living, it were nothing, for every man knoweth that they are the just scourge of God, by whom he will punish us for the grievous faults which we do commit. But this amendment will be found to be a hard matter with those that are accustomed to live at their own pleasures, and yet it is nothing else but the custom that we have taken in it: notwithstanding the first is easy, if so be that we would take a little pains in it, and the last is not impossible, if that we would imitate the Lord Camille Vrsin, who hath so well amended and reform the italians that are under his charge, for the Venetians in Slavony (whose manner of living before was too manifest corrupt, as it is well known that of all the nations that do haunt the wars, there is none so exceeding vicious as the italians are commonly) that of such as I say they were, he hath brought them into so good order, that the worst amongst them may be compared with any of the best religious that we have in our Monasteries. And to say truth it is the miracle of our time, for both the act which he hath done, and the victories they have gotten, may rightly be termed to be wonders. I do say that our men are neither of steel nor stone more than his were, but that they may be brought unto a manner of good life aswell as they, so that we had another Camille amongst us, or that the Captains who should have the charge of these men, would do their endeavour to imitate him as near as they might, and for this cause have I made mention of him in this place, as also to show that it would not be impossible to reform a great many of our soldiers, to wéet, those that are least hurtful, so that every one of the Chiefs would first reform himself for his own part, and moreover did proceed in his business for another and better intent, than they do that go to the wars at this day. But I now go without my bounds, and in stead of dispatching, do entangle myself further then ever before, and do borrow a new occasion for evil speakers to reprove me, specially for that I do speak of matters at my own pleasure, willing this and that to be done, as if it were in me to appoint, or that I were better than other men, which I am not, and therefore it is the worse: wherefore not to detain you longer with words, nor to weary you with rehearsals, which I do fear more, than the tongues of those that would cut me through, I will take my hand from this work for it is time, beseeching you my Lord Constable to take my defence in hand against those that will after divers manners control this Book, and will make their laughing stock of it in your presence, reproving here one thing, and there another, as the most part of people do at this day when as any new thing doth light into their hands, chiefly if it do come from the forge of any one that is of their acquaintance, or of their profession, as I am sure that more than four that are about you will do, who would be very sorry, if they should not speak their rabblement rather in evil part then in good, if there should be any of these of whom I speak, I appeal from their judgement from henceforth, and at this instant unto you, for to maintain my right, I do cast in their teeths the honest desire that I long time have had to do or to wright somewhat that might please you, which hath moved me to take this matter in hand, as a thing most agreeable unto you: and therefore sith it is you who have caused me to take this work in hand, there is no reason that you should excuse me of the fault that I have committed in it, or contrarily, that I should defend mine innocency against all those find faults that would wrongfully reprove me, whom it shall please you to forbid, not to enter into the reading of this work for to dispute, nor to correct my sayings, except they have written better of this matter than I have done, or that you do esteem them to be of the number of those that have perfect knowledge in military discipline, for I do consent and permit all those with a good will to reprove me freely, and to tear out at their pleasure all that they do find to be ill penned, and contrary unto their opinion: and it shall be so far from me to be displeased for any thing that they shall blot or tear out of the book, were it a great part or all, as if I might know their names, I would give them thanks, and also account myself to be greatly beholding unto them for the honour they had done me, in declaring their opinions upon a matter of so small value. As for the others which do not understand it better than I, or that would judge of envy, I do hold them for suspected, aswell far their insufficiency, as also for that peradventure I have pricked them in some place, for which cause they might have a desire to revenge if that they might find any small occasion. It may be also that some may be evil contented, because that I have spoken against adventures, in blaming their levy, and also their manner of life, yet I do think I have done well, and whether I have reproved them justly or no, I do refer me unto your judgement, who knows of what value they are, and who is not to learn now what fault he doth commit that doth serve himself with them, and shall do, until such time as there be a levy of people made in France, according unto a true election, with whom a Lieutenant General might serve himself every way better, then with others. But how should you my Lord make our adventurers to carry more harness than they are accustomed, and to carry victuals at their backs, and tools to rampare withal, sith they are so nice, as to make their Pages (when they are ranged in battle) to carry their Pikes, or arquebus, or their common garment to be lighter, & sometime do break their Pikes to be excused from carrying them, & had rather cast their harness into a ditch, then to lad their persons. When can you put into their heads that they ought ordinarily to do the duties of pioneers, sith at a need they will do no thing, but drive away those that do rampare of their own free wills. If in a great number there were one found, they do despise him, and fly from him as they would do from one that were excommunicated or infected, and despise him as we do vain and idle men. How will you keep them every day certain hours in arms for to exercise them in feigned battles, for to be better served of them at the combat, then if they had not been exercised: sith that if there be question that they should watch but once in fifteen days, or should be sent but unto one extraordinary service once in a month, they will murmur against you, saying that they are overcharged, and that it is for drudges to do the service they do. I speak nothing of the braver sort, who disdain to be found at such like services, because they can renounce God more outrageously than others, or for that they are more richly clad. How will you bring them to use any extreme diligence on foot, that only for marching of one mile, they must mount on horseback at the departing from their lodging: so that a small band of footmen at this present do carry as great a train of horses, as a great company of horsemen were wont to do: or if they do any diligence on foot, they must have more entreaties and persuasions, than I could recite in a whole day. And sometimes they must be used with threatening and force, so that I may say, that all the good that they do, if peradventure they do any, is by force, and that they never make war of their free-willes. When will they abstain from play, from whores, and from blaspheming, and from committing those insolences that they do every day, aswell against friend, as against enemies? Or for to keep them from it, how great a labour should you have, and how many men should you put to death? how will it be possible to reduce them to that manner of life, that a plum-tree laden with plums, being within one of the Camps that we do make, might be found after that we are dislodged, undiminished, without any man laying hand upon it (as we do read in times past hath been) when as the very sacred things are not sure in Churches, for that they pill all, nor the things of those that lodge together is not quiet: for they rob one from another he that best may best. Shall I make mention of the country where they pass, sith it were as good to be consumed with fire, as to abide the passage of this people, for that they leave neither riff nor raff, but do force, and murder as well the women as the men they can lay hold upon. I say in sum, that it is a sort of people that are not to be corrected, who so shall look well into them, so that there is neither Captain nor other that can deal with them: for if a Captain would take away their liberty from doing evil, they will say that he reapeth some profit under hand: if he reprove them, they do the worse, or they abandon him: if he punish them, they mutin, and sometimes revenge upon his person. But how will they amend for him, when as a Captain General himself, can hardly take order for it? Will they do any thing for that they are of their captains country? No, for they are not his subjects, no nor he knoweth not possible the tenth man but by sight: wherefore if they fly after that they have done any offence, he shall not know in what place to find them, for to punish them. And suppose that they must be found, it is so that the Captains must pursue them at their own charges, which is not for their profit: for peradventure they shall spend their money in vain, for to do that which justice is bound to do. And furthermore, do these Captains think to make their men refrain by putting them to any shame, sith they are borne and nursed without ever having learned any other thing than shame? What shall they promise them being at the wars, whereby their Soldiers may be enticed or bound with all reverence to love and fear them: sith that when as the wars are ended, they shall have no more to do with them, and before the end, one will go on the one side, and another on the other. Wherefore should Soldiers be obedient unto their Captains, if they know not one another? What others shall they take? shall it be by our Lord, seeing they do deceive him every way, and blaspheme so cursedly? shall it be by their parts of Paradise? and they have no portion in it, forasmuch as they are full of injustice, fornication, malice, wickedness, manslaughter, quarrels, fraud, evil courage, murmurers, detractors, haters of God, injurious, proud, vaunters, inventors of evils, disobedient unto father and mother, unto the King, and Superiors: without understanding, except it be to do mischief, and all the rest that followeth: all which are banished from the sight of God, as the devil is banished out of Paradise. Furthermore, I believe that such people will never keep that which they have promised in his name, whom they dispraise at all hours? How were it possible that they that dispraise God, should reverence men? For it is so that those of whom I speak, do make less account of him than nothing, and not only they, but also the strange Soldiers that the King doth keep in his service, or the greatest part of them. What good order then may be taken in this matter? Certainly my Lord (you will answer me) none: but who would have simple and plain men, so that they were the King's subjects, whom it were far better to take into service, supposing that they were levied, and chosen as appertaineth, albeit that they never had been at any service, and that they do come but from holding of the plough; then those that had long time exercised the occupation of arms; although they be alswell experimented as they might be, so that they were otherwise ill conditioned: for that you shall find that it is easier to make simple and new men good Soldiers, than it is to bring the wicked to good ways, after that they are once gone astray. It is not then without cause, that I praise the levy of those that may be made good Soldiers with little difficulty, and that I cry against those which are so exceeding wicked, that there is not almost any remedy to amend them. And therefore it were not convenient that my sayings should be dispraised nor condemned, if I have spoken against the wicked: for my meaning was to prick them only, and no others: nor it were no reason that I should be reproved, although I have blamed the manner that we do use in levying Adventurers: for I have not done it before I had justly praised: to weet, whether the Legionaries or the said voluntaries were better: nor before regard taken diligently unto the profit that may come of the one, & unto the inconveniences and evils of which the others are commonly causers: for if I had made any comparison on mine own side, I would never be so rash, as to put it to judgement as I do. But be it that those that do maintain their part, should find mine opinion evil, and the liberty I have used in speaking: yet will I not therefore leave to exhort all those that use the wars, and do delight to have the title of Adventurers, that they should change for some other manner that should be better, then that which we have handled hitherto: and that of evil livers as we are, every man should bestow his labour to become a man of good life: and if we have been inexpert in the feats of arms heretofore, let us endeavour to reform ourselves hereafter in such sort, that the King seeing us to be well conditioned and perfect good Soldiers, may think himself happy: specially finding such Soldiers to be in his realm, that our enemies or neighbours who daily raunsack us, being advertised of our valour, should make greater difficulty to move war against the said Lord to morrow or next day, than they are accustomed: or to hold themselves at too high a price, if he had need of the aid of his said neighbours, knowing how much we do excel them in virtue and discipline.  
Here endeth the third, and last Book.   
FINIS.   

THE PRACTICE of Fortification: Wherein is showed the manner of fortifying in all sorts of situations, with the considerations to be used in delining, and making of royal Frontiers, Sconces, and renforcing of old walled Towns.  
Compiled in a most easy, and compendious method, by Paul Iue. Gent.   printer's or publisher's device 
Imprinted at London by Thomas Orwin, for Thomas Man, and Toby Cook. 1589.   

To the Right Honourable Sir William Brooke, of the most noble order of the Garter Knight, Lord Cobham, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, and their members, of her majesties most honourable privy Counsel, and Lord Lieutenant of the County of Kent. And unto the Right Honourable Sir Francis Walsingham Knight, principal Secretary to her Majesty, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and of her highness most honourable privy Counsel.  
THe manifold benefits that I have received at your honours hands, since my return into England, have enforced me to seek some means whereby I might make known my thankfulness for the same. And finding nothing more agreeable unto your Honourable cares in the service of her Majesty, wherein I might do you more humble service then in the practice of Fortification, having had sight therein since the view taken by the Marquis victual, for the oppressing of the Low Countries, with the yoke of Citadels, and exercise since Don john's departing from Brussels unto Namure: which practice, although it be not so common amongst us, (or of some thought altogether so necessary for us) as for the nations whose countries do lie adjoining together, where an enemy may enter with a great number of horse & men upon the sudden: yet is the knowledge necessary, that when the practice should be put in execution in the service of her Majesty, that perfection might be effected that might do her highness service. And therefore I have compiled this little treatise of the practice of Fortification, which I most humbly present unto your Honours, beseeching you to receive it as a most humble token of the desire I have to do you service.  
Your honours most humbly ready at commandment. Paul Iue.   

The Practice of Fortification.  

The necessary placing of a Fort  
The 1. Chapter.  
THE reason that moved men first to enclose their Cities and other habitations with walls, was, to be assured from enemies, and that a small number might defend themselves from the violence and oppressions of a great, wherein their first practice extended no farther than the preservation of private estates, until such time as it was considered, that not only particular places, but also the general estate of a Kingdom, Province, or Country, might be defended, by placing of walled Towns, Castles, and Fortresses, upon the edge and borders of the same; of such sufficient strength and greatness, as that in time of peace, they might be kept with a few men, and upon a surmise of war, receive a greater number, by whom the enemy borderer should not only be annoyed in his Country, and hindered to enter upon the lands of his neighbours so frontierd with any small power upon the sudden: but bringing any great army, be constrained not to pass the Fort without subduing it, for avoiding the great mischief he might receive of so noisome an enemy left behind him, which to invade, would ask great charge, time, and travel, besides the danger that might happen. In placing of which Fortresses, two things are chiefly to be considered of, the necessity, and the situation: for as a Fort not placed where it were needful, might scantly be accounted for frontier; so having no benefit of the place it standeth in, it might hardly be reckoned for fortress, so that the one must help the other to the best effect that may be.  
A Fort therefore that shall serve for a frontier, must be set near the walled Towns, Castles, and frontiers of the enemy borderer, or near other places where an enemy may make any sudden assembly of people in his Country: having the way from thence commodious to enter upon the lands of his neighbours, and the retreat good, and upon the Seacoasts at Havens and Roads, where a Fleet of Ships may be harboured, and have commodious landing: in which places, because the grounds may be of divers natures for this purpose, I will show the manner of fortifying in all sorts of grounds, and the commodities and discommodities that a fort may have of the place where it standeth in.   

The manner of fortifying in all sorts of grounds, and the commodities and discommodities a Fort may have of it situation  
The 2. Chapter.  
WHo so shall fortify in plain ground, may make the Fort he pretendeth of what form or figure he will, and therefore he may with less compass of wall enclose a more superficies of ground, then where that scope may not be had. Also it may be the perfecter, because the angles that do happen in it, may be made the flatter or sharper. Moreover the ground in plains is good to make ramperts of, and easy for carriage, but where water water wanteth, the building is costly and chargeable, for that a Fort situated in a dry plain, must have deep ditches, high walls, great bulwarks, large ramparts, and cavalieroes: beside, it must be great to lodge five or six thousand men, and have great place in it for them to fight, ranked in battle. It must also have countermines, privy ditches, secret issue out to defend the ditch, casmats in the ditch, covered ways round about it, and an argine or bank to impeach the approach, will require great garrison, much artillery, powder, victuals, and other things necessary for the keeping and maintaining of it, is subject to mines and to cavalieroes, may be surprised, scaled, battered, and assaulted on every side, and may be kept besieged with forts, men, horse, and artillery.  
Where water may be found, the fort may be the less, and needeth not the ditches so deep as in dry ground, for it will be free from surprise, scale, and mining, and being battered the assault will be troublesome, for that one man standing upon firm ground, may resist five upon a bridge, boat, float, or such like. Moreover, the fort standing near unto any river, may receive great commodities of it for the bringing of things necessary unto it, both for making and maintaining of it, and it may have the river turned into the ditch to scour the ditch of any thing that may be cast into it, and the same may also be kept up with stuses within the fort to drown the ground about it, and in those low places which abound with water, an enemy can hardly cover himself from the fort.  
Betwixt these two situations, there are divers opinions held, some commending dry ditches, alleging that by a dry ditch a fort may receive relief, the ruin that a battery maketh may be taken away, and any thing that an enemy may cast into the ditch to fill it, may be burnt, & by the sallies that may be made out of a dry ditch, an enemy may be charged in his trenches on every part, (which may serve the turn for a while) but these consider not the counterscarp being won, the benefit and use of the ditch will be taken away by the artillery and harquebusserie of the enemy: nor that of those three means wherewith a wall may be breached, to wit, the Cannon, mine, and men's hands, water hindereth the putting in practice of two of them. The discommodities that proceed of water, are these, in hot countries standing water engendereth infective airs, and in cold Countries it freezeth that men, horse, and artillery may pass over.  
In fortifying amongst hills, make choice of those that are like pyramids, or that have no ground of equal height, with the superficies of their tops, more than the fort and the ditch will occupy, to the intent that from the Fort an enemy may be impeached the assent of the hill. For which consideration, the fortifier shall be oftentimes constrained to make the Fort greater than it were needful it should be, and ofttimes with great circuit of wall shall enclose but a small superficies of ground; but being so placed, it needeth no great place in it, nor royal defences, as great Bulwarks, Flanks, or Ramparts, because it will not be subject unto battery, but will be assured through the valley and hanging of the hill, which will give an enemy trouble in lodging, trenching, taking away the defences, battery, and assault, and being mined, the effect might happen to little profit, for the inequality of the ground. Besides, if the defenders should charge their besiegers, the one quarter of the Camp could not secure, or be succoured of the other. Or if the defenders should be enforced to retire, they might do it with advantage enough, having most commonly a higher ground to repair unto, but when that choice may not be had, but that the superficies of the hill top be more than the Fort may occupy, then must he choose the higher part of the hill, placing the Fort, that so great part of it may enjoy the benefit of the hanging of the hill as possible may, and toward the other part of the same, build as in a dry plain, for as part in respect of the valley under it may enjoy the benefit of the hilly situation, so part in respect of the equality of the ground without it, upon which an enemy may lodge, trench, mine, batter, and assault (especially if the ground may be broken with Spade, Pickaxe, and such like) is subject to all those discommodities that a Fort situated in a dry plain.  
A Fort situated among Mountains, can hardly be kept besieged with forts, men, horse, and artillery: but those forts that are situated upon hills and mountains are troublesome to make for the difficulty of bringing of stuff to the place, are subject to surprise, suffer oft times great penury of water, and oft times are troubled with great rains, which seeking issue, do cause ruin of their walls.  
A Fort situated in a lake, needeth no great defences: as great bulwarks, ramparts, cavalieroes, nor large flanks, because it is free from battery and assault, but through the evil air of the lake, it will oft times be besieged of itself. Besides, an enemy may easily besiege it, in placing Forts where it hath recourse to the land, and proceed on his voyage, assuring himself that the Fort must come into his hands, for as it is hard to be aborded; so it is to receive succour, and able to do an enemy but little hurt.  
Of Forts placed upon small rivers, is sufficiently spoken before, and those that stand upon great rivers, may partly be compared with those in lakes, but where they may be approached, their defences must be great, are free of the infective air which the lake oft times yieldeth, may better receive succour, and give an enemy great travel in the assiege.  
A Fort situated in the Sea, is not only free from battery and assault, because the battery that may be made at Sea is feeble, weak, and uncertain, by reason of the Seas continual motion; but also is free from besieging, not only for that those enemies are few that can put any great army to Sea: but also because the Wind and Seas alteration is such, that an Assige at Sea cannot be continued. Moreover, it may be maintained with Merchant trade, and with it Shipping occupy things appertaining to other men. But a Fort that standeth in the Sea cannot serve the land it standeth near unto for frontier, but at Sea only, because it may not put men and horse a shore, and serve them for retreat.  
A Fort that must serve for frontier upon the Sea coast at havens, roads, and such like landing places, must be set part within the Sea, or at least so near unto the Sea, that an enemy may make no Fort, Trench, or other coverture, how little so ever it be, to save himself from the violence of the Fort betwixt the Sea and it, nor may use any artillery within one or two hundred paces on neither side of the port, or haven, to impeach the free entering and going out of Ships, and being so placed for the benefit it hath of the Sea, it may be the greater, and both in time of war and peace be kept and defended with less number of men and provision: because it may be succoured at all times, and may serve itself with the commodities both of Sea and Land, and may serve for frontier unto both, for that it may keep shipping, men, and horse. And to besiege a Fort so placed, an enemy that dwelleth upon the same main the Fort standeth, shall be enforced to have two armies, the one by Sea, and the other by Land, and coming from any other part, shall be constrained to bring in so great an army by Sea, as that may carry men, horse, artillery, and other things, for the maintaining of the army, to put ashore, and yet must keep the Seas also, but how hard a matter it is to land an army, and troublesome to continue an assiege at Sea, and of what value those Towns are that have this situation, Flushing, Rochel, and ostend, do, and will bear witness, but the discommodity that those Forts have that stand by the Sea side where great ebbs do run, is, they are subject unto surprise at low water.   

The manner of the lining out of a Fort, and the considerations to be used therein  
The 3. Chapter.  
IN the delineation of a Fort that shall serve for a royal frontier, the figure triangular is not to be used at all, nor the quadrant, but only in those watery grounds where it can not be approached, neither is the cynqueangle to be chosen for any perfection that is in the figure, for this purpose (although that many good Forts are made in that form of the Castle of Antwerp, the citadel of Turyne and others) but rather for sparing of charges in building & mainteing the Fort, for the exterior angles of the bulwarks placed upon the angles of those figures, do fall out sharp, and therefore are weak to resist a battery, and hard to be defended, but in other figures they become flatter, and the more bulwarks a Fort hath, from the more places it may travel and offend an enemy; but than it will require the greater garrison, provision, and artillery, the more cost in making, and care in keeping. All which being considered, line out the Fort you pretend, if nothing do hinder the delineation, nor that any part may be less approchable than other with equal sides and angles; but if any part may be better assured of the situation than the rest, on that side lay out the longer sides and sharper angles, or both, to the intent the other part more easy to be approached, may be the more defenceable: yet herein there must be a foresight, that the Fort may fall out as circular as possible it may, and being constrained to fortify near any bank, or high ground, place a curtain against it, and not a bulwark, because a curtain lying betwixt two flanks may be better defended then the front of a bulwark from one, and that high ground more offended from the bulwarks on either side of it: but if the bank be so large that it would reach from the front of one bulwark unto another, then in no case build near none so noisome a neighbour, for upon such a high ground with little labour may be cavelieroes raised in short time, which with artillery may command over the Fort, and impeach the defence of a breach, notwithstanding any travers that may be made, and finding any old Fortress subject to this mischief from which you would assure it, make on that part the walls, ditches, ramparts, bulwarks, cavelieroes, and parapetes, deeper, higher, and larger, then of custom, laying the superficies of the rampart hanging somewhat inward. The City of Gaunt being subject to such a high ground that lay hard unto the ditch side thereof, by the advise of the foresight, the Prince of Orange fell to work, with spade, pickaxe, horse, cart, & willing people, and in short time rebated the pride of it, carrying away part into a valley, and bringing part into the City, making of it bulwarks, ramparts, cavelieroes, parapets, and the rest, so that that ground which first commanded the City, was afterward made subject, the City commanding it: but these like labours may be practised where necessity enforceth, but not where free choice may be used for avoiding of superfluous charges, time, travel, and annoyance.   fortification diagram  fortification diagram 
The circuit of the fort being laid out to fashion out the Bulwarks proportional & defensive to the same, take the one angle of the figure before going, which shall be the angle F. A. B. imagining it to be placed in a dry plain, and frame upon it one Bulwark, in which all the defences necessary unto a Fort may be showed, which you shall do in this manner. First upon the line A. B. take 165. foot, or 33. paces (at 5. foot every pace) for the length of the Bulwark, which is the line A. C. which length must be taken with this consideration, that unto every place in the flank where you pretend to use Artillery, you must give 50. foot at the least for the recoil of a Cannon, and defend the same Cannon from the enemy's Artillery with a parapet of 25. or 30. foot thick, and therefore at the prick C. erect a perpendicular line of infinite length, which shall be the line C.D. (so shall the Curtin which is the distance betwixt two Bulwarks be 134. paces long, which Curtin lying upon the side of a town difficile to be approached and well watered, may be 12. paces longer; but in a dry situation the said Curtin should never be so long by 12. or 16. paces) and of the line C.D. take a portion for the thickness of the shoulder of the Bulwark, and breadth of the flank, which shall be the line C. E. which breadth and thickness of both together may be 27. paces or 135. foot, giving unto a flank, where two Cannons may be used, not less than 25. foot, nor more than the one third part of the thickness of the shoulder and flank together: for the thicker the shoulder is, the longer it shall be able to resist a battery, and the better be defended: wherefore take 25. foot signified by the line C.G. which 25. foot (the flank being raised, with the scarpe that the Curtin will make may be some 28. foot, or more or less, as hereafter shallbe showed.) And to have the front of the Bulwark, first divide the angle F.A.B. into two equal parts with the line H.I. and from the flank or other place, from whence you would defend the front of the Bulwark, draw a right line of infinite length, which must cut the line C.D. in the prick E. and the line H.I. where it happeneth, as in the prick K. which shall be the line Q.R. and after this manner shall you frame the Bulwark, as is seen in the figure.  
But here note that the exterior angle of the Bulwark will not always fall out upon the line H.I. for when the fronts of the Bulwarks are not defended from like distances and the flanks and shoulders of equal thickness, then cannot the fronts be of equal length.   fortification diagram  fortification diagram 

The foundation, ditch, secret ditch, and countermine.  
Having laid out the superfices that the Fort will occupy, begin to break ground, bringing the earth inward into the Fort, to rampire withal, foreseeing as much as may be to avoid the superfluous charges of oft removing it, and when you have digged seven or eight foot deeper than you pretend to make the ditch (or more or less according to the goodness of the ground, lay the superficies of that bottom somewhat hanging inward toward the centre of the Fort, and work your foundation, as hereafter shallbe showed) the depth of which ditch in dry ground may be 30. or 40. foot, and more, according to the cost that will be bestowed, besides the depth of the secret ditch which may be made in the great ditch to ease the charge of the building, which also may be 20. foot broad, and 10. or 12. foot deep: for the chiefest strength in a Fort that standeth dry is the depth of the ditch: for the deeper the ditch is, the more trouble it giveth an enemy in cutting the Counterscarpe, and in mining the better it will receive the ruin of a breach, and maketh the assault more difficile: but where water aboundeth, that depth cannot be had, neither were it altogether necessary, but there 10. or 12. foot under the superficies of the water, or more or less as the water will permit, is to be thought a great depth, but than it must be the broader, as 100 or 120. foot, as is before showed, where the other need not be above 60. or 70. foot: and the reason of this breadth in the one is, that an enemy may be the more troubled to aboard the Fort: and of that narrowness in the other, that he may be the more offended in the approaching and cutting the Counterscarpe, and that the defenders may be the more covered in the ditch. But when by this ditch and secret ditch a Fort cannot be assured from the mine, which an enemy may put in practice, then must a countermine be made; which countermine of some hath been made to little effect upon the foundation within the Fort. But of others without in the ditch hard against the foundation to better purpose, but that it weakeneth the foot of the wall: wherefore to avoid that danger, make the countermine 25. or 30. foot distant from the wall, and so deep in the ground, as an enemy may go with a mine. Which countermine must be 4. foot broad, and 6. or 7. foot high, and must have vents made in the top of it, whereby it may receive light: and the best way into it, were some 40. foot distant from the Bulwark Orechion or Cullion, as shall be showed hereafter, that it may be used not troubling or impeaching the Bulwark, nor impeached by it: but in the work it must be the last thing performed, when the ditch is emptied. But for the foundation of a Fort, if the same be to be made in a fen, marish, or other such like grounds, which of themselves are not able to bear the weight of the wall and rampire that shall be raised upon them; lay a travers of trees in the bottom of the foundation of Okes, or other wood, which will longest continue good in the earth, laying them thwart wise in the work the one fast and close shut to the other, and hanging somewhat inward toward the centre of the Fort. And where this foundation is not thought to be sufficient, there drive in piles, the one half a foot distant from the other, or more or less as shall be needful, first driving in one pile as far as it may go, and by the depth of that one pile in the ground fit the length of all the other, which piles being driven even with the ground, pare away the earth betwixt the pile heads some half a foot deep or more, and in stead of that earth so pared away ram in stones with a rammer, and upon those pile heads lay a travers of trees, as before, and upon that travers, begin your foundation of stone, which must rise both outwardly and inwardly two foot broader than the wall, with the Esperons or Counterforts that shall be raised upon it, and half a foot higher than the bottom of the ditch, to the intent it might the better support the weight of the wall and rampire that shall be laid upon it. But where you find quick sands, quages, and such like, there must you not work much of the foundation at once, lest the quages master you: and the fittest stuff for such a foundation is great chalk stones of two foot and a half, or three foot long, roughly squared and laid bond wise with the dust of the lyme-kill or untempered lime powered in betwixt their joints by baskets full, and in this manner was the foundation of graveling wrought upon a quick sand, so likewise with chalk or stone which you find readiest, you may make a foundation in any other place (where water doth trouble you, in depening of the ditch, or laying the foundation, if it can not otherwise be voided: use chain pomps, kettle mills, or such other like inventions, whereof Georgius Agricola doth make demonstration in his sixth book De re metalica:) and where you find part rocks, and part earth, make a firm foundation in the earth until it rise even with the rock, leaving the superficies both of the one and of the other somewhat hanging inward toward the centre of the Fort. And building upon the entire rock plain, the superficies of it somewhat hanging toward the centre of the Fort, but building upon the edge of a rock, cut the same edge in manner of steps of four or five foot broad, leaving the superficies of these steps somewhat hanging inward as before, and so proceed (but in these foundations, use the advise and counsel of the practised Mason for his experience sake) the said foundation being brought to an evenness and ready for the wall that shall be raised upon it, will be like the Figure following.  
 fortification diagram   

The wall, counterforts, rampire, privy doors, parapet or vammure, ways by which the artillery must be brought into the first place, or casmate in the flank, casmate in the ditch, covered ways, and argine.  
THE foundation laid out, lay out upon it the thickness of the wall, and length of the counterforts that shall be raised upon it, for which thickness observe this order, that the deeper the ditch, and higher the wall is raised, the broader it must be at the ground, that it may the better bear the weight of the rampire that shall be laid against it: wherefore at fifty foot deep make the wall 5. or 6. foot broad at the ground, at forty 4. at thirty 3. foot, and at twenty, two and a half, or less, and the reason of this thinness upwards, is both to avoid superfluous charges, and to the intent the wall may both the longer resist a battery, and that being battered, the ruin may occupy the less place in the ditch. And as for the counterforts, they need not to be set nearer together than twelve foot, where the wall is not above 25. or 30. foot deep, nor would be set further asunder then 10. foot, where the wall will be 40. or upward, and they may be made of divers forms: as of equedistant sides, thin in the midst, and thick at both ends, thin at the wall, and thick in the rampire, triangular, or broad at the wall, and thin behind, as in the Figure is seen, which with those of equedistant sides are the best. The breadth of which counterforts at the wall may be four foot or less, with consideration of the depth of the wall, and at the thinner end two foot more or less as the stuff will give it, those in the bulwark would be eighteen foot long, and those in the curtain fouretene foot. The benefit that a Fort hath of them, is, they keep the rampire firm against a battery from falling, give an enemy travel to break them, and help the wall to bear the weight of the earth wherewith it is charged, and the reason why those in the bulwark should be longer than those in the curtin, is, because the bulwark is more subject to a battery then a curtain, and not so well defended, for a curtain is defended from two flanks, and the front of a bulwark but from one, of all which, is demonstration made in the Figure following.   fortification diagram 
The wall and it esperons or counterforts being laid out, begin to raise up the same, giving unto it in every eight, nine, or ten foot in height, one foot of scarpe, hattering, or coming in, the inside equedistant unto the outside, and the inner ends and sides of the conterforts plumb working them up together with the wall, and filling them with good earth well beaten and rammed together as the work riseth, and likewise the side of the cullion next the flank must be plumb, and when the exterior angle of the bulwark falleth out sharp, then make the upper part of it, that is subject to battery flat, or round, leaving the under part sharp, to the intent an enemy may not stand, covered behind, that flatness, or roundness from the artillery in the flank. But here marvel not that I speak of so little scarpe, as of one in eight, nine, or ten foot, other before having put in practice, one in four, and one in five foot, holding opinion that by that scarpe a wall should the longer stand against a battery, but their reasons to prove it are not great, and the effect is less, but the discommodity a wall receiveth of that so great scarpe, is, that oft times through the great weight of the top, it looseth it foot and shooteth (besides the weather hath the more power of it, which also in few years causeth it ruin) and hereof in the Low Country are sufficient proofs in the frontiers, made by the late Emperor Charles the fifth, divers of their walls having given way two or three hundred foot at once, but one foot in eight, nine, or ten, the inside of the wall raised equidistant unto the outside, is given to the intent that the wall leaning inwards, should the better resist the weight of the rampire laid against it. In raising of this wall and it conterforts, must the privy door, and the way unto it, by which the ditch and argin should be defended, be thought upon, which must be made descendent from the first place in the flank into the ditch, as in the Figure following is seen. The fittest stuff to make the face of a Fort, is brick, and such other like soft stones, but the next to hand and best cheap must always be taken.   fortification diagram 
Having raised the wall until the first place in the flank, cordone, or full height (and filled it with good earth well beaten and rammed) which height may be five or six foot above the argine, and ten or eleven foot above the conterscarpe or level it standeth upon, make the Fort defenceable, raising a parapet or vammure upon the front of the bulwark and curtain, of good earth of ten foot thick, the inside four foot and a half, or five foot high, and the outside three foot and a half, or more, because it will settle, which outside and inside must be of turf, and the superficies must be beaten and laid hanging toward the ditch in such sort, that the covered way and counterscarp may be open unto the defenders from the inner edge of the parapet: but the parapet in the flank would be 25. or 30. foot thick, & that upon the cullion 20. foot at the least: the reason thereof is hereafter sufficiently showed. Afterward draw a line 50. foot equidistant unto the parapet in the flank for the recoil of the artillery, and another line 15. foot equidistant unto the parapet upon the curtain, for the defenders to pass between the parapet and the rampire that is intended to be raised upon the curtain at this said line, and from a prick 20. foot distant from the parapet upon the shoulder of the bulwark, extend a line toward the exterior angle of the same, but not equidistant unto the parapet, but in such sort, that the rampire which shall be raised at that line, may be defended from the artillery in the second place of the flank, as the front of the bulwark was from the first. And upon this flower also, or two or three foot under it, (to the intent they may lie the lower) would the flowers and ways for the passage of the artillery into the casemate and front of the bulwark, and likewise that out of the one flank into the other, be laid, which must be so broad, that any piece may pass with ease: but that for the passage from flank to flank may be broader than the other, and laid out in form like the front of a bulwark: as in the Figure following is seen: the reason thereof is hereafter sufficiently showed.   fortification diagram 
The parapet being raised upon the Bulwark and Curtin-to proceed to the full finishing of the Fort in this work pretended, at the lines signified by the pricks in the figure before going, raise the rampart unto the full height, which were necessary to be 12. foot at the least higher than the wall, or first place for the Artillery, and raise the wall in the inside of the Cullion, with the Esperons or Counterforts in it, (to bear the earth in the angle next the flank) so high as it is intended the rampire shall be, but plumb as the underworke is, but outward toward the Cullion let the same wall scarpe endwaies as the rampire doth: and raise also the walls of the ways for the passage of the Artillery into the flanks, and front of the Bulwarks, which must be vaulted over, but must be laid as low as they may that they be not seen unto the enemy. And as for the passage from one flank unto another, that may be left unuaulted, and the walls of it raised as high as the superficies of the rampire, and covered over with timber. At which may a retrenchment be made when need requireth, and the same well flanked, as by the manner of the lining of it in the figure before going is to be seen. The rampire must be raised scarping, battering, or coming in, for every one foot of height one foot of scarpe: but that part toward the Cullion must be raised flatter then the rest, and that within the flank or casemate need not to be raised altogether so flat, and it must be of earth only without any faggot, that it may the better close and settle together. And the reason why this rampire is so high and far distant from the edge of the wall, is, that the whole fortress might from every part of it the better offend an enemy, and as a cavalier command, and domayne over any thing an enemy might put in practice before it. And that also the wall being battered, this yet might stand defenceable for a retreat. (but note, that to ease the charge that the carrying of this great mass of earth would cost, the rampire upon the Curtains need not to be raised so high as that upon the Bulwarks: neither if the Fort do stand well watered need the face of the Curtin to be raised with brick or stone higher than three or four foot above the water: but from thence upward the rampire must be raised to his full height. These things may be done for sparing of charges, but perfection were better) Upon which rampire must a parapet be raised of 20. foot thick upon the Bulwark, and ten foot upon the Curtin: for this order would be observed in the parapet. Where Artillery is to be used of necessity in a permanent place, as in a flank, upon a cavalier, platform, or Bulwark; there almost no thickness of parapet is to be thought sufficient, so that the place will permit it. But upon a Curtin which is extended wide and broad, and may offend an enemy sometime from one place, & sometime from an other, there needeth no such thickness. And being enforced at any part to reinforce the parapet, it may there with less labour and annoyance be done, then upon a Bulwark. The superficies of the rampire must be so broad, that any piece may be used upon it, and have scope enough to recoil. And the ascent unto it must lie so flat that the defenders may run up upon it with ease, or pluck up a piece of Artillery by hand at any place of it, and therefore it must be free of encumbrances. Also the streets of the Fort must run all direct from the Bulwarks unto the market place, and likewise from the midst of the Curtains. Which market place must be large 300. foot square, or little less. The gate of the Fort must be placed in the midst of the Curtin, that from the Bulwarks on both sides of it, it may be equally defended, and must be set so low, that the defenders may go out and in to the covered ways, to defend the argin, or sally out, as little seen as may be. But the chiefest defence of the argin must be through the privy doors in the Cullion, passing the secret ditch with a portable bridge, which may be lightly laid and taken away, ascending the Counterscarpe: which Counterscarpe may be left somewhat flat, and pared steeper as need requireth. The casemate in the ditch (for not only the first place in the flank is called casemate, but also any other edifice that may be made in the ditch to defend the ditch by) must be placed opposite to the exterior angle of the Bulwark, betwixt it and the secret ditch, and must be made full of holes of use arqebus and Musket out at. And the walls of it must be so thin, that being ruined, the ruin may make no great body in the ditch: and the way to man it, must be under ground, through the countermine, or by some other vault made for the purpose. The covered way round about the Fort must be ten foot broad, and the argin or bank so high that a man be not seen behind it: which may be six or seven foot, and against it there must be steps made for the defenders to stand upon to use their arms over it; and to mount upon it, when it shall be needful. The superficies of the argin must be laid scarping, but in such sort that it may be scoured from the Fort, as in the figure following is seen. Here note, that as in a dry ground where an enemy may trench & cover himself from the fort, an argin & covered way, were thought necessary, to give him the more impeachment to approach the Counterscarpe: so in a low watery ground where an enemy cannot cover himself, it were not good to make any argin at all: lest you give him the mean to do the mischief which, you would hinder him from doing.    

The manner of fortifying with earth  
The 4. Chapter.  
THere is another manner of fortifying which is with earth: in which, in stead of a face of brick or stone, is a face of turf used, and for the Counterforts, faggots: which manner of building is of little charge in respect of the other, and yet is much more durable against a forcible battery. The experience thereof hath been sufficiently seen in this late wars of the Low Countries; but it is not so durable against the wether: but being of good earth and the faggots green, it will the longer continue: and although the face waist and moulder away with the wether, yet will the Fort continue defenceable. And the best is, the face may be repaired again with little charge. With this manner of building were the towns in the Low countries reinforced, and also many small Forts made both by the Duke of Parma, wherewith he kept the towns besieged: and also by the Patriotes, wherewith they frontiered the Duke, impeaching the courses of his men: he pretending the assurance of his, through the Camp he had in the field to secure them: and they for the most part, placing theirs so well watered and hard to be kept from relief, having for the most part so commodious situations for the purpose: as some of them have given their enemy's travel to get them, and others have caused them to retire without them, as Lyllo & others. Of which forts, some contained 160. paces square, some 100 some 80. others 60. 40. or less, & of these, divers forms here following are showed. But so small Forts may well serve to hinder the courses of a small number, but not to frontier a forcible enemy, except they stand well watered, and where they cannot be cut off from succour. And yet it were necessary that they should be of that greatness, that they might receive and lodge four or five hundred men at the least, leaving the rampires, streets and place of assembly, or market place free.   fortification diagram  fortification diagram  fortification diagram 
Besides these, there are divers other irregular forms used, most of them carrying a more show of strangeness then of defence: but sith the defences in so small Forts as these proceed chief, either of bulwarks, half bulwarks, and tenailes, these may suffice: admonishing the Fortifier, if the place will permit, to use as well in the delyning of these small Forts, as in those greater, the considerations before in them alleged.  
The manner of the work is this: the turf must be cut like a wedge, of 12. or 14. inches long, and 5. or 6. inches broad equidistant, the one end 4. or 5. inches thick, and the other sharp, and these turfs would be taken in the best ground that lieth near about the Fort, and must be cut with a long sharp Spade, of five or six inches broad, and 14. inches long, which must be well steeled, and kept very sharp: and the turf must be carried and handled without breaking, and laid in the work, the great end outward, and the grassy side downward, and scarping, one in 5. or 6. foot, the rampire behind the turf rising with the earth that is thrown out of the ditch, as fast as the face of the work riseth. (And when the face is raised the height of five turfs, and the earth behind it laid even, and spread almost as broad as the rampire is pretended (which may be 20. 30. or 40. foot, and more or less, as the earth that may be thrown out of the ditch will make it) or at the least so broad as it is thought that the wood will lie: for to say truth, to throw down the earth, or to spread it too broad before the wall be raised, were a point of no great wisdom) stretch a line and pair the turf even with a sharp Spade, but scarping, according to the first scarpe you laid them at, and then lay a row of faggots, which faggots must be 8. or 9 foot long, and more or less as the wood will give them, but not thicker than that you may almost gripe them betwixt your two hands, the great end of the wood lying all one way in the faggot, which end must be stamped against the ground that it may lie even in the wall, and must be bound with three bonds and laid in the work the great ends outward, one inch over the turf, and must be thrust up fast and close the one to the other, but not laid thicker than one faggot at once. And upon the small ends of those first laid faggots, must other faggots be laid, whose small ends must overlappe the small ends of the said first faggots, some three foot and a half or thereabouts. And upon the great ends of these second faggots, must a third faggot be laid, whose small ends must likewise overlappe the great ends of the said second faggots, as the small end of the second did the small ends of the first, (and where wood is plenty, having haste to raise the work, lay a fourth faggot in like manner,) which being done, raise again the face of the work five turfs higher, paring them by a line as is aforesaid, and raising the earth behind them as before, and then lay another row of faggots, and thus continue the work, until it riseth some twelve foot, above the foot it standeth upon; which foot must be left six foot broad, until the Fort be full ended to receive the earth which shall be thrown out of the bottom of the ditch, which from thence must be thrown into the Fort, and this foot must be afterward cut narrower flat off, but not so narrow that it might put the rampire that standeth upon it in danger of falling. Which done, raise a parapet of some five or six foot broad, more or less, according to the greatness of the Fort, and largeness of the rampire, and make the ditch if it be where water aboundeth the broader, but standing dry, the narrower and deeper. A great care must be had in making of the ditch, of the goodness of the ground, for fear of laying the work under feet, to avoid which inconvenience, the best way is to leave the wall a very good foot, and not to sink the ditch too deep on that side next it, but rather to make a secret ditch in the midst, or to make that side next the counterscarp very deep, leaving the other side the showler. Where wood is scarce, there use none but in the bulwark only, and there as little as you may, but only to stay the face of the bulwark; and raise the face of the curtain with turfs only, giving them somewhat the more scarpe, or for a need use no wood at all, and where turf would fall out scant, so that the ditch would be well watered, use none but in the bulwarks, and raise the courtine with earth only, making every way a virtue of necessity.   

The manner of fortifying of old walled Towns  
The 5. Chapter.  
FOr that the Towns enclosed with weak walls of stone, and defended with small, square, or round towers, are insufficient to abide the malice and offence that an enemy at this day may put in practice, the Cannon being an engine of much more force than any before it invented. To resist whose violence, other mean cannot be given, then to rampire those walls within, and make greater and royaller defences without; which defences, where the ditches are narrow and showle, the wall running any thing strait, or not making so great an ark, but that from any reasonable large flank the same may be scoured, would be set joint to the wall as bulwarks, and those Towers ruined that might impeach the artillery in their flanks to scour the wall: but where the ditches are deep and broad, or the wall too much circular, there the defences would be placed without the counterscarp, both for the better flanking of the wall, and to avoid the great charge, labour, and time, that the filling of the ditch, and far fetting of the earth to raise the work would require, and being so placed, they are termed to be ravelins of the italians & Frenchmen, and of us they have been termed spurs. Of Bulwarks there is sufficiently before spoken, but yet here note, that it shall not be necessary to make these Bulwarks in Towns, so great as those in royal frontiers, committing the charge of them unto Townsmen, except the same be well peopled Cities; neither were it good to bestow too great cost upon the fortifying of any evil situated place, for such things are easy for an enemy to get, and hard afterward to be gotten out of his hands, but for the delyning of a ravelin, if the same be to be placed against the side of a town, take this course being upon the ground where the ravelin should stand, go perpendicularly from the wall and counterscarp some 140. or 160. foot, or more or less as you will make it great, having respect unto the necessity, and unto the valour, and number of the defenders that be upon the place, or may be had upon a sudden, and set down a stake for the exterior angle or point of the ravelin: then turning toward the wall, behold from what place the same ravelin may best be defended, which must be by caveliers or platforms raised within the wall, except the wall and rampire be of sufficient breadth to place artillery upon, which must not stand farther distant from the exterior angle or point of the ravelin than 180. paces at the uttermost, & from those platforms or cavaliers unto the same exterior angle, draw two right lines for the fronts of the ravelin, which fronts may not be continued upon those lines unto the counterscarp (because the extremes of them next the counterscarp would fall out too weak & indefencible) but must be cut off perpendicular from the counterscarp or wall at some reasonable breadth, leaving both ends of the ravelin as the flanks or cullions of a bulwark, and it must lie wholly open toward the town, that the town may command, and domaine over it, and that an enemy entered, may have no succour in it, to assure himself from the artillery and harquebuserie of the town. And it must be manned by a bridge which must be laid as low, and covered as possibly it may. But if the ditch be dry, then make the way into it through a vault under the ground, or through the bottom of the ditch, and shut in both the sides or flanks of the ravelin unto the wall with a strong palizado to assure it from surprice. And when a ravelin is to be placed upon an angle, then proceed as in the delyning of a bulwark, but never place a ravelin upon a sharp or right angle, because it would fall out too sharp, but within the right or sharp angle place a platform which may defend the ravelins upon the lines on either side of it: and note also that you may not upon any other angle take the flank of a ravelin so royal and large, as you would the flank and shoulder of a bulwark, because of it disjoint standing from the wall which causeth sharpness.  
The cavaliers or platforms, must be placed where they may best defend the thing for whose cause they are made, on most parts offend an enemy, with choice as near as may be of the highest ground to ease the labour and charge, and they may be of earth only, with dung, rubbish, and such like, as the place yieldeth, but must be begun so broad, as that being raised to their full height, you may have scope enough to use five or six pieces of artillery upon them, or more or less as shall be thought needful, and also have sufficient breadth to defend the same, with a large parapet, gabions, or such like, and place them a good distance from the wall that they charge not the wall, and that being beaten, they may the easier be re-edified.  
If the wall be so high, that to rampire it to the height it is at, it would ask too great a labour and charge, then rebate it or take it down lower, (especially if there be no high ground without the town opposite unto it,) but if it be not able to bear the weight of the earth that should be laid against it, then to stay the wall from sliding, lay earth without at the foot of it, making the ditch deeper and larger if need require, as in the Figure following is seen.  
To help the insufficiency of the gates, place a ravelin before them, foreseeing with one defence to serve two turns, but if any gate stand indefencible as in an angle, dam it up, and make a new in the curtain.  
Where the water may be drawn away, there make a strong and sufficient dam of stone, placing a palizado before it, (providing always to have some royal defence near unto it, that an enemy may be impeached, by all means possible to approach it:) which palizado must be of young trees that will yield five or six inches of square timber, set fast in the ground, and bound together, the one standing three inches distant from the other, that nothing may be hid behind it from the harquebusserie of the Fort, and also it were necessary that the outside of it should be flanked from the said Fort. Likewise, any courtine or bulwark standing near unto any dam, seabanke, or other such like, whereby it might be easily approached, aborded, and surprised, must have a palizado (placed at the outer edge of the parapet raised upon the said courtine or bulwark) of sparres or such like, which palizadoes may be 14. or 15. foot high, or more or less.  
Where a river of slow course hath passage through a town, whose water side or Keys are unwalled, there place in the river (betwixt two forcible flanks) a stackado of great piles to keep an enemy out, leaving certain places open for passage, which upon the sudden at every need may be shut: but where the water runneth strong, and the fall of the river great, or the depth such, that a stackado would little avail the defence, and hinder the town of his commodity, there only upon necessity, when an enemy is looked for (especially if he may either bring with him, or find where he cometh to serve his turn,) make a bridge of hoys, lighters, or such like, forcibly moaring them, stretching cables from the one to the other, placing the bridge where it may be royally flanked, well arming it with men and artillery, of all which, in the Figure following is sufficient demonstration.  
A. Ravelins.  
B. Cavaliers, or Plat. forms.  
C. Bulwarks, with Palizadoes upon their Parapets.  
D. Stacados.  
E. Dams, with Palizadoes before them.  
F. A bridge of boats.  
When as any open town or other inhabited place is to be fortified, whether the same be to be made a royal frontier, or to be meanly defended against sudden courses and surprises. The fortifier or engineer must do his endeavour to reduce the same unto the perfectest form that the place will permit, remembering the considerations alleged before in the delineation of a fort. But where it is intended that the said place should be but of mean strength, only to withstand the courses of a small number, and not to resist a puissant army: nor that it should have any garrison in it, but be kept by the inhabitants: the Curtains must not be made nothing so long, nor the Bulwarks so great as in frontiers, and the said Fort must be contrived to be defended from as few places as it might be: and to bring it unto this perfection, he must neither spare house, garden, orchard, backside, key, or other thing that should stand in the way (where the rampire should be raised, or the ditch made) but respect the commodity and perfection of the Fort before any private commodity: and yet rather spare the poor for pity sake, than the rich for reward. Having above all things a regard unto his charge, that this partiality do not cause the work to be imperfect. For that these three: to weet, ignorance, negligence, and partiality in this business, are things to be punished with death.   
FINIS.   

Errata in the Book of Fortification.  
For G.M. read G.N. fol. 12. For, at the lines signified by the pricks, read at the lines within the parapet. fol. 25.