THE FLORENTINE History. WRITTEN IN THE ITALIAN TONGVE, BY NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI. CITIZEN AND Secretary of Florence. And translated into English, By T. B. Esquire. LONDON Printed by T. C. for W. P. 1595. NON TIBI SPIRO bookplate Sr. Richard Newdigate of Arbury in the County of Warwick Baronet 1709 royal blazon or coat of arms TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR CHRISTOPHER HATTON, KNIGHT OF THE ORDER, ONE OF HER majesties PRIVY COUNCIL, AND LORD Chancellor of England. MY VERY GOOD LORD, It hath been (and yet I think is) an use allowable, to present those whom we honour or love, with such things as either for their value be profitable, or for their novelty pleasing. Wanting power to perform the one, I make bold to do the other: and according to my promise) send you this old History newly translated. Which albeit your L. hath heretofore read in the Italian tongue, yet may it be, that (for variety's sake) you will again vouchsafe to peruse it in our English: written by him that is all yours. Sure I am (and by reading hereof, your L. shall be assured) that neither I have fully expressed the Authors conceit, nor the writer well performed his duty. Notwithstanding, sith both those wants may be supplied by your judgement, I adventure the Book into your L. hand, whom I dare trust with any pardonable error. For as I have taken in hand this labour, more to entertain myself, (not otherwise occupied) then thereby to merit your thanks, or the commendation of others: so do I recommend the same to your L. rather to be looked on at leisure, then as a thing of perfection worthy to be studied. Yet do I think (and so do others of more judgement) that this History doth equal or excel the most part that have been written: not so much for the order and argument of the matter, as the judicial discourses and observations of the Author. Wherein be discovered the causes of foreign and domestical discords, the commodities and discommodities of treaties, and the secret humours of Princes: with diverse other things very considerable, chief of such as be called to consultation of public affairs & government. And as the end of all Histories ought be to move men unto virtue, and discourage them from vice, so do I think, there is not any that containeth more examples to that purpose, than this writer: who leaving aside all partiality, and the custom of those that study to flatter whom they favour, and misreport whom they love not, doth seem greatly to follow the truth, and setteth forth rather the causes and effects of every action, then overmuch extol or disgrace the persons of whom the story entreateth. But (as of all other things) so hereof your L. can best judge. Wherefore most humbly reaccommending to your good favour, this poor Present, and my faithful service, I take leave. At the Court, this eight of April, 1588. Your L. most humble and assured to command, Thomas Bedingfeld. The poem of the Author. MY meaning was, at such time as I determined to write the Actions of the Florentine people, both within and without the City, to begin my Narration from the year of the Christian Religion, 1444. at which time the house of Medici through the merits of Cosimo and Giovanni his father, aspired to more reputation than any other in Florence. For I thought that Leonardo of Arezzo and Poggio (too excellent Historiographers) had particularly set down all things that till those days had happened. But having afterwards diligently read their writings, to see with what order and means they proceeded (to the end that following the same, our History might be by the Readers better allowed) I found that in their description of the wars made by the Florentines, both against Princes and other foreign States, they had used exceeding great diligence: but of the civil discords and inward enmities, & of the effects by them brought forth, they had utterly omitted one part, & so briefly described the other, as the Readers could not thereby gather any profit or pleasure at all: which I think they did either because they judged those matters so mean as were not worthy the writing, or else, feared to offend the posterity of some persons who should thereby have been evil reported. Which two respects (be it spoken without offence) seem to me, utterly unworthy men of great reputation. For if there be any thing in Histories that delighteth or teacheth, it is that, which maketh particular description. Or if any reading be profitable for men that govern in Commonweals, it is that, which showeth the occasions of hate and faction: to the end that being warned by harm of others, they may become wise, and continue themselves united. Also if every example of Commonweals do move the mind, those we read of our Country do move most, and be most profitable. Moreover, if the divisions of any Commonweal have ever been notable, the divisions of Florence are of all others most notable. For the most part of other Commonweals (to us known) were content with one only division, and thereby, according to the accidents sometimes increased, and sometimes ruined their Cities. But Florence not content with one, had many divisions. In Rome (as every man knoweth) after the Kings were expulsed, division grew between the nobility and the multitude: which continued till the ruin thereof: the like happened in Athens, and all other Commonweals which in those days flourished. But in Florence, first the noble men became divided among themselves. Then the nobility and the people. And at last the people and the multitude. Yea many times it happened, that one of these being victorious, divided itself into two. Of which divisions, followed so many murders, so many banishments, and so many subversions of Families, as never chanced within any City, that can be remembered. And surely it seemeth to me, there is nothing that witnesseth so well the greatness of our City, as that which dependeth upon these divisions, being of force sufficient to subvert any City of what greatness or power so ever. Notwithstanding our state still increased. For so great was the virtue of those Citizens, by their wisdom and courage to work the advancement of themselves and their country, as they that happened to escape so manifold mischiefs, could by their virtue procure more increase to the City, than the displeasure of those accidents which wrought the decay, could decrease it. And withouc all doubc, if Florence had been so happy, as it might upon the delivery thereof from the Empire, have taken some form of government, which would have holden the state united, I know not what Commonweal either ancient or modern, that for virtue of Arms and industry, before it could have been preferred. For most true it is, that after the Ghibilini were banished in so great numbers that all Toscana and Lombardy was full of them, the Guelfi with the rest that remained at the war against Arezzo one year before the journey of Compaldino, drew out of their own City of Citizens only 1200. men of Arms, and 12000. footmen. After that time, in the war against Filippo Visconti Duke of Milan, having rather to prove industry, than their own proper Arms (for at that time they were decayed) we see in five years, which that war continued, the Florentines spent three Million and five hundredth thousand Florins. And that war being ended (as not pleased with peace) to show more of their greatness, they besieged the City of Lucca. I cannot therefore conceive any cause why these divisions should not be particularly written. And if those notable writers before named, were withholden by fear, to offend the posterity of such as they should have made mention of, they greatly deceived themselves, and seem to know little the ambition of men, with the desire they have to make the names of their Ancestors and themselves to continue perpetual. Neither do they remember, that many men wanting occasion to win themselves fame, by some laudable deed, by some impious act, have laboured to aspire thereunto. And they considered not, that the actions of men which have in them greatness, as governments and authorities, howsoever they be handled, or what end soever they have, do seem always to give men more honour than blame. Which I having thought upon, did determine to change my meaning, and resolved to begin my History at the beginning of our City. And sith my intent is not to usurp the place of others, I will particularly set down what chanced only within the City till the year 1334. and of such things as happened without, I will not say more than that, which for the understanding of the other shall be necessary. The year 1434. being passed, I will particularly write the one and the other. Moreover, to the end this History may be the better understood, before I entreat of Florence, I shall discourse by what means Italy became subject to such Potentates as in those days there governed. The first Book shall briefly recite all accidents happened in Italy from the declination of the Roman Empire, till the year 1434. The second will show what things happened from the beginning of Florence, till the war which the Florentines made against the Pope, after expultion of the Duke of Athene. The third doth end with the death of King Ladislao of Naples, Anno 1434. In the fourth Book we will entreat what other things chanced till the year abovesaid. And from thenceforth discourse particularly of such accidents as befell within Florence, till this our time. royal blazon or coat of arms To the Reader. NOT by my suit, though by my consent, this History is now become public. The translation thereof was diverse years past desired by an honourable parsonage, not now living; yet for loyalty to his Prince, love to his Country, and virtuous deserving of all men, worthy a longer life: had not God in his divine providence otherwise ordained. Loath I was to meddle with matter of so much weight, in regard of mine own insufficiency, being neither learned, nor making profession of learning: and loather it should be published, for that the Author (in some other his works) hath not (as is thought) written with due respect to piety. Howsoever that be, in this Book (being a mere relation of the Florentines fortune, when they were governed Aristocraticallie) appeareth not any thing unfit to be known, or that may receive evil construction. The first part, showeth the occasions of ruin in the Roman Empire; The subject of this History. and how the Provinces of Italy became divided into diverse governments: with their often variations. Secondly, by what means the Pope, the Venetians, the King of Naples, and the Duke of Milan, possessed the greatest parts of Italy. Lastly, how that the Florentines, abandoning obedience to the Emperor, lived (almost continually) in faction and civil partiality, until the house of Medici, by the great virtue of Giovanni, Cosimo, Piero, and Lorenzo, attained to a singular reputation in that State; where now (and some years past) they govern as Princes, with great honour, justice, and integrity: which happiness they could not find in their Aristocratical policy. Yet diverse notable Politicians and wise lawmakers, have not only allowed, but also highly commended it above others: Affirming, Mediocrity the scope of Aristocracy. that as mediocrity is in all things most praisable, and extremities reprovable, so the Aristocracy (being the mean between the multitude and one Prince) is specially to be preferred. Also for that the authority to command, is due to the most worthy, and worthiness consisteth either in honour, in virtue, in riches, or in them altogether, the state Aristocratical must needs be most allowed, because the noble, the rich, and virtuous men are in all places the fewest number, and they only in that kind of government have authority. They allege also how the rich men only, as they that have most interest in the State, do bestow most in public services, and therefore to them the Government ought be allotted: so was it in Rome after the Kings were deposed, likewise in Athens, in Carthage, and at this day in Venice, Genova, and Lucca. For answer of these reasons in favour of Aristocracy, Government Aristocracy imperfect. wherein mediocrity seemeth to be specially sought for, who so shall duly examine thereof, may find, that to divide things in the midst, and thereby to mark out the virtue (which consisteth in reason) were impossible, as all Philosophers have determined. True it is, that the mean between all, and one is perfect, yet no where to be found: sith in some Cities there are not one thousand Citizens, and in some other more than an hundredth thousand: which maketh the Aristocracy always incertain by the incertainty of the numbers. And where the Governors be many, there are also factions many, the resolutions slow, and the secrets of State often discovered. For by experience is seen, how those Aristocracies which have in them fewest Governors, are most durable: As that of the Lacedæmonians, governed by thirty persons, and that of the Pharsalians by twenty. It is not therefore the mean between one and all, which causeth mediocrity. Now for bestowing Sovereignty upon the most worthy, true it is, so it ought be, yet that argument maketh more for the Monarchy. For among the noble, rich, and wise, some one doth ever excel the rest, and to him (by that reason) the authority ought be given, seeing it is not possible to find all those things equally in all men. If it be alleged, that among the greatest number are found most virtuous and good men, that reason serveth not, either in that state or the Democracie: seeing in them both (as in all Corporations) the most voices are preferred before the wise and better. To conclude, I say that in all States, wherein are most Governors, there are fewest resolutions, and most disputations. The Venetians therefore (to meet with those inconvenients) do commit the managing of their ordinary affairs to the Senate, which consisteth of seven persons only, as knowing that the fewer be made privy, the more secretly they shall be handled: and no Aristocracy have had so long continuance. Thus much touching Aristocratical government, of which kind, was that whereof this History largely discourseth. Equality the scope of Democracie. The State Popular, do likewise boast of the excellency thereof, as that which observeth equality without exception of persons, and reduceth the constitutions civil unto the law of nature: For as nature hath not given riches, offices, or honour to one man more than to another, so the Government Popular, tendeth to have all men equal, without privilege or prerogative whatsoever. For by such mean (they say) that avarice in those that be rich, and insolency in them that be great, shall be taken away, which are the most perilous inconvenients that can happen to any Commonweal; and consequently all thefts, oppressions, partialities, and factions, are removed: adding, that humane society cannot be nourished without amity, and the nourisher of amity is equality, and no equality can be found but only in States Popular: it followeth therefore, that is the best and most commendable government, because each man enjoyeth liberty, natural and equal justice, without fear of tyranny or oppression. These, and some other reasons are framed in commendation of Government Popular. Democracie imperfect. Whereunto I say, that this order of commanding, which chief respecteth equality, is not, nor hath been in any Commonweal, because no such equality of goods and honours could be observed. And he who taketh upon him to bestow them equally, shall proceed contrary to nature. For as she hath made some men more wise and advised than others, so hath she framed them to command, and others to obey. Some have wisdom and aptness to direct, others have strength of body, and fitness to execute what is commanded. And touching liberty natural (whereof Popular States do glory much) were that such as is supposed, how could there be either Magistrate, law, or form of government: for where Magistracy is, there can be no general equality. Besides that, all wise and learned writers have misliked that kind of government. Plato calleth it a market, where all things are to be sold. Aristotle alloweth not thereof, nor of the Aristocracy. Seneca saith, it is impossible for any man to please the people, that taketh pleasure in virtue. And how can a multitude (as a monster of many heads) void of reason and judgement, determine any thing good or profitable? Also to ask counsel of the people, as was anciently used in States Popular, is (as it were) that wise men should seek to be informed by mad folks. Which moved Anacarsis to say (seeing the Magistrates to propound matters, and the people to resolve) that in Athens wise men moved questions, and fools determined what should be done. If any man produce the Popular Government of the Swisses, continued more than three hundredth years: Thereunto may be answered, that the nature of that people is apt to be so governed. Besides that, the most mutinous sort of them are commonly from home in service of the war under foreign Princes, and the rest more tractable, do not care much how the State is handled. And among themselves there is no diffidence, by reason the Nobility of those countries were slain, first at the battle of Sampac, and after at Basil, the rest willingly banished themselves. By this which hath been briefly said, Monarchy, the most excellent Government. appeareth how both the optimacy and Popular governments are subject to mutation, disorder and utter ruin, and consequently how fortunate those people are, whom God hath destined to live in the obedience of a successive royal Monarchy: where the Prince submitteth himself no less to the laws of nature, than he desireth the subjects should be obedient unto him, leaving to every one liberty of life, and property in that he possesseth. Succession argueth God's providence, and government natural, planteth a certain reciproke love between the Prince and the people. One other reason of nature appeareth, in that the Monarch is alone in sovereignty: for as God only ruleth the whole world, and as the sun alone giveth light to all creatures, so the people of one land do most naturally yield obedience to one head and commander. Yea, all nations were first so governed, as the Assyrians, Persians, Egyptians, jews, Grecians, Scythians, Turks, Tartars, Englishmen, Frenchmen, Spaniards, Polonians, Danes, etc. and in the India's were found no other government. Neither do the sacred Histories make mention of other Rulers than Kings only. And to confirm what hath been said of royal government, read the opinions of Plato, Homer, Herodotus, Xenophon, S. Cyprian, S. Jerome, with other as well divine, as philosophical writers. Finally, it seemeth, that Sovereignty in one only person is more honourable and magnificent, then if the same were divided among a few Lords (as is used in the Aristocracy) or among the whole multitude, as in Popular Governments. And experience hath proved, that for direction and commandment in the war, plurality of Governors have almost ever received prejudice and dishonour. Which moved the Romans (at such occasions) to make a Dictator. The like was done by the Lacedæmonians, and is (at this time) used of the Venetians, whom they call gran Proveditore. By these reasons and examples (omitting many other) appeareth, that the Monarchy royal, is a government most reasonable, most natural, most honourable, and most necessary. And such is the happiness of our fortune, that by divine providence, there liveth not in any land a more perfect pattern of an excellent Prince, then is our present Sovereign, who feareth God rightly, and governeth her subjects justly: prudent in counsel, and valorous in execution. In prosperity modest, in adversity constant; faithful to friends, and feared of enemies; affable to the good, and effroyable to the evil: under whose sacred protection, our peace, our plenty, and our security, hath many years prospered. T. B. The Contents of many principal things worthy note, contained in this work. In the first Book. THe occasion how the Roman Empire became destroyed. diverse incurtions of barbarous people into Italy. The ruin, repair, and building, of sundry noble Cities. The acts of Belisario. The acts of Narcete. Of Comondo and Rosmonda. Of Clefi King of Gotti. The means whereby the Bishops of Rome aspired to greatness. And how they at diverse times have been the ruin of Italy. How long the Lombardy possessed Italy. How Pope Vrban, determined the enterprise of Asia against the Sarafins. The original of Venice. The war between the Venetians and Genoueis. Of other wars in Italy. What famous Captains in those days served the Princes of Italy. In the second Book. THe original of Florence. The first division of the Florentines. Of the factions, Guelfi and Ghibilini. The order and form of the Florentine Commonweal. Manfredi chief of the Ghibilines: and the war which happened between those sides. The return of the Guelfi, into Florence. New ordinances in the City. The City reduced into quarters. Of Giano della Bella.: and new tumults in Florence. Bertaccio causeth the hand of one Lore to be cut off. Of the enmity which arose between the Cherchi and Donati. Florence accursed by the Pope. The coming of Carlo de Valloys, the French kings brother into Florence. Of M. Corso with certain banished men entereth the City. How the Lucchesi settled the state in Florence. Florence both by fire and sword tormented. Of a place called le Stench, in the vale of grieve. Vguccione chief of the faction Ghibilina and Bianca. The Ghibilini banished, and among them the Poet Dante. Of great misery in Florence. New reformation in Florence. Castruccio of Lucca. The order of casting Lots: and how it begun in Florence. How the great Citizens increased their authority by two means. Conspiracy against Giacopo de Agobio. League between the Florentines and Venetians. The Duke of Athene, made Lord of Florence. Proclamation of banishment made by that Duke: and murder of some Citizens. The Oration of certain chief Citizens, before the Duke. The Duke's Palace sacked. Conspiracy against the Duke. The Duke assaulted, and vanquished. The Duke dismissed out of Florence: his life and condition. Andrea Strozzi intendeth to usurp the state of Florence. At what time the great plague happened in that City: whereof Boccatio hath at large written. In the third Book. HOw the discord which groweth of ambition, are the occasion of division in Cities. The partialities of the Albizi and Rizzi. How M. di Riale of Prouenza, came to Florence. A law made against the Ghibilini. How the word Ammoniti, arose in Florence: and what it meaneth. An Oration of one Citizen, to the Lords. The occasion of the corruption of Italy. The chief of the faction of Guelfi. New tumults in Florence. The Oration of Luigi Guicciardini Gonfaloniere. New reformation of the City. One Simone, discovereth a conspiracy against the state. Michiele di Lando, an artificer, by his courage, aspired to be chosen Gonfaloniere di Giustitia. New reformation in Florence. A commendation of Michiele di Lando. An accusation of many Citizens, for their return being banished. The insolency of Georgio Scali. The death of that Georgio. Exile and slaughter in Florence. The speech of Benedetto Alberti to his companions. Of the manner of creation of the Balia in Florence. Of john Galeazzo Visconti. The words of Veri di Medici. What quality the Florentines required to be in him that occupied the place of Gonfaloniere. Giacopo Acciaivoli. The death of certain Citizens. In the fourth Book. FIlippo Visconti Duke of Milan, intendeth to become Lord of Genoa. Georgio Ordilaffi, Lord of Furli. The Duke of Milan maketh war against the Florentines. Giovanni de Medici. New league between the Florentines and Venetians. Of an Imposition among the Florentines, called Catasto. Carmignuolo General of the war in Lombardy. Peace taken with the Duke of Milan and the League: and what Cities remained to the Venetians. The death of Giovanni de Medici: and his commendation. Of Cosimo his son. Volterra rebelleth from the Florentines. The enterprise of the Florentines against Lucca. The violence offered to Saravezesi, and the speech of one man of that place to the Senate of Floremce. Filippo Brunalesco an excellent Architector. The defeat of the Florentine army, by Nicholo Piccinino. A consultation to expulse Cosimo di Medici out of Florence. The answer of Nicholo Vzano. Cosimo di Medici cited before the Senate, was imprisoned. Cosimo confined to Padua. Cosimo returneth to his Country. In the fift Book. BRaccio and Sforza, two great Captains in Italy. Nicholo Piccinino, General for the Duke of Milan. Gattamelata, General for the Venetians. Banishment of many Citizens in Florence. Alfonso of Arragon maketh war for Naples. The ordinances of the City of Genova. The speech of Rinaldo delli Albizi to the Duke of Milan. Rebellion of Genova from the Duke. An Oration of an ancient Citizen of Lucca to the people. Francisco Sforza, General of the league of Florence and Venice. Discord between Andrea Mauroceno, and Francisco Sforza. Cosimo di Medici, Ambassador to the Venetians. The Duke of Milan determineth to take Romagna from the Pope. Sforza desiring to marry the Duke of Milan his daughter, practiseth by diverse indirect means. Sforza refuseth to pass the Po with his army. The speech of Neri Capponi to the Senate of Venice. The diverse ways from Pesaro to Verona: and which of them the Earl Sforza made choice of. The Navy of the Venetians taken by Nicholo Piccinino. The Earl removeth to rescue Brescia. The scite of Verona. The Earl goeth to Venice. Piccinino passeth to Casentino. The Castle of San Nicholo. The Earl breaketh the Duke's Navy. The overthrow of Piccinino. Alberto de Albizi settleth himself to dwell at Ancona. The taking of Poppis: and what words the Earl owner of that place used. In the sixth Book. A Description of certain laudable customs used in ancient Commonweals. A proud request made by Piccinino to the Duke of Milan. The Duke marrieth Bianca his daughter to the Earl Francisco Sforza: and giveth her the City of Cremona. Alfonso of Arragon besiegeth Naples. Annibal Bentivogli breaketh the forces of Piccinino. Baldaccio de Anghiari General for the Florentines. The Canneschi murdered Annibal Bentivogli. The people for that fact cut the Canneschi in pieces: and killed Battista that slew Hannibal. Santo Bentivogli appointed to govern Bologna, until the son of Hannibal came to full age. Certain Cities yielded to the Venetians. The Earl Sforza besiegeth Caravaggio. The taking of one Venetian Proveditor, whom the Earl set at liberty, having first informed him of his pride. The Venetians become bond to pay unto the Earl a certain number of Florins. Ambassadors sent from Milan to the Earl, and their Oration. The Milanesi made choice of that Earl for their Duke. The Ambassadors of Venice denied audience by the Florentines. The Venetians begun war against the Duke. Steffano Porcari determining to surprise Rome, is discovered and put to death by the Pope. King Rinato. Pope Calisto 3. endeavoureth to make war against the Infidels, giving crosses to the soldiers, and therefore the enterprise was called la Crociata: but it proceeded not. marvelous tempest about Florence, and great harm proceeding thereby. Giovan di Augio in the name of the French King taketh possession of Genova. Dissension between the Fregosi and Giovanni. Giovanni vanquished. In the seventh Book. HOw hard it is to continue a Commonweal united. The Citizens of Florence desire Cosimo di Medici to reform the City. Lucca Pitti. Lucca Pitti builded magnificently. The death of Cosimo di Medici. The commendation of Cosimo. A new enterprise against the infidels impeached. A conspiracy of certain Citizens against Pier di Medici. Piero armeth against his enemies. The enemies of Piero banished Florence. An Oration made by Piero in his house to the Senators. The Duke of Milan goeth to Florence. The Florentines against the Volterani. Federigo Duke of Vrbino an excellent Captain. Bad condition of Galiazzo Duke of Milan. Treason against that Duke. The death of the Duke. The death of the Conspirators. In the eight Book. Conspiracy against Lorenzo and Giuliano di Medici. The murder of Giuliano. The death of the Archbishop, and some other Conspirators. The death of Francisco Pazzi. The death of Giacopo di Pazzi. The Pope and King make war upon the Florentines. The death of Lorenzo di Medici. 1492. FINIS. AA ❧ THE FIRST BOOK OF the Florentine History. THE people inhabiting the North, beyond the Rivers of rain and Danubio, being borne in a cold Region, yet wholesome & apt to generation, do many times increase, and become so populous, that part of them are constrained to abandon their native countries, and seek new places where to remain. The order of the Northern people. The order which those people hold in dispersing the inhabitants, is, to divide themselves into three parts, yet so, as in every one, may be some of the nobility, and some of the people, some of the rich and some of the poor equally divided: which done, the one part (whose lot falleth so out) leaveth that country and seeketh fortune elsewhere to abide. The Northern people oppressed the Roman Empire. The other two parts of the people there remaining, do possess and enjoy the lands of them that are departed. These people were those which destroyed the Roman Empire; whereunto the Emperors themselves gave some occasion by forsaking Rome, the ancient Imperial seat, and settling themselves at Constantinople: For thereby the West part of the Empire became weak, less regarded, & more easy to be harmed both of their own ministers, and others their enemies. Surely the destruction of so great an Empire builded upon the blood of so many virtuous men, could not be lost without the sloth of Princes, infidelity of ministers, great forces, and much obstinacy in them, who assaulted the same: for not only, one sort of people, but many multitudes in that action conspired. The first enemies, which came to the destruction of the Roman Empire after the Cimbri (vanquished by Marius the Roman) were the Visigotti, which name in our language, may be called Gotti of the West. These people, after some conflicts in the Empire, and through the sufferance of the Emperors, long time continued their dwellings upon the River of Danubio. And although at sundry occasions, and sundry times, they assaulted the provinces belonging to the Empire, yet were they by the power of the Emperors from time to time impeached: and at last by Theodotio gloriously vanquished. So that thereby being brought under his obedience, they could not again make any King over them, but contented with the emperors pay, under his government and ensign, they lived and served. But Theodotio being dead, and leaving Arcadio and Honorio his sons, heirs of the Empire, (but not of his virtue and fortune) the time, with the Prince clearly altered and changed. Theodotio authorized unto three parts of the Empire, The Empire divided into three governments. three governors. In the East, Ruffino, in the West Stillicone, and in Africa Gildonio. Every one of these, determined after the death of their Prince, not to govern as ministers, but to possess the countries as Princes. Of these three, Gildonio and Ruffino, were at their beginnings oppressed: but Stillicone better dissembling his intent, sought to win himself credit with the new Emperors, & nevertheless disturb the quietness of their state. Then to the end he might the rather attain the possession thereof, and procure the Visigotti to become enemies to the Empire, he counseled the Emperor no more to pay them. Besides that, Stillicone imagining these enemies were not of force sufficient to disturb the Empire, found means that the Burgundi, Fraunchi, Vandali, and Alani (all people of the North, and appointed to seek themselves a new habitation) assailed the Roman countries. The Visigotti then being discharged from their pay, determined (as of an injury) to be revenged: & creating Alarico their King, Rome sacked by the Visigotti. assaulted the Empire, destroyed Italy, and sacked Rome. After which victory, Alarico died, and to him succeeded Ataulfo: who took to wife Placidia sister to the Emperors, and through that alliance, agreed with them to succour France and Spain: which countries whereby the Vandali, Burgundi, Alani, and Fraunchi, (thereto moved by the occasions aforesaid) assailed. Whereof ensued, that the Vandali (who had already conquered that part of Spain which is called Betica) were sore molested by the Visigotti: and not having other help, were forced to accept the offer of Bonifacio, Bonifacio governor of Africa. at that time governing Africa for the Emperor: who required them to take in hand the conquest thereof, being by his mean in Rebellion: and he fearing lest his fault should be to the Emperor detected. For these reasons aforesaid, the Vandali most willingly took the enterprise in hand, & under Genserico their King, possessed Africa. By this time Theodotio son to Archadio was become Emperor, who little regarding the affairs of the Empire in the West, gave great hope to these foreign people to enjoy those things they had conquered. So that, the Vandali possessed Africa, the Alani and Visigotti governed Spain: the Fraunchi and Burgundi did not only conquer Gallia, but also unto the parts thereof, by them conquered, How Gallia became named Francia. gave their own names, calling the one Francia, the other Burgogna. The happy success of those, encouraged new people to the destruction of the Empire. For at that time the people called Vnni assailed and possessed Pannonia, a province adjoining to the River Danubio, How Hungaria became so named. which at this day having taken the name of these Vnni, is called Vngheria. Upon consideration of these disorders, the Emperor seeing himself on every side assailed, to the end he might have the fewer foes, began to take truce, sometimes with the Vandali, and sometimes with the Franchi: which did greatly increase the reputation and power of the barbarous people, disgracing and diminishing the credit of the Empire. Votigerio king of the Angli. Neither was in those days, the Island of Bretagna (at this day called England) assured from such invasion: for the Bertoni fearing these people which had possessed France, and not finding how the Emperor could defend them, called to aid them the Angli, a people of Germany so named. These Angli under Votigerio their King, took the enterprise in hand, overthrew the enemy, and in the end drove them out of the Island, How the name of England was given to that Island. themselves there remaining & inhabiting. By the name of which Angli, that country was, and yet is called Anglia. The inhabitants whereof, being thus spoiled and driven from their country, became desperate, persuading themselves, that although they could not defend their own country, yet was it possible for them to conquer an other. Whereupon, they with their families passed the seas, The ancient English people now inhabitants of Bretagna. and planted them on the other side near the shore, and called that country by their own name, Bretagna. The people called Vnni, who, (as is aforesaid) had conquered Pannonia, assembling themselves with other people, called Zepedi, Eruli, Turinghi, and Ostrogotti, (which word signifieth in that language, Gotti of the East) prepared themselves to seek new countries: but not being of force sufficient to enter France (being defended by other barbarous forces) they came unto Italy, conducted by Attila their king, who not long before, to govern alone in his kingdom, had slain Bleda his brother. Thus Attila became mighty, Andarico king of Zebedi, Attila his coming into Italy. and Velamer king of the Ostrogotti, were made as it were, his subjects. Attila being arrived in Italy, besieged Aquilegia, where without resistance, he continued two years, and during the siege, spoiled the country thereabouts, and dispersed the inhabitants of the same: which (as hereafter shallbe declared) was the beginning of the city of Vinegia. After the taking & ruin of Aquilegia, and many other cities, he marched towards Rome: from the spoil whereof, at the request of the Bishop, he refrained. The reverence & respect which Attila did bear towards this Bishop, was such, as persuaded him to leave Italy, and retire himself to Austria, where he died. After his death, Velamer king of the Ostrogotti, and other the leaders of foreign nations, took Arms against Tenrico and Eurie his sons, the one of them they slew, and constrained the other, with the Vnni to return over Danubio, into their own country. The Ostrogotti and the Tepedi, were settled in Pannonia, the Eruli and Turingi upon the shore on the other side of Danubio. King Attila thus departed from Italy, Valentiniano's the Emperor in the West, imagining to repair the country, and hoping with more commodity to defend the same from the barbarous people, abandoned Rome, and settled himself in Ravenna. These adversities happened to the Empire in the West, occasioned the Emperors, who then dwelled at Constantinople, many times to grant the possession thereof to others, as a thing full of perils and expense. And the Romans otherwhiles, The cause of the election of an Emperor in the West. seeing themselves abandoned, without leave created an other Emperor or some deputy, to perform that office, (as did Massimo the Roman) after the death of Valentiniano, who constrained Eudossa lately wife to the Emperor, to take him to her husband. This woman being borne of Imperial blood, desirous to revenge so great an injury, and disdaining to be married with a private Citizen, secretly persuaded Genserico King of the Vandali and Lord of Africa, to come into Italy, showing him the facility and profit of that enterprise. He enticed with hope of so great a spoil came speedily thither, and finding Rome abandoned, sacked the Town, and there remained fourteen days. He also took and spoiled diverse other Towns in Italy: and fraughting himself and his Army with spoil, returned into Africa. The Romans came home to Rome, and finding Massimo dead, elected Auito a Roman, for Emperor. After the death of diverse other Emperors, the Empire of Constantinople, came to the hands of Zenone: and that of Rome, to Oreste and his son Augustolo, who through subtlety had usurped that Empire. While these men thus possessed and determined to hold the Empire by force, the Eruli and Turingi, who (as is aforesaid) after the death of Attila remained upon the shore on the other side of Danubio) conspired together under the conduct of their Captain Odoacre, came into Italy, The coming of the Longobardi into Italy. and possessed such places, as were by them left void. Then the Longobardi (people also toward the North) entered Italy: led thither by Godolio their King, who were, (as hereafter shall be declared) the greatest plague of that country. Odoacre arrived in Italy, conquered the same, and near unto Pavia slew Oreste, forcing Augustolo to fly away. After which victory (to the end that Rome varying in government, the governor might receive a new title) Odoacre leaving the name of the Empire, caused himself to be called King of Rome, and was the first Captain of all the foreign people that invaded Italy to inhabit there. Because all the others, either for fear not to enjoy that they had gotten, or else doubting to be driven out by the Emperor in the East, either else for some other hidden occasion, only spoiled the country: and that done, sought to plant their habitation elsewhere. Thus we see, that in those days the ancient Roman Empire was reduced to the government of these Princes. Zenone remaining in Constantinople, commanded all the Empire in the East. How the ancient Empire became divided. The Ostrogotti governed Mesia and Pannonia. The Visigotti, Sueui, and Alani, possessed Guascognia and Spain. The Vandoli ruled Africa. The Franchi and Burgundi lived in France. The Eruli and Turingi remained in Italy. The kingdom of Ostrogotti came to the hands of Theodorico, Nephew of Velamer, being in league with Zenone Emperor in the East, wrote unto him, that it seemed a thing unjust to his people the Ostrogotti, that they being in virtue superiors to all others, should be inferiors in Empire: And therefore he could not by any means hold them within the confines of Pannonia. It seemed therefore necessary to suffer them to take arms, and seek new Countries: But first he thought good to let him understand thereof, to the intent he might grant them some country, where with his good favour and their greater commodity, they might inhabit. The Emperor Zenone, partly for fear, and partly for the desire he had to have Odoacre driven out of Italy, granted that Theodorico might come against Odoacre, and take the possession thereof. Then Theodorico departed from Pannonia, leaving there the Zepedi his friends: and being arrived in Italy, slew Odoacre, and his son; by whose example, he took unto him the title of King of Italy, making Ravenna his royal seat, moved by the same reasons, that induced Valentiniano there to dwell. Theodorico was a man both for war and peace most excellent: Theodorico king of Ostrogotti a most virtuous Prince. for in the one, he was always victorious, and in the other generally profited the cities and people to him subject. He divided the Ostrogotti with their Captains into sundry towns, to the end that in the war he might command them, and in the peace correct them: he enlarged the City of Ravenna and restored Rome in all things (the discipline of war except) giving to the Romans every other honour: & with his only authority kept in awe all the barbarous King's usurpers of the Empire. He built towns and fortress between the Alps, and the point of the sea Adriatico, the rather to impeach the passage of other barbarous people that should assail Italy. And had not his great virtue been in the end of his life blotted with some cruelties; committed upon suspicion of his kingdom (as the death of Simmaco and Boetio, men of most godly life) he had been in all respects worthy of honour and memory. For the virtue and bounty of him, did not only repair Rome and Italy of the affliction committed by the barbarous nations: but also reduced them into an order and government most fortunate. And surely, if any times were ever in Italy, and the other Provinces thereabouts by reason of barbarous oppression miserable, they were those which happened from the time of Arcadio and Onorio, till his days. For who so shall consider the great mischiefs which happen to common weals by the variation of government, or change of the Prince, without any dissension and division, shall find the same alone of force enough to ruin any state or kingdom, how mighty soever. It may therefore be imagined how great miseries the Roman Provinces endured: for they did not only alter their government, but also their laws, their customs, their manner of life, their religion, their tongue, their apparel, and their names. All which things (nay any one of them considered unseen) would move the hardest heart to compassion. At that time many cities were overthrown, many begun, & many enlarged. Among those that were ruined, were Aquilegia, Luni, Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and others. Of those which were built new, were Vinegia, Sienna, Ferrara, Aquila, and other towns and castles, which for brevity I omit. Those which of small Cities became great, were Fiorenza, Genova, Pisa, Milan, Napoli, and Bologna, to the which may be joined the ruin and repair of Rome, with diverse others Cities in like sort defaced and after amended. Among these ruins, and these new people, there grew up new languages, since that time used in France, Spain, and Italy, which mixed with the ancient tongues of those Countries, and the Roman speech, have framed languages never before time known. The names also of those Provinces, rivers, lakes, seas, and men, were utterly changed. For France, Italy and Spain, be full of new names, from the old far differing: as appeareth (omitting many others). The rivers of Po, Garda and the Archipelago, which are names divers from those of ancient time used. Men likewise commonly in those days called Caesari, Pompey, and such like: are new baptised, Peter, Matthew, and so forth. But among so many variations, the change of Religion was not the least, for those of the ancient faith, contending with the miracles of the new, wrought among men occasion of great discord: but had the christian Religion been united, the disorders had not been so great. For the Greek church, the Roman church, and the church of Ravenna, contended one against the other. Besides them, many other differents arose among the christian people, & into many opinions divided the world. An example whereof was Africa, which suffered more affliction by reason of the opinion of Arius (which the Vandoli believed) then by any other cause either of their covetousness or natural cruelty. During the multitudes of these miseries, every man bear (as it were) in his face, the marks of his discontented mind. For besides the manifold mischiefs by them endured, the greater number wanted the knowledge of God, by whom all creatures hope to be comforted. For the most of those people being ignorant of the true God, wanting help and hope, most miserably died. Thus it appeareth, that Theodorico deserved no small commendation, being the first that appeased so many troubles. For within these 28. years which he reigned in Italy, he reduced it to so great order and honour, as the marks of misery were scantly perceived. But he being dead, The death of Theodorico. and leaving Atalarico for king (who was the son of Amalasciunta his daughter) Italy in short space returned to the former disorders. For Attalarico shortly after his grandfather died, left the government to his mother, and she making Theodato her minister in the government, was by him betrayed. Theodato by this mean made King, became odious to the Ostrogotti, and justiniano the Emperor hoped the rather to drive him from Italy. To perform that enterprise, he deputed Bellisario to be his lieutenant, who had already conquered Africa, and chase from thence the Vandoli, reduced the same to obedience of the Empire. Bellisario also conquered Sicilia, The acts of Bellisario. & from thence passed into Italy, where he surprised Napoli, and Rome. The Gotti receiving these overthrows, killed their king Theodato as the chief occasion of their misadventure. In his place was chosen Vitigete, who after a few conflicts, was by Bellisario besieged, and in Ravenna taken. Then was Bellisario before he had performed the whole victory by justiniano revoked, & to his charge, were appointed Giovanni and Vitale, men both for virtue and conversation far inferior: wherefore the Gotti took heart, and created a king called Ildovado, who was at that time Governor of Verona. The acts of Totila. After him (being within a few days slain) Totila aspired to the kingdom, and distressed the emperors army, recovered Toscana and Napoli, and brought under his obedience, well near all those states which Bellisario had gotten. Wherefore justiniano thought good to send him again into Italy, who being come thither with small forces, rather lost the reputation he had gotten before, then increased the same. For Totila, as it were before the face of Bellisario (who was then with his army at Hostia) besieged Rome and took it. Then considering with himself that he could neither hold it, nor leave it without danger, he razed the greatest part of the City, driving the people from thence, and leading away the Senators as prisoners, which Bellisario little regarding, marched with his army unto Calauria, to meet there with soldiers sent in his aid from Greece. Thus Bellisario seeing Rome abandoned, determined with himself an honourable enterprise: and entering into the ruins of Rome, (with what speed he possibly could) repaired the walls of the city, & called home the inhabitants. But fortune (as it seemeth) enemy to so laudable an attempt, opposed herself. For justiniano the Emperor at the same time happened to be assaulted by the Parthi, and for that cause called home Bellisario: he to obey his master, lest Italy at the discretion of Tottila, who anew possessed Rome, but not with so great cruelty as he had before time there used. For being entreated by S. Benedetto, (of whom in those days there was holden a great opinion of holiness) he endeavoured himself rather to amend, then mar that city. In this mean while, justiniano had concluded a peace with the Parthi, & intending to send a new supply into Italy, was impeached to perform that intent by a new people of the North called Sclavi, who having passed Danubio, assailed Illiria and Thracia: so as by that means Tottila got into his hands all Italy. But so soon as justiniano had suppressed the Sclavi, he sent thither his army conducted by Narsete an Eunuch, who distressed the forces of Tottila, The acts of Narsete. & slew him, with the remain of the Gotti. After that overthrow, retired to Pavia, where they created Teia for their King. Narsete on the other side, after this victory, surprised Rome, and at the last fought with Teia, not far from the city of Nocera, slew him, and vanquished his army. By mean of which victory, the name of Gotti, in Italy was clearly extirped, having there remained from the reign of Theodorico, unto Teia their Kings, threescore and ten years. But so soon as Italy was delivered from the Gotti, justiniano died, leaving justino his son to succeed him, who through counsel of Sophia his mother, The acts of Longino. revoked Narsete from Italy, & in his place, sent Longino his son thither. This Longino following the order of his predecessors, inhabited Ravenna, & settled in Italy a new form of government, appointing no Governors of Provinces as did the Gotti, but created in every city and town of importance a Chieftain, whom he called Duke. In which division, he allotted no more honour to Rome, then to other towns, because he took from thence the Consuls and Senate, (which names till that day had been ever there maintained) reducing all under one Duke, who was yearly sent thither from Ravenna, and his government called the Roman Dukedom: but the general Governor, who continually remained at Ravenna by the emperors commandment, and governed all Italy under him, was called Esarco. This division, made the ruin of Italy to be more easy, and gave opportunity to the Longobardi to usurp the same. The government of that country gotten by the virtue and blood of Narsete, thus taken from him, The acts of Alboino. & he being also by Sophia injured, reviled & threatened to be called home and spin with women, moved him so greatly to choler and offence, that he persuaded Alboino King of the Lombardi (who at that time reigned in Pannonia) to come into Italy, & conquer it. The Longobardi being (as is aforesaid) entered into those countries near Danubio, who had lately been abandoned by the Heruli and Turingi, when by their King Odoacre they were led into Italy: for a time they there remained. But the kingdom being come to Alboino a man courageous & cruel, they passed the river Danubio, and fought with Comundo King of the Zepedi, and overthrew him in Pannonia, which he then possessed. Alboino in this victory amongst others, happened to take prisoner the daughter of Comundo, called Rosmundo, married her, and thereby became Lord of Pannonia. Then moved by the cruelty of his nature, he made a cup of her father's head, whereof in memory of the victory) he used to drink. But then called into Italy by Narsete (with whom in the wars of the Gotti he had acquaintance and friendship) left Pannonia to the Vuni, who after the death of Attila (as is aforesaid) were returned into their country. Then he came again into Italy, where finding the same into many parts divided, suddenly won Pania, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, all Toscana, and the more part of Flamminia, now called Romagna. So that persuading himself through so many and so speedy successes, to have already (as it were) gotten the victory of all Italy, he celebrated a solemn feast in Verona, whereat, being by drinking much, become very merry, and seeing the skull of Comundo full of wine, he caused the same to be presented to the Queen Rosmunda, who sat over against him at the table (saying unto her, with so loud a voice that every one might hear him) that she should now at this feast drink with her father: which speech pierced the Lady to the heart, and she forthwith determined to revenge the same. Then knowing that Almachilde (a valiant young gentleman of Lombardi) loved a maiden of hers, of whom he obtained to lie with her, and the Queen being privy to that consent, did herself tarry in the place of their meeting, which being without light, Almachilde came thither, and supposing to have lain with the maiden, enjoyed the Queen her mistress, which done, the Queen discovered herself and said unto him, that it was in his power to kill Alboino, and possess her with her kingdom forever: but if he refused so to do, she would procure that Alboino should kill him, as one that had abused his wife. To this motion and murder of Alboino, Almachilde consented. After the murder performed, finding that he could not according to his expectation enjoy the kingdom, and fearing to be slain of the lombards for the love they bore to Alboino, the Queen and he taking their princely treasure and jewels, fled to Longino at Ravenna, who honourably there received them. During these troubles, justiniano the Emperor died, and in his place was elected Tiberio, who being occupied in the wars against the Parthi, could not go to the relief of Italy. Whereby Longino hoped that time would well serve him, with the countenance of Rosmunda and help of her treasure, to become King of Lombardy and all Italy. And conferring his intent with the Queen, persuaded her to kill Almachilde, and take him for her husband: she accepted and agreed unto that which he persuaded, preparing a cup of wine poisoned, and with her own hand she offered the same to Almachilde, coming from a bath hot and thrifty: he having drunk half the wine, and finding his body thereby greatly moved, mistrusting the poison, enforced Rosmunda to drink the rest, whereof both the one and the other within few hours died, and Longino bereft of his expectation to become King. The acts of Clefi. The Longobardi in the mean while assembling themselves in Pavia, (which was the chief City of their kingdom) elected there Clefi their King, who re-edified Imola, which had been ruinated by Narsete, he won Rimino, and almost every place from thence to Rome: but in the midst of these his victories, he died. This Clefi was so cruel, not only to strangers, but also to his own subjects the Longobardi, as they were so terrified with his kingly authority, that after his days, they determined no more to make any King, but elected amongst themselves thirty persons, The Lombardi refused to be governed by Kings. whom they called Dukes, giving them jurisdiction over the rest: which was the cause that the Longobardi did not proceed in the conquest of all Italy, and that their kingdom did not extend further than Benevento, and that Rome, Ravenna, Cremona, Mantova, Padova, Monselice, Parma, Bologna, Faenza, Furli, and Cesena, some of them defended themselves a time, and some other were never taken. Because the Lombardi wanting a King, their wars proceeded the more slowly, and after the election of a new King (by reason of their liberty) were less obedient and more apt to mutiny among themselves, which thing, first hindered the victory, and in the end drove them out of Italy. The Longobardi being come to this estate, the Romans and Longino made with them an agreement. The effect thereof was, that every one of them should lay down their arms, and enjoy so much as they possessed. At what time the Bishops of Rome, aspired to authority. In that time the Bishops of Rome began to aspire unto more authority than they had in times past: for by mean of the holy life of S. Peter, and some other Bishops with their godly examples, and the miracles by them done, they became much reverenced amongst men, and greatly increased the christian Religion. In so much as Princes were occasioned (the more easily thereby to appease the great disorder and confusion of the world) to obey them. The Emperor then being become a Christian and removed from Rome to Constantinople, it came to pass (as is aforesaid) that the Roman Empire decayed, and the Church of Rome the rather thereby increased: notwithstanding till the coming of the Longobardi, Italy being subject either to Emperors or Kings, the Empire still prospered: and the Bishops of Rome had no greater authority than their learning and good life did deserve. For in all other things, either by the Kings or by the Emperors, they were commanded, The remove of the Imperial seat from Rome, the cause of the Pope's greatness. and as their ministers employed, and sometimes put to death. But he that made the Bishops to become of greatest authority in Italy, was Theodorico King of the Gotti; when he removed his royal seat to Ravenna. For thereby Rome remaining without a Prince, the Romans were enforced to yield their obedience to the Pope. Yet did not his authority thereby greatly increase, because he could not procure to himself more pre-eminence, then that the Church of Rome should have precedence before the Church of Ravenna. But the Longobardi being come, and Italy divided into diverse parts, occasioned the Pope to take the more upon him: for he, then being as it were chief of Rome, the Emperor of Conctantinople and the Longobardi, did respect him so much, as the Romans by his means, not as subjects, but as companions with the Longobardi and with Longino, joined. Thus the Popes sometimes by the favour of the Longobardi, and sometime with the countenance of the Grecians, The East Empire suppressed in the reign of Eracleo. increased their dignity. But after the destruction of the Empire in the East, (which happened in the time of the Emperor Eracleo) because the people called Sclavi, assaulted & conquered again Iliria, calling the same by their own name Sclavonia, the other parts of the Empire were assailed, first by the Persians, and after by the Saracens, who came from Arabia, conducted by Mahomet: and last of all by the Turks. These people amongst them, possessed Soria, Africa, and Egypt. So that the Empire weakened, the Pope despaired to have succour there, in time of his necessity. On the other side, the power of the Longobardi increasing, it behoved him to seek some new friendship, and for the same resorted to the Kings of France. The troubles of Italy, caused by the ambition of Popes. So as after that time, all the wars made upon Italy by foreign people, were by the Bishops of Rome occasioned: and all the barbarous nations, who repaired in so great multitudes to Italy, were for the most part by them called thither, which manner of proceeding continueth in our days, and hath heretofore kept, and yet doth keep Italy weak and impotent. Therefore in discourse of such things as have happened since those, to these our days, By what means the present Princes of Italy aspired. more shall not be said of the destruction of the Empire, which is altogether cast down and ruined. But we will hereafter discourse by what means the Popes and those other Potentates which till the coming of Carlo the eight, governed Italy, have attained to their greatness, whereby we shall conceive, how the Pope's first by their censures, after with them, and their arms mixed with indulgences, became terrible & venerable: and how by evil using the one & the other, they have altogether lost the use of their arms, & in the other, they stand at discretion. But returning to the order of our matter, I say, that Gregorio the third, being attained to the Papacy, & Aistulpho to the kingdom of Lombardy, contrary to the agreement afore made, surprised Ravenna, and made war against the Pope Gregorio: who (for the occasions aforesaid) not trusting any more to the Emperor of Constantinople being then weak, neither reposing trust in the Longobardi, who had diverse times distressed him, fled for aid to Pipino the second, who from being Lord of Austrachia and Brabancia was become King of France: not so much for his own virtue, as his father's Carlo Martello, and his grandfathers Pipino, because Carlo Martello being Governor of that Kingdom, won that memorable victory against the Saracens near unto Torsci, upon the river of Era: wherein were slain two hundred thousand Saracens. For which cause Pipino his son, for the reputation of his father and his own virtue, became after, king in that kingdom: unto whom Pope Gregorio (as is beforesaid) sent for aid against the Longobardi. Pipino answered, that he was very willing to perform his request, Gregorio tertio. Pope Theodoro primo. but first desired to see him, and in his presence to honour him. For which purpose Gregorio travailed into France, and without any let, passed the towns of the Longobardi his enemies: so great reverence was then borne to that Religion. Gregorio arrived in France, was there greatly honoured by the King, and sent back accompanied with the King's forces, who in Pavia besieged the Longobardi, whereby Aistulpho was enforced to make peace with the Frenchmen: which he did at the request of the Pope, who desired not the death of his enemy, but that he should convert and live. In which peace Aistulpho promised to render unto the Church all those towns thereto belonging, and by him usurped. But the French soldiers returned home, Aistulpho observed not the conditions of the peace, which being known to the Pope, he prayed aid a new of Pipino, who sent again into Italy, where he overthrew the Lombardy, took Ravenna, and contrary to the will of the Grecian Emperor, gave the same unto the Pope, with all other towns under his Esarcato, adding also to them, the country of Vrbino and La Marca: during the time that these towns were in bestowing, Aistulpho died; and Desiderio a Lombard and Duke of Tuscan took arms to usurp the kingdom, and prayed aid of the Pope, to whom he promised his friendship: which request was granted, and the other Princes gave place. Desiderio at the beginning kept his promise, and according to the conditions made with Pipino, rendered the towns allotted unto the Pope, neither did the Esarco of Constantinople, after that time come any more in Ravenna, but all things were governed according to the pleasure and direction of the Pope. Then died the King Pipino, to whom succeeded his son called Carlo, who for the great and memorable exploits by him done, was called Magno. To the Papacy was at that time aspired Theodoro Primo. He falling into contention with Disiderio, was by Disiderio besieged in Rome, and constrained to crave aid of Carlo, who speedily passed the mountains, besieged Desiderio in Pavia, and took him with all his Children. And having sent them prisoners into France, went in person to visit the Pope at Rome, where he pronounced this sentence, That the Pope being Vicar of God, could not be judged of men. For the which, Great honour door to the pope by Carlo magno, with indignity to the Emperors the Pope with the people of Rome, created him Emperor. In this manner, Rome began to have an Emperor again in the West. And where the Popes were wont to take their instaulation from the Emperors, after this time the Emperors in their election, would needs take their authority from the Pope: whereby the reputation of the Empire decreased, and the Church gained the same. By these means, the Popes grew great, and kept down the authority of temporal Princes. The Longobardi having then been in Italy 232. years, there was of them none other mark of strangers than the name: and Carlo being desirous to reform that Country (in the time of Pope Leo the third) was pleased they should inhabit those places, where they were borne, and called that province of their name, Lombardia. But forasmuch as they had the name of Rome in great reverence, he commanded that all the next Country to it adjoining (then in the obedience of the Esarcato of Ravenna) should be called Romagna. Moreover, he created Pipino his son King of Italy, the jurisdiction whereof extended to Benevento: the rest remained to the Emperor in Greece, with whom Carlo had concluded a league. About this time Pascale the first was become Pope: and the priests of the parishes in Rome, Pope Pascale 1. by reason of their dearness to the Pope's person, and their presence at his election, to honour their authority, with a more venorable title began to be called Cardinals, taking unto them great reputation, chief after they had excluded the Romans from the election of the Pope, Original of Cardinals, by Pope Pascale 1. who (almost ever before that time) was some Citizen of Rome. Pascale being dead, Eugenio secundo, of the order of Santa Sabina, was elected Pope. And Italy being then in the hands of French men, did partly alter the order of government, and the more for that the Popes had in the temporalities thereof gained greater authority and made Earls and marquesses, as before time, Longino Esarco of Ravenna had created Dukes. After a few other Bishops, Osporco a Roman, aspired to the Papacy; who for the homeliness of his name, The first occasion why the Popes did take new names at their election. caused himself to be called Sergio: which was the beginning why the names of Popes was changed at their elections. By this time Carlo the Emperor was dead, to whom succeeded Lodovico his son. After his death, there grew so great contention amongst his sons, that in the time of his graundchildrens, the Empire was taken from the house of France, and brought into Germany, At what time the Empire was taken from the house of France. where the first Emperor of that nation was called Ainolfo: and by means of these disorders, the family of Carlo, did lose not only the Empire, but also the kingdom of Italy, because the Lombardi recovered their strength and offended the Pope and Romans so much, as the Pope not knowing how to be helped, for necessity gave the Kingdom of Italy to Berengario Duke of Erieoli. The kingdom of Italy, given to Beringario. These accidents encouraged the Vnni, who then remained in Pannonia to assault Italy. But being come to trial of battle with Berengario, they were vanquished, and forced to return into Pannonia, now called Vngaria: which country hath ever since retained their name. At that time Romano Chieftain of the Imperial Army, deposed his master Constantino, and made himself Emperor in Greece. By reason whereof, Puglia and Calauria rebelled from the obedience of the Empire, and suffered the Saracens to come thither: who being there, and possessing the Countries, attempted to besiege Rome. But the Romans', (because Beringario was occupied in the wars against the Vnni) made Albarigo Duke of Tuscan their Captain, by whose virtue, Rome was saved from the Saracens. They being departed from the siege, builded a Castle upon the mountain called Gargano, and from thence they commanded Puglia and Calauria, and disturbed the rest of Italy. Thus in those days Italy was marvelously afflicted: towards the Alps, assaulted by the Vnni, and towards Naples, by the Saracens. In these miseries Italy many years remained, under three Kings of the Beringarii, one succeeding an other. In which time, the Pope and the Church were continually molested; and by means of division of the princes in the West, and the weakness of the Emperor in the east, knew not where to be succoured. The City of Genova, with all the Rivers thereto belonging, were in those days by the Saracens destroyed: whereof came the greatness of the City of Pisa, for thither many people fled for refuge. This happened in the year of the Christian religion, nine hundredth thirty and one. But Ottone son of Enrico and Matilda Duke of Saxony (a man exceeding wise & of great reputation) being become Emperor, Agabito then Pope, How Italy was governed. Anno. 931. prayed him to come into Italy, and save him from the tyranny of the Berengarii. The states of Italy were in those days thus disposed. Lombardy was under Berengario the third, and his son Alberto. Toscana and Romagna, were governed by the deputies of the Emperor in the West. Puglia & Calauria, partly to the Emperor in Greece, and partly to the Saracens obeyed. In Rome were elected yearly of the nobility two Consuls, who according to the ancient custom ruled that City. Under them was appointed a judge to minister justice to the people. There was also a council of twelve men, which gave governors to the towns subject unto Rome. The Pope had in Rome more or less authority, according to the favour he found with the Emperors, or others, that were there most mighty. Then came the Emperor Ottone into Italy, and took the kingdom thereof from the Berengarii: who therein had reigned, fifty five years, and therewith had restored the Pope to his dignity. This Emperor had one son, and one nephew, both also named Ottoni, the one and the other of them succeeded in the Empire. In the reign of Ottone the third, Pope Gregorio quinto, was by the Romans driven out, and Ottone came into Italy, to put him again into the possession of Rome. The Pope then to be revenged of the Romans, The election of the Emperor given to the Germans. Ann. 1002. took from them the authority of creation of the Emperor, & gave the same to the Germans, appointing three Bishops of Maguntia, Treueri, & Colonia: & three secular Princes; the Marquis of Brandenburge, the Earl Palatine of the Rhein, & the Duke of Sassonia to be electors, which constitution was made in the year 1002. After the death of Ottone the third, Enrico Duke of Baviera, was by these electors, made Emperor, and after twelve years, by Pope Stephano the eight crowned. This Enrico and Simionda his wife, were persons of most godly life, as appeareth by diverse churches by them builded and endowed. Amongst which number was the temple of S. Miniato, near to the City of Florence: Enrico died in the year 1023. After whom reigned Currado of Suevia, and after him Enrico the second, who came into Italy, & the church then being in schism, found there, three Popes: all whom he deposed, & caused Clement secundo to be elected, Three Popes deposed by Enrico 2. & of him was he crowned Emperor. In those days Italy was governed, partly by the people, partly by the Princes, & partly by the ministers of the Emperor: of whom, the chief was called Chancellor. Among the Princes Gotfredi, & the Countess Matilda his wife, borne of Beatrice sister to Enrico the second, were most potent: for she and her husband possessed Lucca, Parma, Reggio, and Mantova, with all that country at this day called Patrimonio. The ambition of the people of Rome, did at that time make much war with the Popes: for they, having helped the Pope to drive out the Emperors, and reform the City as to them seemed good, suddenly became enemies to him. And the Popes received more injuries at their hands, The Romans ancient enemies to the Pope. than at any other Christian Princes. And even in those days when the censure of the Popes made all the West of the world to tremble, yet even then, the people of Rome rebelled. And both the Popes, and the people studied for nothing so much, as how one of them, might overthrow the authority and estimation of the other. Nicholas secundo being aspired to the Papacy, took from the Romans the creation of the Pope, The creation of the Pope taken from the Romans. as his predecessor Gregorio quinto, had before taken from them, the election of the Emperor, he made also a constitution that the election of the Popes should from thenceforth appertain to the Cardinals. Neither was he so contented, but compounding with some Princes that then governed Calauria and Puglia (for such reasons as shall be hereafter declared) constrained all the officers appointed by the Romans, to yield their obedience to the Popes, and removed some of them from their offices. After the death of Nicholas, there happened a schism in the church, because the Clergy of Lombardy would not obey Alexander the second, elected at Rome, but created Gadalo of Parma Antipope. Enrico, hating the greatness of these Bishops, sent unto the Pope Alessandro, requiring him to resign the Papacy, & command the Cardinals to go into Germany, there to elect a new Pope. This Enrico was the first Prince that felt the force of spiritual displeasure. The original of the Guelfi, and Gibellini. An. 1080. For the Pope called a new counsel in Rome, whereat he deprived him from the empire and kingdom. After that time, some people of Italy followed the Pope, and some the Emperor, which was the beginning of the factions who called themselves Guelfi and Gibellini. Thus Italy delivered from foreign invasion, by civil discord began to be tormented. Enrico being excommunicate, was by his own people constrained to come to Rome on barefoot, and kneel to the Pope for pardon. Which happened in the year 1080. Notwithstanding shortly after, there happened a new discord betwixt the Pope & Enrico. Whereupon the Pope again did excommunicate the Emperor, who sent forthwith his son (also called Enrico) with an army to Rome. He with the help of the Romans (who hated the Pope) besieged him in his castle, till Roberto Guiscardo came from Puglia to the rescue. Enrico tarried not his coming, but returned alone into Germany. The Romans persisted in their obstinacy: Rome sacked. so that Rome was again by Roberto sacked and brought unto the former ruin, notwithstanding it had been lately by diverse Popes repaired. And because of this Roberto the kings of Naples be descended, it seemeth not superfluous particularly to set down his actions and descent. After the disunion happened among the heirs of Carlo Magno, (as have been before declared) the same occasioned a new people of the North, called Normandi to assail France, and conquered that country, which is called of them, Normandia: of those people, some part came into Italy, in the time that the Berengarii, Saraseni and Vnni troubled the same. They also took some towns in Romagna, which wars, they virtuously performed. Of those Normaine princes, one called Tancredi, begot diverse sons: amongst whom was Guglielmo surnamed Terabar, The descent of the kings of Napoli. and Roberto called Guiscardo. The principality being come to Guglielmo, and the tumults of Italy somewhat ceased, the Saraseni did notwithstanding still hold Sicilia, and continually made roads upon the land of Italy. For which cause, Guglielmo agreed with the prince of Capova and Salerno, and with Melorco the Greek, (who governed Puglia and Calauria for the Emperor of Greece) to assault Sicilia, and after victory, it was condescended amongst them, to divide the places victored, by four parts. This enterprise had fortunate success, and the Saraseni driven out, they possessed Sicilia. After which victory Melorco secretly caused men to come from Grecia, and for the Emperor took possession of the whole Island, not dividing the spoil, but took all to his own share, wherewith Guglielmo became discontented, yet hiding his offence till a time more convenient, departed from Sicilia with the princes of Salerno, and Capova: who being departed upon the way homewards, Guglielmo returned not to Romagna, but with his soldiers marched towards Puglia, where he won Melfi. And shortly after (notwithstanding the forces of the Grecian Emperor) he possessed well near all Puglia and Calauria. In which provinces, he governed in the time of Nicholas secundo. Roberto Guiscardo his brother, having many differents with his nephews, for the inheritance of land, used the authority of the Pope, to compound them. And the Pope did willingly favour him, being desirous to have the friendship of Roberto, to the end that against the Emperors of Germany, and the people of Rome, he might be defended, as in effect, it fell after out, and hath been already declared, how at the request of Gregorio septimo, he drove Enrico from the siege of Rome, & subdued the people therein. To Roberto succeeded Ruggeri and Guglielmo, his sons. To their possessions he annexed Napoli, and all those lands which lie between Napoli and Rome. He gave also Sicilia unto Ruggero. But Guglielmo going afterwards to Constantinople to marry the emperors daughter, was by Ruggero deprived of his Country. Ruggero after this victory became insolent, and called himself king of Italy: yet after contented with the title of King of Puglia and Sicilia, was the first that gave name and law to that kingdom, which to this day within the ancient bounds thereof, is maintained. Notwithstanding it hath many times exchanged both blood and Nation. Because the race of Normandy being worn out, the Kingdom came to the hands of the Germans, from them, to the French men, from the French to the Aragonesi, and at this day it is possessed by the Flemings. Now was Vrbano the second, Pope Vrbano. 2. become Pope, who being hated in Rome, and fearing through the disuniting of Italy, he could not in security there remain: determined a glorious enterprise. First he went into France, accompanied with all his Clergy, and in the city of Anuersa, he assembled many people: to whom he made a solemn Oration, wherein he persuaded an enterprise against the Saraseni, which took so great effect, as the people were desirous to perform the same; which enterprise (with all others to that purpose) were called Crociata. For all those men that went in that journey, La Crociata. wear upon their Armours and garments, a red Cross. The princes and chief leaders of that enterprise, were Gotfredi Eustachio, and Alduino di Bulgo, Earl of Bologna, with one Pietro an Hermit: who for his godly life and wisdom was greatly respected. To this journey, many Kings contributed treasure, and many private men without pay, therein personally served. So great effects did the religion work in those days, to persuade the minds of men, moved with the example of such as were their heads. This enterprise had in the beginning glorious success: for all Asia minor, Soria, and part of Egypt, were therein conquered by the Christians. At which time began the order of Knighthood of jerusalem, The original of knights of jerusalem. which to this day continueth, and is the chief obstacle to the Turks. About that time also grew the order of the Knights, Templarii: which for their evil life was shortly after suppressed. In diverse times following, diverse accidents happened: wherein many nations and many particular men were advanced. For the furnishing of this enterprise, the Kings of France and England, the Pisani, Venetians, and Genovesi, passed the sea, and gained great reputation, fight in fortune variable, till the time of Saladino the Sarasine: whose virtue (the rather through discord of the Christians) did in the end recover all, that before had been gotten. So were the Christians after four scorce and ten years driven out of those Countries, which with great honour and happiness they had won and defended. After the death of Vrbano, Pascale secundo was created Pope: Pope Pascale 2. and Enrico the fourth became Emperor, who went to Rome, pretending friendship to the Pope, but being arrived there, by force he took the Pope prisoner, and put him with all his Clergy in prison: from whence they could not be discharged, till the Pope had granted, that the Emperor might dispose of the Churches in Germany as himself thought good. Then died the Countess Matilda, and made the Church heir of all her Country. After the death of Pascale and Enrico the fourth succeeded diverse Popes, and diverse Emperors, till at length, to the Papacy was elected Alissandro tertio, and to the Empire, Pope Alessandro. 3. Federigo Suevo called Barbarossa. The pope's in that time had many quarrels with the people of Rome, and the Emperors: which were increased in the reign of Barbarossa. Federigo was a man of war most excellent, but therewith so haughty of mind and courage, as he disdained to give place to the pope, notwithstanding, he came to Rome to be Crowned Emperor, and peaceably returned into Germany: though he remained there not very long contented. For shortly after, he came again into Italy to reform some Towns in Lombardy, which would not obey him. At that time it happened, the Cardinal of S. Clement, by Nation a Roman, divided himself from the Pope Alissandro, & found means (by favour of some Cardinals) to be also chosen Pope. At that instant, Federigo the Emperor was with his Army before the City of Crema: to whom Alissandro complained of the Antipope; the Emperor answered, that both he and the Antipope should come unto him, and then he would decide their controversy, and judge which of them were true Pope. This answer displeased Alissandro, who conceiving thereby, that the Emperor was inclined to favour the Antipope, did excommunicate him, and fled to Philip King of France. Federigo in the mean while, proceeding in the Wars of Lombardy, took Milan, and razed it: which was the cause, that Verona, Padova, and Vicenza (by common consent) determined to resist him. Then died the Antipope, in whose place Federigo created Guido of Cremona. The Romans by means of the Pope's absence, and the business of the Emperor in Lombardy, had recovered a little authority in Rome, & began to command some Towns under them▪ and because the Tusculani would not yield to their authority, they went popularly to assail them; who being aided by Federigo, the Romans were overthrown with so great slaughter, as after that Overthrow Rome was never well peopled, nor rich. In this mean space, Pope Alissandro was returned to Rome, persuading himself that through the enmity of the Romans and Federigo, he might there safely remain: and the rather, by reason of the Enemies which the Emperor had in Lombardy. Nevertheless, Federigo (setting aside all respects) besieged Rome: where Alissandro tarried not his coming, but fled to Gulielmo King of Puglia, who after the death of Ruggiero remained Heir of that Kingdom. Federigo driven thence by the Plague, left the Siege, and returned into Germany. The Towns of Lombardy which were rebelled, to the end they might the rather recover Pavia & Tortona, (which stood for the Emperor) built a new City, to be the refuge of that War, calling the same Alissandria, in honour of the Pope Alissandro, and in despite of the Emperor Federigo. Then died Guidone Antipope: in whose place Giovanni of Fermo was created. He, through the favour of the emperors Faction in Montefiascone, there dwelled: Pope Alissandro in the mean time was gone into Tuscolo, called thither by that People; hoping that with his authority he might defend them from the Romans. Thither came Ambassadors from Enrico King of England, to declare unto the Pope, that their King was not culpable in the murder of Thomas Bishop of Canterbury, as he had been publicly slandered. For trial whereof, the Pope sent two Cardinals into England, to examine the truth of that matter: who found the King not guilty. Nevertheless, in respect of the infamy, and that he had not honoured that holy Man according to his desert; they enjoined the King for penance to assemble his Nobility, and in their presence to swear and protest his innocency: The King of England put to penance by Pope Alissandro. and was moreover commanded, that with all speed, he should at his proper charge send two hundred Soldiers to jerusalem, and there pay them for one year; and himself within three years to go thither in person, and lead with him an Army the greatest that he could possibly make: besides that, he should disannul all things done within his Kingdom, to the prejudice of the Liberty Ecclesiastical, and consent, that all and every Subject of his might appeal to Rome. All which things Enrico granted: and notwithstanding he were a mighty King, submitted himself to that judgement, which (at this day) every private man would be ashamed to yield unto. But notwithstanding the Pope's great power over Princes far off, yet could he not make himself obeyed of the Romans: by whom he was not suffered to dwell at Rome, though he promised not to intermeddle in any thing, save only the Ecclesiastical government. Hereby may be noted, that things which seem to be, and be not, are dreaded more far of, than feared near at hand. By this time, Federigo was returned to Italy, and being prepared to make new wars with the Pope, all his prelate's and Baron's gave him to understand, that they intended to leave him, unless he reconciled himself to the church: whereby this Emperor was constrained to go unto Venice, and there to adore the pope; whereof ensued a full pacification. In this peace the pope deprived the Emperor of all his authority in Rome, and named Gulielmo king of Sicilia and Puglia for his confederate. Federigo not content to live in peace, but loving the wars, determined to enterprise Asia, & so gain glory against Mahomet, which against the Pope he could not. But being arrived at the river Cidno, enticed with the excellency of that water, The death of Federigo the Emperor. he washed himself therein, & suddenly died. Whereby may be imagined that water did more good to the Mahometans, than the pope's excommunication to the Christians: because the excommunication did only allay the Emperor's ambition, but this water did utterly quench it. Federigo being dead, it remained only for the pope to reform the disobedience of the Romans: & after many disputations touching the creation of the Consuls, it was agreed, that (according to the ancient custom) they should be elected by the Romans: yet before they took their office upon them, they should swear fidelity to the church; which agreement, caused Giovanni the Antipope to fly to Monte Albano, where shortly after he died. Then died also Gulielmo king of Napoli, who having one only son called Tancredi, the pope determined to take that kingdom from him, but the nobility thereof would not consent to the pope, resolving to yield their obedience to Tancredi. At that time Celestino tertio was pope, Pope Celestino 3. who desirous to take the kingdom from Tancredi, sought means that Enrico son of Federigo should be made Emperor, and promised him the kingdom of Naples, upon condition that he should restore unto the church all those towns thereunto belonging. And to make that action the more easy, he took out of a monastery, Gostanza an old woman, daughter of Gulielmo, and married her unto Federigo. Thus passed the kingdom of Naples to the Germans from the Normands, who were the ancient founders thereof. So soon as Enrico the Emperor had settled all things in Germany, he came into Italy, accompanied with Gostanza his wife, and his son, but four years old, called Federigo. Where, with some difficulty (because Tancredi was dead, leaving only a little son called Rogeri) he possessed the kingdom. Within a small time after in Sicilia died Enrico, to whom Federigo succeeded in the kingdom, and to the Empire was elected Ottone Duke of Sassonia, through favour of pope Innocentio quarto. But so soon as he was crowned Emperor, Pope Innocentio 4. contrary to all expectation, he became enemy to the pope, surprised Romagna, and prepared to assault the kingdom. For which doing, the pope did excommunicate him, all other men left him, and the electors created Federigo king of Napoli. Then came Federigo to Rome for the crown, but the pope fearing his greatness, denied him, and sought to remove him out of Italy, as he had done before to Ottone. Therewith Federigo offended, went into Germany, and made much war against Ottone, and at length overthrew him. In the mean while died Innocentio, who (besides other his notable works) builded the Hospital of Santo spirito in Rome. Pope Honorio 3. erector of the order of S. Francisco Anno 1218. After him succeeded Honorio tertio, in whose time, began the orders of Santo Dominico and Francisco, the year 1218. This pope crowned Federigo, unto whom Giovanni descended of Bauldovino king of jerusalem, who (with the remain of the Christians in Asia still possessed that title) gave his kingdom to his daughter in marriage. Hereof it cometh, that who so ever is King of Napoli, is also entitled king of jerusalem. Italy in those days was thus governed. The Romans made no more Consuls in Rome, but in steed of them, they created (with the same authority) sometimes one, & sometime more Senators. The league which the cities of Lombardy had made against Federigo Barbarossa, still continued. The Cities confedered against the Emperor, were Milano, Brescia, Mantova, with the greater part of Romagna: and with them Verona, Vicenza, Padova, and Trevigi. On the emperors part, were Cremona, Bargamo, Parma, Reggio, Modena, & Trento. The other Cities and Castles of Lombardy, Romagna, and La Marca Trevigiana, according to their necessity, favoured sometimes the one, and sometimes the other part. In the time of Ottone the third, came into Italy a man called Ezelino, Ezelino. of whom remained one son, who likewise begot an other Ezelino, he being rich & mighty, followed Federigo the second, who was (as hath been before said) enemy to the Pope. This Emperor brought into Italy, by the favour of Ezelino, took Verona and Mantova, razed Vicenza, surprised Padova, & vanquished the army of the towns confederate: & in the end, marched towards Toscana. Ezelino in the mean time, surprised La Marca Trivigiana, but he could not take Ferrara, being defended by Azone of Este, & other soldiers sent by the Pope from Lombardy. Azone de Este first Duke of Farrara. The siege then levied, the Pope gave that city in Feudo to Azone of Este, of whom be descended all those princes, that till this day have there governed. Federigo stayed at Pisa, & being desirous to become Lord of Toscana, the rather to possess the same, & discover those that favoured him, from the other that were his enemies, practised division among the people of the country, which was afterwards the ruin of all Italy. Because then the factions of Guelfi & Ghibellini increased, calling them Guelfi that followed the Pope, and Ghibellini that followed the Emperor. In Pistoia, these names of faction, were first begun. Federigo leaving Pisa, by many means assaulted & spoiled the towns belonging to the church: Insomuch, that the Pope not having other remedy, proclaimed his Crociata against him, as did his predecessors against the Saraseni. The Emperor forced to entertain Saracens. Federigo then fearing to be abandoned by his soldiers (as Federigo Barbarossa and other Emperors had been) entertained great numbers of Saracens, and to make them more willing to serve (knowing that they feared not the Pope's curses) he gave them the city of Nocera in the kingdom: persuading himself, that they having that refuge, Pope Innocent 4. might serve him with the more security. Innocentio quarto became Pope, and mistrusting Federigo, went to Genova, and from thence into France: and called a Council at the city of Lions. Whereunto Federigo determined to go, but was withholden by the rebellion of Parma: from which enterprise repulsed, he went into Toscana, and thence, into Sicilia, where he died, leaving in Sucuia his eldest son Corrado, and in Puglia his other son, (being base borne) called Manfredi, whom he had made Duke of Benevento. Corrado being come for possession of the kingdom, arrived at Napoli, and there died, leaving one little son called Curradino: who at that time remained in Germany. Then Manfredi first as governor to Curradino, and after reporting that Curradino was dead) against the Pope's will, & the Neapolitans also (whom he forced to consent) made himself king. During these troubles in the kingdom, happened many quarrels between the factions of Guelfi and Ghibilini, the one being favoured by the Pope's Legate, and the other by Ezelino, who possessed well-near all Lombardy, on the other side of the river Po. And because in this war, The death of Ezelino. the city of Padova rebelled, Ezelino put to death twelve thousand Citizens thereof, and he himself before the end of the war, being then thirty years of age, was slain. After his death, all the towns by him possessed became free. Manfredi king of Napoli, according to the custom of his ancestors, continued enemy to the church, Pope Vrbano 4. holding the Pope (called Vrbano quarto) in continual distress: in so much as the Pope proclaimed the Crociata against him; which done, he went unto Perugia, where he remained, aspecting his soldiers. Who (coming thither slowly and in small numbers) thought that to vanquish Manfredi, those forces were not sufficient. He therefore prayed aid in France, of Carlo Duke of Angio, brother to king Lodovico, creating him king of Sicilia, and Napoli, desiring him to come into Italy, & take possession of those kingdoms. But before Carlo could come to Rome, that Pope died, and Clement quarto elected. In whose time, Pope Clement 4. Carlo with thirty galleys came to Ostia, appointing the rest of his army to march thither by land. During his abode in Rome, the Romans to honour him, made him a Senator of Rome, and the Pope invested him in the kingdom, with condition he should pay yearly fifty thousand florins to the church. The Pope also decreed, that neither Carlo, nor none of his successors in that kingdom, should ever be elected Emperors. Carlo then went on in his journey against Manfredi, whom he vanquished and slew, near to Benevento, whereby he possessed Sicilia, and the kingdom. Notwithstanding Curradino, to whom by testament of his father that kingdom appertained, assembling great forces in Germany, came into Italy against Carlo, and fought with him at Tagliacozzo, where he was overthrown; and being disguised, fled: yet afterwards was taken, and slain. Italy then continued quiet, Pope Adriano 5. till the reign of Adriano quinto, at which time, Carlo dwelling in Rome, and governing there by the office of Senator, the Pope could not endure his authority, and therefore went to inhabit at Viterbo: from thence he sent unto Ridolpho the Emperor, desiring him to come into Italy against Carlo. Thus the Popes sometimes for love of religion, The ambition of Popes, a ruin to Italy. and sometimes for their own ambition, ceased not to call into Italy new men, and stir up new wars. For so soon as any prince was by them made mighty, repenting the same, they practised his overthrow. Neither would they suffer that any should possess that Country, which themselves (through their weakness) could not. Yet did the Princes always fear them, because either by fight or flying, they prevailed: if they were not by some practice oppressed, as was Bonifacio octavo, and some others who were taken by colour of friendship, which the Emperors to them pretended. Ridolpho came not into Italy, being withholden with his wars against the King of Bohemia. In the mean time died Adriano, and in his place was created Nicholas tertio, descended of the house of Orsini, Pope Adriano 3. a man very bold and ambitious. He by all means possible sought to diminish the authority of Carlo: and devised that Ridolpho the Emperor should complain, that Carlo maintained a governor in Toscana in favour of the Guelfi. Carlo gave credit unto the Emperor, and revoked thence his governor. And the Pope forthwith sent thither one of his nephews a Cardinal, to be governor for the Empire. So that the Emperor for this honour done unto him by the Pope, restored Romagna unto the Church, which by his ancestors had been taken away. The Pope then created Bertoldo Orsino, Duke of Romagna. And imagining himself mighty enough to show his face to Carlo, took from him the office of Senator: and made a decree, that no man descended of royal race, should after possess that dignity. He had also devised to take Sicilia from Carlo, and practised with Piero king of Arragon: which practice in the time of his successor took effect. He intended moreover, to make two new kings of his own house, the one in Lombardy, the other in Tuscan: whose powers might defend the church, both from the Germans that would attempt to come into Italy, and from the French men, who were already in Napoli. But with this determination, he died. And was the first Pope, that openly manifested his own ambition; practising (under colour to make the church great) to honour and enrich his own kindred. For as before this time, no mention was made of the advancement of Pope's kinsfolks or posterity, so afterwards, every history doth show, that the Popes have studied for nothing more, than how to advance their own blood. And as heretofore they have laboured to make them princes, so (if it were in their power) they would now procure the Papacy to be heritable. Yet true it is, that hitherto all principalities by them erected, have had no long being, for so soon as that Pope (who ordained their advancement) did fail, the honour of the person advanced, Pope Martino 3. decayed with him. Then Martino tertio became Pope, who being a French man, favoured Carlo, and in his aid, sent soldiers unto Romagna which then rebelled. And his camp being before Furly, Guido Bonati (a man learned in Astrology) persuaded the people, that so soon as he gave them a token, they should presently assault their enemies, which they did, & in that victory, all the French men were taken & slain. About this time, the practice of Nicolao tertio with Piero King of Arragon, was put in execution. By means whereof, the people of Sicilia murdered all the French men that could be found in that Island: which done, King Piero took possession, alleging, that having married Gostanza daughter of Manfredi, that country to him appertained. Carlo preparing for a new war to recover his loss, died: leaving one son called Carlo the second. Who being taken prisoner in the war of Sicilia, and desirous of liberty, promised to return to prison, if within three years he could not obtain of the Pope, that the house of Arragon should be invested to the kingdom of Sicilia. Ridolpho the Emperor, intending to have come into Italy, and recovered the reputation of the Empire, came not, but sent thither an Ambassador with authority to give freedom to all those cities, which would buy the same at his hands: as many did, & with their liberty, changed also their manner of living. Then succeeded to the Empire Adulpho of Sassonia, Pope Celestino and Bonifacio 8. & to the Papacy Pietro Murone, named Pope Celestino: who being an Hermit and full of devotion, within seven months resigned the Papacy, and Bonifacio Octavo was elected. The heavens knowing a time would come, when Italy should be delivered, both from the French men and Almains, & that the country might be recovered wholly in possession of Italians, to the end the Pope failing of strangers, might not be able to hold his reputation, caused two mighty families to arise in Rome. The one called Orsini, the other Colonni: whose power and dearness, might keep down the Popes from aspiring. The Pope Bonifacio aware thereof, practised to extirpate the Colonni, & did for that purpose not only excommunicate them, but also against them published the Crociata. Which proceeding, although it somewhat offended them, yet did it much more offend the church: because those swords which in defence of the faith had virtuously prevailed, being employed for private ambition against the Christians, became blunt: and so the Pope's desire to enforce the minds of others, wrought a contrary effect, and by little & little disarmed themselves. This Pope did also depose two Cardinals of that house of Colonna, and the chief of them called Sciarra, disguised himself, and fled. Afterwards being taken by Pirates, was made a slave in a galley, till arrived at Marsilia, was there by fortune known, redeemed, and sent into France to King Philippo, who had been excommunicate, & deprived of his kingdom by Bonifacio. Philippo considering with himself, that to make wars with the Pope, either he was not strong enough, or should therein adventure great dangers: determined to work by practice, & pretending to procure peace with the Pope, sent secretly Sciarra into Italy, who being come to Anagnia, where the Pope then was, with the aid of friends in the night took him. And albeit the people of that town did shortly after deliver him, yet of very melancholy and sorrow, the Pope distraught of his wits, Pope Bonifacio inventor of the Guibileo. died. This Bonifacio was he that ordained the jubilee, in the year 1300. and commanded that every hundredth year, the same should be so solemnized. After that time happened many troubles between the factions of Guelfi & Ghibellini. And by reason that Italy was abandoned by the Emperors, many towns became free, and many others by tyrants possessed. Pope Benedetto restored the Hat to the Cardinals Colonesi, and absolved Philippo the French King. Pope Clements 5. To him succeeded Clement quinto, who being a French man, removed his court into France in the year 1306. In the mean space Carlo the second King of Napoli, died. To that kingdom succeeded Robarto his son: and to the Empire, Arrigo of Lucemburgh: who notwithstanding the absence of the Pope from Rome, went thither to be crowned. By mean of that journey, grew many troubles in Lombardy, because all those that had been banished, either Guelfi or Ghibellini were admitted to return to their towns, and there being, made so great quarrels among themselves, as the Emperor with all his power could not appease. The Emperor then departed from Lombardy to Genova, and so to Pisa, where he practised to take Toscana from the king Robarto. But having no success, went on to Rome, where he remained not long, being driven out by the Orsini, and the friends of king Robarto. Then returned he to Pisa, where he devised (for his better proceeding in the wars of Toscana, and the rather also to remove king Robarto from his government) that Frederigo king of Sicilia should assault those countries. But at such time, as he hoped at one instant) to perform both those enterprises, he died: and Lodovico of Baviera, was chosen Emperor. In this mean space, was created Giovanni 22. In whose days the Emperor ceased not to persecute the Guelfi, Pope john 22. and the church which was chief defended by king Robarto, and the Florentines. Whereof grew great war in Lombardy, by the Visconti, against the Guelfi, and in Toscana, by Castruccio of Lucca, against the Florentines. And because the family of Visconti, was that which began the Dukedom of Milan (one of the five principalities that governed Italy) I think good more at large hereafter to entreat of them. After that the league of the cities of Lombardy was concluded, (as hath been beforesaid) and they resolved to defend themselves from Federigo Barbarossa: Milan also being repaired of the ruins, conspired with those cities of the league, to be revenged of former injuries. Which league bridled Barbarossa, and for a time gave countenance to the faction of the church then in Lombardy. During these wars, the house of Torre grew to great reputation, so long as the Emperors had in that country small authority. But when Federigo the second, was come into Italy, and the Ghibellini (through the help of Ezelino) became strong, the humour of Ghibilini sprung up in every city, and the house of Visconti, taking part with that faction, chased out of Milan the family of Torre: yet were they not long out, but by mean of a peace concluded betwixt the Emperor and the Pope, he with his Court being in France, and Arrigo of Lucimburg going to Rome for the Crown, was received into Milan, by Maffeo Visconti, and Guido della Torre, who at that time were chief of those houses: yet Maffeo intending by help of the Emperor to drive Guido out of the City, and supposing that enterprise the more likely, because Guido was in faction contrary to the Empire: he took occasion upon the complaints of the people against the evil demeanour of the Germans, slily persuading and encouraging every man to take Arms, and deliver themselves from the servitude of that barbarous nation. And when all things were made ready, A practice of Ma. viscounts against the house of Torre. he caused a secret minister of his to move a tumult. Whereat, all the people took Arms against the name of Germany, and Maffeo with his sons and followers, suddenly armed, went to Arrigo, letting him understand, that this tumult proceeded from those of the house of Torre: who not contented to live private in Milan, took occasion to spoil him, gratify the Guelfi of Italy, and make themselves princes of that city. Notwithstanding, he persuaded the Emperor to be of good cheer, for they and their followers would in every respect save and defend him. Arrigo believed all that which Maffeo had spoken, & joining his forces with the Visconti, assailed those Della Torre. Who being dispersed in diverse places of the City to appease the tumult, so many of them as could be found were slain, and the rest spoiled & sent into Italy. Maffeo Visconti, thus made (as it were) prince of Milan, had diverse sons, the chief of them were called Galiazzo, and Azo: and after them, Luchino & Giovanni. Giovanni became Archbishop of that City, and of Luchino who died before him) remained Barnabo, The mean how the Visconti aspired to be Dukes of Milan. and Galiazzo called Conte de Virtue. He, after the death of the Archbishop, killed Barnabo his uncle, and so became only prince of Milan, and was the first that had the title of Duke. Of him descended Philippo & Giovan Mariangilo who being slain by the people of Milan, the state remained only to Philippo, and he having no heirs male, the Dukedom was translated from the house of Visconti to the Sforzi, as shall be hereafter declared. But to return to our matter, Lodovico the Emperor to give reputation to his faction, and take the Crown, came into Italy, and being arrived at Milan, to the end he might levy money of the Milanesi, offered to make them free, and for proof thereof imprisoned the Visconti. Afterwards, by mediation of Castruccio of Lucca, delivered them, and went to Rome. Then the more easily to disturb Italy, he made Piero de la Coruara, Antipope: by whose authority and the force of Visconti, he hoped to keep down the contrary faction, both in Toscana and Lombardy. But Castruccio then died, which was the cause of his ruin: for Pisa and Lucca presently rebelled. And the Pisani sent the Antipope prisoner to the Pope, them remaining in France. Whereupon the Emperor despairing of his enterprise in Italy, returned to Germany. The king of Boemia called into Italy. So soon as he was gone, Giovanni king of Bohemia, came into Italy, called thither by the Ghibilini of Brescia, and possessed that City, with one other called Bergamo. And forasmuch as the coming of this king was with consent of the Pope (although he feigned the contrary) the Legate of Bologna favoured him: imagining, for that cause the Emperor would no more return into Italy, by whose departure thence, the country was greatly altered. The Florentines and the king Robarto, seeing that the Legate favoured the enterprise of the Ghibilini, became enemies to all those that the Legate and the king of Bohemia favoured: against whom (without respect of Guelfi or Ghibilini) many princes joined. Among them were the Visconti, the family of La Scala Filippino Gonzaga of Mantova, the house of Carrara, and Este: whereupon the Pope did excommunicate them all. The king for fear of this league, went home to assemble more forces, & returned with than into Italy, & had (though hardly) the victory, and then (though with displeasure of the Legate) returned to Bohemia, leaving only Reggio, and Modena, manned: recommending Parma to Marsilio and Piero de Rossi, who were in that city of most power. He being gone, Bologna revolted to the league, and divided among them, four Cities appertaining to the church: allotting Parma to the house of Scala, Reggio to Gonzaga, Modena to Este, and Lucca to the Florentines. During the conquest of these Cities, grew great wars, but they were chief by the Venetians, compounded. It may perhaps be thought strange, that among so many accidents of Italy, I have omitted to speak of the Venetians common weal, being for the order and power thereof, to be preferred before every other principality. To satisfy that admiration, the cause thereof being known, I will look backward to time long since passed: and declare what beginning that City had. The original of Vinegia. King Attila at such time as he besieged Aquilegia, the inhabitants of that town (having long defended themselves, & despairing) fled with their goods to the rocks within the point of Mare Adriatico. The Padovani seeing the fire at hand, and fearing that Aquilegia being won, Attila would assault them; carried all their movables of most value into the same sea, to a place there called Rivoalto: whither they also sent their wives, children, and aged men, leaving the youth to defend the city. Aquilegia being taken, Attila defaced Padova, Monselice, Vicenza, and Verona. The Padovani and the chief of the others, seated themselves in the marshes about Rivoalto. Likewise all the people of that province (which was anciently called Venetia) were driven out by the same misfortune, did also fly thither. Thus constrained by necessity, they abandoned fair and fertile countries, to inhabit these sterile and paludious places void of all commodity. And yet, because great numbers of people were at one instant come thither, they made that place not only habitable, but also pleasant: ordaining among themselves laws and orders, which amidst so great ruins of Italy, they observed; and within short space increased in force and reputation. For besides the inhabitants aforesaid, many of the cities of Lombardy (chief those that feared the cruelty of their king Clefi) fled thither, which was no small increase to that city. So that in the time of Pipino king of France, when at the request of the Pope, he came to drive the Lombardi out of Italy, it was agreed in Capitulations, betwixt him and the Emperor of Grecia, that the Duke of Benevento and the Venetians, should be subjects neither to the one nor the other, but among themselves enjoy liberty. Moreover, considering that as necessity had driven them to dwell within the water, so it behoved them without help of the firm land, to seek means whereby they might procure their own livelihood. For which purpose they made ships & galleys, & with them sailed throughout the world, and filled their city with sundry sorts of merchandise, whereof other men having necessity, required free access unto them. At that time and many years after, the Venetians thought not upon other dominions, than those where the traffic of their merchandise might safely arrive. Then they won divers havens in Grecia, Soria, and in the passages that the French men made in Asia: because they oftentimes employing the Venetian ships, appointed unto them, (as a reward) the isle of Candia. While in this estate and order they lived, their name by sea was terrible, and upon the firm land of Italy venerable. So that in all controversies that happened, they were (for the most part) arbitrators: as in controversies which rose in the league, by reason of those cities which they had divided amongst them. For that controversy being recommended to the Venetians, they ordered that Bargamo & Brescia should appertain to the Visconti. But in process of time having conquered Padova, Vicenza, Trivigi, Verona, Bargamo, Brescia, with diverse cities in the kingdom, and Romagna, (enticed with desire of government) they attained so great an opinion of power and reputation, that not only of the princes of Italy, but also of the kings beyond the mountains they became feared. Whereupon those princes conspiring together, took from them in one day, all the states and countries which they in many years, and with infinite expenses had gained. And though in these late times they have recovered part, yet not recovering their forces and reputation, do (like all other princes of Italy) remain at the devotion and discretion of others. Now was Benedetto 12. come to the Papacy, who seeing himself driven out of Italy, The decree of Pope Benedetto 12. against the Emperor. and fearing that the Emperor Lodovico should become Lord thereof, determined to make all those his friends, who had usurped the towns which the Emperor possessed. To the end, that thereby they should have cause to fear the Empire, and join with him in the defence of Italy. For the more assurance of this attempt, he made a decree, that all tyrants of Lombardy should by just title possess the towns by them usurped. But the Pope presently upon this grant, died, and Clement sexto, elected in his place. The Emperor then seeing with what liberality the Pope had given the towns belonging to the Empire, The emperors decree to the Pope's prejudice. determined to be no less liberal of the Pope's goods, than the Pope had been of his: and therefore gave freely all lands belonging to the church, which any tyrant had usurped; and they to hold them, by authority imperial. By mean whereof, Galiotto Malatesti and his brethren became Lords of Rimino, Pesaro, & Fano. Anthonio di Montefeltro of la Marca and Urbin: Gentile da Varano of Camerino. Guido di Polenta of Ravenna. Sinibaldo Ordalaffi of Furli, and Cesena: Giovanni Manfredi of Faenza, Lodovico Alidosi, of Imola. Besides these, many others possessed towns belonging to the church: so as few remained out of the hands of one Prince or other, which was the cause that the Church (till the coming of Alissandro 6.) was holden down & weak; but he with the ruin of these Lords or their posterity, restored the same. At such time as the Emperor made this grant, he remained at Trento, & seemed as though he would pass from thence into Italy; whereby grew many wars in Lombardy: & by that occasion, the Visconti became Lords of Parma. Then died king Robarto of Napoli; of whom remained only two grand children, women, begotten by Carlo his Son, who long before was dead; bequeathing his kingdom to the elder of them, called Giovanna, Giovanna Q of Naples. whom he willed to marry with Andrea son to the K. of Vngaria his nephew. This Andrea continued not long her husband, but was by her murdered, & she married anew to a brother in la of his, called Lodovico prince of Tarranto. But K. Lodovico brother to Andrea, to revenge his death, came with Forces into Italy, & drove the Q. Giovanna with her husband out of the kingdom. About this time happened in Rome a thing very memorable, which was, that one called Nicholo di Lorenzo Chancellor in the Campidoll, Nicholo di Lorenzo. drove the Senators out of Rome, & made himself (under title of Tribuno) chief of the Roman Common weal: reducing the same into the ancient form of government, with so great reputation of justice & virtue, as not only the towns near hand, but also all Italy sent Ambassadors unto him. Whereby, the ancient provinces, seeing Rome restored, looked up; and some of them moved with fear, and some with hope, honoured him. But Nicholo (notwithstanding so great authority, in the beginning of this action, abandoned himself; and despairing (as it seemeth) to perform so great an enterprise, not being enforced by any man, secretly fled, and went to King Carlo of Bohemia: who by order of the pope (in despite of Lodovico of Bavieria, elected Emperor) apprehended Nicholo, & sent him to the Pope prisoner. A while after, (as it were to imitate this Nicholo) another man called Francisco Barocegli, Francisco Barocegli. surprised the Tribunate, and drove thence the Senators. Upon which accident, the Pope (the rather to repress that disorder) took Nicholo out of prison, restored him to the Tribuneship, & sent him to Rome. Nicholo there arrived, exercised the office, and put Francisco to death. But the Colonnesi being enemies to Nicholo, shortly after killed him also, & restored the Senators to their places. Q. Giovanna deposed. In the meantime, the King of Vngaria having deposed the Queen Giovanna, returned to his Kingdom. The Pope liking better the neighbourhood of the Queen than of that King, found means that he was pleased to restore the Kingdom: upon condition, that the Queen's husband should content himself with the title of Tarranto, and not be called King. The year 1350. being come, the Pope thought good that the Giubileo erected by Pope Bonifacio octavo at the end of every hundred year, might be reduced to fifty year, and made a Decree, that afterwards so it should be. The Romans receiving the same as a benefit, were content the pope should send to Rome four Cardinals to reform the state of that City, & make Senators there, those, whom himself thought good. The Pope also proclaimed Lodovico of Tarranto King of Napoli: for which favour, the Queen Giovanna gave unto the Church the City of avignon, which was her patrimony. By this time Luchino Visconti was dead, whereby Giovanni Archbishop of Milan remained only Lord of that state, who made many wars upon Toscana, & other countries his neighbours and thereby became exceeding mighty. After his death succeeded Barnabo & Galiazzo his nephews: but within short space Galiazzo died, leaving one son called Giovan Galiazzo, who divided that State with Barnabo. At this time Carlo K. of Bohemia was Emperor, Pope Innocentio sexto. and Innocentio 6. Pope; who sent into Italy Cardinal Egidio, by Nation a Spaniard, who with his virtue recovered great reputation to the Church, not only in Romagna & Rome, but also throughout all Italy. He restored Bologna, usurped by the Archbishop of Milan: he constrained the Romans to receive one Stranger to be a Senator, who yearly should be sent by the Pope: he made honourable composition with the Visconti: he vanquished and took prisoner john Aguto an Englishman, who with four thousand of his own Nation served in Toscana to the aid of the Ghibelini. Vrbano quinto being come to the Papacy, Pope Vrbano. 5. and understanding of so many Victories, determined to visit Italy and Rome: whether also came Carlo the Emperor; who (after a few months) went to the Kingdom, and the Pope to Avignon. Vrbano being dead, Gregorio duodecimo was created: and because then died the Cardinal Egidio, Italy was returned to trouble, occasioned by the Towns confederate against the Visconti. Whereupon the Pope sent first a Legate into Italy with six thousand Britons, after in person followed himself, and settled the Court in Rome, in the year 1376. which had continued from thence in France 71. years. The Papal court returned to Rome. An. 1376. After the death of this Pope, was created Vrbano sexto. Shortly after at Fondi, ten Cardinals (who said Vrbano was not well chosen) elected Clement octavo. Then the Genovesis (who divers years had lived under government of the Visconti) rebelled. Betwixt them and the Venetians (for the Island called Tenedo) grew Wars of great importance, and divided all Italy. Great artillery first used in Italy 1376. In these Wars was great Shot and Artillery first seen, as Instruments then newly devised by the Almains. And albeit the Genovesi had for a time in this War the advantage, and divers months besieged Venice, yet in the end the Venetians had the better, and by mediation of the Pope made peace, in the year 1381. Then chanced a schism in the Church, and Queen Giovanna favoured the Antipope: for which cause, Vrbano practised an enterprise against her, and sent Carlo Durezzo (descended of the Kings of Napoli) into the Kingdom; who there arrived, possessed himself, and forced the Queen to fly unto france. The French King therewith offended, sent Lodovico de Angio into Italy, to recover the Kingdom for the Queen, remove the Pope Vrbano, and put the Antipope into possession: but Lodovico in the midst of this enterprise died, and his Soldiers returned into France. The Pope in the mean while, went unto Napoli, where he imprisoned nine Cardinals, for having followed the faction of France, and the Antipope. That done, he quarreled with the king, for not having made a nephew of his Prince of Capova: yet feigning not to force much thereof, desired to have Nocera for his dwelling, where afterwards he assembled great forces, and practised to deprive the king. (The king then marching towards him,) the Pope tarried not, but fled to Genova, where he executed those Cardinals whom he had before imprisoned. From thence he went to Rome, and there to give himself reputation, created 28. Cardinals. At this time went Carlo king of Napoli to Vngaria, and was created king, and shortly after slain: having left in Napoli his wife with two children, Ladislao and Giovanna. At this time also, Giovanni Galiazzo Visconti, had murdered Barnabo his uncle, & taken into his hands the state of Milan. And not content with the Dukedom of all Lombardy, he sought to be also Lord of Toscana. But when he hoped to have taken the possession, and be crowned king of Italy, died. Next unto Vrbano sexto, succeeded Bonifacio nono. Then died also in avignon the Antipope Clement septimo. And in his place was elected Benedetto 13. Pope Benedetto 13. In these days lived in Italy many soldiers of foreign nations, English men, Almains, and Britain's: brought thither partly by those Princes who many times had served in Italy, and partly sent by the Popes, when they remained at Avignon. Against these people, the princes of Italy long time made war, and at length Lodovico da Conio arose, who making a company of Italians, calling the same S. Giorgio, their virtue & discipline took from the strangers all reputation, and brought the same to the Italians: of whom ever after the princes of Italy, in all their wars were served. The Pope by reason of the controversy betwixt him and the Romans, went unto Scesi, where he remained till the jubileo in the year 1400. At which time, the Romans for their profit were content he should return to Rome, and also place there one Senator at his election: and therewith also to fortify the Castle of S. Angelo. With these conditions the Pope returned, and the rather to enrich the Church, he ordained that every Benefice falling void, The first fruits of Benefices taken by the Pope. should pay the first fruits into the treasure house. After the death of Gicuan Galiazzo Duke of Milan, albeit he left two sons called Giovanniariangelo and Philippo, yet his Country became divided into many parts. And in the troubles which thereby happened, Giovanniariangelo was slain, and Philippo for a time remained prisoner in the Castle of Pavia: yet by good fortune, and favour of the Captain, was set at liberty. Among others that usurped the possessions of this Duke, was Gulielmo Della Scalla: who (being a banished man) remained in the hands of Francisco de Carrara Lord of Padova; through whom he recovered the State of Verona, which he enjoyed not long, because Francisco procured him to be poisoned, and surprised the City. Thereupon the Vicentini (having lived quietly under the ensign of the Visconti, and fearing the greatness of Francisco) yielded their obedience to the Venetians: who presently took arms against the Lord of Padova, and first deprived him of Verona, and afterwards won the City of Padova. In the mean space died Bonifacio, Pope Innocentio 7. and Innocentio septimo was elected Pope: to whom the people of Rome presented an humble request; desiring it might please his Holiness to deliver into their hands the Fortresses, and restore them to their liberty: which suit the Pope denied. The people than prayed aid of Ladislao King of Napoli; yet afterwards falling to agreement, the Pope returned to Rome, being fled from thence for fear of the people, and remained at Viterbo, where he had created a nephew of his to be Earl of La Marca; which done, he shortly after died, and Gregorio duodecimo was created Pope: with condition, that he should resign the Papacy, whensoever the Antipope did the like. By persuasion of the Cardinals, intending to make proof, whether the Church could be reunited or not; Benedetto Antipope came to Porto Venere, and Gregorio to Luca: where they practised many matters, but nothing took effect; so that the Cardinals (both of the one and the other Pope) did forsake them. Pope Benedetto went into Spain, and Gregorio to Rimini. The Cardinals on the other part, with the favour of Baldasarre Cossa Cardinal and Legate of Bologna, ordained a Council at Pisa, K. Ladislao deposed by pope Alissandro 5. where they created Alissandro quinto, who did excommunicate Ladislao, giving that Kingdom to Luigi de Angio: and then with the aid of the Florentines, Genovesi, and Venetians, together with Baldaser Cossa Legate, assaulted Ladislao, and took from him Rome. But in the heat of this war died Alissandro, and Baldaser Cossa was elected, calling himself Giovanni vicessimo tertio. He, departing from Bologna (being there made Pope) went from thence to Rome, and there met Luigi de Angio, come thither with a Navy from Prouenza. Then presently they assaulted Ladislao, and overthrew him: yet through the default of their Leaders, the victory was not followed; by means whereof, within short space after, the King recovered an Army, and again surprised Rome. The Pope then fled to Bologna, and Luigi to the province. The Pope imagining how he might diminish the greatness of Ladislao, found means that Sigismondo King of Vngaria should be chosen Emperor, persuading him to come into Italy; which he did, and met with the Pope at Mantova. There they agreed to call a Council general, and therein to reunite the Church: the rather to become able to withstand the force of their enemies. At that time were three Popes, Gregorio, Benedetto, and Giovanni, who made the Church exceeding weak, Three pope's at one time. and without reputation. The place elected for this Council, was Costanza a City of Germany. But contrary to the expectation of Giovanni, the death of Ladislao, removed the occasion of Council: notwithstanding, being already bound by promise, he could not refuse to go thither. Being arrived at Costanza (overlate knowing this error) he practised to fly thence, but was there stayed, put in prison, and constrained to resign the Papacy. Gregorio also the other Antipope, by his messenger resigned. Benedetto the third Antipope, refusing to resign, was condemned for an heretic, and being abandoned by his Cardinals, was in the end enforced to resign. The Council then created Oddo Colonna, who was called Pope Martino quarto. And so the Church, after forty years of division was united, The Curch after forty years division, was united having been all that time in the hands of diverse Popes. In those days, (as hath been beforesaid) Philippo Visconti, remained in the Castle of Pavia. But Fantino Cane, who (during the troubles of Lombardy) possessed himself of Vercelli, Allisandria, Novara Tortona, and had also gathered great riches, then died. And not having any heir, bequeathed his possessions to Beatrice his wife; desiring his friends to procure she might be married to Philippo. By which marriage, Philippo became potent, and recovered Milan, with all the state of Lombardy. Afterwards, to declare himself thankful for so great a benefit, he accused Beatrice of adultery, and put her to death. Thus attained to be a Prince most mighty, he began to think upon the wars of Toscana, before intended by his father Giovan Galiazzo. Ladislao King of Napoli, at his death, left unto his sister Giovanna, not only the kingdom, but also a a great Army, governed by the principal Leaders of all Italy. Among the chief of whom, was Sforza di Contignuola, in those days a man of war, of singular reputation. The Queen (the rather to eschew a slander by one Pandolfello a man brought up by herself) took to husband jacobo Della Marchia, who was descended from the French Kings, upon condition that he would content himself to be called Prince of Tarranto; and suffer her to enjoy the kingdom, with the government thereof. Notwithstanding, so soon as he arrived at Naples, the soldiers called him King, whereof great wars followed betwixt the wife and the husband: War betwixt Queen Giovanna, and her husband. and sometimes the one, & sometimes the other, had the upper hand. But in the end, the Queen remained governor of the state, and afterwards became enemy to the Pope. Thereupon Sforza intending to drive her to a disadvantage, and enforce her to be glad of him, contrary to all expectation gave up his entertainment; by which means she remained utterly disarmed, and not having other, fled for aid to Alfonso King of Arragon and Sicilia, adopting him her son, and entertained Braccio di Montone: who was in Arms no less esteemed, then was Sforza, & therewithal enemy to the Pope, for having surprised Perugia, with some other towns belonging to the church. Afterwards a peace was taken between her and the Pope. Then the King Alfonso doubting lest she would entreat him as she had entreated her husband) sought secretly to possess the Fortresses. But she being subtle, fortified herself in the Castle of Napoli. Suspicions thus growing in the minds of the one and the other, they came to fight, and the Queen with the help of Sforza (who was returned to her service) vanquished Alfonso: drove him out of Naples, Lodovico de Angio adopted king of Naples. deprived him of his adoption, and adopted Lodovico de Angio; whereof grew a great war betwixt Braccio who had followed Alfonso, & Sforza that favoured the Queen. In the proceeding of these wars, Sforza occasioned to pass the river of Pescara, was there drowned: whereby the Queen became again disarmed, & should have been driven out of the kingdom, if Philippo Visconti Duke of Milan had not enforced Alfonso (proceeding on in his journey against the Queen) to be stayed. For having besieged Aquila, the Pope (supposing the greatness of Braccio not to be good for the church) entertained Francisco the son of Sforza, against Braccio, & at Aquila slew him, & overthrew his army. On the part of Braccio, Oddo his son was saved, from whom the Pope took Perugia, & left to him Montone: yet shortly after, fight for the Florentines in Romagna, was there slain. So then, of all these that served with Braccio, Nicholo Piccinino, remained of most reputation. Now because we are come with our history near to that time which I determined (and that the rest which remaineth unspoken, importeth for the most part nothing else but the wars which the Florentines & Venetians had with Philippo Duke of Milan, which shall also be discoursed hereafter, when particularly we entreat of Florence) I will not speak more thereof, but briefly reduce to memory in what terms Italy with the Princes and the soldiers of those days remained. Among the principal states, Queen Giovanni 2. held the kingdom of Napoli; Lafoy Marca, Patrimonio and Romagna. How Italy was governed and divided. Part of the towns to these belonging, obeyed the church, & part of them were usurped by tyrants, or their ministers: as Farrara, Modena, & Reggio by the house of Este. Faenza by Manfredi; Imola by the Alidosis; Furli by the Ordelaffis: Rimino and Pesaro by the Malatesti; and Camerino by the house of Varano. The Provinces of Lombardy, were partly governed by Philippo Duke of Milan, and partly by the Venetians. For all those that had therein any particular states, were extirped (except the house of Gonzaga) which governed still at Mantova. In Toscana, the greatest princes that governed, were the Florentines: only Lucca and Sienna, lived with their laws. Lucca under Guinici, Sienna as absolutely free. The Genovesis, sometimes in liberty, and sometime in servitude to the house of France, or Visconti, were without reputation, and among the meaner Potentates accounted. For all the principal Lords and Potentates, were at that time of their own subjects utterly disarmed. The Duke Philippo living at home, and not suffering himself to be seen, his wars were altogether directed by ministers. The Venetians, so soon as they began to make wars by land, lost all that glory which before upon the sea they had gotten. And (following the custom of other Italians) by the direction of strangers governed their wars. The Pope being a man of religion, and the Queen Giovanna a woman, did lay by their Arms: doing that for necessity which others had done by election. The Florentines also, to like necessity yielded: for their sundry civil divisions among themselves, had clearly extirped the Nobility, and left the Common weal to be governed by those that had been brought up in merchandise, and were thereby enforced to abide the fortune of others. The discipline of war then remained, only in the poor Princes, & Gentlemen that wanted living; and they not moved by any desire of glory, but rather to become rich and assured, armed themselves. They then being well practised in the wars (not having any other trade to live) sought by the wars to make themselves strong and honourable. Among this number for their value, most renowned, were Carmignuola, Francisco Sforza, Nicholo Piccinino, brought up by Braccio, Agnolo della Pergola, Lorenzo, and Michelletto Attenduly: Tartaglia, Giacopaccio Cecolino da Parugia, Nicholo di Tolentino, Guido Torello, Antonio dal Ponte ad Hera, and others. Besides them were those great Lords of whom I have already spoken. And with them, may be numbered the Orsini, and Calonnesi, Barons of Rome, with some other Gentlemen of the kingdom, and of Lombardy: who making a mystery or art of the war, had among themselves a secret league and intelligence, whereby they protracted the service for their profit. And so, the Princes for whom they served, were on both sides losers. In conclusion, the wars became so cowardly, that any ordinary Captain, having in him but a shadow of the ancient virtue, might (to the admiration of all Italy) have vanquished those soldiers: who through small wisdom, and want of judgement) were much honoured. Of these idle Princes, and of these most base and cowardly soldiers, this my History shall at large entreat. But first (as in the beginning I promised) it seemeth necessary for me to return back, and tell the original of Florence, letting every man to understand fully, what was the state of that City in those days▪ and by what means amongst so many troubles happened in Italy (during the space of a thousand years) the same hath still continued. The end of the first Book. ❧ THE SECOND BOOK. AMONG other great and marvelous orders of the ancient common weals, & principalities (at this time decayed) was that whereby new Towns and Cities were from time to time builded. For there is nothing more worthy an excellent Prince, or well governed common weal, nor more profitable to any Country, than the building up of new Towns, where men may with commodity, for defence and tilladge, assemble themselves: which thing those people might easily do, having in custom to send dwellers into such Countries as were either unpeopled, or conquered; which people, were in those days called Colonies. For beside, that this order occasioned new Towns to be built, the same also did make the Country conquered, to be more assured to the Conquerors thereof. It also replenished the void places, and maintained the people in such orders as they were planted: which wrought this effect, that men most commodiously inhabiting, did most multiply. They were also in the offence of others the more ready, and in defence of themselves more assured. That custom (being through negligence of common weals and Princes of this time, discontinued) doth occasion the weakness and ruin of their Countries, because that only maketh every government assured, and every Country (as is beforesaid) plentifully inhabited. The assurance groweth, because Colonies planted in any province newly conquered, is (as it were) a castle and guard, to hold the same in obedience. Besides that, no country well inhabited, can maintain the inhabitants thereof, nor continue them as they be planted, without that rule and order: for all places are not plentiful or wholesome, which is the cause that the people in the one do abound, and want in the other. So as if no mean be, to take away where is abundance, & supply where want is, that Country in short space must of force be ruined; because the one part thereof, through the small number of inhabitants becometh desolate, and the other being overcharged, oppressed with poverty. And for that nature could not reform this disorder, it is necessary, that industry should do it. For unwholesome Countries planted full of people, coming thither all together, do make the same healthful, by reason that the tilling of the earth doth alter the soil; and the fires, do greatly purge the air; which things nature by herself could not. The experience thereof is seen by the City of Venice, seated in a place paludious, and unwholesome. Notwithstanding, the assembly of many inhabitants come thither at one instant, did make the same healthy enough. Pisa likewise, through the contagion of the air, was never replenished, but when Genova, and the rivers thereto belonging, were by the Saracens destroyed, it enforced the people (driven from their native country) to fly thither, and make that place well inhabited, and strong. This custom of sending Colonies being discontinued, is the occasion that countries conquered, are holden with more difficulty; those that be empty are not supplied, and countries over full are not disburdened, whereby, many parts of the world, and chief Italy, in respect of the ancient times, are become deserts. The reason thereof is, that there hath not been, nor is not in Princes, any desire of true glory, nor in Commonweals any ordinance that meriteth commendation. In the old time we see, that through virtue of these Colonies, Cities were often made new, and some others (already begun) increased: of which number was the City of Florence, begun by the people of Fiesole, and enlarged by Colonies. A thing most true it is (as Dante and john Villano have written) that the City of Fiesole being set on the top of a mountain, to occasion their markets to be the more frequented, and give commodity to those that with their merchandise would resort thither, did give order that they should not climb up the hill, but stay in the plain, betwixt the foot of the mountain, & the river Arno. These markets (as I judge) were occasion of the first building in that place. The merchants also being desirous to have storehouses commodious for the receiving of wares, made buildings there, which in time became houses of habitation. Afterwards, when the Romans (having vanquished the Carthaginesis) had made Italy from foreign wars secure, in great numbers there they multiplied; for men do never seek the defence of themselves, if by necessity they are not encouraged: and, as fear of war doth constrain them willingly to inhabit barren places and strong, so that fear removed, (alured with commodity) more willingly they covet to dwell in countries pleasant and profitable. The security which grew in Italy by reputation of the Roman commonweal, might occasion the number of the inhabitants to be so great, as made this place to become (as it were) in form of a Town, and was at the beginning called Arnina. After that time, civil wars happened in Rome, first between Mario and Silla, then betwixt Cesare and Pompeio, and at last between the murderers of Caesar, and those which sought to revenge his death. It seemeth therefore, that first by Silla, and next by those three Citizens of Rome (that after the revenge made for Caesar) divided the Empire, Colonies were sent to Fiesole, who either all, or part, did plant their dwellings in the plain near unto the Town already begun: insomuch, as the same was much enlarged, and so well replenished with buildings, men, and other things necessary for civil life, as it became to be numbered among the Cities of Italy. Yet whence this name Firenze should be derived, Whereof the name of Florence is derived. divers men do diversly hold opinion. Some suppose it so called of Florino, one of the chief of the Colloni. Others would not consent that it was called Florentia at the beginning, but Fluentia, because it was near the river of Arno, which floweth. And they allege the authority of Plinny, where he saith, that the people Fluentini be near unto Arno: which may be false, because Plinny maketh demonstration where the Florentines were seated, not how they were called. And that word Fluentini must needs be corrupted, because Frontino and Cornelio Tacito (who wrote almost in the time of Plinny) do call the Town Florentia, and the people Florentini; for that long since in the time of Tiberio, they were governed according to the custom of other Cities in Italy. Cornelio reporteth also, that the Florentines had sent Ambassadors to the Emperor, praying, that the waters of Chiane might not descend upon their Country; neither is it reasonable, that the City should have in one time two names. I believe therefore it was always called Florentia. For what cause soever it was so named, or for what cause soever it had the beginning, most sure it is, that under the Empire of Rome, it had the foundation, & in the reign of the first Emperors, Writers did make mention thereof. Moreover, at such time as the barbarous people did persecute the Empire, Florence was by Tottila King of the Ostragotti defaced, and after 250. years by Carlo Magno re-edified: from which time, till the years after Christ 1215. it continued under that fortune which others did, who then commanded in Italy. In which time, first governed there the posterity of Carlo, than Barengarii, and last of all the Emperors of Germany, as hath been in our universal discourse before declared. The Florentines could not in those times increase or do any thing worthy memory, for the authority of them, unto whom it was subject: notwithstanding, in the year 1010. and the day of S. Romolo, (a solemn Feast with the Fiesolane) they surprised Fiesole, and demolished the same; which they did, either with consent of the Emperors, or else at such times as one Emperor being dead, the other was not elected, whereby every man (for the present) remained at liberty. But since the Popes took unto themselves more authority in Italy, and the German Emperors grew weak, every Town in that Province with less reverence to their Prince, was governed. Insomuch, as in the year 1080. in the time of Arrigo the third, Italy was openly divided into faction betwixt him and the Church: notwithstanding the Florentines maintained themselves united, all the year 1215. yielding to the victorious, without aspiring farther than to save themselves. But as to the bodies of men, the longer they be healthy, the more dangerous and mortal are the sicknesses, when they happen: so Florence the more slowly it followed the factions, the more speedily and grievously it was by them afterwards afflicted. The first occasion of division in that City, is most publicly known, because it hath been written by Dante and divers others: nevertheless I think good briefly to speak thereof. There was in Fiorence (among others) of the mighty Families, The first division of Florence. Buondelmonti, and Uberti; next unto them were the Amidei and Donati. In the house of Donati was a Gentlewoman, a widow and rich, who having one only daughter, a maiden of much beauty, whom within herself, she determined to marry unto Buondelmonti a young Gentleman, and the chief of his house. This her intent, either through negligence or delay of time (none being made privy thereof) was deferred so long, that Buondelmonti was contracted to the daughter of Amidei: wherewith she greatly discontented, & supposing it were possible with the beauty of her daughter to stay the marriage, before the same should be solemnized: one day, seeing Buondelmonti coming towards her house, came down, her daughter following; and meeting him at the gate, said, I am very glad that you are now become married, yet was it my meaning you should have had this my daughter, and with those words (she opened the gate) and showed her unto him. The Gentleman beholding the beauty of the maiden (which indeed was rare) and therewith considering that her parentage and portion was not inferior to hers, whom he had already taken, became exceedingly desirous to have her. Then, not respecting his faith already given, nor the injury he did in breaking the same, nor yet the inconvenience that might ensue thereof, said: Sith it hath pleased you to reserve your daughter for me, I should be unthankful (being yet all in time) to refuse her. After the speaking of these words (without farther delay) he married her. This marriage being known, highly offended all the Family of Amidei, and Vbarti: who were by his first marriage, allied. Then assembling themselves, and consulting together, in the end concluded, that such an injury might not be borne without shame; nor the revenge thereunto due, could be other than the death of Buondelmonti. And albeit some did forecast the inconveniences that might follow such an Action: yet Moscha Lamberti said, that who so ever casteth all doubts, should never resolve any thing; alleging the ancient Proverb, A thing once done, is past remedy. Then gave they the charge of this murder to be performed by Moscha, Stiatta, Uberti, Lambertuccio, Amidei, Odorigo Fifanti. These men in the morning of Easter day, at the hour of Resurrection, assembled themselves in the houses of the Amidei; by which street, Buondelmonti passed the bridge upon a white horse: and supposing (as it seemeth) that it had been a thing as easy to forget an injury, as renounce a marriage, was at the foot of the bridge under an Image of Mars (which there is standing) assaulted, and slain. This murder divided the whole City, the one half took part with Buondelmonti, the other with Uberti. These Families, by reason they were strong in houses, towers, and men, fought many years, before the one could chase the other out of the City: till at length (without any firm peace made) a truce was taken, which according unto occasion, was sometimes kept, and sometimes broken. Florence continued in these troubles, till the time of Federigo the second: who being also King of Napoli, was persuaded he might increase his dominion against the Church. And to make his authority more assured in Toscana, he favoured the Uberti and their followers, who thereby drove out the Buondelmonti: By what means the factions of Guelfi and Ghibilini arose in Florence. and so our City (like unto all other Towns of Italy) became divided into Guelfi and Ghibilini. And it seemeth not superfluous to make mention of the Families that depended of the one and the other. Those that followed the faction of Guelfi, were Buondelmonti, Narli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Baldi, Pulci, Gherardini, Faraboschi, Bagnesis, Guidalotti, Sachetti, Manieri, Lucardesi, Chiaramonti, Compiobbesi, Cavalcanti, Giandonati, Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualerotti, Importuni, Bostichi, Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arregucci, Agli, Sitii, Adimari, Visdomini, Donati, Pazzi, della Bella, Ardinghi, Tebaldi, Cherchi. For the Ghibilini, were Uberti, Mannelli, Vbriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infanganti, Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Capardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri, Capriani, Toschi, Ameri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Baruchi, Cattani, Agollanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsachi, Elisei, Abbati, Tedaldini, Givochi, Caligai. Besides these noble houses, many popular families joined in that action: so that well-near all the City became corrupted with this division. But the Guelfi being driven out, retired themselves into Towns of the Vale of Arno, where their chief places of strength were, and (the best they could) against the fury of their enemies defended themselves. Federigo then dying, such as remained in Florence and were men neuterall, having also credit with the people, thought better to reunite the City, than holding it in division, utterly to overthrow it. They therefore found means, that the Guelfi (setting all injury aside) should return, and the Ghibilini (without suspicion) receive them. They thus united, it seemed to them, that the time would well serve to frame an order for the liberty of the City, before the new Emperor should grow strong. For which purpose, they divided the City into six parts, and chose twelve Citizens for every part to govern the same, An union and policy, settled in Florence. whom they called Antiani, and were changed every year. Also to remove all offences, that might arise by judges, they elected two Strangers to that office, calling the one Captain of the people, and the other Podesta: who were authorized to judge all causes that happened in the City, either civil or criminal. Also, because no order is assured without defenders thereof, they appointed in the City twenty Ensigns, and threescore and sixteen in the Country; under which all the youth was mustered, and commanded they should be ready armed, every man under the ensign whereto he belonged, whensoever he were either by the Captain or the Antiani called. And as the ensigns which those soldiers were appointed unto were divers, so were the weapons diversly divided: for the crossbows had their private ensign, & the holberdiers theirs. Also at every feast of Penticost, with great pomp they erected new ensigns, and appointed new Captains, & trained the soldiers to such perfection, as every man knew in what order he should march, retire, and charge the enemy. Then they caused a great chariot covered with red, and drawn by two Oxen, to carry their chief ensign, of colour white and red. Whensoever they intended to assemble all their forces, they commanded this Chariot to be brought into the market place, and with great ceremony give charge thereof to the chief Captains of the people. They had also for the magnificence of their enterprise, a greatbell called Martinella, which was rung continually one whole month before their Army was brought into the field: to the end that the enemy might prepare for his defence. So great was the virtue of men in those days, and so honourably they proceeded in their actions: where at this present to assail the enemy suddenly and without warning, is thought to be a wise and honourable thing, in those days the same was holden cowardly, and dishonourably. This Bell was also carried with the Army, and by the sound thereof the watches and other orders of the Camp were commanded. Upon these martial ordinances and civil rules, the Florentines laid the foundation of their liberty. Neither can it be imagined how great authority and force that City in short space attained unto. So that it became not only chief of Toscana, but also was accounted amongst the best Cities of Italy, and should have so continued, had not the often and new divisions disturbed the same: under this government the Florentines lived ten years, within which time they enforced the Pistoiesis, Aretini, and Senesi, to make league with them. Returning from Sienna with their Army, they surprised Volterra, and demolished some castles, leading the inhabitants of them to Florence. All which enterprises were performed by counsel of the Guelfi, who could do much more than the Ghibilini, because they for their insolency during the reign of Federigo were hated of the people. The faction of the church also much more loved, than the faction of the Emperor: because the Florentines hoped thereby to preserve their liberty, but being under the Emperor they feared to lose it. The Ghibilini then seeing themselves bereft of authority, could not live contented, but still aspecting occasion to recover the government, and seeing Manfredi son of Federigo, possessed of the kingdom of Napoli, who had also discomforted the forces of the church, thought the time come to serve their purpose. Secretly then they practised with him to take their authority upon him, but their practice was not so cunningly handled, but that the same was discovered to the Antiani, who presently sent for the Vbarti. They not only refused to appear, but also took Arms, and fortified themselves in their houses: wherewith the people offended, likewise took Arms, and aiding the Guelfi, enforced them and all the rest of the Ghibilini to abandon Florence, and go unto Sienna. King Manfredi, a chief of the Ghibilini. From whom they prayed aid of Manfredi king of Napoli, and by the industry of Farrinata Uberti, the Guelfi upon the river Arbia, received so great an overthrow and slaughter, as those that were saved, returned not to Florence; but supposing their City lost, fled into Lucca. The chief Captain of those soldiers sent by Manfredi, was Earl Giordano, a man of war in that time greatly esteemed. He, after the victory, went with the Ghibilini to Florence, reducing the city wholly to the obedience of Manfredi, deposing the magistrates, and altering every other order, whereby might appear any form of liberty. Which injury with small wisdom committed, was generally of the people taken in great disdain, and of friends to the Ghibilini, they became mortal enemies, whereof, with time, grew their utter ruin. The Earl Giordano, having occasion to return to Napoli for the service of that kingdom, left in Florence as deputy for the king, the Earl Guido Novella, Lord of Casentino, who at Empoli assembled a Council of Ghibilini, it was necessary to raze Florence, as apt (by reason the people were Guelfi) to recover force for the aid of the church. To this so cruel a sentence in prejudice of that noble city, there was no citizen nor friend (Farinata Vbarti excepted) that opposed himself. He openly & without respect spoke in favour thereof, & laid, that he had not laboured nor adventured himself in so many perils, but to the end he might inhabit his native country; & would not lose that he had so long sought, nor shun that which fortune had laid upon him. Yea, being no less enemy to them that should so determine, than he had been to the Guelfi, he would not refuse to favour his country, Farinata Vberti. hoping that his virtue which had chased out the Guelfi from Florence, should also defend the same. Farinata was a man of great courage, excellent in the wars, chief of the Ghibilini, and greatly esteemed of Manfredi: his opinion therefore prevailed, and new means were thought upon how to preserve the state. The Guelfi (before fled to Lucca for fear of the Earls threatening) were sent away from thence, and went to Bologna: from whence they were called by the Guelfi of Parma, to go with them to an enterprise against the Ghibilini, wherein by their virtue the enemies were vanquished, and they recovered their own possessions. The Duke of Angio, called into Italy by the Pope. So that increasing in riches & honour, knowing also that Pope Clement had sent for Carlo of Angio, to take the kingdom from Manfredi, by Ambassaders they offered him their service: and the Pope did not only receive them for his friends, but also gave them his Ensign; which ever since the Guelfi have carried in their wars; and is that, which at this day is used in Florence. King Manfre. dislaine. Then was Manfredi by Carlo dispossessed of his kingdom and slain. In which enterprise, the Guelfi of Florence happening to be present, their faction gained reputation, and the Ghibilini became the weaker. Whereupon, those that governed with the Earl Guido at Florence, thought it mere by some benefit to win the love of the people, which with many injuries had before that time been lost. For those remedies which before this time of necessity would have prevailed, using them now without order, and out of time, did not only hurt, but also hasten their ruin. They then thought good to make the people friends and partakers of such honours and authority, as had been taken from them: and elected thirty six Citizens Commoners, who with two Gentlemen (called from Bologna) should reform the state of the City. They thus assembled, presently divided the City into Arts or Mysteries: New ordinances in Floremce. over every one of which Mysteries, they appointed one Magistrate to do justice to all those within his government. They ordained also an Ensign to every Mystery: to the end, that all men might repair thereunto armed, whensoever occasion did serve. These Mysteries, were in the beginning twelve, seven great, and fivelesse. Afterwards, the less Mysteries increased to fourteen, so then the number was, (as at this present it is) twenty one. The thirty six men appointed for reformation, practised many things for the benefit of the people. The Earl Guido for the paying of the soldiers imposed a Subsidy upon the Citizens: whom he found so unwilling therewith. as he durst not enforce them to pay those sums that were imposed. And supposing to have lost the state, he joined himself with the chief of the Ghibilini; which done, determined to take that from the people by force, which they for want of judgement had granted. For that purpose assembling the soldiers Armed, and accompanied with the thirty six Reformers, he made an Alarm, and forthwith the Reformers retired themselves to their houses, and the Ensigns of the Mysteries came forth, followed by many Armed men, who understanding that the Earl Cuido with his followers, were at Saint Giovanni, they made head at Saint Trinita, and there elected Giovanni Sodarini, their Captain. The Earl on the other side, hearing where the people were, marched towards them, who fled not, but assoon as the Earl drew near, charged him near unto the place called Loggio delli Tornaquinci. There they forced the Earl to retire with the slaughter, and loss of many his soldiers. The Earl fearing that his enemy (seeing his soldiers maimed and weary) would assault him, and in the night kill him: determined forthwith to fly, and so save himself. So as contrary to the counsel of the governors and others of his faction, he presently fled with his men to the City of Prato. So soon as he came thither, finding himself out of fear, being in a place of security, remembered how great an error he had committed: and desirous to amend the same, the next morning early, marched with his men towards Florence: offering to enter the City by force, which by cowardice he had abandoned, but that attempt took no success, for the people which with difficulty might have driven him away, with facility could hold him out. So that with great sorrow and shame, he went unto Casentino, and the Ghibilini to their villages. Thus the people remained with victory, and for the comfort of those which loved the common wealth, determined to reunite the city, and call home all citizens as well Ghibilini as Guelfi: by means whereof, the Guelfi after six years absence from the city were returned. And the Ghibilini (notwithstanding the memory of their late injury) were pardoned and put in their country: yet much hated both of the people and the Guelfi; for these could not forget their exile, and those remembered too much the tyranny which was used during their authority: which things, caused that neither the one nor the other were contented. While in this form the Florentines lived, it was reported, that Corradino nephew to Manfredi, should come with forces from Germany to the conquest of Napoli. Whereupon the Ghibilini took heart and hope, thereby to recover their authority. And the Guelfi began to think how they might assure themselves of their enemies: for which purpose, they prayed king Carlo to defend them in the time of Corradino his passage. The soldiers of Carlo being in march, made the Guelfi insolent, and amazed the Ghibilini so much, that two days before they arrived (without any violence offered) they fled. The Ghibilini thus departed, the Florentines reordeined the state of their city, & elected twelve chief men to be magistrates, and govern their city for two months, New ordinances in Floremce by the Guelfi. whom they called not Antiani, but Buoni Homini. Next unto them, they appointed a Council of fourscore Citizens, which they called La Credenza. After them, were an hundredth and fourscore Commoners, who with the Credenza and the twelve Buoni Homini, were called the Council general. They ordained moreover one other Council of a hundredth and twenty Citizens, of the commonalty and Nobility mixed, which should give perfection, & confirmation to all things determined in the other Counsels. This government thus settled, the faction of the Guelfi, together with the Magistrates fortified the city, to the end they might the better defend themselves from the Ghibilini, whose goods they divided into three parts: the one, they employed to public uses: the second was given to the Captains; the third divided amongst the Guelfi, in recompense of their losses. The pope also to maintain the Guelfi in Toscana, ordained the King Carlo to be Lieutenant Imperial of that country. The Florentines thus holding themselves in reputation, by virtue of these new orders, governed all things well, with their laws at home, and with their arms abroad. Then died the Pope, and after long disputation, in the end of two years, Gregorio decimo was elected: who having been long time in Soria (and was at the time of his election) did not make so great account of the factions, as his predecessors had done. But returning home towards France, being arrived at Florence, to perform the office of a good Pastor, sought to unite that city: wherein he prevailed so far with the Florentines, as they were content that Commissioners for the Ghibilini might be received into Florence, to solicit the return of their faction, which was concluded. Notwithstanding, the Ghibilini were so terrified, as they durst not come home. The Pope laid the fault thereof to the city, Venice excomunicate. and being offended, did excommunicate the same. In which displeasure, the Florentines continued all the life of that Pope: but after his death the city was absolved by Pope Innocentio quinto; to whom succeeded Nicholas tertio, The Pope ever suspicious. descended of the house of Orsini. And because the Popes had always in suspicion those that aspired to greatness in Italy, (although by the favour of the church they were thereunto attained) sought always to put them back. Thereof grew many tumults and often variations, for the fear of him that was become strong, occasioned the advancement of an other that was weak, who being likewise grown up, was forthwith feared, and being feared, cast down. This was the cause, that ocsioned the kingdom to be taken from Manfredi, and given to Carlo. This was also that which caused the Pope to mistrust Carlo, and seek his destruction. Nicholas tertio then, for the reasons beforesaid, sound means through the help of the Emperor, that the government of Toscana was taken from Carlo: and in his place he sent thither Latino his Legate. At that time Florence remained in very hard estate; because the Nobility of the Guelfi were become insolent, and feared not the Magistrates: so as every of them committed murders, and other violences without any justice or punishment of those that committed the same; because they were always by one or other great person favoured. To bridle this great insolency, it was by the chief of the people thought good to revoke such as were banished: which gave opportunity to the Legate, New ordinances in Florence. to reunite the city; and the Ghibilini returned home. In the place of twelve governors, there were fourteen made, for every part seven, to govern the city during one year: and they to be elected by the Pope. Florence continued in this order of government two years. Then Pope Martino aspired to the Papacy, who being a French man, restored unto king Carlo, all that authority which the Pope Nicholas had taken from him: whereby the factions in Toscana were suddenly revived. For the Florentines took Arms against the emperors Governor, to deprive the Ghibilini of the government: therewith also to hold the great men in awe, they ordained a new form of government. The year 1282. being come, the companies of the Mysteries having received their Magistrates & Ensigns, became greatly esteemed. Florence reform. They among themselves, elected in the place of the fourteen, three Citizens to remain two months governors of the commonweal, and called them Priori: who might be either Commoners or Gentlemen, so that they were Merchants of some Mystery. Afterwards the chief Magistracy was reduced to six men, so as in every part of the city there might be one: which order continued till the year 1342. At which time the city was divided into quarters, and the number of Priori increased to nine, and diverse times in that mean while (by reason of some accident) they were in number twelve. This Office was the mean (as shall hereafter appear) that the Nobility was ruined; for then by many occasions they were excluded, and afterwards without respect oppressed; whereunto the Nobility at the beginning consented: for they unwilling to be united with the people, and desiring to have all the state into their hands, and the people having like desire, became both losers. Then they appointed a palace for their office, where by ancient custom, the Magistrates and counsellors assembled, who were in honourable fort by sergeant and other Ministers there attended, albeit at the erection of this office, Priori. the officers were called Priori: yet afterwards (for more magnificence) was joined thereunto the name of Signory. The Florentines for a space, among themselves remained quiet, during which time they made war upon the Aretini, because they had banished the Guelfi: and in Campaldino most fortunately won the victory. The city then increasing in men and riches, thought good to increase also the walls thereof, and therefore enlarged the circuit of the same to that compass, which now we see: for before that time the diameter thereof, was only that space which is from the old bridge, to S. Lorenzo. The wars abroad, and peace at home, Discord between the nobility and the people. had (as it were) worn out of Florence the factions of Guelfi and Ghibilini. Then remained only those humours (which naturally were wont to be in every city) betwixt the Nobility and the people. For the people desirous to live according to law, and the great men studying to command them, becometh a thing impossible they should accord together. This humour, so long as the Ghibilini held the city in awe, was not discovered; but so soon as they were vanquished, it showed the force thereof: for every day some popular man was injured, and Magistrates knew not by what means to punish the same, because every Gentleman with the force of his friends defended himself. The Magistrates of the mystery, studying to remedy so great a mischief, provided that every Senate in the beginning of their authority should create one Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, a man elected in the number of Commoners, unto whom was appointed one thousand men, under twenty Ensigns ready at all occasions to maintain justice, whensoever they were by their Gonfalone or their Captain commanded. The first chosen was Ubaldo Ruffoli, he drew forth the Gonfalone, and razed the houses of the Galetti: because one of that Family had in France slain a popular man. It was an easy thing for the mysteries to make this order, by reason of the great hatred among the Nobility, who considered not of any provision against them, till such time as they felt the bitter execution thereof; which, at the first gave them great terror: nevertheless afterwards, they returned to their wont insolency. For always some one of the Nobility being an Officer, had thereby means to hinder the Gonfaloniere, in execution of his office. Moreover, for that every accuser must produce his witness to prove the offence offered, and no man for fear of the Nobility durst give witness, the city in short space returned to the former discord: and the people injured in the same sort as they were wont to be; because judgement was slow, and execution thereof wanted. The popular sort than not knowing what course to take, Giano della Bella, a Gentleman of ancient race (yet therewith one that loved the liberty of his Country) encouraged the chief of the mysteries to reform the disorders of the city. New ordinances in favour of the people. By this Council it was ordained that the Gonfaloniere should remain with the Priori, and have four thousand men at his commandment. They likewise made all the Nobility uncapable of the Senate, and every man that was accessary in any offence, to be as subject to punishment as the principal. They decreed moreover, that public fame should suffice to receive condemnation by the laws, which they called Ordinamenti della Giustitia. By this mean the people gained great reputation, and Giano della Bella much hated: because thereby he became evil thought of by the Nobility, and reputed one that oppressed their authority. The rich Commoners did also envy him, for that they imagined his credit overmuch, which at the first occasion was so proved. For it shortly after happened, that in a fray, one of the people chanced to be slain; at which conflict diverse Gentlemen were present; and among the rest, Corso Donati: unto whom (as the most quarrelsome of the company) the fault was laid, and by the Captain of the people apprehended. Howsoever it were, either that Corso had not offended, or that the Captain feared to commit him, he was presently set at liberty. Which delivery so greatly offended the people, that they took Arms and ran to the house of Giano della Bella, Giano della Bella. desiring him to be a mean that those laws might be observed, whereof he had been the inventor. Giano willing that Corso should be punished, did not (as many thought he would do) cause the people to lay down their Arms, but persuaded them to go unto the Senate, and pray them to look unto the matter. The people, in the mean while much moved, and supposing the Captain to have offered injury, and also that Giano had forsaken them; went not to the Senate, but unto the captains palace, which they took and sacked. That fact greatly displeased all the Citizens, and those that desired the fall of Giano accused him, laying all the fault to his charge. Amongst the Lords of the Senate, one of his enemies happened to be: who accused him to the Captain, for having stirred the people to sedition. During the time that this cause was in debating, the people armed, went again to the house of Giano, and offered him defence against the Senators his enemies. But Giano would neither make proof of this popular favour, nor yet commit his life to the Magistrates, because he feared the lewdness of these, and the inconstancy of those, so as to take occasion from his foes to offend him, and from his friends to harm their country, he determined to departed, and so giving place to envy, and to deliver the Citizens from that fear they had of him, went into voluntary exile: notwithstanding he had with his great peril, delivered the city from servitude of the Nobility. After his departure, the Nobility hoped greatly to recover their dignities, and judging that all their evil was by his mean procured, they assembled themselves together, and sent two of them to the Senate (which they thought did favour them much) to entreat that by the same, the severe laws made to their prejudice, might in something be qualified: which request being known, troubled much the people, Division betwixt the Nobility and people. fearing that the Senators would grant the same: Insomuch as the desire of the Nobility, & the suspicion of the people, drew them to the sword. The Nobility made head in three places, at S. Giovanni, in the new market place, and in the Piazza di Mozzi. Their Captains were, Forese Adimari, Vanni di Mozzi, and Geri Spini. The people on the other side, with their Ensign, in great numbers assembled at the Senators palace, who at that time dwelled near unto S. Bruocolo: and because the people had that Senate in suspicion, they joined with them six Citizens for the government. While the one and the other part prepared themselves to fight, some of the people, and some of the Nobility, Persuasions to the Nobility to lay down arms. together with certain religious men of good fame, came between them and persuaded a peace: Letting the Nobility understand, that the cause why the honours from them was taken, and the laws against them made, proceeded of their own pride and evil government. And because they had before that time, taken Arms to recover that which through their own division and evil behaviour had been taken from them, it would not do other than occasion the ruin of their country, and hinder themselves. It was moreover said unto them, that the people, in number, riches and malice, was much their superior: and that these noble men by whom they thought to oppress others, would not fight, but went their ways, so soon as the fight began. It was therefore a folly for them, against so great a multitude to contend. Persuasions used to the people. They persuaded the people on the other side, that it was no wisdom to seek their will by way of extremity, and that it was no part of judgement to drive men into desperation: for whosoever hopeth of no good, feareth no evil. They ought also to remember, that the Noble men were those, which in the wars had honoured the city: therefore it was no reason nor just occasion, why they should be so greatly hated. And moreover, although the Nobility could be content not to possess the supreme offices, yet would they not endure to be driven out of their Country. It were therefore well done to lay Arms aside and grow to agreement, not trusting to the multitude of the people: for it hath been often seen, that the greater number have by the less been vanquished. Upon these speeches grew divers opinions among the people: many would have fought, as a thing that of force at one time or other must be; and therefore was better to do the same now, then afterwards when their enemies were become stronger. And though it were believed that by mitigation of the laws, the Nobility would become contented, yet the pride of them was such, as without enforcement would never rest. Others of the people, wiser, better advised, and of more quiet disposition, thought that the mitigation of the laws was no great matter: but to fight one part against the other, was a thing of great importance. So in the end, this opinion prevailed, and it was provided, that no accusation against any of the Nobility, should be received without witnesses. The Arms of the one and the other side, thus laid aside, either of them continued full of suspicion: fortifying themselves in their houses, and preparing weapons anew. Then the people reordeined the government, restraining the same into a small number, moved thereto, because that Signoria had been favoured of the Nobility: of whom, the chief were, Mancini, Magalotti, Altoviti, Peruzzi, and Gerrettani. The state thus settled, for more magnificence, and security of the Senate, New reformation in Florence 1298. in the year 1298. they builded their Palace, and made a Court before it, of that place where the houses of the Uberti sometimes were. At this very time were also the common prisons begun, and within few years after, finished. For in those days, our city was in as great and happy estate, as at any time it hath been: being full of men and reputation. The number of Citizens fit for the wars, were numbered at thirty thousand: and the people of the Country able for that purpose, amounted to threescore and ten thousand. All Toscana, either as subjects or friends obeyed us. And albeit betwixt the Nobility and people, some indignation and suspicion were, yet no evil effect thereof followed, but every man neighbourly & peaceably lived. And had not this peace been by new enmity within the city disturbed, no foreign disorder could have molested the state: because the city stood in such terms that it neither feared the Empire, nor those that were banished. And against all the states of Italy, it was of force sufficient to defend itself. That injury therefore, New division of the Bianchi which external forces could not do, by inward discord was performed. There were in Florence two families, one called Circhi, the other Donati; in riches, Nobility, and men mighty. Between them (being both in Florence, and the Country near neighbours) there grew displeasure, yet not so great, as to occasion the use of arms: neither would there perhaps thereof have grown any great matter, had not the same been by some new occasions increased. Among the chief houses of Pistoia, is that of Cancellieri. It happened that Lore son of Guglielmo, and Geri son of Bertaccio (both of that family) playing together, fell into quarrel, and Geri of Lore was lightly hurt. This chance grieved Guglielmo much: and thinking with courtesy to amend the matter, made the same much worse. For he commanded his son to go unto the house, where the father of the hurt man dwelled, and there ask pardon. The young man obeyed his father. Notwithstanding, that humble act, did no whit decrease the bitter disposition of Bertaccio, who caused Lore to be taken and holden by his servants, till his hand were cut off; saying unto him, return home unto thy father, and tell him that wounds be cured with steel, and not with words. The cruelty of this fact so greatly offended Guglielmo, that he armed his friends to revenge it. Bertaccio on the other side armed, to defend himself. Whereby, not only these families, but all the city of Pistoia was divided. And because these Cancellieri, were descended from one of that name, who had two wives: the one named Biancha, the one party being descended of that woman, called their faction Biancha: the other party to take a name contrary) was called Nera. Betwixt them, at diverse times diverse conflicts and slaughters of men followed. At length both parties growing weary, and yet not knowing how to be reconciled, did desire, either to make an end of their discord, or else to draw others into quarrels with them, and so increase their faction. For which purpose they come to Florence. And the Neri having familiar acquaintance with the Donati, were by Corso (chief of that house) favoured: which the Bianchi understanding, to make themselves strong and able to resist the Donati, resorted to Veri dei Circhi: a man in every condition no whit inferior to Corso. This humour come from Pistoia, increased the old hate between the Circhi and Donati: and was already so apparent, that the Priori and other good Citizens feared every hour, lest some slaughter would thereof ensue: and the whole city be divided. For preventing whereof, they resorted unto the Pope, desiring him, that with his authority he would take order for these quarrels, which they themselves could not. The Pope sent for Veri, and pressed him to make peace with the Donati, whereat Veri seemed to marvel, & said, he had no quarrel unto them, & because every peace presupposeth war, sith no war was between them, he knew not why any peace should be required. Then Veri returned from Rome without other conclusion. These humours so increased, that every small accident (as often it happeneth) was like to bring great disturbance. In the month of May, (at which time the youth of Florence on festival days do disport themselves publicly in the streets) it happened certain young men of the Donati, with their friends, to come on horseback to behold the women dancing, near unto S. Trinita, where staying awhile, thither chanced to come certain Gentlemen of the house of Circhi: they also bringing with them some of their friends. They not knowing that the Donati were there (who stood before them) desirous to see the dance, pressed forward with their horses, and shouldered them. Wherewith the Donati finding themselves offended, drew their sword: and the Circhi as bravely prepared themselves to answer the assault. After many hurts given and taken, every man departed his way. This disorder happened in a very unhappy hour, because the whole City upon that occasion was divided: as well the people, as the great men, and the parties took name of Bianchi and Neri. The chief of the faction Bianchi, were the Circhi, and with them joined Adimari Abbati, some of the Tosinghi, Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Nerli, Mannelli, all the Mozzi, Scali, Gherardini, Cavalcanti, Malespini, Bostechi, Giandonati, Vecchietti, and Ariguzzi. They were also followed by many popular families, and all the Ghibilini that were in Florence. So that through the great number that took part with them, they had well-near all the sway of the City. The Donati on the other side, were chief of the party Nera, and with them the rest of those families before named, that joined not with the Bianchi: and besides them, all the Pazzi, Spini, Buondelmonti, Gianfiliazzi, and Brunelleschi. This humour did not only infect the City, but also divided the whole country. Whereupon the Captains of mysteries, with every other of the Guelfi that loved the Common weal, did fear, lest the division should with time, ruin the city, and revive the Ghibilini. Wherefore they sent again to Pope Bonifacio, to the end he should devise mean to save that city, which had been always a shield of the church: and now likely either to be destroyed, or become subject to the Ghibilini. The Pope sent then unto Florence a Legate called Mattheo de Acqua Sparta, a Cardinal of Portugal, who finding difficulty in the Bianchi (which part as he thought was the greater) feared the less, and departing from Florence offended, did excommunicate the city: whereby it became in worse estate then before his coming. Then the minds of all men being full of offence, it happened that many of the Circhi and Donati, meeting at a burial, fell to words, and from words, to sword. Whereof for that time followed nothing but tumult and disorder, and so every man returned home. The Circhi then determined to assault the Donati, with great numbers of people went to seek them. But by the virtue of Corso they were put back, and many of them also very sore wounded. All the City was up in Arms, the Signori, and the Laws were trodden down with fury of great men. The wisest and best Citizens lived full of suspicion. The Donati and their partakers feared most, because they could do least. Thereupon Corso, and the other heads of the Neri, together with the Captains of the mysteries, resolved to entreat the Pope, to send unto Florence some one of the blood royal, hoping by his means to oppress the Bianchi. This assembly and resolution was notified to the Priori, and of the adverse part complained upon, as a conspiracy against the liberty of the City. Both the factions being at that time in Arms, the Senators (of whom Dante happened to be one) by his counsel and wisdom, took courage and Armed the people, with whom also joined many of the Country. And so enforcing the heads of the factions to lay down their Arms, banished Corso Donati, with the others of the part Nera. Moreover, the Senators seeming to be indifferent in this judgement, confined some of the Bianchi: who shortly after under colour of honest occasions returned home. Corso and his friends imagining themselves favoured by the Pope, went unto Rome, and with their presence persuaded the Pope unto that, which before they had written. Carlo di valloys, made Governor of Horence. It happened at the same time that Carlo de Vallois the French Kings brother was in the Pope's Court, called into Italy by the King of Napoli, to go into Sicilia. The Pope thought good (being desired thereunto by the banished men of Florence) to send him to remain at Florence, till such time as the season of the year better served to pass the seas. Then went Carlo to Florence, and although the Bianchi who then governed, had him in suspicion, yet because he was chief of the Guelfi and sent by the Pope, they durst not gainsay his coming, but to make him their friend, they gave him authority to dispose of the City according to his own discretion. Carlo having received this power, armed all his friends and followers: which gave the people great suspicion that he intended to usurp the liberty. For preventing of which mischief, order was given, that every Citizen should arm himself, and stand with weapon at his own door, to be ready, if Carlo should at his entry happen to enterprise any thing. The Circhi and other heads of the faction Biancha (having been a while chief of the Common weal, and borne themselves in their offices proudly) were come into universal hatred, which encouraged Corso and others, banished men of the faction Nera, to come to Florence; knowing that Carlo with the Captains of companies would favour them. When the City through the mistrust of Carlo was armed, Corso with the banished men and many others that followed him, came unto Florence: and without let, entered the City. And though Veri de Circhi, was persuaded to have encountered him, yet would he not, saying that the people of Florence (against whom he came) and not he should punish him. But the contrary came to pass, for he was by the people received, and not punished. And it behoved Veri for his own safety to fly. For Corso having entered the gate called Pinti, made head at S. Pietro Maggiore, near to his own house, whither many friends and many people desirous of novelty, came. And first delivered all the prisoners that had been either for public or private cause committed. Then they enforced the Senators to return to their houses as private persons: and elected in their places popular men of the faction Nera. For five days also they sacked those that were the chief of the part of Biancha. The Circhi and other Princes of that faction were gone out of the City, and retired to their places of force. And not seeing Carlo to intermeddle, the greater part of the people became their enemies. Whereupon though they would not before follow the Council of the Pope, now they were enforced to pray his aid, letting him understand, that Carlo was come to disunite, and not to unite the City. Then the Pope sent again his Legate, Mattheo d'Acqua Sparta, who persuaded a peace between the Circhi and the Donati, confirming the same with new alliances and marriages. He also laboured that the Bianchi might be partakers of the Offices in government: whereto the Neri (mistrusting the state should receive thereby some hindrance) would not consent. The Legate thereupon grew offended, and departed from thence as discontented, as he had been the time before, leaving the City disobedient and cursed. Thus remained the one and the other part evil satisfied. The Neri seeing their adversaries at hand, feared least with their ruin, they should recover the authority by them lost. And the Bianchi seeing themselves deprived of authority and honour, therewith being had in disdain and suspicion, were offered new injuries. Nicholo de Circhi, accompanied with diverse his friends, and going towards his possessions, passing the bridge Affrico, was there assaulted by Simone son of Corso Donati. This conflict was great, and of either side very bloody: for Nicholo was slain, and Simone so hurt, as the next night he died. This chance troubled all the City anew, and albeit the part Nera was therein most culpable, yet by those that governed, they were defended. Also, before judgement given, was discovered, that the Bianchi had entered a conspiracy with Pietro Feranti, a Baron belonging to Carlo. In which treason, they practised to place themselves again in the government. This matter came to light, by Letters which the Circhi had written to the Baron: yet some men held opinion that those Letters were not true, but forged by the Donati, to shadow the infamy, that by the death of Nicholo they had incurred. Thereupon all the Circhi were confined, with all their followers of the part Biancha: amongst whom was Dante the Poet. Their goods were sold, and their houses razed. These banished men, joined with many Ghibilini, disposed themselves into many places, and hoping with new travails and troubles to find new fortune, and Carlo having done that in Florence for which he came, departed and returned to the Pope, to go on his enterprise of Sicilia: wherein he showed himself no wiser, nor better than he was in Florence. So that with the loss of many of his, he returned into France dishonoured. After the departure of Carlo, the City continued quiet. New troubles by Corso Donati. Corso only was inclined to trouble, because he thought himself not in that authority that he ought to be, but saw the government in the hands of popular men, far his inferiors. He then moved with these passions, thought to perform a dishonest intent, by an honest occasion, slandering many Citizens, who had the custody of the public treasure: saying that they had employed the same to their private commodities, and therefore it were well done to examine their doings and punish them for the same. This his evil opinion was allowed by many that were men of the like disposition: with whom also many others, through ignorance joined: because they thought Corso had been indeed moved thereunto with the love of his Country. On the other side the Citizens slandered, having love borne them of the people, defended themselves. In so much, as this diversity of opinions, after civil disputation brought them to Arms. On the one part was Corso Donati and Lottieri, Bishop of Florence: with many great men, and some Commoners. On the other part, was the Senate, with the greater number of the people: so that the most part of the Citizens did fight. The Senators seeing the danger wherein they were to be great, prayed aid of the Lucchesi, and suddenly all the people of Lucca were in Florence: by whose authority, for that time, all things were composed. These tumults appeased and assuaged, the people continued in their authority, and the liberty preserved, without any other punishment of him that moved the slander. The Pope understanding the troubles of Florence, to pacify the same, sent thither his Legate called Nicholas de Prato, who being a man for degree, learning, and good behaviour, greatly reputed, obtained easily so much favour, as to have authority to dispose of the state as himself thought good; and for that he was in faction a Ghibilin, he intended to call home those that were banished: yet first thought good to win favour of the people. To that end he renewed the ancient companies, which greatly strengthened him, and weakened the Nobility. The Legate then (persuaded that the people were become all his) practised to call home those that had been banished. For the compass whereof he proved many means, which did not only take evil success, but also made himself thereby so much suspected among those that governed, as he was thereby enforced to departed, and return home to the Pope, leaving Florence full of confusion, and excommunicate. In the city at that time remained not only one humour, but many, to the disturbance thereof: being there in the displeasure betwixt the people and the Nobility, the Ghibilini and the Guelfi, the Bianchi and Neri. All the city took Arms, because many Citizens who desired the return of the banished men, were evil content with the Legates departure. The chief of those that moved the quarrel, were the Medici and Guigni, Medici and Guini. who together with the Legate were discovered to favour the Rebels: In sundry parts of the city the people fought. To which disorder, there happened a fire, first in Orto Sante Michele, at the houses of the Abati: from whence it passed to the houses of the Caponsacci and burned them; with the houses of Mazzi, Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lamberti, and Cavalcanti, and all the new market. From thence it passed to the gate of S. Maria, and burned all that, returning about Ponte Vecchio, and consumed the houses of Gherardini, Pulci, Amidei, and Luccardesi, with many others, that the number amounted to 1700. or more. Some were of opinion that this fire happened by chance in the fury of the conflict. Others affirm, that one Neri Abbati Prior of S. Pietro Scaragio, a man dissolute and desirous of mischief, kindled the same. For seeing every man occupied in the conflict, knew he might do that displeasure, which no other could remedy. And to the end it might the rather have success, he set fire in the houses of his own companions. It was the year 1304. in the month of july, when the city of Florence was with fire and sword in this sort afflicted. Corso Donati was he, that of all others in these tumults armed not himself, because he hoped the rather to be judge and Umpire betwixt the parties: when being weary of fight, they should be content to be persuaded. Notwithstanding, weapons were laid down rather for very weariness and necessity, then through any pacification or persuasion of peace. For this only followed thereof, that the Rebels should not return, and the faction that favoured them remained with disadvantage. The Legate returning to Rome, and hearing the troubles that were begun in Florence, persuaded the Pope, that for the uniting of that City, it was necessary for him to send thither for twelve principal Citizens, whereby the root of the mischief removed, it should be the more easy to quench the same. This Council was by the Pope allowed, and the Citizens sent for, appeared. Amongst whom was Corso Donati. When these Citizens were absent, the Legate wrote unto the Rebels, that the chief of the Citizens were from home, and therefore the time served well for them to return unto Florence. Which encouragement being received, they assembled their forces and came to the City, entering where the walls were not fully finished: and passed forward, till they came to the Piazza di Saint Giovanni. It was a thing notable, to see how those citizens, who had lately fought for the Rebels, so long as disarmed they desired revocation, being now armed, and forcing the city, became their enemies, and took arms against them. So much the common good was by those Citizens esteemed and preferred before private friendship. Wherefore they uniting themselves with all the people, enforced the rebels to departed and return from whence they came. This enterprise had no success, both because the banished men had left part of their forces at Lastria: and for not having tarried the coming of Tolosetto Vbarti, who should have come from Pistoia with three hundredth men. But they imagined, that expedition should have prevailed more than force (as often in like cases it so happeneth) that delays do hinder occasion: and haste wanteth force. The Rebels being gone back, Florence returned to the wont divisions. Then to take authority from the house of Cavalcanti, the people by force removed them from possession of the Castle called Le Stench, seated in the vale of grieve anciently belonging thereto. And because the soldiers therein taken, were the first that were put into that prison newly builded, that prison ever after, was called Le Stench, by the name of the Castle from whence the prisoners came. Also those that were chief of the Commonweal, New reformation in Florence. renewed the companies of the people, and gave them Ensigns as had been before ordered: making Gonfalonieri of the mysteries, calling them Colleggio di Signori. They ordained also, that the Senate should reform all disorders, in time of war, by Arms, and in time of peace, by Counsel. They joined unto the two old Rettori one Essecutore, who, together with the Gonfalonieri, should reform the insolency of the great men. In the mean time died the Pope, and Corso with other Citizens was returned from Rome. The City should then have continued quiet, had it not been with the unquietness of Corso anew disturbed. He, to gain himself reputation, ever used to hold opinion contrary to men of most authority: and whereunto he found the people inclined (to gain their favour) that way he directed his authority. Whereby he made himself head of all new opinions, and to him resorted all those who sought to obtain any thing by extraordinary mean. For that cause many great Citizens did hate him, which hatred increased so much, Corso Donati. as the faction of Neri came to open division, because Corso employed private forces, and such as were enemies to the state. Notwithstanding, so great was the authority of his person and presence, that every man feared him: yet to win from him the popular favour (as by such kind of means might easily be done) a brute was put forth, that he went about to tyrannize the city: which was easily believed, because his manner of living did in troth surpass the charge of civil expense. That opinion was increased greatly, after he took to wife the daughter of Vguccione della Faggiola, chief of the faction Ghibilini & Bianca, in Toscana most mighty. This alliance come to knowledge, the adverse part took Arms; and the people for the same occasion refused to defend him: the chiefest of them joining with his enemies. The greatest of his adversaries were Rosso della Tosa, Pazzino de Pazzi, Geri Spini, and Berto Brunelleschi: they with their followers, and the greater part of the people, assembled themselves armed at the foot of the Palace, of the Signori. By whose order an accusation was preferred to Piero Brancha (Captain of the people) against Corso Donati, for that he, with the aid of Vguccione, sought to make himself a tyrant. Corso condemned. Then was he cited to appear, and after for contumacy judged a Rebel. Betwixt his accusation & the judgement pronounced, was not longer time than two hours. This sentence given, the companies of the people under their Ensigns, marched towards him. Corso on the other side was not dismayed, (though he were abandoned by many his friends) nor for the sentence pronounced, nor yet with the authority of the Senators, nor the multitude of his enemies: but fortified his house, hoping there to defend himself, till he were rescued by Vguccione, for whom he had sent. All his houses, & all the ways unto them, were fortified & made close: and within, many of his faction to defend them. So that, the people (though in great numbers come thither) could not enter. The conflict was great, many slain, and many hurt of either side. And the people seeing that by those ways they could not prevail, broke the houses of his neighbours, and by that devise not mistrusted, did enter. Corso then seeing himself beset with enemies, and no longer trusting to the help of Vguccione, resolved to see what mean he could find to save himself, sith of victory he utterly despaired. Then with Gherardo Bondini, and many others his most valiant and faithful friends, he charged his enemies with so great fury, as he broke them, and made way to pass through to the gate of the City, where they got out. Yet were they still pursued, Gherardo upon the bridge Affrico, was by Bocaccio Caviccivoli slain. Corso also was taken at Bovezano, by certain horsemen belonging to the Senate. Notwithstanding being brought towards Florence, hating the sight of his enemies, and the glory of their victory, he fell from his horse, The death of Corso Donati 1308. and was by one of them which led him, there murdered. The body was after taken up by the Monks of S. Salui, and (without any honour) by them buried. This was the end of Corso Donati, unto whom, his country, & the faction of Neri, for many deeds both good and bad, must acknowledge itself beholding. But had his disposition & mind been more quiet, the memory of him had deserved great honour. For indeed he was a Citizen so rare, as had at any time before been seen in our city. Yet true it is, that his factious mind bereft him of that honour which by his country and confederates was due: and in the end, procured his own death, with many other misadventures. Vguccione coming to the rescue of his son in law, & arrived at Remoli, heard there that Corso was by the people taken. Whereupon, knowing that he could by no means than help him, for not hurting himself, returned back. Corso thus ending his life (which happened in the year 1308. was the cause that all tumults ceased, and the city continued quiet, till such time as intelligence was given, The Emperor Arrigo called into Italy. 1312. that Arrigo the Emperor (who favoured by the Florentine Rebels) was come into Italy, followed by them, and intending to put them again in possession of their country. For preventing of which mischief, the Magistrates of the city thought good to call home all those that had not been by special name banished: whereby the number of their enemies should be the less. The greater number that remained in exile were Ghibilini, and some few of the faction Bianca, among whom were Dante Alighieri, the sons of Veri de Cerchi, and Giano della Bella. They sent also for aid to Roberto King of Napoli, which not obtained at his hand as their friend: they were enforced to give him the city for five years; to the end, he might defend them as his subjects. Then the Emperor passed into Italy, and by the way of Pisa, went to Rome, there to be crowned, in the year 1312. Afterwards, determining to reform Florence, he returned thither by Perugia and Arezzo: and lodged his Camp at the Monastery of S. Salui, distant one mile from the city; where he remained fifty days, without any good done, and therefore as desperate of success, removed to Pisa; where he agreed with Federigo King of Sicilia, to assault the kingdom of Napoli. Being with his Army there arrived, in great hope of victory, and the King Roberto in great fear of his destruction, at Buouconuento he died. It happened shortly after, that Vguccione di Faggiola, The death of Arrigo. became Prince of Pisa, and not long after of Lucca: brought thither by the faction of Ghibilini, with whose aid he greatly injured his neighbours. Amongst whom, the Florentines to be delivered, gave unto the brother of King Roberto, the government of their Army. Vguccione on the other side, for the increasing of his power, laboured continually, till by force and subtlety he had gotten many Castles in the vale of Arno and Nievole. Then marching towards Monte Catini, with intent to besiege the same, the Florentines thought it necessary to rescue that place, lest the loss thereof might disturb the whole country. Then assembling a great Army, they passed into the vale Nievole, where they fought with Vguccione, and in the end of their battle, two thousand or more of their men were slain, with Piero the King's brother their General; whose body afterwards was never found: neither was this victory without loss to Vguccione, whose son was also killed, with many Captains and Leaders of his Army. The Florentines after this overthrow, fortified the towns about them, New divition, in Florence. and the King Roberto sent them a new General called Andrea Earl Nouello. By whose government, (or rather by the natural inclination of the Florentines, discontented with every state, and divided by every accident) notwithstanding the wars they lately had with Vguccione, fell to faction. The one part whereof, called themselves the King's friends, the other the King's enemies. The chief of the King's enemies, were Simon della Tosa, the house of Magalotti, with certain other popular men, in whom rested the chief of the government. These men found means to send into France and Germany, to levy Captains and soldiers to remove the Earl Andrea Governor for the King. But their fortune was such, as could not bring to pass that they desired: yet did they not abandon the enterprise, but being disappointed both by France and Germany, they found out a Governor in Agobio, and before his coming, Lando de Agebio, made Governor of Florence. removed Andrea. Lando de Agobio being come, was made their minister, or rather their hangman, having received absolute authority overall the citizens. He, being a man covetous and cruel, accompanied with his soldiers (all armed) visited every street, murdering every man, whom those that elected him, would require. Yea, (such was his insolency) that he caused false money to be quoined with the stamp of Florence, and no man durst gainsay the doing thereof: so great was the authority whereunto the discord of the city had brought him. Great and lamentable was the estate of this town, which neither the memory of passed division, neither the fear of Vguccione, nor the authority of the King could reform. In most miserable plight it then remained, when the country abroad was spoiled by Vguccione, and the city within by Lando of Agobio sacked. The King's friends were all contrary to Lando and his followers. Likewise all Noble houses, the chief of the people, & all the Guelfi. Notwithstanding, because the adverse party had the government, they could not without peril to themselves be discovered. Yet resolving to be delivered from so dishonest a tyranny, they wrote secretly unto the King Roberto, to make the Earl Guido Buttifolle his Lieutenant in Florence: which the King presently did, and the adverse part (notwithstanding that the Senators were contrary to the King) durst not for the respect they bore to the Earl, find fault. But the Earl had not thereby much authority, because the Senators & the Gonfaloniere were by Lando and his party favoured. During the continuance of these troubles in Florence, the daughter of King Alberto coming from Germany, passed that way in her journey towards Carlo, the son of Roberto her husband. She was greatly honoured by the King's friends, and they imparted unto her the state of the city, and the tyranny of Lando with his followers. In so much as by the favour of her, before her departure the city was pacified, Lando removed from his authority, and with riches, blood, and spoil, sent home to Agobio. The government also of the King over the city, for three years was continued. And whereas there had been before seven Senators elected by Lando, six more were chosen for the King, so the Magistrates were for a time thirteen. After, they were reduced to the ancient number of seven. About this time Vguccione was deprived of his authority in Lucca & Pisa; and Castruccio Castracani, Castruccio castracani. from a private Citizen, aspired to be Lord of Lucca: for he being a young man of great courage, & in every enterprise fortunate, became in short space the principal Leader of all the Chibilini in Toscana. For which respect, the Florentines setting aside private discord, devised with themselves by what means Castruccio might be kept down: and how his forces already grown might be resisted. And to the end that the Senators might with better counsel be advised, & with more authority execute the same, they elected twelve Citizens, whom they called Boni Homini: without whose consent and counsel, the Senators might not do any thing of importance. In this mean while, the government of king Roberto was expired, & the city became Prince over itself, with the ancient Magistrates and governors thereof. Also the great fear they had of Castruccio, did hold the same united, he having done many things against the Lords of Lunigiana, and assembled Prato. The Florentines hearing those news, resolved: and determining to rescue that town, shut up their shops and went confusedly together, to the number of twenty thousand footmen, and fifteen hundredth horse. Also to diminish the strength of Castruccio, and increase their own, the Senators by proclamation gave notice, that whatsoever Rebel of the faction of Guelfi, would come to the rescue of Prato, should be after the enterprise restored to his country. Upon this proclamation more than four thousand Rebels came presently thither. This great Army in haste conducted to Prato, so much terrified Castruccio, that without trial of his fortune by fight, he retired to Lucca. Then grew great controversy within the Camp of the Florentines, betwixt the Nobility and the people: for these would have followed the enemy, hoping by fight to have overthrown him; and those would return back, saying, it sufficed that they had hazarded Florence to succour Prato. Which was well done, being constrained by necessity, but sith the cause was now removed, no wisdom would (where little was to be gotten and much to be lost) that fortune should be further tempted. This matter (the people not agreeing) was referred to the Senators, who found among themselves the same diversity of opinions that was between the people and the Nobility: which being known, much company assembled in the Market place, using great words of threatenings to the Nobility; In so much that they for fear, gave place to the will of the people: but all too late, because in the mean while the enemy was with safety retired to Lucca. This disorder brought the people into so great indignation of the Nobility, that the Senators would not perform the promise, by their consent given to the Rebels: which the Rebel's understanding, and hoping to prevent the Senate before the Camp arrived at Florence, offered to enter the gates. But their intent being discovered by those in the City, were repulsed. Then they sought to compass that by persuasion, which by force they could not, and sent eight Ambassadors to put the Senators in remembrance of their promise, and the peril they had under the same adventured, hoping of that reward which was by them offered. The Nobility thereby put in mind, & knowing themselves by promise bound, laboured greatly in the favour of the Rebels. Notwithstanding, by reason the people were offended, for not following the enterprise of Castruccio, nothing was obtained: which afterward proved the great shame & dishonour of the city. For many of the Nobility therewith displeased, did assay to win that by force, which by entreaty they could not. For which purpose, they conspired with the rebels to enter the City armed, and they would take arms also for their aid. This appointment before the day of execution, was discovered: whereby the banished men at their coming found the city armed, and order given to apprehend them abroad, and keep down those that were within. Thus this enterprise was in every respect without success. After the departure of the rebels, the citizens desired to punish those by whose means they did come thither. And albeit every man knew who were the offenders, yet no man durst name them, much less accuse them. Therefore to understand the troth without respect, it was ordered, that secretly the names of the offenders should be written, and privily delivered to the Captain. In this accusation were named Amerigo Donati, Teghiaio, Frescobaldi, & Lotteringo Gerardini: who having judges more favourable, then perhaps they deserved, were only condemned in pecunial punishment. The tumults which grew in Florence by coming of the Rebels to the gate, made trial that one Chieftain for all the companies of the people did not suffice: and therefore they required after, that to every company might be appointed three or four Leaders; and to every Gonfaloniere two or three others, whom they would have called Pennonieri. To the end, that in time of necessity all the company not assembling, part of them, under one head might be employed. Moreover (as it happeneth in all common weals after any accident) some old laws be disannulled, & some others are made new: so the Senate before appointed from time to time, the Senators with the Collegii which then were (to the end their force might be the greater) had authority given them and their successors, to continue in office during the space of forty months. And because many Citizens feared their names not to be put into the bag, they procured a new Imborsation. Of this beginning, grew the election of Magistrates, as well within, as without the City: which election was in those days called Imborsation. Afterwards the same was called Squittini. And for that every three, or at the most five years, this order was taken, the occasion of tumults in the City, at the choice of Magistrates, was removed, yet were they ignorant of such discommodities, as under this small commodity was hidden. The year 1315. being come, and Castruccio having surprised Pistoia, was grown to that greatness, that the Florentines fearing the same, determined before such time as he was settled in his principality, to assault him, and bring him under their obedience. For which purpose they levied twenty thousand foot men, and three thousand horse. With these forces they besieged Altopassio, in hope by having of that Town, to impeach the passage of those that would come to the succour of Pistoia. The Florentines prevailed in this enterprise, and having taken the place, marched towards Lucca, spoiling the country where they went. Notwithstanding, through the small wisdom of the General, or rather his infidelity, little good ensued thereof. Ramondo di Cardona, General for the Florents. This Captain was called Ramondo de Cardona. He, seeing the Florentines to have been liberal of their liberty, giving the same sometimes to Kings, and sometimes to the Legates of Popes, and men of mean quality: thought it possible to bring himself to be a Prince; if first he could lead them into some great necessity. He gave them therefore to understand, that for his better reputation, it was meet for him to have the same authority within the City, that he had in the Army: otherwise he should not have that obedience of his soldiers which belonged unto a General. Whereto the Florentines not consenting, the Army proceeded slowly, or rather every day losing somewhat: and Castruccio continually gained. Because, by that time were come unto him diverse supplies sent by the Visconti, and other tyrants of Lombardy. Castruccio by this mean grown strong, and Ramondo having neglected his service: The Florentines overthrown by Castruccio. as for want of fidelity he did not prosper at the first, so he could not after save himself: for whilst he lingered with his Camp, Castruccio did assault him, and overthrew him, near unto Altopassio. In which conflict many Citizens were slain, and with them Ramondo himself: who thereby found the punishment of fortune, which his infidelity and evil service to the Florentines deserved. The displeasures which Castruccio did after the victory, by spoiling, destroying, burning, imprisoning, & killing, cannot be told. Because without any resistance he road up and down in the country, where himself listed, spoiling, and committing what cruelties he thought good. The Florentines scantly able, after so great an overthrow, to defend the city: yet were they not so greatly dismayed, but that they made much provision, both of men and money: sending also to their friends, to have their aid. All which sufficed not to bridle the fury of so mighty an enemy. Wherefore as constrained, they made choice of Carlo Duke of Calauria, son to King Roberto, to be their Prince: offering him, not their friendship, but their obedience, and prayed him to defend their City. But Carlo being occupied in the wars of Sicilia (and therefore not at leisure to come in person, sent thither Gualtieri, by Nation a French man, The Duke of Athene, Governor of Florence. and Duke of Athene. He as deputy for his master, took possession of the City, and placed officers according to his own discretion. Notwithstanding, his behaviour was so modest, and contrary to his own nature; that every man loved him. Carlo having ended the wars of Sicilia, being followed with a thousand horse men came to Florence, and made his entry in the year 1326. whose coming stayed Castruccio from spoiling of the Florentines country. But that relief which was found abroad, was lost within, and those displeasures which the enemies could not, were by friends performed. Because the Senators did nothing without the Duke's consent: who within the space of one year, levied in the City four thousand Florins, notwithstanding that by the capitulation with him taken, it was agreed, he should have but two thousand. So great impositions were daily by him or his exacted. To these displeasures new suspicions, and new enemies were discovered. For the Ghibilini of Lombardy suspected so much the coming of Carlo into Toscana, that Galiazzo Visconti & other tyrants of Lombardy, by money and promises, The Emperor Lodovico called into Italy. procured Lodovico di Baviera Emperor elected, against the Pope's will to come into Italy: who being arrived in Lombardy, marched towards Toscana, where with the help of Castruccio he became Lord of Pisa. And being relieved with money, he went towards Rome: which caused Carlo to leave Florence, and return to the kingdom, leaving Philippo de Sagginetto his Lieutenant. Castruccio, after the emperors departure possessed Pisa, and the Florentines took from him by practice, Pistoia, which Castruccio after besieged, with so great virtue and resolution, that although the Florentines many times assayed to rescue the Town, sometimes assailing the Army, and sometimes disturbing the Country: yet could they never either by force or industry, remove him from that enterprise. So greatly he thirsted to chastise the Pistoiesis, and offend the Florentines. By means whereof, the Pistoiesi were constrained to receive him for their Prince: which thing, albeit were greatly to his glory, proved in the end his disadvantage. For being returned to Lucca, there he died. And because that one good or evil hap, The death of castruccio & carlo Duke of calauria. cometh seldom unaccompanied, with the like: also at the same time died Carlo Duke of Calauria Prince of Florence, as it were, to the end that the Florentines beyond all expectation might be delivered from the government of the one, and the fear of the other. They thus become free, reform the city, disannulled all orders of the old Councils, and created two new Councils: the one having in it three hundredth Citizens Commoners, and the other two hundredth and fifty Gentlemen, and Commoners, mixed. The first of these, New reformation in Florence. was called the Council of the people, the other the common Council. The Emperor being arrived at Rome, created an Antipope, and ordered many things in prejudice of the church, and many other things also he attempted without effect. And therefore with this honour he removed from Rome to Pisa; where, either of melancholy, or for want of money to pay eight hundred Almain horsemen, who were rebelled, and at Montechiaro had fortified themselves, died. They, The death of Lodovico. so soon as the Emperor departed from Pisa to go unto Lombardy, surprised Lucca, and drove out of that city Francisco Castracani, left there by the Emperor. Then being possessed of that city, and intending to make profit thereof, offered to sell it to the Florentines, for threescore thousand Florins, & was refused by the Council of Simon della Tosa. This refusal would have been to our city most profitable, if the Florentines had ever continued in that mind: but because shortly after they changed opinion, it was greatly to our loss. For if at that time for so small price, they might so peaceably have had it, and would not, afterward desiring it, and offering much more than was required, they could not obtain it: which was the occasion, that Florence many times with great prejudice hath changed the government. Lucca being thus by the Florentines refused, was by Gerardino Spinola of Genova, for thirty thousand Florins bought. And because men be more slow to lay hold of that which they may come by, then to desire that they cannot attain unto: so soon as this bargain made with Gerardino was known, and how small a sum of money he paid; the people of Florence became greatly desirous to have it, repenting themselves, and blaming those that were the cause that the bargain proceeded not. Then sought they to get that by force, which for money was refused. For obtaining whereof, they sent their soldiers to spoil the country belonging to Lucca. The troubles and war in Florence all ceased. In this mean time, the Emperor was gone out of Italy, and the Antipope by order of the Pisani, sent prisoner into France. The Florentines then, from the death of Castruccio (which happened in the year 1328. till the year 1340. continued quiet within, & attended their matters of state abroad. They also made many wars in Lombardy, for the coming thither of king john of Bohemia, & in Toscana, touching the state of Lucca. They likewise ornefied their city with new buildings. For in that time, the Tower of S. Reparata, according to the direction of Giotto (an excellent Painter), was builded. And because, in the year 1333. by means of a marvelous flood, the River of Arno into many places overflowed the city, more than 12. cubits; many bridges and buildings were thereby decayed, which with great care and expense were now restored. But the year 1340. being come, new occasions of alteration were grown up. The citizens of most power, had two means to increase and maintain their greatness. The one, by restraining the number of those that should be elected Magistrates, whereby the offices of authority came either unto them, or their friends. The other, because themselves being chief at the election of the Rettori, they were by them in their offices the more favoured. And this second cause they esteemed so much, that to these two ordinary Rettori, they also joined a third: whom they in those days brought in extraordinary, under the title of Captain of the Guard, and placed therein Iacamo Gabrieli de Agobio, giving him absolute authority over the citizens. He, day by day, before the face of them that governed, committed many injuries, & among those that were injured, was Piero de Bardi, and Bardo Frescobaldi. Conspiracy against jacomo Gabrieli of Agobio. They, being gent. and naturally proud, could not endure that a stranger wrongfully, and in the presence of some Magistrates had done them injury: which, both against him, and those that governed, they conspired to revenge. Into that conspiracy, entered many Noble families, and some of the people; whom the tyranny of him that governed, did offend. The order of execution agreed upon, was, that every man should assemble into his house as many armed men as he could, and in the morning of All Saint's day, when every body was in the church, to take arms, and kill the Captain. Which done, they determined to place new Senators, and with new orders to reform the state. But because enterprises of peril, the more they be thought upon, the more unwillingly be performed. It always happeneth, that conspiracies not suddenly executed, are for the most part discovered. There was among the conspirators one called Andrea de Bardi, (in whom the consideration of punishment could do more, than the hope of revenge) revealed all to jacamo Alberti his brother in law. Then jacamo informed the Priori, and the Priori informed the Governors. And because the day of danger grew near (which was the feast of All Saints) many citizens consulted in the Palace, and thinking it dangerous to defer the time, judged it best that the Senators should cause the bell to be rung, and thereby call the people to arms. Taldo Valori was Gonfaloniere, and Francisco Salviati, Taldo Valori. one of the Senate. They being to the Bardi kinsmen, would not have the Bell rung, saying it were not well done, upon every light occasion to arm the people. For authority being given to a lose multitude, could work no good effect. It was also easy to move tumults, but to appease them, hard. It were therefore much better, first to examine the troth of the cause, & punish the same by law, them correct it disorderly with ruin of the city; which words were not willingly heard. For the Senators with many injurious and presumptuous speeches, were enforced to ring the Bell: upon hearing whereof, all the people ran suddenly into the market place, armed. On the other side, the Bardi & Frescobaldi, seeing themselves discovered, intending to win their purpose with glory, or die without shame, took arms: hoping to defend that part of the city where their own houses were: and on the other side of the river fortified the bridges, trusting to be succoured by the nobility of the country, & other their friends. Which purpose was disappointed by the people that inhabited where their houses were, who took arms in favour of the Senate: so that finding themselves disappointed, they abandoned the bridges, & retired to the street where the Bardi dwelled, as a place of more strength than any other, & that very valiantly they defended. jacobo de Agobio knowing all this conspiracy to be against him, fearful of death, & amazed, at the palace of the Senators in the midst of the armed men, placed himself. But there was more courage in the Rettori, who had less offended: and most of all in the Podesta, called Maffeo de Maradi. For he presented himself to those that fought, Maffeo de Maradi. & as a man senseless, & without all fear, passing the bridge Rubaconte, entered in among the swords of the Bardi, making signs to speak with them. Whereupon they considering the reverence of the man, his virtue, & other his good, & great qualities, stayed their weapons, & quietly heard him. He then with modest & grave words blamed their conspiracy, laying before them the perils whereto they were subject, if they gave not over this popular enterprise: giving them also hope, that they should be favourably heard, and mercifully judged. And promised moreover, to be the mean whereby their reasonable offences should find compassion. Then he returned back to the Senators, and persuaded them not to be victorious with the blood of their own citizens, neither to judge before the cause were heard. And his persuasion prevailed so much, as by consent of the Senate the Bardi & Frescobaldi with their friends, were suffered to abandon the city & return to their castles. They being gone, and the people disarmed, the Senators proceeded only against the families of Bardi and Frescobaldi, The Bardi and Frescobaldi condemned. who had taken arms. And to spoil them of some part of their power, they bought of the Bardi, the Castle of Mangona, and the Castle of Varina, and made a law, that no Citizen might possess a Castle within twenty miles of Florence. Within few months after, Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded, and many others of that family proclaimed Rebels. It sufficed not the Governors to have oppressed the Bardi, and Frescobaldi, but they did (as men commonly do) the more authority they have, the worse they use it, and the more insolent they become: so, where was before one Captain of the Guard who oppressed the Citizens within Florence, they also chose an other in the Country, to the end, that men to them suspected, should neither within the City nor without, have any dwelling. So earnestly were they bend against the Nobility, that they forced not to sell the City to be revenged: aspecting only occasion, which came well, and they better used the same. By means of many troubles which happened in Lombardy & Toscana, the possession of the city of Lucca was come into the hands of Mastino della Scalla, Lord of Verona, who (notwithstanding he was bound to deliver the same to the Florentines) did not, because he thought himself able to hold it, the rather, by being Lord of Parma, and therefore of his promise he made none account at all, which moved the Florentines to offence. For revenge whereof, they joined against him with the Venetians, and made so hot wars upon him, as thereby he was enforced almost to abandon his country. Notwithstanding thereof followed nothing, but some satisfaction of mind, to have oppressed Mastino. For the Venetians (as all other do that join in league with such as be weaker than themselves) after they had surprised Trivigi and Vuensa, without respect of the Florentines made peace with Mastino. Shortly after, the Visconti Princes of Milan, having taken Parma from Mastino, and he fearing for that cause, that Lucca could not be kept, determined to sell it. Those that desired to buy that city, were the Florentines and the Pisani. In beating the bargain, the Pisani perceived that the Florentines richer than they, would obtain it. Therefore they sought to win it by force, and with the aid of Visconti besieged it. The Florentines notwithstanding proceeded, and bargained with Mastino, paying part of the money in hand, and for payment of the rest, delivered hostages, Naldo Ruccelai, Giovanni the son of Barnardino de Medici, and Rosso de Rici: and then by order of Mastino, the possession of the City was delivered. The Pisani notwithstanding pursued their enterprise, and by all means possible laboured to get the City by force: yet went the Florentines to rescue the City, and remove the siege. But after a long war, the Florentines were forced with loss of their money and honour to departed: and the Pisani became Lords of the City. The loss of this Town (as in like cases it ever happeneth) made the people of Florence greatly offended with those that governed, whom in every Market place they defamed, accusing them of covetousness and unadvised counsel. At the beginning of this war, the authority thereof, was given to twenty Citizens, who elected Malatesta of Rimini for their General. He governed the same with small courage, and less wisdom. The Duke of Athene. They also prayed aid of Roberto King of Napoli, who sent unto them Gualtieri Duke of Athene: and (as fortune would, prepairing all things for future mischief) arrived in Florence, at the same instant when the enterprise of Lucca was utterly lost. Whereupon the twenty, seeing the people displeased, thought by choosing a new Captain, to bring them into new hope. And to the end that the Duke of Athene might with more authority defend them, they created him first their Defender, and after gave him the title of Captain General, over their men at Arms. The great Citizens, who for the occasions beforesaid, lived discontent, and many of them having also acquaintance with Gualtieri, at such time as they governed Florence in the name of Carlo Duke of Calauria, thought the time was come to alter the state, & oppress the people, who had so long oppressed them. For the bringing of that to pass, they thought good to reduce the government under one Prince, who knowing their virtue, & the insolency of the people, might reward the one and punish the other. They might also hope the more of the Prince's favour, if he by their means, aspired to that dignity. To compass this intention, they many times met in secret, & persuaded the Duke to take the government, offering to aid him to the uttermost of their powers. With these Gentlemen, joined some popular families, as the Perussi, Acciaivoli, Antellesi, and Buonacorsi, who being greatly indebted, and not able to pay of their own, desired with the servitude of their country, and the goods of others to deliver themselves from the danger of their creditors. Those persuasions moved the ambitious mind of the Duke, to great desire of government, and the rather to make himself beloved, and accounted upright, therewith also to win the favour of the people, he persecuted those that had governed the wars of Lucca, and put to death, Giovan de Medici, Naddo Ruccellati, and Guglielmo Altoviti: many also were banished, and many in money condemned. These executions amazed much those of the mean sort, only the Gentlemen and basest people were therewith satisfied. These, because their nature is to rejoice at evil, and those for that thereby their injuries received of the people, were revenged. When so ever the Duke passed the streets, his favourers would publicly speak to his honour, and wish that the fraud of the Citizens might be by him examined and punished. The office of the twenty thus became disesteemed, the reputation of the Duke grown great, and all men for fear, or affection, seemed to honour him. And in token thereof, set the Duke's Arms upon their houses. In so much, as this Duke wanted nothing that belonged to absolute authority, saving the title of Prince. Then he persuaded himself, that whatsoever he attempted might be safely done, and therefore sent unto the Senators, letting them understand, that for the better government of the city, it behoved him to have the full absolute authority & government: and seeing that all the rest of the Citizens were thereto consenting, he desired that therewith they would be also pleased. The Senators albeit that long before they had foreseen the ruin of their Country, yet were they all with this request greatly troubled. And though they knew also the peril, yet not to omit the duty to their Country, they boldly denied the Duke. This Duke to make himself be thought the more religious, and well disposed, did choose for his dwelling, the Monastery of Saint Croce: and being desirous to execute his evil intent, he caused to be published by proclamation, that his pleasure was the people should resort unto him, at the gate of the said Monastery. This proclamation amazed the Senate much more than the message, delivered them by word. Wherefore they thought good to join with those Citizens, whom they knew to be lovers of their Country. Neither did they think (knowing the Duke's forces) that there was other remedy, to divert the Duke from the enterprise, then to entreat him: and so make proof what effect fair words might work, to persuade him to use himself in the government more mildly. Then went certain of the Senators unto the Duke, and one of them spoke as followeth. My Lord, we are come hither, first moved by your Grace's request, and next by your commandment to assemble the people. For it seemeth a thing certain, that you intent to obtain that extraordinarily, whereunto by ordinary means we have not consented. Our meaning is, not by force to hinder your designs, but only lay before you, how grievous a burden you put upon us, and how perilous an action you take in hand. To the end you may hereafter remember our Counsels, and weigh the same with theirs, who not for your profit, but for the execution of their own fury, have counseled you. You labour to bring this city in bondage, which hath ever lived in liberty. For that authority which we have granted to the Princes of Napoli, was company, and not subjection. Have you considered of what importance and how joyful a thing the name of liberty is, in every City like unto this? The virtue whereof, no force can subdue, no time can consume, nor no merit can deserve. Consider (my Lord) how great forces it behoveth you to have, to hold so great a City in servitude. Those strangers, whom you have entertained, be not of force sufficient: and these that be within the walls, are not to be trusted. For such as be now your friends, & have counseled you to this enterprise, so soon as they have with your authority beaten down their enemies, will seek also by what means they may to oppress you, & make themselves Princes. The base multitude also in whom you trust, upon every accident, (be it never so little) do change their opinion. So that in short time, you may look to find this city your foe, which shall be the ruin thereof, and yours also. Neither can you find remedy for such a mischief, sith those Princes only can govern securely, who have few enemies: because those few, either by death or exile may easily be removed. But against universal hatred, no assurance can be found: because you know not where the mischief groweth. And who so feareth every man, cannot assure himself of any man. Also, if you seek to be assured of others, you environ yourself with perils: because those that remain, do hate you the more, and are the more ready to revenge. A thing most certain it is, that no time can wear out the desire of liberty. For we know, where the same hath been in a city revived by those, who never tasted thereof, save only by the memory of this name liberty, which their ancestors by tradition did leave them. Therefore having recovered it, with all obstinacy and resolution they will defend it, and if our ancestors had never left any sign of liberty, yet should we be put in mind thereof, by these public Palaces, by these places made for Magistrates, & these badges of freedom & liberty: which things be publicly known, and with great desire every citizen studieth to know them. What can you do, or what can by any means be done, to countervail the sweetness of life in liberty, or make the people forget the commodities thereof? Yea though you could join all Toscana to the dominion of this state, or might every day return to the city, triumphing over your enemies, yet all should not suffice. Because that glory should not be yours, but ours. And our citizens should conquer no subjects, but increase companions in servitude. Albeit your manners were godly, your behaviour courteous, and your judgements just: yet were they not of force enough to make you be loved. If you would believe, they did suffice; you therein should deceive yourself. For to men accustomed to a life in liberty, the lightest clog seemeth heavy, & the losest bands do pinch. A thing impossible it is for any state by violence gotten, to be by a good Prince maintained: because of force he must become like unto his government, otherwise the one & the other will perish. You must therefore think either to hold the city with extreme violence, as castles, garrisons of men, & foreign friends (& yet many times they suffice not) or else be content, with that authority, which we have given you. We therefore persuade you, and pray you to remember, that such obedience is durable, as is also voluntary. And labour not (being blinded with some ambition) to set yourself where you neither can stand nor climb higher without your great prejudice & ours, & so be forced to fall. These words moved not at all the hardened heart of the Duke, The Duke's answer to the Senate. saying, his intention was not to take away, but restore the liberty of the city. For cities disunited were not free, but those that were united. And if Florence by reason of factions, ambition, and enmity, had lost the liberty, he would restore it. Saying moreover, that not his own ambition, but the suit of many Citizens, brought him to take this burden: and therefore they should do well to be content with that, wherewith others were contented. As touching those perils which he might by this occasion incur, he feared them not at all. For it was the office of no good man, to leave the good, for fear of evil, and the property of a coward, for fear of good success, to abandon a glorious enterprise. Also he hoped so to bear himself, as they should have cause in short space, to confess that they trusted him too little, and feared him too much. The Senate then seeing no more good to be done, agreed that the next morning with their authority to give the government unto the Duke for one year, with the same conditions, it was given to Carlo Duke of Calauria. It was the eight day of September 1342. when the Duke accompanied by Giovan della Tosa, with all his followers, and many Citizens, came into the Market place, and there in presence of the Senators, ascended up to the Ringiera (for so they called that place of the stairs belonging to the Palace) where the conditions between the Senate, & the Duke were read. And when the Reader pronounced those words, which gave the Duke authority for one year: the people cried for his life. Then Francisco Rusticheli (one of the Senate) rose up to speak, and appease the tumult: but his words, were, with shouting of the people interrupted. So as by consent of the multitude he was created Prince, not for one year only, but for ever: & being carried by the multitude about the market place, his name was proclaimed. It is the custom, that whosoever is appointed to the Guard of the Palace, shall in absence of the Senators be shut up therein. To which office at that time was Rinieri di Giotto appointed: he being corrupted by the Duke's friends, without any violence offered, received the Duke into the Palace. And the Senators therewith amazed, and dishonoured, went home to their own houses. Then was the Palace by the Duke's servants sacked. The Gonfaloni del Populo thrust out, and the Duke's Arms set upon the Palace, to the great and inestimable grief and sorrow of all good men, and the great content of those, who either for ignorance, or wicked mind thereunto consented. The Duke having gotten the government, intending to take all authority from those that were wont to defend the liberty of the City, did forbid the Senators to assemble any more in the Palace, Ordinances made by the Duke of Athene in Florence. and appointed them a private house. He took also the Ensigns from the Gonfalonieri of companies. He removed the order of justice against the Nobility, and delivered the prisoners that had been committed. He called home the Bardi, and Frescobaldi, who had been banished, and gave general commandment that no man should wear weapon. Also for his better defence within the City, he wan himself foreign friends, and for that purpose pleasured the Aretini, and all others under the Florentine government. He made peace with the Pisani, notwithstanding he were created Prince purposely to make war with them. He took the obligations from those merchants, that in the war of Lucca had lent money to the state. He increased the old Imposts, and erected new: taking all authority from the Senators. The Rettori by him appointed, were Raglione da Perugia, and Guglielmo da Scesi: with whom he joined, Cerrettieri Bisdomini; and those three men were his only Council. The taxes which he imposed upon the Citizens were extreme, his judgements unjust, & that gravity & courtesy which he had before feigned, was converted into pride, and cruelty. For many citizens both wealthy and noble were condemned, and diverse also by new invented tortures, tormented. Moreover to show his authority in like sort abroad, as it was in the city, he authorised six Rettori for the country, who oppressed and spoiled the rural people. He had the great men in suspicion, although by them he had been pleasured: and that some of them by his means had been restored to their Country. For he imagined that such Noble minds as commonly are in Gentlemen, could not be contented with his government. He sought therefore to win the good will of the people, hoping with their love, and the aid of strangers, to defend his tyranny. Then the month of May being come, at which time the people were accustomed to make sport and triumph, he caused the companies of the Common people, and basest sort to have Ensigns, and money, with honourable titles to be given them. Whereupon the one part of them, went from place to place feasting and triumphing: and the other part with great pomp received the triumphers. When fame had dispersed abroad the new principality of the Duke, many of the French Nation came unto him. And he to every one of them (as men most to be trusted) gave countenance and entertainment. So that Florence within short space was not only subject to the French men, but also to their factions and apparel. Because both men and women, without respect of shame, did follow them. But above all things that displeased, was the violence which he and his, without respect, used to the women. The Citizens lived then with great indignation, seeing the majesty of their state ruined, their ordinances broken, their laws disannulled, honest life corrupted, and all civil modesty extinguished. For the Citizens, not accustomed to see any regal pomp, could not without sorrow behold the Duke amidst his guards of armed men, both on foot and horseback: for so with their own shame, they were forced to honour him, whom they most hated. Whereunto might be joined, the fear and death of many Citizens, and the continual exactions, wherewith he impoverished, and consumed the city. All which indignations and fears, were well enough known to the Duke, yet would he not be thought to mistrust any thing, but show himself as though he were beloved of all men. For it happened that Matteo di Moroso, either to gratify him, or acquit himself of danger, revealed a conspiracy practised by the house of Medici, and some others. The Duke informed thereof, Matteo di Moroso. did not only not examine the cause, but also caused Matteo most miserably to be put to death. By which doing, he took courage from all those that would tell him any thing for his good, and encouraged others that went about his ruin. He caused also with great cruelty, the tongue of Bettone Cini to be cut off, who after, thereof died. And this punishment was done, because Bettone had found fault with the exactions laid upon the Citizens. These cruelties increased offence in the people with their hatred to the Duke, because that city which was accustomed freely to do and speak all things, could not endure to have their hands tied, and their mouths closed. These offences and this hatred grew to that ripeness, as moved not only the Florentines, (who could neither maintain their freedom nor suffer servitude) but even the most servile people of the world, to recover liberty. And thereupon many citizens of all estates resolved, with the loss of their lives to recover their liberty lost. Conspiracy against the Duke of Athene. Then practised they three sorts of conspiracies, the one among the Nobility, the second among the people, the third among the artificers. These conspiracies, besides the general respect, were for particular reasons willingly taken in hand. The great men desired to recover authority. The people were sorrowful for having lost the government. And the Artificers found their trades and earning of money to be decayed. At that time Agnolo Acciaivoli, was Archbishop of Florence, who in his Sermons and otherwise, had extolled the actions of the Duke, and done him great favour among the people. But afterwards seeing him Prince, and knowing his tyrannous proceed, knew how much he had deceived his country: and therefore to make amends of that fault, determined, that the hand which had made the wound, should also cure it. Wherefore he became head of the first and greatest conspiracy: wherein were the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Scali, Altoviti, Malagotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. The chief of the second conspiracy, were Manno and Corso Donati, and with them the Pazzi, Cavicciulli, Cherchi, and Albici. The principal of the third conspiracy, was Antonio Adimari, and with him the Medici, Bordini, Ruccelai, & Aldobrandini: whose intent was to have slain the Duke in the house of Albezi, whither (as they thought) he intended to go upon Midsummer day, to behold the running of horses. But thither he went not, and therefore that enterprise became frustrate. Then they meant to assault him walking in the city; but that seemed hard to do, because he was well accompanied, and always armed, therewith also every day changed his walk, so as they knew not in what place certain to wait for him. It was likewise the opinion of some, that the best were to kill him in the Council: and yet that were hazardous; for though he were slain, the conspirators should be at the discretion of his forces. During that the conspirators communed of these matters, Anthonio Adimari, discovered the matter to some of his friends of Sienna, whose aid he hoped of, and told them the names of some conspirators, saying that the whole City was bend to recover liberty. Then one of them imparted his knowledge to Francisco Brunelleschi, not with intent the practice should be laid open, but supposing that he also had been of the same conspiracy. Francisco either for fear of himself, or for the hatred he bore towards some other, revealed all to the Duke: and presently Pagolo deal Mazecchia, and Simon da Mantezappoli were apprehended; Who detecting the quality and quantity of the conspirators, did thereby much amaze the Duke, and was therefore counseled rather to send for them, then arrest them: For if they fled, than he might without his own dishonour, by their banishment assure himself. The Duke therefore caused Antonio Adimari to be called, who trusting to his companions, presently appeared. Adimari being stayed, the Duke was advised by Francescho Brunelleschi, and Vguccione Buondelmonti, to search the City, and kill so many as could be taken. But that the Duke thought not good, supposing his forces not sufficient to encounter so many enemies, and therefore proceeded an other way, which having taken effect, should both have assured him of the enemies, and also gained him strength. The Duke was accustomed at occasions, to assemble the Citizens, and to take their counsel. Having therefore sent out to assemble the people, he made a bill of three hundredth Citizens names; and caused his sergeant under colour of counciling with them, to warn them to appear: and being appeared, he intended either to kill them, or imprison them. The apprehension of Antonio Adimari, and the sending for other Citizens (which could not be secretly done) did greatly dismay every man: but most of all, those that knew themselves guilty. Insomuch as men of greatest courage would not obey him. And because many had read the bill, wherein one saw an others name, the one encouraged the other to take arms, and chose rather to die like men, then as Calves to be led to the butchery. By this means within an hour, all the three conspiracies became known one unto the other: and determined the day following (which was the twenty sixth of july, in the year 1343.) to raise a tumult in the old Market place: there to arm themselves, and call the people to liberty. The next day, about high noon, according to appointment, every man took arms, and all the people hearing the name of liberty, armed themselves, and every man in his quarter prepared him under the Ensign of the people's arms, which the conspirators had secretly caused to be made. And the chief, as well of the Noble houses, as of the popular families, came forth and swore both their own defence, and the Duke's death, (excepting some of the Buondelmonti and Cavalcanti, with those four families of the people, which procured him to be made Prince. They, together with the Butchers, & people of basest condition, came armed to the Market place in defence of the Duke. At this uproar, the Duke armed all his Court, and his servants in sundry places lodged, mounted on horseback to come to the Market place. But in many streets they were beaten down and slain, and only three hundred horses came unto him. The Duke in the mean while stood doubtful, whether he were better to come out and fight with his enemies, or defend himself within the Palace. On the other side, the Medici, Cavicculi, Ruccellai, and other families most injured, did fear that if the Duke would come out, many that had taken arms against him, might happily become his friends. And therefore to remove the occasion of his coming forth, and increasing his forces, made head, and went up to the market place. At whose arrival, those popular families, that stood there for the Duke, seeing the Citizens courageously to charge them, changed their minds. After the Duke had thus altered his fortune, and every man revolted to the Citizens, saving Vguccione Buondelmonti, who went into the Palace: and Giannozzo Cavalcanti with part of his men, retired unto the new Market, and there stood up, desiring the people to arm themselves to defend the Duke. Also the rather to terrify the people, he threatened them, that if obstinately they followed the enterprise against the Prince, they should be all slain. But finding no man to follow him, nor yet any that pursued him, and seeing himself to have laboured in vain, tempting fortune no further, retired unto his own house. The conflict in the mean while (betwixt the people and the Duke's soldiers) was great, and though the Duke's forces defended the Palace, yet were they in the end vanquished: some of them yielded to their enemies, and some leaving their horses, followed into the Palace. While in the Market place the fight continued, Corso and Amerigo Donati, with part of the people broke the prisons, burned the Records of the Podesta, & of the public chamber: sacked the Rettori and their houses; and slew all the officers of the Duke, that they could lay hand upon. The Duke on the other side, seeing the Market place lost, and all the city against him, not hoping of any help, made proof, whether by any courteous act the people might be appeased. Therefore he called unto him the prisoners, & with gentle words delivered them, & made Antonio Adimari (though nothing to his own contentment) a Knight. He caused also his own arms to be razed out of the Palace, & set the people's arms in the same place. Which things being done too late and out of time, by enforcement, and without order, helped little. Thus as a man discontented & besieged, he remained in the Palace; and found by experience, that by coveting too much, he lost all: and therefore looked within few days, either to die by famine or sword. The Citizens intending some form of government, assembled themselves in Santa Reparata: and created there fourteen Citizens, half of them great, and the other half popular, who with the Bishop, should have full authority to reform the state of Florence. They choosed also six to have the authority of the Podesta, till he were come. There were in Florence at that time, diverse strangers come thither to aid the people: amongst whom, were some Sanesis sent from Sienna, with six Ambassadors, men in their country much honoured. They betwixt the people and the Duke practised reconciliation, but the people refused to common of any agreement, until Guglielmo da Scesi, and his son, with Cirretieri Bisdomini were delivered into their hands. The Duke would not thereunto consent, till being threatened by those that were shut in with him, suffered himself to be enforced. Certainly the fury is greater, and the harms more, when liberty is in recovering, then when the same is recovered. This Guglielmo and his son, being brought among thousands of enemies, (the young man not being eighteen years of age) could neither by his youth nor innocency be saved from the fury of the multitude. And those that could not strike him alive, would needs wound him being dead. Yea not being satisfied by cutting him in pieces with swords, with their nails and teeth, they also tore his flesh. And to the end all their senses might have part in the revenge, having already heard him lament, seen his wounds, and touched their torn flesh, would also that their taste should take part, so that all senses both without & within might be pleased. This terrible fury though it were grievous to Guglielmo and his son, yet was it profitable to Cirretieri. Because the multitude, being weary with the cruelty executed upon those two, did clearly forget him, remaining still within the Palace not called for. Then, the night following, by certain of his friends, he was conveyed away and saved. The multitude being appeased with blood of these two: The Duke of Athene banished by the Florentines. A conclusion was made, wherein was let down, that the Duke and his, should safely departed with bag and baggage, and renounce all his authority over Florence. And afterwards, so soon as he should come to Casentino upon the confines, ratify the same. After this composition, the sixth day of August he departed from Florence, accompanied with many Citizens. And arrived in Casentino, he ratified (though unwillingly) the resignation of his authority: for had he not been by the Earl Simone threatened to be brought back to Florence, he would not have performed his promise. This Duke (as his proceed do show) was covetous and cruel, Description of the Duke and his disposition. no willing hearer of complaints, and in his answers, haughty; he looked for service of all men, and esteemed the love of no man: yet desired he to be beloved, more than feared. His person and presence did deserve to be hated, no less than his conditions; his body was small, his face black and hard favoured, his beard long and thin; so as both in appearance and being, he merited the love of no man. Thus within the term of ten months, his evil behaviour lost him that government, which foolish Council of others had given him. These accidents being happened within the city, gave encouragement to all the towns which had been subject to the Florentines, to return also to their liberty: whereby Arezzo, Castiglione, Pistoia Volterra, Colle, and S. Gimignano, rebelled. After the Duke was thus driven away, the fourteen Citizens, together with the Bishop, thought better to please their subjects with peace, then make them enemies by war. And therefore seemed as much content with the liberty of them, as with their own. Then sent they Ambassadors to Arezzo, to renounce all their government and interest in that city, & make a league with the Citizens there. To this end, that sith they could not have their aid as subjects, yet they might have it as friends: with other towns they likewise practised to continue them in friendship. This counsel wisely taken, had happy success: because Arezzo after a few years returned under the government of Florence, & the other towns within a few months came to their ancient obedience. Whereof may be conceived, that many times things fled or not desired, are with less peril and smaller charge obtained, then if the same had been by extreme travel & great force followed. All things thus settled abroad, they turned their study to deal with matters within: and after some disputations between the great and popular Citizens, they agreed that the great men should have a third part in the Senate, & in the their offices the half. The city (as hath been beforesaid) was divided into six parts, so that one of the Senators was appointed to every sixth part, unless upon some accident twelve or thirteen were created: but shortly after they were reduced again to the number of six. It was therefore thought good to reform the government in this point, as well for the evil distribution of the parts, as because they intended to deliver charge of the gates to the great Citizens; it was necessary to increase the number of the Senators. Therefore the city was again divided, into quarters: allotting to every quarter three Senators, leaving out the Gonfaloniere Della justitia, Florence again reform. and the Gonfalonieri of companies. And in am of the twelve Buoni Homini they created eight councillors, of either sort four. This government with this order settled, would have continued quiet, if the great citizens had been content to live with that modesty, that to a civil life appertained: but they followed a course clean contrary. For when they were private, they would no companions; and being in authority ruled as Lords. So as every day some proof of their insolency and pride was seen, which thing greatly displeased the people, supposing that in place of one tyrant sent away, there was grown up a thousand. The insolency of the one part, The people of Florence offended with the nobility. and the offence of the other, grew to that greatness, that the heads of the people did expostulate unto the Bishop the dishonesty of the great men, who were not by any means content to live like companions and neighbours. And therefore persuaded him to find means that the great Citizens might be contented with the mean offices: and that the Magistracy of the Senate should be only left to them. The Bishop was naturally good, but easily persuaded to alter opinion: which was the cause, that by persuasion of his companions, he first favoured the Duke of Athene, and shortly after by the counsel of other Citizens conspired against him. So now he seemed in reformation of the state, first to favour the great men, and after to allow better of the people, moved by those reasons, which the popular Citizens had told him. He therefore supposing to find as small constancy in others, as in himself, persuaded betwixt them a composition. Then he assembled the fourteen, who yet continued in their authority, & persuaded them to yield the office of Senate to the people, alleging that would be the quiet of the city, and the denial, the ruin thereof. These words did greatly change the minds of the great men, and Ridolpho de Bardi, with bitter words reproved the Bishop, calling him a man not to be trusted: laying before him the friendship which he entered with the Duke unadvisedly, and how he banished him afterwards, traitorously. And in conclusion he said, that those honours which they with their peril had gotten, with their peril should be defended. Thus being divided from the Bishop, he & his company took leave, and went unto others of their consort, imparting the matter to all the Noble houses in the City. The people likewise broke their minds to such as were men of their condition. While the great men prepared themselves to the defence of their Senators, the people thought good to be also ready, and suddenly ran unto the Palace armed: crying aloud, and requiring that the great Citizens should renounce the Magistracy. The rumour and tumult was great, and the Senators found themselves abandoned: because all the people being armed, the great Citizens durst not take arms, but every one remained in his own house. By mean whereof, the new Senators appointed by the people, The authority of the nobility, taken from them. first appeased the tumult, and then gave knowledge thereof: saying that their companions were modest and good men, and that they were feign, for avoiding a worse inconvenience to take this course, & so sent home the other Senators safe to their houses. The great Citizens thus removed from the Palace, the office was also taken away from the four great counsellors. In whose place, they appointed twelve of the people, with the eight Senators that remained. They created one Gonfaloniere de justitia, & sixteen Gonfalonieri of the people. They also reform the Counsels, so as, all the government remained at the discretion of the people. At such time as these things happened, there was great dearth in the city: by means whereof, both great Citizens and the basest sort of people became discontented. These, for hunger, and those for having lost their authority: which occasion made Andrea Strozzi to imagine, that it were possible for him to usurp the liberty of the city. Andrea Strozzi. He persuaded with that imagination, sold his corn much better cheap than others: by means whereof, many people resorted unto his house. And one morning he mounted on horseback, being followed by some of them, took courage to call the people to arms: which done, within less than one hour four thousand people were assembled; with whom he went to the Senate, desiring the Palace might be opened for him. But the Senators with threatenings and force, sent him from thence, and after with proclamations so terrified him, that by little and little every man returned to his house. So as Andrea being left alone, could scantly fly and save himself from the Magistrates. This attempt, although it were unadvised, and had such success, as commonly all others like thereunto have, yet did the same give hope unto the Nobility, that they might easily oppress the people, seeing the poorest sort misliked them. The nobility assay to recover their honours. For not losing this opportunity, they determined to arm themselves with all sorts of aid, and recover that reasonably, which unjustly and by force, had been taken from them. The assured hope they had conceived of success in this enterprise, grew so great, that openly they provided arms, fortified their houses, and sent to their friends in Lombardy. The people on the other side, together with the Senate, made their provision, and arming them, sent to the Sanesis and Perugini for aid. The assistance of the one, and the other being come, The People armed against the nobility. all the City was in Arms, and the Nobility made head on this side Arno in three places. At the houses of Cavicciulli near to S. Giovanni: at the houses of the Pazzi and Donati, in S. Piero Maggiore: and at the houses of the Cavalcanti in the new Market. The others beyond Arno, fortified the bridges and streets next to their houses. The Nerli at the bridge Caraia; The Frescobaldi and Mannelli, at S. Trinita. The Rossi and Bardi, at the old bridge; and the bridge Rubaconte defended themselves. The people on the other part, under the Gonfaloniere della justitia, & the Ensigns of companies assembled themselves. Being thus prepared, the people thought good no longer to delay the fight. The first that gave the charge were the Medici and the Rondinegli, who assaulted the Cavicciulli, in that way which leadeth from the Court before S. Giovanni to their houses. There the conflict was great, by reason that from the Tower's stones were cast down to the harm of many, & below others with Crossbows were sore hurt. This fight continued three hours, and still the people increased. Then the Cavicciulli seeing themselves by the multitude overmatched, and wanting aid, yielded to the people: who saved their houses and their goods, and took from them only their weapons, commanding them to divide themselves, and remain in the houses of such Commoners as were their kinsfolks and friends. This first troop vanquished the Donati & the Pazzi, who being of less force were easily subdued. Then remained only on this side Arno, the Cavalcanti, who by men and the seat of the place were strong. Nevertheless seeing all the Gonfalonieri against them, and knowing the others to have been by three Gonfaloni vanquished without any great resistance yielded. Thus were three parts of the City in the hands of the people, one part more remained to the Nobility: which was hard to be won, by reason of the strength of them which defended it, and the seat of the place, it being so fortified with the river of Arno, that the bridges must first of force be surprised, which were defended in that sort as is beforesaid. The people then knowing that there they laboured in vain, assayed to pass the bridge Rubaconte: where finding the like difficulty, they left for guard of those two bridges, four Gonfaloni; and with the rest assaulted the bridge Caraia. Where albeit the Nerli manfully defended themselves, yet could they not withstand the fury of the people. Both because the bridge wanting towers of defence, was weak, & the Capponi with other popular families also assailed them. In so much as being on every side distressed, they retired and gave place to the people; who forthwith likewise vanquished the Rosci: by reason that all the people on the far side of Arno joined with the victorious. Then the Bardi were only left, whom neither the overthrow of others, nor the uniting of the people against them, (nor the small hope they had of rescue) could any whit amaze: for they did choose rather to die fight, see their houses burnt, and their goods spoiled, then voluntarily submit themselves to the mercy of their enemies. They therefore defended themselves with so great resolution, that the people many times in vain assaulted them, both upon the old bridge, and upon Rubaconte: and were with death of many, and the hurting of more, repulsed. There was in times past a lane, whereby men passed from the way that leadeth towards Rome, by the house of the Pitti, to go unto S. Giorgio. By this way the people sent six Gonfalonieri, with commandment to assault the back side of the house of Bardi. That assault made the Bardi to lose their hope, and occasioned the people to assure themselves of victory: for so soon as those who defended the streets knew their houses were assaulted, they abandoned the fight, and ran to save them. This was the cause that the chain of the old bridge was lost, and that the Bardi on every side fled: who were by the Quaratesis Panzanesi, and Mozzi encountered. The people in the mean while (chief those of basest quality) being greedy of spoil, sacked their houses, razed their Towers and burned them, with so great fury, that even he that is most foe to the Florentine name, would have been ashamed to behold so great a cruelty. The Nobility oppressed. The Nobility thus oppressed, the people ordained a government. And because the Citizens were divided into three sorts, that is to say, great men, mean men, and base men. It was ordered that of the great men there should be two Senators, of the mean men three, and of the basest men three. Also the Gonfalonieri should sometime be of the one, and sometime of the other sort. Moreover the ordinances of justice, against the Nobility were confirmed. And to make the Nobility weaker, they took some of that number, and mixed them with the popular multitude. This ruin of the Nobility was great, and so much weakened their faction, as after that time they durst never take arms against the people: but continually remained poor and abject of mind; which was the occasion that Florence became spoiled, not only of arms, but also of all generosity. After this ruin, the city continued quiet, till the year 1353. In which time, happened that memorable plague (whereof Giovan Boccacio with great eloquence) hath written. Of which died in Florence, 96. thousand persons. The Florentines made then the first war with the Visconti, occasioned by the ambition of the Archbishop, than Prince of Milan. That war being ended, began suddenly new factions within the City. And albeit the Nobility was destroyed, yet fortune found means to raise up new divisions, and new troubles. The end of the second Book. royal blazon or coat of arms THE THIRD BOOK. THE grievous and natural enmities betwixt the people, and Nobility, through desire of the one to command, and the other, not to obey: are causes of all evils, which happen in every city. For of the diversity of these humours, all other things which disturb Common weals do take their nutriment. This was that which held Rome disunited. And this (if we may compare small matters to great) was that which continued Florence divided. Notwithstanding, in those two cities, the divisions, did bring forth two sundry effects. For the enmity of the people and Nobility in Rome, was at the beginning ended by disputation: but the division of the people and Nobility of Florence, was with sword and slaughter determined. That of Rome by law; but that of Florence by exile, and death of many Citizens was ended. That of Rome did always increase the virtue military, but that of Florence, utterly extinguished the same. That of Rome, from an equality of the Citizens, to a great disequality, reduced the city: but that of Florence, from disequality, to a marvelous equality was changed. Which diversity of effects, must of force be occasioned, by the diverse ends, which these two people had. For the people of Rome, desired not more, then to participate the sovereign honours with the Nobility, but they of Florence would be alone, and govern all without company of the Nobility. And for as much as the desire of the Roman people was more reasonable, the offences done to the Nobility became the more tolerable. By mean whereof, that Nobility, without resistance gave place: and after some disputation, a law was made to the people's satisfaction, they being content that the Nobility should continue their dignities. On the other side, the desire of the Florentine people was injurious and unjust; by reason whereof, the Nobility prepared themselves for defence, and without banishment and blood of the Citizens, their contentions were not ended. Also those laws which were afterwards made, not for the common commodity, but altogether in favour of the people, were ordained. Thereof proceeded likewise, that by victories of the people, the city of Rome became more virtuous. Also the people having sometime authority in the wars, and commandment in government with the Nobility, were endowed with like virtue, and caused that city by increase of virtue in men, to increase also in power. But in Florence, the people having victory, the Nobility were deprived of Magistracy, and being desirous to recover it, it behoved them by their behaviour and manner of life, to endeavour themselves, not only to seem, but also to be men popular. Hereof, came the alteration of Ensigns, and the change of titles, which the Nobility (to seem common people) were constrained to make. So as that virtue in arms and generosity of mind, which had been in the Nobility, was extinguished; and could not be revived in the people, where it was not: which is the cause that Florence ever after became the more abject. And as Rome knowing the virtue of itself grew to such pride, as without a Prince could not be maintained: so Florence was reduced to such terms, as every wise law maker might have brought the same to any order or form of government: as by reading of the former book may partly be perceived. Now having already showed the beginning of Florence, & the original of the liberty therein, with the occasions of division: and how the factions of the nobility and of the people, with the tyranny of the Duke of Athene, did end: & lastly how the Nobility were destroyed. It remaineth to discourse the enmity betwixt the people and the multitude, The enmity between the people and the multitude. with such accidents as of those divisions proceeded. So soon as the authority of the Nobility was oppressed, and the war with the Archduke of Milan finished; it seemed that no occasion of displeasure or offence, remained in Florence. But the froward fortune of our City, and the evil orders thereof, caused new dissension to arise, betwixt the families of Albizi and Ricci: which divided Florence, as by the Buondelmonti and the Uberti, and as by the Donati and Circhi it had before been divided. The Popes, who at that time remained in France, and the Emperors in Germany, to maintain their reputation in Italy, sent thither at sundry times, sundry multitudes of soldiers, English men, Germans, and Britons. They, (the wars ended) being without pay and entertainment, sometime under the Ensign of one Prince, and sometimes under an other, spoiled the Country. In the year 1353. one of those companies came into Toscana, under the conduct of Monsigneur Real, whose coming amazed all the Cities of that Province. And the Florentines did not only in that respect publicly levy forces, but also diverse private Citizens. The faction or division of Albizi and Ricci. Amongst whom, the Albizi and Ricci, for their own defence, Armed themselves. These two houses hating one the other, studied how they might one oppress the other: yet were they not come to Arms, but only contended in the government, and in Council. The City then upon this occasion armed, there happened by chance a quarrel in the old Market: whither many people (as is at like occasions the custom) resorted. During the brunt of this brute, news were brought to the Ricci, that the Albizi assailed them. And in like manner it was told to the Albizi, that the Ricci sought for them. Upon these rumours, all the city arose, and the Magistrates could with difficulty hold back the one and the other of these families, from doing of that violence, which without any fault or intent of theirs, was occasioned. This chance (though of no importance) somewhat kindled the minds of those gentlemen, & every of them were the rather desirous to allure partakers. And forasmuch as by the ruin of the nobility, the Citizens were reduced to such an equality, that the magistrates had more reverence than they were wont, either of them determined by ordinary mean, and without private violence to oppress his adversary. We have already told, how after the victory of Carlo the first, the Guelfi were created Magistrates, and to them great authority given over the Ghibilini. Notwithstanding through tract of time and new divisions, that law became so much neglected, that many descended of Ghibilini, A new law against the Ghibilini occasioned by a privy respect. aspired to the most principal offices. Vguccione de Ricci then chief of his family, found mean, that the law against the Ghibilini was revived: of which faction (as some thought) the Albizi were, who many years past did come from Arezzo to inhabit Florence. Upon reviving of this law, Vguccione hoped to deprive the Albizi of authority, because thereby it was ordained, that whosoever was descended of the Ghibilini, should not in any wise bear office in the state. This practice of Vguccione was discovered to Piero son of Philippo degli Albizi, who determined to favour it, least doing the contrary, he should declare himself a Ghibilino. This law although renewed by ambition of the Ricci, yet did it not diminish, but increase the reputation of the Albizi, and was the original of many mischiefs. Neither can any law be made more prejudicial to a Common weal, then that which hath relation to time, long since passed. Piero having thus consented to the law, that, which his enemies had devised for a let, was the high way to lead him to his greatness. For being made as chief of this new ordinance, he still increased in reputation, and became more favoured of the Guelfi, than any other. And for as much as there was no Magistrate appointed for discovery of the Ghibilini, the law already made, served to small purpose. It was therefore provided that authority should be given to the Captains, to detect those that were of faction Ghibilini, and finding them, to give admonishment that they should not take upon them any office in the state: Or if they should disobey the said admonishment, then to be condemned. Hereof it cometh, that since that time, all those that be disabled to bear office in Florence, Ammoniti. be called Ammoniti. The captains them by this authority grew to be so insolent, as they did not only admonish those that deserved admonition, but also every man, whomsoever it pleased them, being thereto moved by any cause whatsoever, either of covetousness or ambition. So that, from the year 1357. (at which time this ordinance was made) till the year 1366. more than two hundredth Citizens were admonished. By this mean, the Captains, & faction of Guelfi were become mighty, because every man fearing to be admonished, honoured them. The chief of them were, Piero delli Albizi, Lapo da Castiglionichio, and Piero Strozzi. And albeit this insolent order of proceeding displeased many, yet the Ricci were of all other most discontented. For they supposing themselves to be the occasion of this disorder, saw the common weal ruined, & the Albizi their enemies, contrary to expectation, become of most authority. Wherefore Vguccione de Ricci, being one of the Senate, desired to stay this mischief, whereof he & his friends were the beginners: and by a new law he provided, that the six captains should be increased to the number of nine, of whom, two should be of the small mysteries. And ordained moreover, that the detection of the Ghibilini, should be by 24. Citizens of the sect of Guelfi confirmed. This ordinance for the time, qualified the authority of the Captains, so as the admonishment grew cold. And if any happened to be admonished, they were not many. Notwithstanding, the factions of Albizi and Ricci, continued: and the leagues, practices, and resolutions, devised in hatred one of the other, did proceed. In this unquietness, the city lived from the year 1366. till 1371. In which time the Guelfi recovered their forces. There was in the family of Buondelmonti, one Gentleman called Benchi, who for his merit, in the war against the Pisani, was made one of the people, and thereby become capable of the office of the Senate. And when he looked to be chosen to that honour, a law was made, that no Gentleman become one of the people, might exercise the office of the Senate. This greatly offended Benchi, wherefore consulting with Piero delli Albizi, determined with the admonition to oppress the meaner sort of the people, and the rest alone to enjoy the government. Then through the favour which Benchi had with the old Nobility, and through the affection of many of most mighty people borne to Piero, the faction of Guelfi recovered some force: and with new reformation, they handled the matter so, that they might both of the Captains and the twenty four Citizens, dispose as themselves thought good. Whereupon they returned to admonish more boldly than they were wont and the house of Albizi, as head of this sect, still increased. On the other side, the Ricci failed not by their own force and friends to hinder their enterprises all they were able, so that all men lived in suspicion, and every one mistrusted his own ruin. For which cause, many Citizens moved with the love of their Country, assembled themselves in Saint Pietro Sceraggio, and reasoning of these disorders, went to the Senators: unto whom one of most authority spoke thus. The Oration of the citizens touching factions. We have (my Lords) doubted (although for a public occasion) to assemble ourselves by private consent, fearing to be noted for presumptuous, or condemned as ambitious. Yet considering that every day (without respect) many Citizens confer both in the streets and in their houses, not for any common commodity, but their own ambition: we do hope, that as they have come togethers for the ruin of the Common weal, so it shall not be offensive, that we consult by what mean the same might be preserved: Neither is there cause why we should regard them, seeing they of us, make none estimation at all. The love (my Lords) which we bear to our Country, did first bring us together, and the same also hath led us hither to entreat of these inconveniences, which are now great, and daily increase in this our Common weal. In the redress whereof, we offer ourselves to assist you. And (albeit the enterprise do seem hard) yet may it be performed, if it shall like your Lordships to lay by all private respects, and with public forces employ your authorities. The common corruption of other Cities of Italy, doth also corrupt ours. For sith this Province was drawn under the Empire, all Cities (wanting Governors able to rule them) have governed themselves: not as free, but as towns into sects and faction, divided. Out of this, be sprung up all other discords that are to be found. First, among the Citizens, there is neither union, nor friendship, but only among such, as have against their country or private persons, conspired some lewd enterprise. Also, because religion & fear of God is in every man almost extinguished, oaths and faith given, are none obligations equal to profit, which all men covet. Yet do they still use both promising & oaths, not to observe them, but the rather to deceive those, that trust them. And the more easily & safely they can deceive, the more they account their praise & glory. For this reason, hurtful men be commended as industrious, & good men blamed as foolish. Yea, I assure myself, that all corruption, or that can corrupt others, is to be found in the cities of Italy. The young men are idle, old men wanton, every sects, and every age full of lewd conditions: which good laws, being evil used, do not amend. Hereof the covetousness which we see in Citizens, and the desire, not of true glory, but of shameful honours, do proceed: whereupon depend hatred, enmity, displeasures, & sects. Also of them do follow murders, banishments, persecution of the good, & advancement of the evil. For good men trusting in their own innocency do not (as evil men) seek extraordinary defence. Whereby unsupported and dishonoured, they are suffered to sink. This example occasioneth love of the factions, and their forces: because the worst sort for covetousness and ambition, and the best for necessity, do follow them. It is also worthy consideration (as that which is more perilous) to see how the leaders of these enterprises do colour their lewdness with some honest or godly term. For (albeit they are all enemies to liberty) yet under the word Ottimacy, or popularity, they cloak their evil intent. Because the reward which they aspect of victory, is not glory, by having delivered the City, but the satisfaction they take to be victorious, and usurp the government thereof. Wherewith alured, there is nothing so injust, nothing so cruel, or covetous, that they leave unattempted. Hereof it proceedeth, that laws, and statutes, not for the common, but the private profit, be made. Hereof it proceedeth, that war, peace, and leagues, not for public glory, but for the pleasure of a few, are contracted. And albeit some other Cities be touched with these disorders, yet none so foully infected as ours. Because the laws, the statutes, and civil ordinances, not according to a life in liberty, but according to desire of the faction victorious, have been, and yet are, ordained; which is the cause that ever one faction driven out, or one division extinguished, suddenly ariseth an other. For that city which is maintained more by faction, than law, so soon as any faction hath gotten the over hand, & is without opposition: it must of force be, that the same becometh in itself divided. For by those private means which were made for preservation thereof, it cannot be defended: which to be true, the ancient, and modern divisions of our city do make trial. Every man thought that the Ghibilini extirped, the Guelfi should ever have continued in honour. Notwithstanding within short time, the Bianchi and Neri arose. The Bianchi vanquished, our city continued not long without parts, but was sometimes troubled with favouring those that were banished, and sometimes with the enmity betwixt the people, & nobility. Yea, at length (giving that to others, which by accord either we would not or could not possess ourselves) sometimes to the King Roberto, sometimes to his brother, & last of all to the Duke of Athene, we yielded our liberty. And in troth we never settled ourselves in any estate, as men, that could not consent to live free, nor be willing to obey: neither feared we living under a King (so greatly are our orders disposed to division) to prefer before his majesty, a man of most base condition, born in Agobio. The Duke of Athene may not without shame of this city be remembered: whose bitter and cruel mind might make us wise, and instruct us how to live. But he being sent away, we suddenly took arms in hand, and with more malice and fury, fought among ourselves, till all our ancient nobility were oppressed and left at the people's discretion. Then was it thought by many, that never for any occasion it were possible to stir up new troubles or factions in Florence, they being cast down, whose pride & unsupportable ambition was the cause thereof. Yet is it now seen by experience, how easily the opinion of men is deceived. For the ambition and pride of the nobility was not quenched, but removed into the people: who now (according to the custom of ambitious men) hope to aspire to the most sovereign offices. And not wanting other mean to usurp the same, they moved new discords, & new divisions in the city, raising up the name of Guelfi & Ghibilini, which, (had they never been known) should have made our country the more happy. Besides that, (to the end in this world should be nothing in continuance or quietness) Fortune hath provided, that in every state, there should be certain fatal families, borne, and destined, to the destruction thereof. Of these, our Common weal hath been more than any other, replenished. For not one, but many of them have disturbed the quiet thereof. As, first of all the Buondelmonti and Uberti; then the Donati and Circhi. And even now (a shameful and ridiculous matter) the Ricci and Albizi do trouble and divide our City. We have not remembered you of those corrupt customs, and our continual division, to dismay you, but call to your minds the occasions of them, and inform you, that the example of those, should not make you to despair the reformation of these. Because the power of these ancient houses was so great, and the favour that Princes did bear towards them so much, that the laws and civil ordinances were not of force sufficient to hold them in quiet and due obedience. But now the Empire having no force, the Pope not feared, and that all Italy, & this City also, is reduced to so great equality, as may by itself be governed, the difficulty cannot be much. And this our common weal (notwithstanding the ancient examples to the contrary) may not only be brought to union, but also in good customs & civil orders be reform, if your lordships be disposed to do it. Whereunto, we moved with the love of our country, & no private passion, do persuade you. And albeit the corruption thereof be great, yet allay that disease which infecteth, that fury which consumeth, that poison that killeth: and impute the ancient disorders not to the nature of men, but the time: which being changed, it may hope, that by mean of new orders, new fortune will follow, whose frowardness may be by wisdom governed, in putting a bridle upon the ambitious, disannulling such ordinances, as were nourishers of factions, and using those that to a civil life and liberty, are agreeable. Be ye also pleased to do this by virtue of law, rather now, then defer the same, till such time, as by arms you shall be enforced thereunto. The Senators moved with these reasons, which themselves had before considered, and thereunto adding the authority, and comfort of the men, gave commission to fifty six Citizens, to provide for the safety of the Common weal. True it is, that the counsel of many is more fit to conserve a good order, then to invent it. These Citizens then studied rather to extirpate the present factions, then take away the occasion of future division. In so much, as neither the one or the other, was brought to pass: because not removing the occasions of new division, and the one part of those sects which were present, being of greater force than the other, New reformation in Florence. became the more perilous to the state. Wherefore, out of every office (excepting those that were in the hands of the Guelfi) for three years they deprived three men of the families of Albizi, and three of the house of Ricci: amongst whom, were Piero delli Albizi, & Vguccione dei Ricci. They prohibited all Citizens to come into the Palace, saving at such times as the Magistrates sat there. They provided, that who ever was stricken, or letted to possess his own, might call his adversary to the Counsels, & protest him for one of the Nobility. These ordinances discouraged the Ricci, and encouraged the Albizi. For although they were equally noted, yet the Ricci were the more injured. And albeit the Palace of the Senate was forbidden to Piero, yet the counsel house of the Guelfi (where he had great authority) was open for him. Therefore if he and his followers were at the first earnest in admonishing, now after this injury, they became much more earnest: and to that evil disposition, Pope Gregorio. new occasions were joined. At this time Gregorio 11. was aspired to the Papacy, who living at avignon, did (as his predecessors) govern Italy by Legates. They being men inclined to pride and covetousness, had thereby greatly afflicted many Cities. One of these Legates being in Bologna, taking occasion of the dearth which happened that year in Florence, determined to make himself Lord of Toscana. And therefore he not only withheld from the Florentines, present relief, (but also to remove all hope of future provision) at the beginning of the next spring, with a great Army, entered their Country: imagining the people (disarmed and famished) might be easily conquered. And happily the enterprise had taken effect, if the soldiers that served him, had been faithful and not corruptible. For the Florentines not having other remedy, gave unto them 130. thousand Florins, and for that money the soldiers abandoned the enterprise. To begin a war, is in the power of every man, but to end a war, no man can, when himself so liketh. This war by the ambition of the Legate begun, was by the offence of the Florentines followed. For the better execution thereof, A new Commission for the government of war. they made league with Barnabo, and with all the cities enemies to the church; and elected eight Citizens to govern the said war: unto whom authority was given, to proceed without appeal, and spend without account. This war begun against the Pope (notwithstanding the death of Vgucciono) encouraged those that followed the faction of Ricci, and had against the Albizi always favoured Barnabo, and disfavoured the church: and the more, for that the eight were all foes to the faction of Guelfi: which was the reason that Piero delli Albizi, Lapo di Castiglionichio, Carlo Strozzi, and the rest, diverse times joined, to the offence of the adversary. And while the eight made war, and they admonished, the war continued three years, and by death of the Pope was ended. This war was with so universal satisfaction, and so great virtue governed, that the office of the eight, was from year to year continued in those men, and they were called Santi, notwithstanding they little regarded the Pope's curses, spoiled churches, and forced the Clergy. Thus without respect, they preferred the service of their country before the Pope's indignation. And thereby taught the church, that as being friend thereunto, they had defended it, so being enemy, they were able to annoy it, having procured all Romagna, La Marca, and Perugia, to rebel. But notwithstanding all these wars made by the Florentines against the Pope, yet could they not defend themselves from the Captains of their own factions and their followers. For, the envy which the Guelfi bore unto the eight, made them to become insolent, and though they spared the rest of the Nobility, yet rested they not to injure the eight. Also the Captains of factions, were grown up to so great arrogancy, as they were more favoured than the Senators, and men with more reverence resorted to their houses, then to the Palace. In so much as every Ambassador that came to Florence, brought with him some commission or instruction to entreat with these Captains. Then died Pope Gregorio, whereby the city being delivered of foreign war, presently begun great confusion at home. For on the one side, the insolency of the Guelfi was insupportable, New tumults in Florence. and on the other side, no mean could be devised to oppress them. Only this hope was left, that every man should take arms, and so make trial whether party should prevail. On the part of the Guelfi, were all the old Nobility, with the greater number of the mightiest people: of whom (as hath been declared) Lapo, Piero, and Carlo were the chief. On the other side, were all the people of least reputation, who had for Leaders, the eight Governors of war, Georgio Scali, Tomazo Strozzi, and with them the Ricci, Alberti, and Medici. The rest of the multitude (as in like cases it ever happeneth) joined to the party discontented. It seemed then to the Guelfi, that the forces of their adversaries were great, and therefore themselves in much danger, whensoever any unfriendly Senate should happen to be chosen. Therefore thought good for the preventing of that mischief, to assemble themselves in some place convenient, where they might consult of the state of that City. For it seemed that the Citizens admonished, being in number grown great, the most part of the City were their foes. Whereto they could not devise other remedy, but as they had taken from them the honours, so also to banish them the City, take the Palace by force, and reduce all the state, to the order whereunto it was by the ancient Guelfi reduced: who lived not secure for any other reason, but only because they had driven out all their adversaries. To this plot every man consented, but of the time of execution, they dissented. The year 1378. being come, in the month of April, Lapo thought good not to defer the time saying, there was nothing that hindered time so much, as time: and then specially because in the next Senate, Saluestro de Medici was likely to be chosen Gonfaloniere, whom to their faction they knew most contrary. Piero delli Albizi thought otherwise, for his opinion was it should be deferred, because the execution of their intent required forces, which without publishing of the matter could not belevied, & if the matter were discovered, they should thereby incur manifest danger. His opinion therefore was, it should be delayed till the feast of S. john (then at hand:) at which time, many people would resort to the town, among whom they might convey in unknown, as many friends as they thought good. Moreover, to find means how to prevent the election of Saluestro, it was thought fit to admonish him: and if that devise seemed not good, then to put into the election an other also of the same quarter. So as, it might fall out, that instead of him, some other of his companions should be chosen. This cause was set down as a resolution, (notwithstanding that Lapo unwillingly thereunto, consented) judging, delay was dangerous, and that no time can be in every respect fit for execution. For whosoever tarrieth all opportunities, either he shall never perform anything, The Conspiracy revealed. or if he doth, the same (for the most part) falleth out to his disadvantage. The College was warned, and Saluestro not repulsed, but chosen Gonfaloniere: for the eight having discovered the practice, found means to prevent that which was looked for. Thus Saluestro son of Alemanno di Medici, who being of a very noble popular house, could not endure that the people should be by a few great men oppressed. And having devised how to end their insolency, seeing the people favoured that enterprise, he did communicate his intent to Benedetto Alberti, Tomazo Strezzi, and Georgio Scali: and they promised to bring him all the aid they possibly could. Then was there a law secretly established, whereby the ordinances of justice against the great men were renewed: & the authority of Captains was diminished. The same also, restored power to the admonished, to have restitution of their dignities. And because (as it were at one instant) they intended both to propound and obtain, having first to pass the College, & after to determine in the Counsels, finding Saluestro Precedent (which place in those days, for the time being, made him be placed as Prince of the City) they caused the College & Council in one self morning to be assembled. And first to the College only, they propounded the law made, which as a new thing was by that small number rejected. Whereby Saluestro, seeing his wings clipped, wherewith he hoped to ascend to his desire, feigned for his necessity to departed the place; and contrary to expectation, went to the Council: and standing up where he might be both seen and heard of every man, said. He thought himself made Gonfaloniere, The speech of Saluestro di Medici. not to determine of private causes, (which have their ordinary judges) but to attend the state, correct the insolency of the great men, and qualify the rigour of those laws, which were found by proof to hinder the Common weal. And albeit he had with diligence traveled in these matters, and to his power prevented all inconveniences, yet the sinister disposition of men, so greatly opposed itself to his just endeavour, that the way of well doing was stopped: and their intent was altered, not only from determining well, but also from hearing thereof. Wherefore, seeing that he could not do aniething more for the state, or the common commodity, he knew not to what end he should continue longer in that office, which either he deserved not, or (as it was thought of others) he would not hereafter deserve. For these respects he intended to retire home, to the end the people might put in his room, some other of more virtue, or greater fortune. This speech ended, he departed from the Council towards his house, such as were in the Council his friends, with some others also desirous of Innovation, began to murmur. Then the Senators and Colleges drew near, and finding their Gonfalone departing, by entreaty, and authority stayed him, and into the Council, (being full of tumult) persuaded him to return, where many noble Citizens were with words most injurious, threatened. Among whom, Carlo Strozzi, was by an Artificer taken by the bosom, and had been slain, if the standers by had not saved him. But that which stirred the greatest tumult, and put the city in arms, was the motion of Benedetto Alberti, who from the window of the Palace, cried aloud to the people to take arms. Whereupon suddenly all the Court was full of armed men. By that mean, the Colleges were forced by threatenings and fear, to do that which being desired they would not. In the mean time, the Captains of the factions had assembled many Citizens, and consulted how to defend them against the order of the Senators. But so soon as they heard the rumour appeased, and understood what was by the Council resolved, every man fled to his own house. For there is no man that moveth any alteration in a City, that knoweth how either to work it at his own will, or suppress it, at his pleasure. It was the intent of Saluestro to create a law, & appease the City: but the matter fell out contrary. For the humours moved, had changed every man so much, that the shops were shut up, Citizens were assailed at their houses, many conveyed their goods to Monasteries, and hide them in Churches, as though every one looked for some misery at hand. The companies of mysteries assembled, and every mystery elected a Sindaco. Then the Priori called their Colleges, and the Sindachis consulted with them, how the City might be made quiet, but their opinions being diverse, nothing was determined. The next day following, the mysteries drew forth their Ensigns, which the Senators knowing, & doubting that which happened; called the Counsels to put order: but ere they were all assembled, a tumult was begun, and presently the Ensigns were come out, followed by armed men to the Palace. Thereupon the Council to give hope of contentation to the mysteries and the people, and take from them the occasion of suspicion, gave general authority to the Senate, the Colleges, the Eight, the Captains of parts, and the Sindachis, to reform the City, for common commodity thereof. While these matters were in hand, certain of the Ensigns of mysteries, with others of less quality (thereby moved by some that desired revenge of the last injuries received of the Guelfi) shrunk away from the rest, and went unto the house of Lapo di Castiglionichio, sacking and burning the same. He hearing that the Senate had done an enterprise contrary to order taken by the Guelfi, and seeing the people in arms, having no other remedy, but either hide himself or fly; first hid him in Santa Croce, & after in the habit of a Friar fled into Casentino: where he was heard complain of himself, for consenting to Piero delli Albizi; and of Piero, for that he would needs defer to assure the state, till the feast of S. Giovanni. But Piero and Carlo Strozzi, at the beginning of the uproar hide themselves, thinking that the brunt past, their friends and kinsfolks were of force sufficient to continue them secure in Florence. The house of Lapo being sacked (because mischiefs are hardly begun, and easily increased) many other houses (some for hate universal, and others by private displeasure) were also spoiled and burned. And the ministers of these mischiefs, to make their company the more forcible, for the spoiling of other men's goods, broke the gales, & let forth the prisoners. They also sacked the Monastery of Agnoli and S. Spirito, where many Citizens had bestowed their goods. Neither had the public chamber of Florence escaped the hands of these disordered spoilers, if one of the Senators had not taken upon him the defence thereof; who on horseback followed with some armed men, resisted the fury of the multitude. This popular madness, partly by mediation of the Senate, and partly for that the night drew on, was appeased. New reformation in Florence. The next day, the Balia restored favour to the Citizens admonished, with condition that within the next three years, they should not be capable to exercise any office. They also disannulled the laws made by the Guelfi, in prejudice of the Citizens. They proclaimed Lapo di Castiglionichio, and his companions Rebels, and with them diverse others hated of the multitude. After these resolutions, they published new Senators, among whom Luigi Guicciardini was Gonfaloniere: whereby hope was conceived, that all tumults would cease, because they were holden quiet men and lovers of peace. Notwithstanding the shops were kept shut, the Citizens still armed, and great watches throughout the city charged. For which cause the Senators received not their office without the Palace with the pomp accustomed, but within, not using any ceremony at all. These Senators thought nothing so necessary to be done at their entry into office, as to procure a peace in the city, and therefore caused all arms to be laid down, the shops to be opened, and the people of the country (called thither in the favour of Citizens) to be dispatched away. They ordained Guards in many places of the city; so as if the Citizens admonished, could have lived content, the people had been quiet. But they not willing to abide three years from honour, did find mean, that for their satisfaction, the mysteries again assembled, and demanded of the Senate, that for the good of the city and quiet thereof, no Citizen might any more be admonished as a Ghibilino, either by the Senators, the College, Captain, or Consul. Moreover, they required new Imborsation to be made of the Guelfi, and the old to be burned. These demands were presently accepted, both by the Senate, and all other Counsels: because thereupon it was supposed, all new tumults would cease. But man's nature doth not only content itself with his own, but will also covet other men's, and be revenged. Those that hoped in the disorder, declared to the mysteries that they should never be assured, unless many of their enemies were driven out, and oppressed. Which request being presented, the Senators called before them, the officers of mysteries, & the Sindachis, to whom Luigi Guicciardini Gonfaloniere spoke in manner following. The Oration of Luigi Guicciardini. If these Lords, and I also, had not known the fortune of this city, the custom whereof is, that so soon as it hath made peace abroad, the war within beginneth: we would have more marveled at the tumuls passed, and therewith have been more grieved. But because things accustomed, do bring with them less sorrow, we have endured these troubles with great patience, and the rather, for that they were begun, without any our default, and shall (we hope) end, as all others before have done, sith we have already, in so many, and so great demands, satisfied you. Nevertheless perceiving that you never rest contented, but still with new injuries seek to disturb your Citizens, and condemn them to new banishments: of your dishonest dealings, our grievous sorrow groweth. And truly, if we had thought, that within the term of our government, this city should have been so troubled, we would either by voluntary or violent exile, have shunned these honours. But hoping to deal with men, in whom remained courtesy and love to their country, we willingly received these offices, believing our clemency, should have suppressed your ambition. But, we now see by experience, that the more mildly we bear ourselves towards you, the more proud ye are, and the more dishonest requests ye demand at our hands. This plainness of speech we use, not to offend you, but to remember you, for our meaning is, that others shall speak that which pleaseth you, and we that which is best for you. Tell us (we pray you) what is that, you can honestly more require at our hands? You required that the authority should be taken from the captains of factions, & so it was. You desired the Imborsations should be burnt & new reformation made, to that we consented. You demanded the restitution of the admonished Citizens to their honours; and they were restored. We have also at your entreaty pardoned those that burned houses, & rob the churches. Yea for your satisfaction, we have sent into exile, many honourable and mighty Citizens. The great men also by your means are with new laws bridled. What end will those your demands have? Or how long will you abuse your liberty? See ye not that we with more patience did endure to be victored, than you to be victorious? Whither will these misdemeanours draw this your city? Do ye not remember that by like disunion, Castruccio a poor Citizen of Lucca, did oppress it? And the Duke of Athene, a private Captain of your own, did conquer it? So long as it lived in union, the power of an Archbishop of Milan, and a Pope, could not prevail against it: but after, a war continued diverse years, abandoned the enterprise with shame. Why would ye then, that your own discord, should in peace bring this city in bondage, which so many mighty enemies have (notwithstanding their war) left free? What profit shall you look for by your division, other than servitude? Or what commodity will rise of the goods you have rob, other than poverty? For they are those, that by our industry have fed the city: whereof being spoiled, it can no longer be nourished. And they that shall usurp them, will (as of things evil gotten) not know how to keep them. Whereof shall follow famine and poverty. I, and these Lords command ye, and (if without indignity we so may) earnestly pray you to stay your minds, and rest contented with those things which by us are ordained. And whensoever you desire any new suit at our hands, seek the same civilly, and strive not with tumult & arms to obtain it. For whatsoever you reasonably ask, will be granted, and men evil disposed shall want occasion to oppress our city to your shame, and the ruin thereof. These words (because they were true) greatly moved the citizens, and much they thanked the Gonfaloniere, for having performed the office of a good Lord & citizen, offering to obey, wherein so ever it should please him to command them. The Senators also, to give the occasion, did authorize two citizens of every principal office, together with the Sindachis, to practise a reformation, to the common quiet, and report their doings to the Senate. While these matters were in hand, an other tumult arose, New tumult in Florence. which troubled the state more than the former. For the greater part, of the burning & spoiling in times past, were done by the basest sort of people, who notwithstanding that being altogether, they were audacious, yet they ever feared that the fury once past and appeased, they should receive punishment for their defaults, or (as it often happened) be abandoned by those that encouraged them to the performance of the disorder. Whereunto was joined a hatred of the base people, towards the rich Citizens and heads of the mysteries, judging themselves not so well paid for their labours, as they had deserved. Because at such time as the city was first by Carlo divided into mysteries, and every mystery a head thereunto appointed, it was enacted that the subjects of every mystery should be in all civil matters judged by the head thereof. These mysteries (as we said before) were at the beginning twelve, afterwards increased to 21. and they became of so great power, as in few years they had all the government of the City. Also to the end there should be difference betwixt those that were more, or less honourable, they were divided, and seven of them were called great mysteries, and fourteen named the less mysteries. By these divisions, and some other occasions before recited, grew the insolency of the Captains of factions. Because those Citizens which anciently were Guelfi (under whose government that office continued) did ever favour the people of the great mysteries: and persecuted the less mysteries with their protectors. Whereupon followed all the tumults that we have rehearsed. And for that in ordering the bodies of the mysteries, many occupations exercised by diverse of the base people, and common multitude had no place of their own in the body of the mysteries: they were referred & put under some other mysteries like unto theirs. Whereof followed, that they either were not satisfied for their labours, or by their masters oppressed, and so forced to complain to the Magistrates, of those mysteries who governed them: at whose hands (as they thought) they received not that justice that to them belonged. Also that mystery which had in it the greatest number, was the mystery of wool, which being of most force and authority, did nourish and entertain the greatest part of the multitude, and base people. The multitude then as well of the mystery of wool as others (for the cause before said) was full of offence: therewith remembering the burning and spoils by them committed, diverse times assembled in the night, and reasoning of matters past, every man told other the danger wherein they stood. The one of them, a man of most audacity and experience, to animate the rest, spoke to this effect. A seditious persuasion of one of the multitude. If we were now to consult whether it be best to take arms, rob the Citizens, and spoil the churches, myself would think it a matter considerable, & happily should prefer a quiet poverty, before a perilous profit. But sith arms be already taken, and many displeasures done, me thinks, it behoveth us not to let go the advantage, but seek mean how to assure ourselves. I certainly think, that if no man would therein advise us, yet necessity alone might counsel us. You see all this city full of displeasure and hatred against us. The Citizens do often assemble, and the Senate is always accompanied with officers. You see they lay snares to entrap us, and prepare new forces to oppress us. Therefore it standeth us upon to procure two things, and in our Counsels to have two ends. The one, that for your late doings we may not be punished, the other, that we may live with more liberty and satisfaction, than heretofore we have done. It behoveth therefore (as I think) that to obtain pardon of all former faults, our best mean is to commit some new: doubling all our misdeeds, by burning, robbing, and spoiling, and therein to make many companions. For where many offend, none are punished, and small faults are chastised, but great and grievous offences be rewarded. Also where many are injured, few do seek revenge. Because universal displeasures, are with more patience, then particular wrongs endured. Therefore the multiplying of mischiefs is the readiest way to forgiveness, and the best mean to obtain those things, which for our liberty are desired. Surely it seemeth, we go now to a certain victory: for as much as those, that should impeach us, be disunited and rich. Their disunion shall give us victory, and their riches (being made ours) shall maintain it. Let not the antiquity of their blood (whereof they so much boast) dismay you: for all men having one beginning be equally ancient, and are by nature made all after one manner. Behold them naked, you shall find them like to us, and let us be clad with their garments, and they with ours; we shall assuredly seem noble, and they of base condition: because only poverty and riches are those things, which make the disequality. It grieveth me to think, that many of you do in conscience repent things done, and intent to refrain doing the like. Surely it is true, that you are not those men, I thought you to be: for indeed, conscience, nor infamy ought to fear you, sith he that winneth victory, in what manner so ever it be, doth never receive shame thereof. As for conscience, none account is thereof to be made. For who so standeth in fear of famine and prison, as you do, should not be daunted with dread of death and hell. And if we consider the manner of men's proceed, we shall find, that all those who have gained great riches or glory, either by fraud or force are aspired. And those things, which they have either by craft or violence obtained, (to cloak the infamy of their theft, and make it seem honest) do call the same purchase. Yea, whosoever for want of wit, or rather plain folly, doth not follow this course, either sinketh in servitude, or perisheth in poverty. For in troth faithful subjects are slaves, and good men be still plagued with want. Such as escape bondage, be the most faithless, and audacious; and they that shun lack, be only covetous persons, or crafty. For God and nature have laid fortune before all men; of whom we see more inclined to robbery then industry: and more to the bad, then to good actions disposed. Hereof it cometh, that one man eateth an other, and he that can do least, must suffer most. You ought therefore to use force when occasion is offered: which can be at no time more than now. The Citizens are divided, the Senate fearful, and the Magistrates dismayed. So that before they can be united, and resolved, it is most easy for us to oppress them. By which oppression, we shall either become wholly Princes of the city, or at the least, owners of so much, as we shall thereby, not only have pardon of passed errors, but also authority to threaten new. I confess this resolution is bold and dangerous, but where necessity pincheth, desperation is judged wisdom. And in great enterprises, valiant men account not of peril: because those attempts which begin with danger, do end with glory. Also from one danger men do not escape, but by hazarding an other. I likewise think that sith we see the prisons, torments, and death prepared for us, we ought rather fear to stand still, then seek to assure ourselves: for by the one, the mischief is certain, by the other doubtful. How often have I heard you complain upon the covetousness of your superiors, and the injustice of your Magistrates? Now is the time not only to be delivered from them, but also to become so much their superiors, as they shall have more occasion to fear you, than you them. The opportunity which this occasion offereth, doth pass, and being passed, cannot be called again. You see the prepare of your adversaries, let us prevent their intention. For which so ever of us do first take arms, shall no doubt be victorious, with ruin of the enemy, and advancement of himself. Thus may many of us gain glory, and every man enjoy security. These persuasions greatly kindled their minds, already warmed with desire of mischief. In so much as they resolved to take arms, and the rather, having drawn unto them more companions of their disposition: whom by oath they bond to help them when any should happen by the Magistrates to be oppressed. While these men prepared to surprise the state, their intent was discovered to the Senators, who had in hand one called Simone, of whom they understood all the conspiracy, & that the next day they meant to make a tumult: which peril perceived, the Colleges did assemble, & with the Sindachis practised to unite the city, but before every man was come, the night drew on. Then were the Senators advised to send for the Consuls of mysteries, who being together, agreed that all men of war within Florence should be warned to appear: and the Gonfaloniere, the morning following with their companies to be armed in the Market place. At such time as Simone was tormented, and the Citizens assembling, one called Nicholo da San Friano, kept the clock of the Palace, who being aware of that business in hand, began to spread rumours among his neighbours, so as suddenly in the Market place of Santo Spirito, more than a thousand armed men were assembled. These news came to the ears of the other conspirators, and San Piero Maggiore, and San Lorenzo (places by them appointed) were full of men armed. By that time day appeared, which was the twenty one of july. At which hour, came not to the Market place in favour of the Senate, above eighty men of arms, and of the Gonfaloniere, not one: for they hearing the City was all in Arms, feared to leave their houses. The first of the multitude that came to the Market place, were those that assembled at San Piero Maggiore: for whose coming the men of Arms removed not. Then the rest of the multitude came, and finding no resistance, with a terrible cry demanded of the Senate to enlarge the prisoners, and not seeing them delivered upon that threatening, sought by force to have them, and set fire on the house of Luigi Guicciardini. Whereupon the Senate, for avoiding a worse inconvenience, delivered the prisoners. Having obtained this demand, they removed the Gonfalone della Giustitia from the Esecutore, and under him burned the houses of many Citizens, persecuting those, that either for public or private occasion was hated. Also many Citizens to revenge private injuries, brought them to the houses of their enemies. For it sufficed that any one man cried, let us go to such a place, or holding the Gonfalone by the hand, looked that way. They likewise burned all the writings belonging to the mystery of wool. Thus having committed many evils, to accompany them with some laudable deed: they made Saluestro de Medici, and diverse other Knights, to the number of three score and four. Among whom, were Benedetto and Antonio degli Alberti, Tomazo Strozz, and such others their trusty friends, yet were some of them enforced thereto. In which accident, more than any other thing, it is to be noted, that some of them whose houses they burned, were in the same day (so near was the benefit to the injury) made knights: which experience was seen in Luigi Gonfaloniere della Giustitia. The Senators amidst these tumults, finding themselves abandoned by the men of arms, grew doubtful of the heads of the mysteries, and their Gonfalonieri: for none of them according to order given, came to the rescue. And of sixteen Gonfaloni, only the Ensign of the golden Lion, and that of the Cow and Calf, with Giovanni Cambini, appeared. And they also tarried not long in the Market place, because they were not followed by the rest. On the other side, the Citizens seeing the fury of the unbridled multitude, and the Palace abandoned, some remained in their houses, others followed the troops of armed men, hoping the rather to save their own houses and defend their friends. By mean whereof the power of the people increased, and the forces of the Senate diminished. This tumult continued all that day, and the night being come, at the Palace of Stephano behind the Church of S. Barnabo, it stayed. The number of these men passed six thousand. And before the day appeared, the next morning they caused by threatening the mysteries to send for their Ensigns. Then came forth the Gonfalone della Giustitia, and accompanied with the Ensigns of the mysteries, went to the Palace of the Podesta: who denying to yield the possession of that house, they fought with him, and at length wan that place. The Senate desirous to make composition with them, sith by force they could not appease them, called three of their Colleges, and sent them to the Palace of the Podesta, to understand the intent of the people: who found, that the heads of the multitude with the Sindachis of the mysteries, and some other Citizens, had determined what should be required of the Senate. So as, they accompanied with four of the people specially appointed, returned with these demands. Demands of the People. First that the mystery of wool, might not from that time forth have any stranger for their judge. That three new corporations of mysteries should be erected: one to contain the Carders and Dyer's; the second to contain the Barbers, Hosiers, and some other mechanical Arts; and the third, for the poor people. Also, that of these three new mysteries, there should be two of the Senate: and of the fourteen less mysteries, three. That the Senate should provide houses for the meetings and assemblies of these new corporations. That no man within these bodies corporate, should within two years, be constrained to pay any debt of less sum than two ducats. That the banks should take no prejudice, but the principal only to be restored. That all men banished or condemned, should be called home. That all the Citizens admonished, should be admitted to their honours. Many other things in the favour of their private friends they demanded: and likewise the contrary, that many their enemies might be confined and admonished. All which demands notwithstanding they were dishonest and unfit for the state: yet for fear of worse, were by the Senators, Colleges, & people granted. Also to the end they might receive full perfection, it behoved to have them allowed by the common Council. And (because in one day two Counsels could not be assembled) that consultation of force was deferred till the next day. In the mean time, it was thought good, that the mysteries & people should rest content & satisfied, they promising, that so soon as the law were in perfection, all tumults should cease. The next morning while the common council debated the matter, the multitude impatient & voluble, under their ensigns went to the market place, shouting & crying so terribly, that all the Council & the Senate were dismayed. Whereupon Gueriante Marignuolo, one of the Senators (moved rather with fear then any other private passion) under colour to keep the gate, went down and fled to his house: yet could he not so secretly pass, but was by the multitude known. Otherwise they did him no injury, then cry out saying, that the Senate would all abandon the Palace, unless their children were slain, and their houses burnt. In the mean space, the law was made, and the Senators returned to their chambers. Also the Council came down and stayed in the Galleries and Courts without going further, as men despairing of the city, either because they perceived so great dishonesty and frowardness in the multitude, or so great cowardice in others, who had power to oppress, or at the least, to allay the rage of these tumults. The Senators were also amazed, and despairing of their country, beheld one of their company fled, and no other Citizen that would either assist them with force or counsel. Therefore they resolved of that they could, being incertain what else they should do. Tomazo Strozzi, and Benedetto Alberti, either moved with private ambition, desiring to be only Lords of the Palace, or else because they so thought best, persuaded the others to give place to this popular fury, and as private men return home to their houses. This counsel given by those that were heads of the tumult (notwithstanding that the rest gave place) made Alamanno Acciaivoli, and Nicholo del Bene, (two of the Senate) to become offended. Yet after being come to themselves, they said; that if other men would departed, they could not let them: but for themselves, they would not go, till their time appointed, unless that with their authority they did also lose their lives. These contrarieties of opinion, doubled the despair of the Senate, and the people's offence. In so much as, the Gonfaloniere, desiring rather to end his office with shame, than peril, resigned the same to Tomazo Strozzi, wholed him from the Palace, and conducted him to his house. The other Senators in like manner, one after an other, went home. Then Alamanno & Nicholo, to show no more courage than wisdom, seeing themselves left alone, departed also: whereby the Palace remained in the hand of the multitude and the eight governors for the war, The Government gained by the multitude. Michele Lando. who had not given up their offices. At such time as the people entered the Palace, one Michele di Lando, a Carder of wool, bore the Ensign of the Gonfaloniere Giustitia, he being bare legged and raggedly appareled, followed with the multitude, went up the stairs, and being come to the presence of the Senators, stayed, and turned himself to the multitude, saying; Do you not see that this Palace and this city is yours, and in your hands? what do you now think good to do? Whereto every man answered, that he should be Gonfaloniere, and Lord to dispose, and govern the city as himself thought good, Michele accepted his authority, for he was indeed a man very witty, and more bound to Nature, than Fortune. Then he determined to appease the city, and stay the tumults: also to hold the people occupied, and win himself time to give order, commanded one Sir Nuto, to be searched out, who had been by Lapo Castiglionichio, appointed a Sergeant. To the execution of which service, the greater number of those that were present did go. Then to begin that government with justice, which by favour of the multitude was given him, he commanded by proclamation, that no man should steal or take injustly from another. And the rather to terrify all men, Ordinances of Michele Lando. he erected a Gibbet in the Market place, he displaced the Sindachis of mysteries, and made new; he deprived the Senate and Colleges, & burned the Borsi. In the mean time Sir Nuto was by the multitude brought into the market place and there hanged by one soot. Every man with his sword cut him in pieces, till at length there remained not any thing but his foot. On the other side, the eight governors for the war (supposing themselves by the departure of the Senators to be only Lords of the city, appointed new Senators: which Michele knowing, sent one to tell them, they should presently departed the Palace, because he would let all men understand, that he alone without their counsel could govern Florence. That done, he caused the Sindachis of mysteries to assemble, and created four Senators of the base multitude, two of the great mysteries, and two of the less. Moreover he made new Squittini; dividing the state into three parts, commanding that the one should belong to the new mysteries, the second to the lesser, and the third to the great mysteries. He gave unto Saluestro de Medici, the rents of the houses upon the old bridge. To himself the Podesteria of Empoli: and on many other his friends of the multitude, he bestowed benefits: many others at his hand received pleasure and were restored to their own, not so much for their good as that he might the rather be by them, from the envy of time defended. Then it seemed to the poor multitude, that in this reformation of the state, the better sort of people were too much partakers thereof: and they not to have therein so much authority as to defend themselves, if need should require. The multitude offended with Michele Lando his laws. Wherefore set on with their accustomed boldness, they took arms again, and uniting themselves under their Ensigns came anew into the Market, demanding of the Senators to come down to the Ringhiera, and consult of new matters concerning their security and good. Michele seeing their arrogancy, (yet not to move them to more offence, without ask what they would) blamed the manner of their demanding, and persuaded them to lay down arms, saying, that should be granted unto them, which with the gravity of the Senate through force, might not be granted. The multitude with that offended, assembled near the Palace of S. Maria Novella, where among themselves they appointed eight heads with their ministers and orders, which gave them reverence and reputation. So as, the city had two places of state, and was by two diverse officers governed. These heads determined among them, that ever eight, named by the body of the Mysteries, should dwell in the Palace with the Senate, and whatsoever the Senators should determine, must be by them confirmed. They took from Saluestro de Medici and Michele, all that, which in their former Counsels was given them. They appointed many new officers, & allowances for their degrees. These appointments taken, to make them the more assured, they sent two of them to the Senate, to require their consent, intending, that if that were not granted, that then by force they would have it. Those messengers, with great audacity and more presumption, declared their Commission to the Senate: and told the Gonfalone what honour and authority they had given him, and with what ingratitude and small respect at his hand, they were reacquited. At length falling from words to threatenings, Michele could no longer endure such arrogancy. But remembering more the place he occupied, than the baseness of his late estate, thought meet by extraordinary mean, to bridle an extraordinary insolency; and drawing forth the sword he ware, hurt one of these messengers and after caused him to be bound and imprisoned. This being known, greatly offended the multitude, and hoping to win that by force, which unarmed they could not, presently took arms with great fury, and marched towards the Senators, with intent to compel them. Michele on the other side, doubting that which followed, determined to prevent them, and imagining it more for his glory to assault others, then tarry within and be assaulted, and so like to his predecessors be forced with shame of the Palace to fly away: did assemble a great number of Citizens, who (having well advised themselves of their errors) mounted on horseback, and being followed by many armed men, went to Santa Maria Novella, to fight with the enemy. The people having (as we before declared) made the like determination, almost at the same time marched to the Marketplace: but it happened that the one passed by one street, and the other by an other, so as by the way they met not. Michele being returned back, found the Market place taken, and the Palace assaulted: Michele Lando victorious. he therefore suddenly charged the enemies and overthrew them. Some were forced to fly, others cast down their weapons, and others hid themselves. This victory gotten, the tumult was appeased, only through the virtue of the Gonfaloniere, who for courage, wisdom, & integrity, excelled all the Citizens of that time, and is to be numbered among those few that have profitted their country. For had he been of evil disposition or ambitious, the common weal had utterly lost the liberty thereof, & should have fallen into a greater tyranny then that of the Duke of Athene: but the bounty of Lando was such, as suffered no thought to enter his mind that might be prejudicial to the universal quiet. His wisdom directed all things, so as many of his fellowship gave him place, & his adversaries by force of arms were oppressed. Which manner of proceeding, caused the multitude to stand dismayed, and the better sort of Artificers to look about them, & think how great their shame was, having oppressed the great men's pride, to endure the popular dregs. At such time as Michele obtained this victory against the multitude, a new Senate was chosen, wherein were two men of so vile and unworthy condition, as every man desired to be acquit of that great infamy. When these officers were created (which was the first day of September) the Market place was full of armed men. So soon as the old Senators came out of the Palace, there was a brute given out among the armed men, that they would not, that any of the base people should be of the number of Senators. Whereupon the Senate for their satisfaction deprived two, the one called Tira, the other Baroccio, in whose rooms, they placed Georgio Scali, and Francisco di Michele. They also deposed the mysteries of the base people, and all officers, excepting Michele-Lando, Lorenzo di Puccio, and a few others of the better sort. They divided the honours into two parts, allotting the one, to the greater mysteries, the other to the less. Of the Senate, they willed there should be ever five of the less mysteries, and four of the great. And the Gonfaloniere to be chosen sometimes of the one, and sometimes of the other. The state thus ordained for the present, appeased the city. And albeit the government was taken away from the base people, yet the Artificers of meanest condition, remained more mighty than the popular Nobility, who were forced to give place, to win from the base people the favour of the mysteries, and content them: which was also favoured, by such as desired that those should be oppressed, who under the name of Guelfi, had with great insolency injured many Citizens. Among others that allowed this manner of government, Georgio Scali, Benedetto Alberti, Saluestro di Medici, and Tomazo Strozzi were made as Princes of the city. These matters thus proceeding and handled, the division already begun betwixt the popular Nobility, and the mean Artificers, through ambition of Ricci and Albizi, became confirmed. Whereof (because afterwards followed grievous effects, and of them we shall be often occasioned to speak) we will call the one popular, the other plebeiall. The state continued thus three years, full of banishments and murders. New division in Florence. For they that governed, knowing there were both within and abroad, many evil contented, did live in great suspicion. The Citizens within discontented, either they continually attempted some new practice, or devised with themselves how they might do it. And those that lived without, having no bridle, by mean of some Prince or some Common weal, here and there, sowed sedition. At this time Giannozzo di Salerno, Lieutenant to Durazzo, descended of the Kings of Napoli, happened to be at Bologna, intending to assault the kingdom, & take the same from Queen Giovanna. At the same time also were in Bologna many banished Florentines, who with the Pope and with Carlo, practised diverse things: which was the cause, that they who governed in Florence did live in great suspicion, and gave credit easily to the slanders of those Citizens that were suspected. During this doubtful time, it was revealed to the Magistrates, that Giannozzo of Salerno, should with the banished men present himself before Florence, and that many within would take arms and deliver the city to his hand. divers great Citizens accused. Upon this report many were accused, the chief of whom, were Piero delli Albizi, and Carlo Strozzi: and next to them the Cipriani Giaccomo Sacchetti, Donati Barbadori, Filippo Strozzi, and Giovanni Anselini: who were all taken, saving Carlo Strozzi, that fled. And the Senate, to the end none should take arms in their favour, appointed Tomazo Strozzi, and Benedetto Alberti, with many armed men to guard the city. These Citizens were apprehended and examined, but the accusation and their answer conferred together, no fault was in them found: Insomuch that the Captain not willing to condemn them, their enemies in the mean space moved the people to mutiny, and by force they were judged to death. Neither was Piero degli Albizi any whit favoured, either for the greatness of his house, or for that long time he had in the city more reputation than any other, and had been there more honoured and feared. During his prosperity, some friend of his, either to persuade him to courtesy in his greatness, or else some enemy to threaten him with the inconstancy of fortune: at such time as he made a solemn banquet to diverse Citizens, sent him a silver dish full of Comfits, and in those Comfits was hidden a nail; which being found and seen of diverse his guests, it was imagined, that thereby he should remember to stay the wheel: because fortune having set him on the height thereof (the wheel keeping course) must needs cast him down. Which interpretation, was first by his decay, and after by his death verified. After this execution, the city remained full of confusion, because both the victored, and the victorious stood in fear: but the worst of all was, that the governors themselves lived in continual suspicion. For every accident were it never so little, made them to do new injuries to the factions, condemning, admonishing, and sending the Citizens into exile. Whereunto they joined new laws, and new orders, many times made, only to fortify their authority. All which was done to the injury of them who were to their faction suspected. And they created forty six men, who with the Senate should discover men suspected to the state. These officers admonished thirty nine Citizens, making many popular persons great men, & many great men, popular. Also, the rather to withstand all external forces, they entertained john Aguto, an English Captain, who, in those days, was accounted of great experience in the war, & had long served the Pope & others in Italy. The suspicion abroad proceeded of intelligence given, how certain companies of men at arms belonging to Carlo Durazzo, were put in readiness, to assault the kingdom. Among whom, (as was reported) were many banished Florentines. For the meeting with those perils, besides the ordinary forces, a sum of money was provided. Carlo arrived in Arezzo, received of the Florentines forty thousand Ducats, promising not to molest them. After that time, he achieved his enterprise, and happily surprised the kingdom of Napoli, The Queen of Napoli taken prisoner. took the Queen Giovanna, & sent her prisoner into Hungary. Which victory increased a new suspicion of those that in Florence feared the state. Because they could not believe that their money should do more with the King, than the ancient friendship, which that house had with the Guelfi, who with manifold injury, had been by him oppressed. These suspicions increasing, increased also the injuries, which did not decrease, but multiply them. By means whereof, the greater number of them lived much discontented, which discontent grew the greater by the insolency of Georgio Scali, and Tomazo Strozzi; whose authority prevailed more than the Magistrates: and every man feared, lest they being followed with the people, would oppress them. In so much as, that, not only the good men, but also the seditious sort, accounted that government tyrannical & violent. But to the end, that the insolency of Georgio should at length take end) it fortuned that he became accused of one Giovanii Cambio, his companion: having (as he said) practised diverse ways against the state: yet upon examination, was found guiltless by the Captain. So as than, the judge went about to punish the accuser with that punishment, which the party accused should have suffered, had he been found faulty. And Georgio, neither with suit nor authority, able to save him, went with Tomazo Strozzi, and the multitude armed to deliver him by force. At which time, they sacked the captains Palace, and forced him (for safety of his person) to hide himself, which action filled the city with so much hatred towards him, that thereby his enemies hoped to overthrow him, and take the city both from him, & the plebeyall people also: who through presumption, had usurped the same three years. Thereof also the Captain gave great occasion; for he (the tumult ceased) went to the Senate, & said, that as he had willingly taken upon him, that, whereto their Lordships had elected him, because therein he hoped to serve just men, ready to take arms, in the favour, not in the prejudice of justice: so seeing he had seen and knew the government of the city, and the manner of life therein; that office which he willingly took in hand for his profit and honour, as willingly there he would yield the same up to shun the peril, and loss that might thereof follow. The Captain was by the Senators comforted, and promised reparation of former losses and future security. Then certain of them, together with some Citizens, who were holden lovers of the Common weal, and men least suspected, concluded that a good opportunity was offered to take the city from Georgio, and the multitude. By reason, that through that his late insolency, the Citizens were greatly alienated from him: and was therefore good to execute that intent, before the offended minds of the multitude were reconciled. For well they knew, that the favour of the multitude upon every trifling accident is gotten and lost. judging moreover, that for the bringing this enterprise to effect, it behoved them to win the good will of Benedetto Alberti, without whose consent the action seemed dangerous. This Benedetto was a man exceeding rich, Benedetto Alberti. courteous, grave, a lover of the liberty of his country, and such a one, as much misliked the tyrannous proceed of the time. By mean whereof, it was easy both to appease him, and also persuade him to the destruction of Georgio. For, the occasions, which made him enemy to the popular Nobility and Guelfi, and friend to the multitude, was their insolency, and their tyrannous manner of government. And, seeing that the heads of the multitude, were become of like insolency, he would likewise leave them, as one that would not consent to the injuries by them done to many Citizens. So in conclusion, those reasons which induced him to take part with the people, did also persuade him to leave them. Benedetto and the heads of the Arts thus drawn to favour the popular Nobility, took arms, apprehended Georgio, & Tomazo fled away. The next day after, Georgio was beheaded, to so great terror of his party, as no man moved in his favour, though every man went to behold his ruin. Georgio Scali beheaded. He being brought to die, complained of those people, that lately had adored him, and lamented his own hard fortune, and the malignity of the Citizens, who having wrongfully injured him, were forced to favour, and honour the multitude, wherein was neither trust nor grautuitie. And knowing Benedetto Alberti among the rest, of the armed men, said unto him; And thou Benedetto dost consent to see me here so injured, as if I were where thou art, I would not suffer thee: but I do prognosticate, that as this day is the end of my misery, so is the same the beginning of thy destruction. He complained moreover of himself, for having too much trusted to the people, whom every voice, every action, and every suspicion moveth and corrupteth. With these lamentations he ended his life, amidst his enemies armed, and rejoicing at his death. Shortly after, certain other his nearest friends were slain, and drawn in the streets by the people. The death of this Citizen troubled all the city; for at the execution thereof, many took arms in favour of the Senate and Captain of the people. Many other, either for their own ambition, or suspicion, did the like. Also the city being full of diverse humours, every man had his diverse intent: which he desired to execute before arms were laid down. The old Nobility (called great men) could not endure to see themselves deprived of the public honours: and therefore with all study laboured to recover them, liking well that authority should be restored to the Captains of factions. To the popular Nobility, and the greater mysteries it was offensive, that the state was participated with the less mysteries, and base people. On the other side, the less mysteries desired rather to increase then diminish their dignities. And the poor people, feared to forego their Colleges. Which diversity of minds, made continually in Florence tumults to arise, for the space of one year. Sometimes the great men, sometimes the chief mysteries, sometimes the less, together with the multitude, and sometimes altogethers, at one instant in diverse places were armed. Whereof ensued among themselves, and with the soldiers of the Palace, diverse conflicts. The Senate, sometimes by giving place, and sometimes by fight, sought all they could to remedy that mischief. Insomuch as, in the end, and after two consultations, and two Balie, for reformation of the city, and after many harms, many travels, and many great perils, a government was settled: New reformation in Florence. whereby were revoked, all those that before, and sith Saluestro de Medici was Gonfaloniere, had been confined. All privileges and provisions, were taken away from those to whom they had been given by the Balia of 78. All honours were restored to the Guelfi. The two new mysteries were discorporated, and every of those remitted under the ancient mysteries. The Gonfaloniere di Guistitia, was taken away from the less mysteries, and they reduced to be partakers of half the third part of the honours, and of those the best were taken from them. So that, the faction of popular Nobility & Guelfi, recovered the government, & the multitude lost their authority, which they had holden from the year 1378. till 81. at which time, this alteration happened: neither was this government less injurious towards the Citizens, nor more mild, then was that of the multitude. For so many of the popular Nobility were confined, as had been noted to be defenders thereof, together with a great number of the principal men of the multitude. And among them, Michele Lando confined. Michele Lando; whose former authority and good deserts, could not in this time of popular fury, save him. His country therefore, for many good merits, was to him unthankful. Into which error, because many Princes and Common weals do fall, is the cause, that men upon like examples terrified, before they feel the smart of their gournours' ingratitude, do first offend them. These exilements & these slaughters did displease, and ever had displeased Benedetto Alberti, and he both publicly, and privately, blamed them. For which cause, the Lords of the state feared him, as chief friend to the multitude, and thought him consenting to the death of Georgio Scali: not because his doings did offend him, but to be alone in the government. Besides that, his words and works did increase the suspicion, which made that side which governed, to keep eye upon him, and watch opportunity to oppress him. The city living in these terms, the actions abroad were of no great importance. For if any thing were done, it proceeded of fear, by reason that Lodovico di Angio came then into Italy, Carlo di Angio, come into Italy. to restore the kingdom of Napoli to the Queen Giovanna, and remove Carlo Durazzo. The passage of this Prince, greatly amazed the Florentines; for Carlo (according to the custom of old friends) demanded of them aid, & Lodovico (like unto him that seeketh new friends) desired them to stand neutral. Whereupon the Florentines to seem willing to content Lodovico, and aid Carlo, discharged Giovanni Aguto, and procured Pope Vrbano to entertain him: which subtlety was easily by Lodovico discovered, and for the same held himself much injured by the Florentines. During the war betwixt Lodovico and Carlo in Puglia, new forces came from France in the favour of Lodovico, who arrived in Toscana, were by the banished men of Arezzo brought into that city: where they removed the faction, which governed for Carlo: intending also to have changed the state of Florence, as they had altered Arezzo. Then died Lodovico, whereby the affairs of Puglia & Toscana varied Fortune. For Carlo assured himself on the kingdom, which was well near lost. And the Florentines mistrusting the defence of Florence, recovered Arezzo and bought it, of those soldiers which kept it, for Lodovico. Carlo then being assured of Puglia, went to take possession of Hungheria, which was by inheritance descended unto him, leaving his wife in Puglia, with Ladislao and Giovanna his children, being but babes, as hereafter shall be declared. Carlo possessed Hungheria, but shortly after there died. For this conquest, much triumph was made in Florence, The death of Carlo di Angio. and the magnificence thereof was no less both for public and private expense, then if the occasion thereof had been their own. For many families kept open feasts: and the house of Alberti for pomp and magnificence exceeded the rest. The expenses & charge of Armour that the Albertis used, were not only fit for private persons of the best degree, but for the greatest Princes: which gained them no small envy. Whereto adding the suspicion which the state had of Benedetto, was the cause of his ruin; Benedetto Alberti suspected and envied. because those that governed, could not endure him: fearing every hour it might come to pass, that through favour of his faction, he might recover reputation, and drive them from the city. These doubts remaining, it happened, that he being Gonfaloniere of companies, Philippo Malagotti his son in law, was chosen Gonfaloniere di Giustitia: which doubled the mistrust of the Governors, imagining that Benedetto increased over fast in force, and the state thereby in much peril. For prevention of which inconveniences without tumult, they encouraged Bese Magalotti, his companion, to signify to the Senate, that Philippo having passed his turn, could not, nor ought not, exercise that office. The cause was by the Senate examined, some of them for hate, some to take away occasion of slander, judged Philippo not capable of that dignity, and elected in his place Bardo Mancini, a man to the plebeian faction contrary, and mortal enemy to Benedetto. In so much as, he being placed in office, called a Balia for reformation of the state, and therein confined Benedetto Alberti, and admonished the rest of that family, only Antonio Alberti, excepted. Benedetto being ready to departed, called unto him all his friends, and seeing them sad, The speech of Benedetto Alberti, at his banishment. said; you see (my good fathers and Lords) in what sort Fortune hath oppressed me, and threatened you: whereof I marvel not, neither ought you to marvel. Because it ever cometh to pass, that who so ever will be good among many evil, or doth seek to hold up that which many labour to pull down, must of force perish. The love of my Country made me to join with Saluestro di Medici, and after to departed from Georgio Scali. The same did likewise persuade me, to hate the manners of those that now govern: who as they have not had any to punish them, so do they desire, that none should find fault with them. For my part I am content with my banishment to acquit them of that fear which they had, not of me only, but of every other man, that knoweth their tyrannous and wicked dealings. My punishment therefore doth threaten others; of myself I take no pity: for those honours which my country being free hath given me, now brought unto servitude, cannot take from me. And the memory of my passed life shall always more comfort me, than mine hard fortune which brought mine exile, shall discourage me. It grieveth me much, that my country should become a spoil for a few, and be subject to their pride and covetousness. I am also right sorry to think, that those evils which now end in me, will begin in you. And I fear, lest those miseries will persecute you with more hindrance, than they have persecuted me. I would therefore counsel you, to prepare your minds against all misfortunes, and bear yourselves so, as what adversity so ever happen (for many will happen) every man may know you are faultless, & that without your guilt they be happened. After this leave taken, to give as great a testimony of his bounty abroad, The death of Benedetto Alberti. as he had done in Florence: he traveled to the Sepulchre of Christ, from whence returning, in the isle of Roda he died. His bones were brought to Florence, and therewith great honour buried, by those, who in his life, with all slander and injury did molest him. During these troubles, the house of Albertis was not only oppressed, but many other Citizens also admonished and confined. Among whom, were Piero Benini, Mattheo Alderotti, Giovanni, and Francisco deal Been, Giovanni Benci, Andrea Adimari, and with them, a great number of the less mysteries. Among the admonished were the Covoni, the Benini, the Rinucci, the Formiconi, the Corbozi, the Manegli, and the Alderotti. It was the custom to create the Balia for time certain, but those Citizens having it in their hands, being placed by honest mean, notwithstanding their time were not expired, did yield up their offices: which being known, many ran armed to the Palace, desiring that before the officers departed, more Citizens might be confined, and admonished. Which request greatly offended the Senate, who with fair promises entertained them, till forces were made ready, & then wrought so, as fear enforced them to lay down those arms, which fury caused them to take in hand. Yet somewhat to feed so fierce an humour, and notwithstanding take away more authority from the plebeyall Artisans: it was ordered, that where they had the third of the offices, they should now have only the fourth part. Also, to the end that two of the most trusty Citizens might be always of the Senate, they gave authority to the Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, and four other Citizens, to make a Borza of chosen men: out of which number at every Senate should be elected two. The state thus settled after six years (which was in the year 1381. Giouan Galiazzo become prince of Lombardy. 1393. ) the city lived quiet within, till the year 1393. In which time, Giovan Galiazza Visconti, called Conte di Virtue, took prisoner his uncle Barnabo, & by that mean, became Prince of all Lombardy. This Giovan Galiazzo hoped by force to be made king of Italy, as by craft he was attained to be Lord of Milan. And in the year 1390. he began a brave war against the Florentines: wherein Fortune became so variable, as many times the Duke was in no less danger to lose all then the Florentines, who indeed had lost all, if the Duke had longer lived. Yet the resistance by them made, was so courageous and marvelous, as might be by any Common weal; and the end no less perilous, than the war had been terrible. For when the Duke had taken Bologna, Pisa, Perugia, and Sienna, and prepared a Crown to be set on his head in Florence, as king of Italy, The death of Galiazzo. he died. Which death suffered him not to taste the sweet of his passed victories, nor the Florentines to feel the perils at hand. While this war with the Duke continued, Masso de gli Albizi was made Confaloniere di Giustitia, whom the death of Piero had made enemy to the Albertis. And for that the humour of the factions continued, Maso notwithstanding that Benedetto was dead in exile) did hope before that Senate ended, to be revenged upon the rest of that family: and took occasion, by one that was upon certain practices with the Rebels examined, who named Alberto and Andrea delli Alberti. Whereupon, both they were apprehended, and the city wholly changed. In so much as the Senate took arms, assembled the people, created a new Balia, and by virtue thereof, many Citizens were confined, and new Imborsations of officers made. Among those that were confined, were almost all the Albertis, many Citizens also admonished, and some put to death. Upon occasion of so great injuries, the mysteries and the base people took arms, thinking their honour and lives were in hazard. One part of them came into the Market place, an other ran to the house of Veri di Medici: Veri di Medici. who after the death of Saluestro remained as chief of that family. To deceive those that came into the Market place, the Senate appointed Captains, and gave the Ensign of the faction Guelfa, delivering the same into the hands of Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi, and Donato Acciaivioli, as men of the popular number, more than any other acceptable to the multitude. Those that went to the house of Veri, desired him to take the government, and deliver them from such as were enemies to good men, and good orders. All such writers as have left memory of the proceed of that time, do affirm, that if Veri had not been more honest, then ambitious, he might without any let, have aspired to the principality of that city. Because the exceeding great injuries done to the mysteries, some justly and some unjustly, had so kindled their minds to revenge, as nothing wanted for the performance of their desires, but a Captain to lead them. Neither wanted those, that would put Veri in remembrance what he might do. For Antonio di Medici (who had before time been long for private respects, his enemy) did persuade him to take in hand the government of the state. To whom he answered, as thy threatenings (being mine enemy) made me not to fear thee; so thy Council being my friend, shall not abuse me. Having uttered these words, he turned himself to the multitude, and persuading them to be of good courage, promised to be their defender, so that they would be content to be by him directed. The speech of Veri di Medici to the Senate of Florence. Then in the midst of them he went to the Market place, and from thence up to the Palace, and being come to the presence of the Senate, said. That he was not sorry to have so lived, that the people of Florence did love him: but yet sorry he was, that they had not such opinion of him, as his passed life did deserve. For sith he had not showed any sign of sedition or ambition, he could not conceive why he was thought a maintainer of sedition (or as ambitious) a man that studied to usurp his country. Therefore he humbly besought their Lordships, that the ignorance of the multitude might not be imputed his fault: because so much as in him was, he submitted himself unto them. He moreover put them in mind to use their fortune modestly, and be content to take rather half a victory with saving the city, than a whole conquest with the ruin thereof. The Senators greatly commended Veri, and required him to persuade, that arms might be laid down, and then they would not fail to do that, which he and other Citizens should counsel them. After these speeches, Veri returned to the Market place, and joining his followers, to those that were conducted by Rinaldo and Donato, said unto them all, that he had found in the Senators a very good disposition towards them, to whom he had also said much, albeit by means of the short time, and absence of the officers, nothing was concluded. Wherefore he prayed them to lay their weapons down, and obey the Senate: thereby to declare that courtesy, rather than pride, entreaty, more than threatening, might move them: and that they should not lack means and security, so long as they were by him governed. Thus upon his word every man was content to return to his own house. The multitude having upon this persuasion disarmed themselves, the Senate first caused a guard to be set in the Market place: then they mustered two thousand Citizens, men assured to the state, equally dividing them under Gonfaloni, whom they commanded to be ready whensoever that they were called. Also commandment was given, that no man whose name was not taken nor warned, should for any cause be armed. This preparation made, they confined & slew many of those Artificers which had in the late tumult showed themselves most seditious and violent. And to the end that the Gonfaloniere de Giustitia, might have more reputation & dignity: it was ordered and thought necessary, that whosoever did exercise that office, should be of 45. years. For confirmation of the state, many other provisions were devised. These ordinances made, the Senators were insupportable, and to the good Citizens (even of their own faction) they became odious. For they could not judge any state good or secure, which had need with so great violence to be defended. So that this manner of proceeding, did not only offend those of the family of Alberti, which yet remained in the city: and the Medici, who thought them to have abused the people, but many others also were with so great violence displeased. But the first that opposed himself was Donato son to Giacopo Acciaivoli. Donati Acciaivoli. He being in the city great, and rather superior, then equal, to Masso degli Alberti (who for the great service done, when he governed as Gonfaloniere was accounted as head of the Commonalty) could not among so many discontentations live contented: nor (as the most men do) prefer private profit, before common commodity. And therefore, thought he would assay to restore those that had been banished, or at the least, set the admonished into their offices. For compassing whereof, he whispered his intent in the ear of this and that Citizen, showing that otherwise he could not please the people, nor stay their offence. And concluding said, he only stayed to be of the Senate, and then to put the matter in execution. Yet because in the actions of men, delay bringeth weariness, and haste is accompanied with peril: to shun weariness, he resolved to adventure with peril. Amongst the Senators, Michele Acciaivoli his companion, and Nicholo Riconori his friend, were elected: whereby Donato imagined a fit opportunity to be offered, and desired them to propound a law to the Counsels, wherein should be contained the restoration of the Citizens. They being by him persuaded, commoned with their fellows, who answered, that they would attempt no new matters, sith the obtaining of them was doubtful, and the peril certain. Then Donato having in vain made proof of every mean, in great choler let them understand, that seeing upon good occasion offered, they did not reform the city, he would with force of arms do it. Which words being greatly offensive, and the matter debated among the chief Governors, Donato was cited, and appearing, was by witness of him to whom he committed the message, Donati Acciaivoli with others confined. convinced: and in the end confined to Barletta. Also Antonio de Medici with all the rest descended of Alamanno, together with many base Artisans (yet such as had credit with the people) were banished: which things happened after two years, that Masso had taken in hand the government. The city thus standing, many were discontented within, and many without banished. Of which number remained at Bologna, Picchio, Cavicciulli, Tomazo de Ricci, Antonio de Medici, Benedetto degli Spini, Antonio Girolami, Christofano di Carlone, with two others of vile condition: but all young men adventurours, and disposed to hazard any fortune for their country. To these men, secret intelligence was given by Piggiello, and Baroccio Cavicciulli (who as men admonished lived in Florence) that if they did come to the city disguised, they would receive them into their houses. From whence they might go and kill Masso degli Albizi, and call the people to arms, Conspiracy in Florence against Masso Deili Albizi and others. who (being discontent) would easily move, and the rather, because they should be followed by the Ricci, Adimari, Medici, Manegli, and many other families. They then encouraged with this hope, the fourth of August 1397. came to Florence, and entering secretly as they were appointed, sent to know where Masso was, intending with his death to raise the tumult. At that time, Masso was come from his house, & stayed in an apothecary's shop, near San Pietro Maggiore. The messenger sent to await him, ran to tell the conspirators thereof; who taking arms and coming to the place found him gone: yet not dismayed that this appointment sped not, returned towards the old Market, & there killed one of the contrary faction. Then the alarm began, & the people cried arms, liberty, & kill these tyrants: which done, they returned towards the new Market, & at the end of Calimara, they slew an other. And with like shout, following their way, & no man taking arms, at the Loggia Nighitiosa, they stayed. Then they climbed up to a high place, and a great multitude drew near, rather to behold them then help them, and with a loud voice they persuaded men to take arms, & acquit themselves of that servitude which they so greatly hated; alleging, that the lamentation of the evil contented persons in the city, more than their own injuries moved them to seek mean to be delivered. And that they knew, many did pray God to grant them occasion to be revenged: which they would perform, whensoever they might find a head to lead them. And now occasion being come, & Captains ready to lead them, every man looked one upon an other, and stood as men amazed. So that, their resolution was in vain, and the Citizens still with bondage burdened. Also they much marveled, that they (who for every small injury were wont to take arms) would not now be moved, but suffer so many their Citizens to be banished and admonished: yet was it in their power to restore the banished to their country, and the admonished to their offices. Which words (though true) moved not the multitude at all, either for fear, or else because the death of those two had made the murderers odious. So that the movers of the tumult, seeing that neither words nor deeds had force to encourage any man, (too late aware how dangerous a thing it is to labour the liberty of a people, that will in any wise be subject) despairing of the enterprise, into the temple of Santa Reparata, retired themselves: and there not to save their lives, but delay their death, they shut themselves up. The Senators at the beginning of the tumult were armed and shut the Palace gate, till after the case was understood, & the men known that moved the rumour, being before locked up, took courage, & commanded the Captain to call his soldiers to apprehend the offenders. In so much that with small force the doors of the Temple were broken: part of them within were slain, in defence of the place, & the rest take. They being examined, confessed none to be culpable but Barocco and Piggiello Cavicciulli, with others that were slain. After this accident, there happened one other of more importance. At this time (as hath been beforesaid) the city had war with the Duke of Milan, who finding that to oppress it, his forces sufficed not, determined to work with wiles, and by aid of the banished Florentines (of whom Lombardy was full) practised that enterprise, whereto also many within the town were made privy. Concluding that upon a certain day, many of those banished men, apt for arms, Conspiracy by the Duke of Milan against Florence. should go to places near Florence, & by the river Arno pass into the city, and there with friends enter the houses of the chief governors, and slaying them, reform the government as themselves thought good. Among the conspirators within, was one of the house of Ricci named Samminiato, but (as in conspiracies for the most part it happeneth) that a few are not of force enough, and many will not keep counsel: Samminiato seeking companions, found an accuser. This man imparted the matter to Saluestro Cavicciulli, whom the injuries done to his kinsfolk and himself, ought have made trusty. But he regarding more the fear at hand, than the future hope, suddenly bewrayed the practice to the Senators, and they apprehending Samminiato, constrained him to confess all the conspirators: yet was there no man apprehended, saving Tomazo Dwisi, who coming from Bologna, and not hearing what happened in Florence, was by the way intercepted. All the rest after the apprehension of Samminiato for fear, fled. Then Samminiato and Tomazo, being according to their merits punished: authority was given to diverse Citizens to find out more offenders, and assure the state. They then discovered for Rebels, six of the family of Ricci, six of the Albertis, three of the Medici, three of the Scali, two of the Strozzi, Bindo Altoviti, Bernardo Adimari, with many of the meaner sort. They admonished all the family of Alberti, Ricci, and Medici, for ten years (a few of them excepted). Among the Albertis was one called Antonio, who being accounted a quiet and peaceable man, was in that respect not admonished. It chanced after the suspicion of the conspiracy not quenched, there was a Monk taken, who had been seen diverse times during the conspiracy, to go from Bologna to Florence. This Monk confessed that he had brought diverse letters to Antonio, who denied the matter, yet being avowed by the Monk, The family of Albertis confined. An. 1402. he was condemned in money, and confined 300. miles distant from the city. Also to the end, that the Albertis might not daily put the state in danger, all that family above fifteen years of age, were banished. This accident happened in the year 1402. The next year died Giovan Galiazzo, Duke of Milan: whose death (as is beforesaid) ended the war which had continued twelve years. In this mean space, the government became of more authority: and having few enemies both within and without, the Florentines attempted the enterprise of Pisa, and gloriously conquered that city. They continued then quiet within, from the year 1400. till 33. saving that in the year 1412. the Albertis, having broken their confines, a Balia was chosen, whereby new ordinances were made to assure the state, and impose greater payments upon them. The death of Ladislao king of Naples. In that time also, the Florentines made war to Ladislao King of Napoli, which was ended by the death of the King: in the year 1414. In execution whereof, the King finding himself the weaker, yielded to the Florentines the city of Cortona, where he was Lord. Yet shortly after he revived the war, which proved more dangerous than the former. And had the same not been, as the other, ended by the Duke of Milan's death, he had also brought the liberty of our city into that danger, that by the Duke it had been. Neither did this war of the King's end, with lesser adventure than the other. For when he had surprised Rome, Sienna, La Marca, and Romagna, and that he wanted nothing, but Florence to pass with a mighty force into Lombardy, he died. So as, death was ever more friendly to the Florentines, than any other friend: and of more power to defend them, than any other virtue. After the death of this King, the city continued quiet without & within eight years. In the end of which time, with the wars of Philippo Duke of Milan, the factions were revived: and continued till the ruin of that state, which from 1380. had been governed, and with much glory, enterprised many wars, and brought under the Empire thereof, Arezzo, Piso, Cortona, Livorno, and Monte Pulciano. And would have done greater things, had the city continued united, and the old humours not been revived. As in the next book shall particularly be declared. The end of the third Book. royal blazon or coat of arms THE FOURTH BOOK. ALL Cities (and chief they which be well governed under the name of Commonweals) do often alter their state and government: not by means of liberty and subjection (as many imagine) but by mean of servitude and licentiousness. For only the name of liberty is honoured of the people, who are the ministers of licentiousness, and servitude still sought for by the Nobility: so as either of them do study not to subject themselves, either to laws or men. True it is, that when it happeneth (as seldom it doth) that by good fortune of some City, there riseth up therein, a wise, good, and mighty Citizen, of whom such laws be made, as these humours of the Nobility, and of the people, be kept quiet (or at the least so restrained as they cannot do evil) then may that City be called free, and that state firm and stable. For being builded upon good laws, and good orders, it needeth not afterwards the virtue of any man to uphold it. Of such laws and orders, many ancient Commonweals (whose estates continued long) were endowed. Such orders and laws, those states wanted, and do want, which have oft times changed their government from states tyrannical, to licentious, and from licentious, to tyrannical. And in them by mean of their mighty enemies, there is not, nor cannot be any stability at all: because the one pleaseth not the good men, and the other offendeth the wise men. The one may do evil with facility, the other can do good with difficulty. In the one insolent men, in the other, fools have too much authority. And therefore, it behoveth, that both the one and the other, by the virtue and fortune of some excellent man be maintained: who either by death may be taken away, or by adversity prove unprofitable. I say therefore, that government which had the beginning in Florence by the death of Georgio Scali, in the year 1381. proceeded first from the virtue of Masso delli Albizi, and after was by Nicholo di Vzano continued. The City lived quiet from the year 1314. till the 22. At which time, the King Ladislao was dead, and the state of Lombardy into parts divided. So that neither without nor within, there was any thing that could breed diffidence or mistrust. Next to Nicholo di Vzano, the Citizens of most authority, were Bartolomeo Valori, Nerome di Nigi, Rinaldo de gli Albizi, Neridi Guio, and Lapo Nicolini. The factions which grew, by the discord of the Albizi & Ricci, and after with great troubles by Saluestro di Medici revived, were never quenched. And albeit the party most favoured of the multitude, reigned not above 3. years, and in the year 1381. the same was oppressed: yet that humour having infected the greater number of the people, could not be utterly quenched. True it is, that the often contentions, & persecutions of the chief captains from the 1381. till the 1400. brought the factions well near to nothing. The families most persecuted were the Albizi, Ricci, and Medici. Those houses were diverse times spoiled, both of their men and substance, and if any of them remained in the city, their honours and offices were taken from them. Which oppression made that part base minded, and (as it were) utterly trodden down. Notwithstanding, there remained in many men, a certain memory of injuries received, and a desire to revenge them. Yet wanting power to perform their will, they kept that desire within their breasts, secretly hidden. Those of the popular Nobility, who peaceably governed the city, committed two errors, Error committed by the popular nobility. which were the causes of their ruin. The one through their insolency, which grew by continual authority and being in office. The other, through envy among themselves, & the long holding the state in their hands, they did not prevent those that might offend them: but daily renewing the universal hatred by their sinister proceed, not removing the matter that might hurt and was to be feared, were the causes that the house of Medici recovered authority. The first of them that begun to stand up, was Giovanni, the son of Bicci. He, become exceeding rich, and being of nature courteous, & affable, was with the allowance of those that governed, ascended to the highest office. Whereat the multitude so greatly rejoiced (supposing to have gotten a protector) that the wiser sort conceived some just cause of suspicion: Advice of Nicolo Vzano against the Medici. because thereby they found all the old humours begun to arise. And Nicholo di Vsano failed not to advertise the other Citizens, how dangerous a thing it was to advance one, who had among the multitude, so much reputation: saying, it was easy to oppress any inconvenience at the first, but letting it grow, the remedy was hardly found. For he knew well, that in Giovanni, there were many more excellent parts, then in Saluestro. Nicholo could not be heard of his companions: because they envied his reputation, and sought for assistance to oppress him. Men thus living in Florence, beset with contrary humours, (which secretly began to boil within their breasts) Philippo Visconti second son of Giovan Galiazzo, being by the death of his brother, become Lord of all Lombardy, and devising upon some enterprise, desired greatly to be again owner of Genova, which at that present under Tomazo Frogolo lived in liberty. Yet feared he could neither compass that nor any other thing, unless first he published a new accord with the Florentines: the reputation whereof, (as he thought) might bring him to satisfaction. For which purpose, he sent Ambassadors to Florence: who being there, and persuading the league, it was by many Citizens thought unfit to join with him, and yet they wished that the peace which had many years continued, should still endure. For they knew what favour and reputation the league would do him, and how small profit the city should receive thereof. To others it was thought good, that the league should be made, thereby to procure the Duke to enter conditions and bonds, which if he passed, every man might discover his evil intent, and should (if he broke the peace) the more justly make war upon him. League betwixt the Florentines and the Duke of Milan. Thus (the matter being thoroughly debated) the peace was concluded. Wherein Philippo promised, that he would not intermeddle with any thing on this side the Rivers of Magra and Panaro. After this conclusion Philippo surprised Brescia, and shortly after Genova, contrary to the opinion of those that had persuaded the peace. For they believed that Brescia had been defended by the Venetians, and Genova could have defended itself. And because in the league which Philippo had made with the Doge of Genova, he had reserved Serezana, and other Towns on this sides Magra, with condition that if he sold them, he then to sell them to the Genovesis, the league was broken. Besides this, he made peace with the Legate of Bologna. Which things, altered the minds of our Citizens, and made them (doubting new mischiefs) to look for new remedies. These suspicions come to the ear of Filippo, either to gratify, or feel the disposition of the Florentines, or else to abuse them, sent Ambassadors unto Florence, and by them signified, how he marveled much at the suspicion conceived, and therewith offered to renounce every thing by him done, whereof any mistrust might grow: which Ambassadors wrought none other effect, than division of the city. For the one part, (and those that were most reputed in the government) thought good to arm, and prevent the enemy. Notwithstanding if Filippo stood quiet, there should be no war at all, and in the mean time, that provision was an occasion of peace. Many others, either envying those that governed, or fearing the war, judged that it was no wisdom, lightly to become suspicious: neither were things by Philippo done, worthy to be suspected. But they knew well, that to elect the Ten, and to hire soldiers, promised war: which being taken in hand against so great a Prince, should be the ruin of the city, without hope of any profit. For of his victories (having Romagna in the midst) we could not receive good, nor become Princes of that country. And of Romagna itself (by reason of the nearness of the church) they could not think to become owners. Notwithstanding, the authority of those that would make preparation for war, prevailed before the other, that desired peace. And therefore they created the Ten, hired soldiers, & imposed Subsidies. Which proceed (because they burdened more the less, than greater Citizens) filled the city with sorrow, and every man blamed the ambition & authority of the great men, accusing them; that to fulfil their appetites, and oppress the people, they would make a war not necessary. Yet was not the Duke come to manifest breach, but every thing was full of suspicion. For Philippo, at the request of the Legate of Bologna (who feared Antonio Bentivogli banished, and remaining at the Castle Bolognese) had sent men to that city: which being near the dominion of Florence, held the state in mistrust. But that which most amazed every man, and gave much cause to discover the war, was the enterprise of the Duke at Furli. Georgio Ordilaffi, was Lord of Furli, who dying, left Tibaldo his son, under protection of Philippo. And albeit the mother supposing the Duke to be a Tutor unfit, and therefore sent her child to Lodovico Alidossi her father, Lord of Imola) yet was she forced by the people to observe her husband's testament, and commit him to the Duke's hands. Then Philippo to make himself the less suspected, and the rather also to cover his intent, devised that the marquess of Farrara should send Guido Torello with some forces, to be his deputy, and take the government of Furli. Thus came that town into the possession of Philippo, which being known in Florence, together with the news of the soldiers come to Bologna, made the resolution for the war the more speedy, notwithstanding it had before great contradiction, & Giovan de Medici publicly spoke against it, saying, Consultation in Florence. that although he were certain of the Duke's evil disposition, yet were it better that he should march first, than they go towards him: for so the war should be justifiable, in the judgement of other princes: neither could we so boldly ask aid, as we might after that his ambition was discovered. Also, men would with an other mind defend their own, than assault the goods of others. To the contrary, was said, it were not good to tarry for the enemy at home, but rather go seek him. And fortune was more friend to him that assaulteth, than to him that defendeth. Moreover with less loss (though with more charge) the war is made far from home, then near at hand. In the end, this opinion prevailed. And resolution was set down, that the Ten should devise some means how the city of Furli might be recovered from the Duke. Philippo seeing that the Florentines went about to surprise those things which he had taken in hand to defend, set respects apart, & sent Agnolodella Pargola with great forces to Imola, to the end, that prince, having occasion to defend his own, should not think upon his grandchild. Agnolo arrived near Imola, (the forces of the Florentines being also at Magdigliana) the weather frosty, and the town ditches frozen, in the night, by stealth, surprised the town, and sent Lodovico prisoner to Milan. The Florentines seeing Imola lost, and the war discovered, commanded their men to go unto Furli, and on every side besieged that city. Also to the end that all the Duke's forces should not come to rescue it, they hired the Earl Alberigo, who from his town Zagonara issued out, spoiling the country even to the gates of Imola. Agnola della Pergola, finding he could not with security succour Furli, by reason of the strength where our Camp lay, thought good to besiege Zagonara, thinking that the Florentines would not lose that place, and if they did relieve it, then of force they must abandon Furli, and fight with disadvantage. The Duke's forces then enforced Alberigo to demand composition, which was granted; he promising to yield the town at any time, if within fifteen days, it were not rescued by the Florentines. This disorder known in the Florentines Camp and in the City, and every man desirous to prevent the enemy of that victory, occasioned them to have a greater. The Florentines overthrown. For their Camp being departed from Furli to succour Zagonara, and entercountring the enemy was overthrown: not so much through virtue of the adversary, as the unhappiness of the weather. For, our men having diverse hours marched in the deep mire and rain, found the enemies fresh, and for that reason by them were vanquished. Notwithstanding, in so great an overthrow published through all Italy, there died no more than Lodovico degli Obizi, with two others, who fallen from their horse were mired to death. All the city of Florence at this overthrow, became sad: and chief the great Citizens who had counseled the war. For they saw the enemy brave, their selves disarmed, without friends, and the people against them: who murmured, and with injurious words, complained of the great Impositions and Subsidies, they had paid to the maintenance of the war taken in hand, without any cause or occasion. Saying moreover, now they having created the Ten, to terrify the enemy, have succoured Furli, and taken it from the Duke. Thus do they bewray their Counsels to what end they are: not to defend the liberty, but increase their own power, which God justly hath diminished. Neither have they only burdened the city with this enterprise, but with many others: for like to this, was that against King Ladislao. To whom will they now resort for aid? To Pope Martin? who hath been in their sight trodden upon by Braccio? To the Queen Giovanna? she was by them abandoned, and forced to put herself upon the King of Arragon. Besides these contumelies, they repeated all such injurious reproves, as a people offended, could imagine. It was therefore thought good to the Senators, to assemble a good number of Citizens, and with courteous speech appease the humours moved in the multitude. Then Rinaldo degli Albizi, eldest son of Masso, The speech of Rinaldo de Albizi to appease the people. (who with his own virtue, & the memory of his father, aspired to the chief honour of the city) declared at large: that it was no wisdom to judge enterprises by their success. Because many things well devised, have had no good end, & others evil devised, have good. Also, if evil counsels having good success, should be commended, the same would encourage men to commit errors, which would prove to great disadvantage of the Common weal: for it ever falleth out, that evil counsels be unfortunate. In like manner they erred, to blame a wise counsel, that hath no desired end: for thereby they discouradge the Citizens to counsel the city, & say frankly, what they knew or understood. Then he showed the necessity of that war, and how if it had not been begun in Romagna, it should have been in Toscana. But sith it pleased God that their forces be overthrown, the loss should be the less, if the enterprise were not abandoned. For if they would still show their faces to Fortune, and endeavour themselves to recover that was lost, neither should they find any loss, nor the Duke any victory. They ought also not to repine at the charge or Impositions that should be laid upon them, because those payments which they had made, were reasonable, and the rest that should after be imposed would not be so great. For less preparation is required for them that defend, than those that will offend. In the end, he persuaded them to imitate their ancestors, who by being in every adversity courageous, did defend themselves against all Princes whatsoever. The Citizens encouraged with the authority of this man, Braccio. Piccinino. entertained the Earl Oddo son of Braccio, with whom they joined Nicholo Piccinino, brought up under Braccio; a man most esteemed of all those that served under his Ensign, and under them they appointed other leaders. Also of their own forces lately broken, some Captains of horse men remained. Moreover they elected twenty Citizens to impose new Subsidies, who being encouraged with seeing the greatest Citizens oppressed by the late overthrow, imposed upon them without respect. This imposition much grieved the great Citizens, yet not to declare themselves unwilling, at the first, showed no private offence: but generally blamed the matter, giving their advise, that the Impositions might cease; which being known to many, took no effect in the Counsels: and thereupon to occasion these repiners feel the smart of their counsel, and make the matter more odious, they ordered, that the Imposers should proceed with all severity, and have authority to kill any man that should withstand the public officers. Whereof followed many foul accidents, by murdering and hurting of the Citizens. In so much, as the factions came to blood: and every wise man feared future mischiefs. Because, the great men (who were used to respect) could not endure to be laid hand upon: and others were not content that every man should equally be burdened. Many of the chief Citizens therefore assembled themselves, and concluded, that it behoved them to take the government into their hands: because their small diligence had given head, and suffered the public proceed to be reproved: allowing overmuch boldness in those that were wont to be heads of the multitude. Having to this effect consulted, they determined many times to meet all together; and in the church of S. Steffano assembled more than 70. Citizens, with the licence and allowance of Lorenzo Ridolfi, and Francisco Gianfi gliazzi, who at that time were of the Senate. To this convention, Giovanni de Medici came not, either because he was as a suspect, uncalled, or that he would not (being of contrary opinion) appear. But Rinaldo delli Albizi, as mouth of that company, Rinaldo di Albizi. discoursed the estate of the city, & how by their negligence it was come to the hand of the multitude, from whom in the year 1381. by their ancestors it was taken: putting them in mind of the iniquity that reigned in that state, from the year 77. till 81. And how sith that time, till this present, some had their fathers slain, some their grandfathers, & now were returned to the self-same perils, & the city fallen to the like disorders; because the multitude had already at their pleasure imposed Subsidies: & would ere long, (if the same were not by a greater force or better order withstood) appoint the Magistrates. Which being brought to pass, the multitude would usurp their places, and ruin that state, which had been with much glory of the city forty and two years continued: and Florence should be governed either casually, under the will of the multitude (so as one part should live licentiously, the other dangerously) or under the commandment of some one that shall make himself Prince of all. Wherefore he assured them, that every man that loved his country, and his own honour, was constrained to beware: and put them in mind of the virtue of Bardo Mancini, who with the ruin of the Albertis: saved the city from those perils wherein it then was: and that occasion of boldness in the multitude, proceeded of the large Squittini, which were by their negligence made: which was the cause also that the Palace was filled with new men and people of base condition. He therefore concluded that the only remedy was, to yield the government to the great Citizens, and remove the less Artificers from their authority: reducing them from 14. to 7. companies. Which should be a mean that the multitude could have in the Counsels less authority: as well in respect, that the number of them were diminished, as that the great men should have most power, who for the old enmity did disfavour the multitude, affirming likewise that to know how to employ men, according to the time was great wisdom. For as their ancestors used the multitude to oppress the insolency of the great men (who thereby became humble and the multitude insolent) so it were now fit to bridle the insolency thereof, with the aid of the great men. And for compassing of these matters they might resort either to subtlety or force. For some of them being of the Ten, by that colour might bring men secretly into the city. This counsel given by Rinaldo, was by every man allowed. And Nicholo of Vzano among other, said; that all things alleged by Rinaldo were true, and the remedies good and certain, if the same might be done without manifest division of the city: which would come to pass if Giovan de Medici, were not persuaded from them. For he being on our side, the multitude without head and force, could not offend. But if he would not consent, without arms it could not be. And with arms it were dangerous, for either they should not prevail, or not enjoy the victory. Also, modestly he reduced to their memories, his former admonitions, & how they refused to prevent these difficulties, when they might. But now the time served not to do it, without hazarding a greater mischief, and therefore, as the uttermost refuge, it behoved to gain his favour. Commission therefore was granted for Rinaldo, to go unto Giovanni, and persuade him to be of their mind. This Gentleman performed his Commission, and with the best reasons he was able, persuaded him to enter with them into this action, and that he would not for the love of the multitude become insolent, to the ruin of the state, & city. Whereto Giovanni answered, The answer of Giovanni di Medicito Rinaldo. that he thought it the office of a wise and good Citizen, not to alter the accustomed orders of the city, because there was nothing that so much offended men, as alteration, sith thereby many be offended, & where many live discontented, some evil accident is daily to be looked for. Also he thought, that this their resolution might work two effects very dangerous. The one by giving the honours to those, who never before having them, would not much esteem them, and should have the less occasion to complain, if they never had them. The other by taking the honours from those that were used to have them, should make them unquiet till they were restored. And so shall the injury done to the one part, be greater, than the benefit, which the other part could thereby receive. Thus shall the author of this change, win few friends, & many enemies: and these will be more ready to offend him, than the others to defend him. For men are more naturally inclined to revenge an injury, them be thankful for a good turn: because this bringeth loss, but that promiseth profit and pleasure. Then turning his face towards Rinaldo, said. And you sir, if you remember matters passed & with what subtleties men walk within this city, yourself would be more low in these resolutions. For the giver of that counsel, so soon as with your forces he hath taken away the authority of the people, would again take the same from you, by the aid of those, who by this mean of injury, will become your foes. And it will befall to you as it did to Benedetto Alberti, who (through the persuasions of him that loved him not) consented to the ruin of Georgio Scali and Tomazo Strozzi: and shortly after, by the self-same men that persuaded him, was sent into exile. He therefore wished him more naturally to think upon matters, & be willing to follow his father, who having love of the multitude, cared not to offend a few men evil disposed. It was then ordained that whosoever had to pay half a Florine for Subsidy, should pay it, or not: as himself pleased. And besides all men indebted, should for the day of the council go free, with out molestation of his creditors. In the end he concluded, that for his own part, he would leave the city in that order and estate, it presently remained. These matters thus handled, were understood abroad, and the same gave great reputation to Giovanni and hatred to the other citizens. Nevertheless he discontinued all affairs, the rather to discourage those, that under his favour intended new practices. Also, in all his communication, he let every man to understand that he would not nourish, but extinguish factions. And for himself, he desired nothing but the union of the city: yet were many that followed him, therewith discontented. For divers of them did persuade him to be in those matters more quick: of which number was Alamanno de medici, who being fierce of nature, ceased not to solicit him to persecute their enemies, & favour friends, blaming his coldness, & slow manner of proceeding. Which was (as he alleged) occasion that their foes without respect, practised against him. Which one day would take effect, with the ruin of his house and friends. To the same effect, was he encouraged, by Cosimo his son. Yet notwithstanding all these reasons to him revealed or prognosticated, he stood firm in his intent, and by that means the faction became discovered, and the city in manifest division. At that time were in the Palace two chancellors, one called sir Martino, and the other Ser Pagolo. This favoured the part of Vzano, that of Medici. Rinaldo seeing that Giovanni refused to concur with them, thought fit to deprive Sir Martino of his office, hoping afterwards to find the Palace more fuourable. That practice foreseen by the adversaries, Martino was defended; and Pagalo with sorrow and injury of his friends removed: which had presently wrought bad effects, if the present war had not been, & the city by the overthrow received at Zagonara, terrified. During the time that these matters were managed in Florence, Agnola della Pergola had with the Duke's forces taken all the towns which the Florentines possessed in Romagna (Castaro and Modigliana excepted) some of them being lost by the weakness of the place, and others by the default of those, that had them in guard. In the surprising of these towns, two notable things appeared. The first, how much the virtue of men even to their enemies, is acceptable. The other, how greatly cowardice and faint heart, is contemned. Biagio of Milan, was Captain of the fortress called Montepetroso. Biagio of Milan. He being environed with fire and enemies, not finding any means how to defend his charge, or escape with life, cast over the wall (where no fire yet burned) certain clothes and straw, and upon the same his own two children, and said to his enemies; Take you here those goods which fortune hath given me, and you have power to bereave me of, but my riches of mind wherein glory and my honour lieth, neither will I give them, nor you can take them from me. The enemies ran to save the poor children, and offered him ropes and ladders to convey himself down safe. But he refused all succours, choosing rather to die in fire, then receive a life from the enemies of his country. An example truly like to those, of the ancient time so highly commended. And is the more notable, that such resolutions are but rare. The children were by the enemies restored to all things that were theirs, and could be found: and with great care conveyed to their friends, to whom their country also was no less kind. For (during their lives) they were publicly relieved and maintained. The contrary happened in Galeata, where Zanobi di Pino was Podesta. Zanobi Pino. For he without any defence, yielded his charge to the enemy: and beside persuaded Agnolo to abandon the Alps of Romagna, and come into the hills of Toscana, where he might make war with less peril, and more profit. But Agnolo could not endure the cowardice and base mind of that man, and therefore gave him prisoner to his servants, who in contempt, and disdain allowed him no more food, but painted cards, saying, by that means they would make him of a Guelfo to become a Ghibellino. But within a few days, Pino pined to death. In this mean time the Earl Oddo together with Nicholo Piccinino was entered into the vale of Lamona, to reduce the Lord of Faenza to the friendship of the Florentines, or at the least to impeach Agnola della Pergola in the spoil of Romagna. Yet by reason that vale is strong, and the country people warlike, it chanced that Oddo was slain, and Nicholo Piccinino led prisoner to Faenza. But fortune would, that the Florentines obtained that by this loss, which if they had won the victory should percase never have been compassed. For Nicholo being prisoner, wrought so with the Lord of Faenza & his mother, that they by his persuasion became friends to the Florentines. By this league Nicholo Piccinino was delivered, but followed not that council he gave to others. For whiles he commoned with the cities that entertained him, either for that the conditions he had made seemed over mean, or that he hoped of better elsewhere, suddenly without leave taking, departed from Arezzo where he lodged, and went into Lombardy, and there took pay of the Duke. Piccinino revolted from the league. The Florentines by this accident became fearful: and being dismayed with their charges lost, thought they could not alone maintain the war, and therefore sent Ambassadors to the Venetians, desiring them while the enterprise was easy, to join against one, who being suffered to grow, might become as dangerous to them as to the Florentines. To the same enterprise also Francisco Carmignuola did persuade them, who was in those days accounted a man of war most excellent, and had been sometimes a soldier under the Duke, yet at that time, rebelled against him. The Venetians stood doubtful, not knowing how much they might trust Carmignuola, fearing that the enmity betwixt the Duke & him was but feigned. They thus standing doubtful, it happened that the Duke procured one of the servants of Carmignuola to poison his master: which poison not being strong enough, killed him not, but brought him to extremity. This being known to the Venetians, cleared all suspicion: and the Florentines following their request, the league was made betwixt them, either party binding himself to make war at their common charge: and that whatsoever were gotten in Lombardy should be the Venetians, and whatsoever were possessed in Romagna, should be the Florentines, and Carmignuola to continue General of the league. Carmignuola general for the league. Then was the war by mean of this league brought into Lombardy, and by Carmignuola governed with so great virtue, that in few months he had taken many towns from the Duke: together with the City of Brescia, the winning whereof (in those days, and in those wars) was accounted marvelous. This war was continued five years and the Citizens become weary of the Impositions already past, agreed to renew them, and provided the same might be imposed according to the value of every man's wealth. In this Imposition, it fell out, that many mighty Citizens were sore charged. And therefore, before the law passed, it became of them misliked. Only Giovanni di Medici openly did commend it, by which commendation, the law passed. And because in the execution thereof, every man's goods were charged (which the Florentines called Accastare) the Imposition was called Catasto. This law partly bridled the tyranny of the mightier Citizens, being thereby restrained from oppression of their inferiors, and their threatenings and counsels could not hold them silent, as before they might. That Imposition therefore was by the multitude willingly, but by the mighty citizens, very unwillingly, received. Notwithstanding (as it ever happeneth) that men be never satisfied; but having the thing they wish for, desire an other: so this people not content with this equality of Imposition by law, required that no respect should be had to time past, but desired to examine how much the great men (according to the Catasto) had paid too little, because they would have them to be charged as themselves had before been; who paying more than they ought, were forced to sell their possessions. This demand, did more terrify the great men, than the Catasto, Catasto. therefore they ceased not to find fault, affirming it was most injust, that the imposition should extend to their movables, which many times were one day possessed, and the next day lost. And moreover many men had money so secretly kept, that the Catasto could not find it. Adding thereto, that for service of the state, they omitted their private business, and therefore ought be the less charged. For traveling in their persons, it was no reason that the city should employ both their goods and their industry, and of other men take only their goods. The others (to whom the Catasto contented) did answer that if the goods movable did vary, the Impositions might also vary, and so that inconvenience was remedied. And for goods concealed or hidden, thereof it was not needful to make account, for of such moneys as are not occupied to profit, no reason would they should pay. And if they would employ them, than should they thereby discover them. Moreover, if they liked no longer to use their industry for the Common weal, they might at their pleasures leave those pains, & that travel. For the state should find other good Citizens willing to help and serve, both with their counsel and substance. Also the government carried therewith so many commodities & honours, as the same might suffice them that governed, without detaining their impositions. But the grief lay not where they alleged. For it grieved them that they could not make war without their own loss, being to contribute to the charge as others did. As if this way had been before found, the war with King Ladislao should not have been then, nor this war with the Duke now. Both which wars were made to enrich the Citizens, and not for necessity. These humours stirred, were appeased by Giovan de Medici, declaring that it was not well done, to call again matters passed, but rather to foresee future events. And if the Impositions before time were injust, then ought they to thank God for that war, whereby they were made just, and that this order might serve to reunite, not to divide the city: as it would, if passed Impositions were called in question, to make the present seasement: because whosoever is content with a reasonable victory, doth best, seeing they that be enforced to pay for many pardons, do thereby become desperate. With these or like words, he appeased the humours, and the comparing of the old Impositions, with the new. The war with the Duke yet continued, but shortly after a peace was made at Ferrara, by mediation of the Pope's Legate. The conditions whereof, were by the Duke at the beginning broken. So that they of the league took arms again, and joining battle with the Duke at Maclovio, they overthrew him. After which overthrow, the Duke moved new communication of peace, whereto the Venetians and Florentines consented. These because they suspected the Venetians, and thought they spent much to make others mighty. The other, for that, since the overthrow, they perceived Carmignuola to proceed slowly, and therefore feared to repose any trust in him. The peace therefore was concluded the year 1428 whereby the Florentines reovered the towns lost in Romagna, Peace betwixt the League & the Duke. and Brescia remained in the hands of the Venetians. Besides these, the Duke gave them Bergamo with the country thereto belonging. In this war the Florentines spent three millions and five thousand ducats. But the Venetians gained land and force: and they poverty and division. The peace thus made abroad, the war at home began. And the great Citizens not enduring the Catasto, nor knowing by what mean to be free from it, devised to make the law to have more enemies, thereby to have companions to repress it. Then they declared to the officers of the Imposition, that the law commanded them also to seize the towns subject, to see, if among them remained any Florentines goods. Thereupon all subjects were commanded within a certain time to bring in bills of their goods. Then the inhabitants of Volterra sent unto the Senate to complain of that matter, insomuch that the officers put xviii. of them in prison. This made the Volterrani much offended, yet for the respect they had to their prisoners, they rebelled not. At this time Giovanni de Medici fell sick, and knowing his disease mortal, called unto him his sons Cosimo and Lorenzo, and said unto them: The speech of cosimo de Medici at his death. I think now to have lived so long, as at my birth God and nature had appointed. I die content, because I leave you rich, healthy, and in estate (if you follow my footsteps) to live in Florence honourably, and favoured of all men: For, there is nothing that maketh me die so contented, as to remember, that I have never offended any man, but rather (so far as I could) pleasured all men. So do I persuade you (if you will live securely) to take of the State no more than by the laws, and by men is given you, which shall never bring with it, either envy or peril. For that which is won by violence, not that which is given freely, doth make men hated. And you shall find many coveting an other man's, to lose their own, and before that loss, live in continual disquiet of mind. With these rules among so many enemies, and contrarieties of opinions, I have not only maintained, but also increased my reputation in this city. Even so, if you follow my course, you shall in like sort maintain and augment your credit. But when you do otherwise, look that your end shall be no more fortunate than theirs, who have ruined themselves, and undone their houses. Shortly after these words pronounced, he took leave of life, and was much lamented by the greatest number of Citizens, for so his excellent virtues deserved. This Giovanni was charitable, and accustomed to give alms not only to them that asked, but also many times unasked. He bestowed relief on the poor, where need required. He loved every man, praising the good, and pitying the evil. He never desired offices, yet had he them all, he went not at any time to the Palace uncalled, he loved peace, and shunned war, he relieved men in adversity, and furthered them in prosperity. He meddled not with public extortion, but increased the common profit. He was in office courteous, of no great eloquence, but singular wise. His complexion seemed melancholy, yet was he in conversation pleasant and merry. He died rich in treasure, but more rich of love, and good report: which inheritance aswell in goods of fortune as of mind, was by Cosimo not only preserved, but also enlarged. The Volterani being weary of imprisonment, promised to condescend to that which was demanded. They then being delivered, and returned to Volterra, found the time come for the election of new Priori. Among whom was chosen one just man, a base fellow, yet of credit among the multitude, and was in the number of those that had been prisoners in Florence. Volterra rebelled. He being moved with the injury offered both in public and private by the Florentines, was encouraged by one Giovanni a noble man (who also sat in office with him) to stir the people with the authority of the Priori and his own credit, to take the town from the Florentines, and make himself Prince thereof. By whose persuasion this Giusto (for so he was called) took arms, ransacked the town, Giusto usurped Volterra. imprisoned the Captain of the Florentines, and made himself by consent of the people, Lord thereof. This new matter happened in Volterra, greatly displeased the Florentines. Yet having lately made peace with the Duke, they imagined a time was come to recover it. And not omitting opportunity, they suddenly sent thither Rinaldo de gli Albizi, and Palla Strozzi, as their commissaries. Giusto in the mean space, supposing the Florentines would assault him, prayed aid of the Sanesis and Lucchesi. The Sanesis denied him, saying they were in league with the Florentines. And Pagolo Guinigi Lord of Lucca, Pagolo Guinigi Lord of Lucca. to recover the favour of the Florentine people (which in the Duke's wars he feared to have lost) did not only refuse to aid Giusto, but also sent his messenger prisoner to Florence. These commissaries in the mean space, to come unlooked for of the Volterani, assembled all their men of Arms, and in the neither Valderno, and the Province of Pisa, levied many footmen, from whence they marched to Volterra. Neither did Giusto for being abandoned of his neighbours, nor the assault of the Florentines, abandon himself: but trusting to the strength of the Scite, and the greatness of the Town, prepared for defence. There was at that time in Volterra, one called Arcolano, brother to Giovanni, who had persuaded Giusto to take the government, a man among the Nobility of good reputation. He, assembling his friends, declared how God by this accident had supplied the necessity of their City. For now if they were pleased to take arms, remove Giusto from the Senate, and restore the City to the Florentines, they should thereby become chief of their City, and continue their ancient privileges. These men consenting to the enterprise, went to the Palace where this Lord Giusto remained: some of them also being left below, Arcolano with three others went up, and finding him with some other Citizens, drew him aside, as though he had to speak with him in some earnest matter, so entertaining him from chamber to chamber, till he came to the place where the rest of the company remained. Yet were they not so sudden, but that Giusto drew his sword, and before himself was slain, hurt two of them. Notwithstanding, Giusto slain. in the end unable to resist so many, was murdered, and cast out of the Palace. Then all the rest of the conspiracy with Arcolano took Arms, and gave the Town to the Commissaries for the Florentines, who were with Soldiers near at hand. They, without other capitulation, entered the Town, whereby the Volterani made their condition worse than before. For among other things, Volterra recovered by the Florentines. they dismembered the greater part of the Country, and was reduced to Vicariato. Thus Volterra, as it were at one instant lost, and recovered, no occasion of new war remained, had not the ambition of men been cause thereof. There served long time the Florentines in their wars against the Duke of Milan, one called Nicholo Fortibraccio, son to one of the sisters of Braccio di Perugia. He after the peace made, was by the Florentines discharged, and at such time as this chance happened at Volterra was lodged at Fucecchio, whereby the Commissaries in that enterprise employed him and his Soldiers. It was supposed that at such time as Rinaldo traveled with him in that war, he persuaded Nicholo under some feigned quarrel to assault the Lucchesi, saying, that if he would go against Lucca, he should be made General of the journey. Volterra thus surprised, and Nicholo returned home to Fucecchio, either by persuasion of Rinaldo, or of his own will, in November, the year 1429. with 300. horse, and 300. footmen, surprised Ruoti and Compito, Castles belonging to the Lucchesi, and after came into the Country, and there made great spoil. The news of this enterprise published at Florence, many people assembled in divers places of the City, and the greater number wished that Lucca might be assaulted. The great Citizens that favoured the enterprise were those of the faction of Medici, and with them joined Rinaldo, thereto persuaded, either because he thought the enterprise profitable to the commonweal, or else for his own ambition, hoping to have the honour of the victory. Those that disfavoured the attempt, were Nicholo de Vzano, and his followers. And it seemeth a thing incredible, that so great contrariety should be in one City, touching the making of a war. For those Citizens, and that people, who after ten years of peace blamed the war against the Duke Philippo, for defence of their liberty: now after so great expenses, and so much affliction of the City, withal earnestly desired to make a new war against Lucca, and to usurp the liberty of others. On the other side, those that desired the first war, found fault with this motion, so greatly did the opinions of men alter with time; for the multitude seemeth more ready to take from others, then keep their own. Also, men are more moved with hope of winning, then fear of losing: For this fear is not believed, till it be near at hand, but that hope, is hoped for, although far off. The people of Florence was full of hope, both by the victories they had obtained, and by letters sent unto Fortebraccio from the Rettori near to Lucca. For the Deputies of Pescia and of Vico did write, that if they might have leave to receive those Castles, they would be delivered to them, and by that means all the Country of Lucca should be gained. Besides these good news, the Lord of Lucca sent his Ambassador to Florence, to complain of the spoils committed by Nicholo, desiring the Senate, not to move war against their neighbours, and a City that had ever been friend to the Florentines. This Ambassador was called jacopo Viviani. He not long before had been kept prisoner with Pagolo for a conspiracy against him: whereof although he were guilty, yet was his life saved. And Pagolo supposing that jacopo had likewise forgotten the injury, put him in trust. But jacopo remembering more the peril he had passed, than the benefit he received, being arrived in Florence, secretly encouraged the Citizens to proceed in the enterprise: which encouragement, joined to other hope, was the cause that the Senate assembled a Council, wherein were four hundred ninety eight Citizens, before whom, by the principal men of the City, the matter was debated. Among the chief that persuaded the journey (as is before said) was Rinaldo, A war against Lucca persuaded by Ri. de All●●zi. who alleged the profit that might ensue of victory. He also declared the occasion of the enterprise, and how the Lucchesi were abandoned by the Venetians and the Duke. And that the Pope (being busied in the affairs of the Kingdom) could not secure them. Thereto he remembered how easy it was to win the City, being in subjection to one Citizen, whereby it had lost that natural strength and ancient care to defend the liberty. So that, either by mean of the people, who studied to drive out the Tyrant, or the Tyrant's fear of them, the success was not to be doubted. He likewise laid before them the injuries which that Lord had done to our Commonwealth, and his evil disposition towards the same; And how dangerous a thing it were if the Pope or the Duke should make war, concluding, that no enterprise attempted by the people of Florence, was ever more easy or more just. The persuasion of Ni. de Vzano to the contrary. Against this persuasion, Nicholo de Vzano said, that Florence did never take in hand any thing more unjust, nor more perilous, nor whereof more danger might follow. First, they should go about to offend a City affectionate to the Guelfi, and such a one as had ever been friend to the people of Florence, and had with peril to itself many times received the Guelfi, when they durst not abide in their own Country. And by the memorial of our proceed, it cannot be found, that Lucca being free, did ever offend Florence: but the offence at any time done, was committed by those that usurped, as heretofore by Castruccio, and now by this man, which defaults cannot be imputed to the City, but the Tyrants. And therefore if the war might be made upon the Tyrant, and not the City, the displeasure should be the less. But because that could not be, he might not consent that a City, beforetime a friend, should be spoiled of her substance. Yet sith at this day, men live as though of right or wrong none account is to be made, he would leave to speak thereof, and think only upon the profit of the City. His opinion therefore was, that those things might be called profitable, which would not lightly procure loss. Wherefore he knew not how any man could call that enterprise profitable, where the loss was certain, and the gain doubtful. The certain losses were the charges it carried with it, which seemed so great, as would terrify any peaceable City, much more ours, having been by long wars wearied. The profit of the enterprise, was the possession of Lucca, which he confessed to be great; Yet were they to consider the lets thereof: and they seemed to him so great, as he thought the success impossible. Neither could he believe that the Venetians and Philippo were therewith pleased: Because the Venetians consent, was only to seem thankful, having lately with the Florentines won a great Dominion. The other would be glad, that in a new war we should spend more treasure: so as worn, and wearied on every side, we might after be the more easily annoyed. Also, there would not want means for him, even in the best hope of victory, to secure the Lucchesi, either covertly with money, or with cassing of bands, and sending soldiers as adventurers to aid them. He therefore persuaded that the enterprise might stay, and suffer them live with the Tyrant, whereby they should have the more enemies. For there was no way so apt to subdue the City, as to suffer it continue under a Tyrant, and be by him assaulted or weakened. This matter wisely handled, the City would be brought in terms, that the Tyrant not able to hold it, nor knowing how to govern itself, should of force fall in our bosom. Nevertheless, seeing his words were not heard, he would prognosticate that they would make a war, wherein much should be spent, many hazards made, and in stead of surprising Lucca, deliver it from the Tyrant, and procure that City which before was subject and weak, to become a town free, and full of displeasure: yea with time, an obstacle to the honour of the Florentine commonweal. This enterprise thus persuaded, and dissuaded, they begun (as the custom is) to practise with men secretly for the winning of their good wills, so as only 98. persons did speak against it. Then the resolution set down, and the Ten elected for government of the war, The war of Lucca resolved. they entertained soldiers both on horseback and foot. Astore Gianni, and Rinaldo de gli Albizi were appointed Generals, and they agreed, that Nicholo Fortibraccio should have the government of the Towns, if the enterprise took success. The Generals with the Armies being arrived within the territory of Lucca, divided their forces. Astore went into the plain, towards Ca Maggiore and Pietrasanta: And Rinaldo, towards the Mountains, thinking, that the Country being spoiled, the City would be easily taken. The attempt of these men proved unfortunate, not because they surprised no Towns, but for the dishonour committed by one of them in the service: For true it is, that Astore Gianni gave great occasions of his own dishonour. near unto Pietrasanta, there is a Vale called Seravezeza, rich, and full of inhabitants, who hearing the General was come, presented themselves: desiring him to receive them for faithful servants to the people of Florence. Astore seemed to accept the offer, and after caused his Soldiers to possess all the passages, and strong places of the Vale: then commanding all the inhabitants to assemble in the principal Church, and there willed his men to take them prisoners, sack them, Cruelty of the Florentine General. and spoil all the Country most cruelly: not sparing the sacred places, but without respect, abusing aswell Virgins, as married women. The manner of these proceed being known in Florence, offended not only the Magistrates, but the whole City also. Some few of the Saravezesis, who escaped the hands of the General, ran to Florence, telling in every street, and to every man their miseries, and were by many Citizens encouraged, either because they desired to have the General punished, thinking him indeed an evil man, or else for that they knew him not to favour their faction. The complaint of the Saravezesis. So that the Saravezesi were brought before the ten, where one of them stepped forth, and spoke to this effect. Sure we are (my good Lords) that our words should find belief, and compassion, if your Lordships did know in what sort your General hath used our Country, and how we have been by him handled. Our Vale (as we hope your memorial do make mention) did always love the faction Guelfa, and hath been many times a faithful receptacle for your Citizens, when flying persecution of the Ghibilini, they came thither. Our ancestors, and we also, have ever adored the name of this noble common weal, being the head and chief of that sect. So long as the Lucchesi were Guelfi, we willingly obeyed their government, but since they submitted themselves to a Tyrant, (who hath abandoned his old friends, and followed the Ghibilini) rather by compulsion, then voluntarily, we have obeyed him. And God knoweth, how often we have prayed for occasion, whereby to show our zeal to the ancient faction. But alas how blind are men in their desires? that which we wished for our help, is now become our harm. For so soon as we heard your General marched towards us, we went, not as enemies to encounter him, but (as our ancestors were wont) to yield into his hand our Country and fortunes: hoping that in him, although there were not the mind of a Florentine, yet should we find him a man. We beseech your Lordships to pardon us, for our extremity is so much, as more may not be endured, which is the cause we make bold to speak thus plainly. This your General hath not of a man more than his presence, nor of a Florentine any thing save the name: but may be called a mortal plague, a cruel beast, and as horrible a monster, as by any writer can be described. For he having assembled us in our Temple, under pretence to talk with us, hath made us his prisoners: spoiling the whole country, burning the houses, robbing the inhabitants, sacking their goods, beating and murdering the men, forcing the Virgins, yea, pulling them from the hands of their Mothers, made them the pleasures of his soldiers. If for any injury done to the people of Florence or him, we had deserved so great a punishment, or if we had armed ourselves against him, and been taken, then should we have had less cause to complain, yea, we would rather have accused ourselves, confessing, that either for injury or pride, we had so merited to be handled. But being disarmed, and freely offering ourselves, then to rob us, and with so great despite and ignomy to spoil us, we think it strange, and are enforced before your Lordships to lay down our grief. And albeit we might fill all Lombardy with offence, and with reproach of this City, publish our injuries through all Italy, yet would we not, lest thereby to blemish so honest, so honourable, and so compassionate a common weal, with the dishonesty and cruelty of one wicked Citizen, whose avarice before our ruin, was partly known unto us. And we intended to strain ourselves to satisfy his greedy mind, which hath neither measure nor bottom. But sith our gifts come too late, we think good to resort to your Lordships, beseeching the same to relieve the misfortune of your subjects, to the end, that other men may not be afraid to yield themselves to your devotion. If our infinite miseries cannot move you, yet let the fear of God's ire persuade you, who hath seen the Churches sacked and burnt, and our people betrayed in them. These words pronounced, they presently fell down prostrate upon the ground, weeping, and desiring their Lordships, that their goods and country might be restored, and that (though the women's honours could not be recovered) yet the Wives might be delivered to their Husbands, and the Children to their Fathers. This heavy case being before reported, and now by the lively voice of those afflicted men confirmed, did much move the Magistrates: and without delay, they revoked Astore, Astore condemned and Rislandred. who after was condemned, and admonished. Then was there Inquisition made for the goods of the Seravezesis, and so much as could be found, was restored. For the rest, they were in time divers ways satisfied. Rinaldo de gli Albizi, was likewise defamed, for having made the war, not for the profit of the people of Florence, but his own. He was also charged that so soon as he became General, the desire of surprising Lucca was forgotten, because he sought no further than to spoil the country, fill his pastures with cattle, and furnish his houses with the goods of others. Moreover, that his own share of the booty contented him not, but he also bought the private spoils of his soldiers. So that of a General, he was become a Merchant. These slanders come to his own hearing, moved his honest and honourable mind more, than they ought to have done. In so much, as he became therewith so amazed, that taking offence against the Magistrates and Citizens, without delay or leave taken, he returned to Florence, and presenting himself to the Ten, said: The speech of Ri. in his purgation. He knew well, how great difficulty and peril there was in serving a lose people, and a City divided. For the one is credulous of every rumour, the other, punisheth no evil doings, rewardeth not the good, and blameth the indifferent; so that no man commendeth him that is victorious: For as much, as his fellows for envy, and his foes for hatred, will persecute him. Notwithstanding, himself had never for fear of undeserved blame, omitted to perform an action that promised a certain good to his country. But true it was, that the dishonesty of the present slanders had oppressed his patience, and made him change nature. Wherefore he besought the Magistrates, to be from thenceforth more ready to defend their Citizens, to the end, they might be likewise more ready to labour for their country. And although that in Florence no triumph was granted, yet might they, at the least defend them from ignominious reproach, and remember that they themselves were also Citizens of the same town, and that to themselves every hour the like might happen: whereby they should understand how great grief false slanders might breed in the minds of men of integrity. The Ten as time would serve, laboured to appease him, and committed the care thereof to Neri di Gino, and to Alamanno Salviati: who leaving to spoil the country of Lucca, with their Camp, approached the Town. And because the season was cold, they stayed at Campanuole. Where it seemed to the General that time was lost: and desirous to besiege the Town, by reason of the evil weather, the Soldiers would not thereto consent. Notwithstanding, that the Ten did solicit them to the siege, and would accept none excuse at all. At that time, Filippo Brunelsco. there was in Florence an Architector, called Filippo Brunellesco, of whose handiwork our City is full: In so much, that after death, he deserved to have his Image of Marble, erected in the chief Church of Florence, with Letters, to testify his great virtue. This man declared, how Lucca considering the scite of the City, and the passage of the River Serchio, might be drowned. And persuaded them (so far as the ten gave commission) that this experiment should be tried, yet thereof followed nothing, but disorder to our camp, and surety of the Lucchesi: for the Lucchesi advanced their land, and then in the night broke the sluice of that ditch whereby the water was conducted: so that the ground towards Lucca being mounted, the water could not enter, and the ditch whereby the water should pass being broken, caused the river to revert towards the plain, by mean whereof the Camp was forced to remove, and could not approach the town. This enterprise, by means aforesaid prevented, the ten newly elected, sent Giovanni Guicciardini for their General. He, with all speed possible, besieged the City. The Lord thereof, finding himself environed with enemies, and encouraged by Anthonio del Rosso (who there remained as Ambassador for the Sanesis) sent unto the Duke of Milan Saluestro Trenta, and Lodovico Bonuisi. They in the behalf of their Lord, The Lucchesi pray aid of the Duke of Milan. desired the Duke's aid, but finding him cold, secretly desired him to grant them soldiers, and in recompense thereof, they promised to deliver into his hands their Lord, with the possession of their City: Assuring him, that if he did not accept this offer, their Lord would give the Town to the Florentines, who with great promises, required to have it at his hand. Francisco Sforza sent to relieve Lucca. The fear which the Duke conceived thereof, caused him to lay aside all respects: and gave order, that the Earl Francisco Sforza, his chief Captain, should openly ask him leave to make a journey to the Kingdom of Napoli. Which being obtained, he with his forces, went unto Lucca, although that he knew the practice was mistrusted, and that the Florentines had sent to the Earl Boccacino Alamanni their friend, to prevent it. The Earl Francisco being arrived at Lucca, the Florentines retired their Camp to Librafatta, and the Earl presently besieged Pescia, where Pagolo da Diacetto was Governor: who being rather counseled by fear, than any other passion, fled unto Pistoia. And if that town had not been by Giovanni Malavolti defended, it had been presently lost. The Earl then after one assault retired thence, and surprised Borgo a Buggiano, and burned Stiliano, a Castle near thereunto. The Florentines seeing these ruins, resorted unto those helps which oftentimes had before saved them: well knowing, that against mercenary soldiers, when force prevaileth not, corruption may: and therefore proffered unto the Earl certain money, to the end he should not only departed, but also deliver the town into their hands. The Earl supposing that more money could not be had of the Lucchesi, was contented to take of those that could give it. Wherefore he concluded with the Florentines, not to deliver them Lucca, (because with his honesty he could not so do) but so soon as he should receive fifty thousand ducats, he would abandon the enterprise. This bargain being made, to the end the people of Lucca might excuse him to the Duke, he practised with them to drive out their Lord. At that time (as is before said) Antonio Rosso Ambassador of Sienna was at Lucca. Pagolo Lord of Lucca deposed. He with the authority of the Earl, practised with the Citizens the destruction of Pagolo. The chief of this conspiracy were Piero Cennanni, and Giovanni da Chivizano. The Earl was lodged without the town by the River Scirchio, and with him Lanzilao the son of Pagolo. The conspirators being in number forty, all armed, went unto Pagolo, who seeing them, demanded the cause of their coming. To whom Piero Cennanni answered, that they had been governed by him till their enemies besieged them with sword and famine, and therefore they were now determined from that time forward, to govern themselves. Therewith they required the keys of the City, and the treasure. Pagolo answered, that the treasure was consumed, but the keys and himself also were at their devotion. Then he desired them, that as his government was begun and continued without blood, so without blood, by their favours, it might be ended. Pagolo and his son, were by the Earl Francisco brought to the Duke, and died in prison. The departure of the Earl, delivered Lucca from the tyrant, & the Florentines from fear of his soldiers. So as then, the one prepared to defend, & the other returned to offend, electing the Earl of Vrbino to be their General: who again straightly besieging the city, enforced the Lucchesi to resort anew unto the Duke, who (under the same colour that he had sent the Earl) did now employ in their aid Nicholo Piccinino. He, being ready to enter into Lucca, was encountered upon the River of Serchio, and in the passage thereof, our men received the overthrow, The Florentines defeated and the General with a few of our soldiers saved themselves at Pisa. This misfortune grieved the whole city, yet because the enterprise was taken in hand by general consent, the people not knowing whom to blame, slandered only them that were officers of the war, sith they could not accuse those that were the devisers thereof. Then they revived the former fault laid upon Rinaldo, but above all others, they charged Giovanni Guicciardini, accusing him for not having ended the war after the departure of the Earl Francisco: saying that he had been corrupted with money, whereof he had sent part to his own house, and the rest he had carried with him & consumed. These rumours, and these accusations, proceeded so far, that the Captain of the people moved with public voices, and also by the contrary party provoked, sent for him. Giovanni full of offence, appeared: whereupon his kinsfolks for their own honour, laboured the matter so earnestly, that the Captain did not proceed. The Lucchesi after the victory, did not only recover their own towns, but also surprised all others belonging to Pisa, except Bientia, Calcinava, Livorno, & Librafatta. And had not a conspiracy been discovered in Pisa, the city itself should have been lost. The Florentines repairing their forces, made Michelletto their General, who had been trained up by Sforza. On the contrary side, the Duke followed the victory (and the rather to molest the Florentines) procured that the Genovesis, Sanesis, and the Lord of Piombino, joined in league for the defence of Lucca, and that Nicholo Piccinino should be entertained for their General, which was the cause that the practice was laid open. Thereupon the Venetians and Florentines renewed their league, and the war began to be openly made both in Lombardy and Toscana. In either of which Countries, with diverse fortune, diverse conflicts followed. So that either side weary, Peace between the Florentines, and Lucchesi. a peace was concluded, in the year 1343. whereby the Florentines, Lucchesi, and Sanesi, who had surprised the Castles one of the others in the war, left them all, and every man repossessed his own. During the time that this war continued, the evil disposition of factious men within the city, began to work, and Cosimo de Medici, after the death of Giovanni his father, governed all things concerning the Common wealth, with more care of the public profit, and more liberality towards his friends, than was by his father used. In so much, as those that rejoiced at the death of Giovanni, seeing the virtue of Cosimo, became sorry. This Cosimo was a man of excellent wisdom, of presence grave and gracious, greatly liberal, courteous, and such a one as never attempted any thing either against any faction or the state, but sought by all means to pleasure every man, and with his liberality to gain the good will of many Citizens. So that his good deserts defaced those that governed, & brought himself to believe; that he might by that means live at Florence, in sufficient strength and security. And if the ambition of his adversaries should move any extraordinary occasion to the contrary, he hoped both by arms and favour of friends to oppress them. The greatest instruments to work his greatness, were Auerardo de Medici, & Puccio Pucci. Of them Auerardo with courage, and Puccio with wisdom, procured him great reputation. For the counsel and wisdom of Puccio, was so well known to every man, that the faction of Cosimo was called not by his own name, but by the name of Puccio. The city notwithstanding thus divided, the enterprise of Lucca proceeded, whereby the humours of the factions, were rather increased then extinguished. And although the faction of Cosimo chief counseled the war, yet many of the contrary part were appointed officers therein; as men most reputed in the state: which Auerardo and others not being able to remedy, sought by all industry and practice to slander them: and if any loss happened (as many did) they imputed the same not to fortune or force of the enemy, but want of wisdom in the officers. This was the cause that the offences of Astor Gianni were esteemed so great. This made Rinaldo delli Albizi offended, and without licence to departed from his charge. This was the occasion that the delivery of Giovanni Guicciardini was required at the hand of the Captain of the people. And hereof proceeded all blames that had been imputed to the Magistrates and ministers of the war. For the true slanders were increased, and the untrue were invented: and both the true, and not true, were of the people that loved them, not believed. These matters and manner of proceeding extraordinary, was well known to Nicholo di Vzano, and others of his faction, who had many times thought upon remedy, but found no means how to deal therein: Because it seemed to them, that the suffering thereof was dangerous, and forcibly to help it, was not easy. Nicholo di Vzano, was the first unto whom this extraordinary way displeased. Thus the wars continuing without the city, and these disorders within: Persuasion of Barbadori to Nicholo Vzano against Cosimo di Medici. Answer of Nicholo Vzano to Barbadori. Nicholo Barbadori, desirous to bring Nicholo di Vzano to consent to the oppression of Cosimo, went unto his house, where he found him sadly set in his Closet, and there with the best reasons he could, persuaded him to join with Rinaldo to drive Cosimo out of the City. Unto whom Nicholo di Vzano answered, as followeth. I think it were better for thy house and our Commonweal, that all the rest, whose opinion thou herein followest, had their beards (as men say) rather of silver, than gold, as thou hast. For then, their counsels proceeding from heads grey, grounded in experience, would be more advised, & more profitable. It seemeth to me, that those which desire to banish Cosimo from Florence, had need first of all to measure their forces, with his. This our side, you have called by the name of Nobility: and the contrary part, you have termed the plebeial party. If the truth answered to these names, in every accident, the victory would prove doubtful, and we have more cause to fear then to hope, moved with the example of the ancient Nobility of this city, which hath been by this plebeiall sort heretofore oppressed. But the greatest cause of our fear is, that our side is dismembered, & our adversaries continue whole and entire. First you must consider, that Neri di Gino and Nerone de Nigi (two of our principal Citizens) be not, as you know, more friends to us, then to them. There be also many families, among themselves divided. For diverse through envy of their brethren or their kinsmen, do disfavour us, & favour them. I will recite unto you the names of some few, the rest you may the more easily remember with yourself. Of the house of Guicciardini, and among the sons of Luigi, Piero is enemy to Giovanni, & favoureth our adversaries. Tomazo & Nicholo Soderini, for the hate they have to Francisco their uncle, are openly protested our enemies. So that, if we consider well what they are, & what we ourselves be, I know not for what reason we should call our or their party more noble. And if it be, that we call their part plebeial, because they are by the multitude most followed, their state therein is the better, & ours the worse. For whensoever we shall come to arms, we cannot resist them. Also if we stand on our dignities, they have been given to us by the state, & by virtue thereof, we have continued them these 50. veres. Yet whensoever we shall come to proof, our weakness will appear, & we shall lose our authority. If you haply say, that the just occasion which moveth us to this enterprise, shall increase our credit, and diminish theirs? Thereto I answer, that it behoveth this just quarrel of ours to be known, & believed of others, as well as of ourselves: which falleth out clean contrary, for the occasion alleged, is altogether builded upon the suspicion we have, that he goeth about to make himself Prince of this city. This is the mistrust we have, which others have not, but they rather accuse us of that, we accuse him. The matters which make Cosimo suspected, are that he employeth his money to serve every occasion, not only to private uses, but also to the public affairs: and that as well to the Florentines, as the Captains and Leaders. The cause why he doth favour this, and that Citizen, having need of authority, is for that his credit with the multitude, hath advanced this and that friend, to great honours. Therefore it behoveth you to allege the reasons why he should be expulsed. Because he is charitable, friendly, liberal, and loved of all men? And now tell me I pray you, what law inhibiteth, blameth, or condemneth men for their charity, their liberality, and their love? And albeit these be means for him to aspire, yet are they not so taken, neither are we of credit enough to make them so to be thought. For our proceed have wrought our discredit, and our city (naturally disposed to division, and living always in corruption) cannot give ear to such accusations. But admit you could expulse him, which (having a Senate for the purpose may easily come to pass): yet how can ye devise, that he having in the city so many friends studying for his return, should not be revoked? This I think impossible, because his friends being many, and he (having love universal) you cannot assure him. The more of his chief friends you labour to banish, the more enemies you win to yourselves. So that within short space he shall be returned, and you have gained thus much, that a good man he was banished, and returned an evil man: because his nature shall be corrupted by those, that will labour his revocation. To whom being made beholding, he may not oppose himself, and if you would put him to death, by order of Magistrates, you could never procure it: because his riches, and our corruptible nature, would assuredly save him. Yet admit he were dead, or banished never to return? I see not what is gotten to our Common weal: for though it be thereby delivered of Cosimo, it becometh subject to Rinaldo, and I am one of those, who wish, that no Citizen should surpass an other in power and authority. But if any of these two should prevail, I know not for what cause I ought to love Rinaldo more than Cosimo. Neither will I say more, than I pray God to defend, that any Citizen should aspire to be Prince of this city. And though our sins have merited such a plague, yet God forbidden we should obey him. Do not therefore persuade an enterprise, which in every respect is dangerous, nor think that you (accompanied with a few) can withstand the will of many. For all these Citizens partly through ignorance, and partly of their lewdness, be prepared to make sale of the Common weal: and fortune is so friendly unto them, as they have already found a chapman. Be therefore pleased to follow my counsel: live modestly, and so shall you find cause, as well to suspect some of our side for enemies to the liberty, as those of the contrary: and when any troubles happen being neutral, you shall be to both acceptable. So shall you help yourself, and not hinder your country. These words did somewhat appease the mind of Barbadoro: and the city continued quiet, during the war of Lucca. But the peace made, and Nicholo da Vzano dead, the city remained both without war and order. By mean whereof, evil humours grew, and Rinaldo thinking himself to be only Prince, ceased not to entreat, and persuade all those Citizens (whom he thought likely to be Genfalonieri) to arm themselves for the defence of their country, against that man, who through the lewdness of a few, & the ignorance of many, should of necessity bring the same to servitude. This course holden by Rinaldo, and the contrary laboured by the adverse part, filled the city with suspicion: and at the election of every Magistrate, the one against the other party, publicly murmured, & at the election of the Senators, all the city was in open uproar. Every matter brought before the Magistrates (how little soever it were) occasioned a mutiny. All secret matters were laid open; good and evil, were favoured & disfavoured: good men, and evil men, equally molested; and no Magistrate could execute his office. Florence remaining in this confusion, and Rinaldo labouring to oppress the greatness of Cosimo: knowing that Bernardo Guadagni, was likely to be elected Gonfaloniere, paid his debts, to the end, that such money as he owed to the state, should not be a mean, to keep him from that dignity. The Senators being chosen, (and fortune favouring our discords:) it came to pass, that Bernardo was chosen Gonfaloniere, to sit in that office, during the two months of September and October. Him presently Rinaldo visited, and told him how greatly the Nobility rejoiced for his being aspired to that honour, which for his virtue he deserved: and therefore required him, so to behave himself in the office, that their rejoicing should not be in vain. Then he laid before him, the perils which proceeded of faction, & that there was no other remedy to unite the city, but the oppression of Cosimo: because he, with the love which his exceeding riches had gained him, held others down, and aspired to make himself Prince. It were therefore convenient, for remedy of so great a mischief, that the people should be assembled in the Market place: And by virtue of the Gonfaloniere the city restored to liberty. He moreover declared, how Saluestro de Medici, could without justice bridle the greatness of the Guelfi, unto whom by the blood of their ancestors lost in that quarrel, the government to them appertained. And if he injustly could do that against so many, then might Bernardo with justice do the same, against one alone. Then he persuaded him not to fear any man, because his friends would be ready armed to assist him. Of the multitude which so greatly honoured Cosimo, none account was to be made, for Cosimo should have by their favours none other good, then had Georgio Scali. Neither should he fear his riches, for they being come to the hands of the Senators, should be theirs. And in conclusion said, that this action should make the state united, and him famous. To these persuasions, Bernardo briefly answered; how he thought necessary to do according to that counsel. And because the time was to be employed rather in action, than words, he would presently prepare forces, to be ready, so soon as his companions could be persuaded to the enterprise. Bernardo being placed in office, and having won his companions, & counseled with Rinaldo, sent for Cosimo: who, albeit he were otherwise advised, did appear, trusting rather to his own innocency, than the mercy of the Senators. So soon as Cosimo was entered the Palace, Rinaldo with many others armed, came to the Market place, and there met with the rest of that faction. Then the Senators caused the people to be called, and made a Balia of two hundredth men, to reform the state of the city: which Balia, with such speed as possibly they could, consulted upon the reformation, and also of the life and death of Cosimo. Many persuaded he should be banished, Cosimo di Medici cited & committed. others would have him put to death, and many also said nothing, either for the compassion they took of the man, or for the fear of themselves. This diversity of opinions, did procure that nothing was concluded. In a Tower of the Palace called Albergettino, Cosimo was kept prisoner under the guard of Federigo Malavolti. From which place, Cosimo hearing them talk, and perceiving the noise of armed men in the Market place, together with the often ringing of the Bell to the Balia, he stood in great suspicion of his life: and feared also, lest his particular enemies would extraordinaly murder him. For these respects, during the space of four days, he would eat nothing, but one little piece of bread: which Federigo perceiving, said unto him. Cosimo, I see thou fearest to be poisoned, and therefore would first famish thyself. But thou dost me great dishonour, to think that I would put my hand to so wicked a deed. I surely believe, that thou art not to die for this matter, having so good friends both within & without the Palace. But if it be meant, that thy life shall be taken from thee, be sure, they should find other ministers than me, to perform that deed. For I will not embrew my hands in the blood of any man, and chief in thine, who never offended me. Be therefore of good cheer, eat thy meat, and preserve thy life to the comfort of thy friends and country, and because thou shalt mistrust the less, I myself will eat part of those meats which be set before thee. These words comforted Cosimo exceedingly, and with tears in his eyes, he embraced and kissed Federigo; thanking him most hearty for his friendly and piteous dealing: offering to be thankful whensoever occasion should be presented. Thus Cosimo somewhat comforted, and his cause disputed among the Citizens: It happened, that Federigo brought with him to supper a friend of the Gonfalonieries, called Farganaccio, a man very witty, and pleasantly disposed. The supper being almost ended, Cosimo hoping to help himself by this man's presence (for he was with him well acquainted) made signs to Federigo to go aside: who knowing the occasion, feigned to go for something that wanted. And leaving them alone, Cosimo after a few friendly words spoken to Farganaccio, gave him a token, and sent him to the Hospital of Santa Maria Nuova, for a thousand and one hundredth crowns: whereof one hundredth to be kept to his own use, the other to delivered to the Gonfaloniere. Farganaccio performed his Commission, the money was paid: and by virtue thereof, Cosimo di Medici banished. Bernardo became more favourable. So as, than it was ordered, that Cosimo should be only confined to Padua, contrary to the expectation of Rinaldo, that desired his life. Auerardo & many others of the house of Medici were also banished; and with them Puccio, and Giovanni Pucci. Also to terrify others that were offended with the exile of Cosimo, they gave Commission of Balia, to the Eight of the Guard, and the Captain of the people. After which order taken, Cosimo upon the third of October, in the year 1433. came before the Senators, who pronounced his banishment, and persuaded him to obey the same: Or if he would refuse, more severity would be used, both unto his person and goods. Cosimo with cheerful countenance received his confinement, protesting that whither so ever the Senate should please to send him, he was most willing to obey. Humbly desiring, that as they had preserved his life, so it might please them to defend him: for he was given to understand of many, that watched in the Market place to have his blood. He said moreover, that himself and his substance should be ever at the commandment of the city, the people, and their Lordships. The Gonfaloniere did comfort him, and kept him in the Palace till night was come. There he supped, & after brought him to his house: which done, caused him to be accompanied with many armed men, & by them was conducted to the confines. Wheresoever Cosimo passed, he was honourably received, and by the Venetians publicly visited, not as banished, but as a man in great authority. Florence thus deprived of so worthy a Citizen, so universally loved, every man was dismayed, and as well they that had the victory, as those that were victored, did fear. Rinaldo mistrusting future misadventure, to serve his own turn and his friends, assembled many Citizens, and said to them, that he now saw their ruin at hand, because they were with fair words, tears, & the enemy's money vanquished: forgetting that shortly themselves should be forced to entreat and weep, when their suits shall not be heard, and of their tears no man would take compassion. Also touching the moneys received, the same must be repaid, with torments, death, & exile, instead of usury. Moreover, that it had been better for themselves to be dead, then suffer Cosimo to pass with life; and leave his friends in Florence. Because great personages should either not be touched, or being, must be made sure from taking revenge. No other remedy therefore remained, but to fortify themselves within the city: to the end, that the enemies taking knowledge thereof (as easily they will) we may resist them with arms, sith by order and law we could not avoid them. The remedy of all this was (that which long before had been remembered); to recover the great men, restoring & giving to them all the honours of the city, making ourselves strong with that faction: because the adversaries were strengthened by the multitude. By this means their party should be known of how great force, virtue, courage, and credit it were. Alleging also, that if this last and truest refuge were not put in proof, he saw not by what other mean, the state might be among so many enemies preserved. And therefore he beheld at hand, a destruction of them and their City. To answer this speech, Mariotto Baldovineti one of the company opposed himself, and said; that the pride and insupportable nature of the Nobility was such, that it were no wisdom to submit themselves to a tyranny certain, to eschew the doubtful perils of the multitude. Rinaldo seeing his counsel not heard, lamented the misfortune of himself and his friends, imputing every thing rather to the heavens that so would have it, then to the ignorance and blindness of men. The matter thus depending, without any necessary provision made, a letter was found, written by Agnolo Acciaivoli to Cosimo, wherein he advertised the disposition of the city towards him, and wished him to move some war, making Nero di Gino his friend. For he thought the City had much need of money, and no way known that would supply that want. By occasion whereof, the desire of his return, would be greatly revived in the Citizen's minds. And if Neri should fall from Rinaldo, than that side would become so weak, as could not defend itself. This letter come to the hands of the Magistrates, was the cause that Agnolo was taken, and sent to exile. By this example, some part of that humour which favoured Cosimo, was cooled. The year of Cosimo his banishment expired, & the end of August at hand, in the year 1430. Nicholo di Cocco was chosen Gonfaloniere for the two months next following, and with him eight Senators, all friends to Cosimo. So as, that Senate terrified Rinaldo, & all his followers. Also because the custom was, that the Senators elected, should three days before they enter their office, remain as private men at home: within that time, Rinaldo conferred with the chief of his faction, and showed them their certain, and approaching peril: the remedy whereof was, to take arms, and by force procure that Donato Velluti (who was yet Gonfaloniere) should assemble the people in the Market place, call a new Balia, deprive the new Senators of their office, creating a new Senate for their purpose, & exchanging the old Squittini, put in new, with the names of their friends. This devise was by many thought secure and necessary. Of others, it was holden over violent, and dangerous. Among those that disallowed thereof, was Palla Strozzi, who being a man indeed quietly disposed, gentle, courteous, & inclined rather to learning, then apt to encounter a faction, or oppose himself to civil disorder: said, that enterprises having in them either craft or courage, do seem at the beginning easy, but afterwards they prove hard in their proceeding, and in the end dangerous. He also believed, that the fear of new wars abroad, begun by the Duke in Romagna, near to our confines, should be a mean, that the Senators would be more mindful of them, then of these discords at home. But if it were seen, that they would change the government, the same could not be with such speed, but arms might be taken, and all things done necessary for defence of the public state. And this being performed upon necessity, and not sooner, should be the less marveled at of the people, and with less reproach to themselves. For these reasons it was concluded, that the new Senators should be suffered to enter, and heed be taken to their proceed; to the end that if any thing were attempted contrary to the faction, that then every man should take Arms and resort to S. Pulinare, (a place near to the Palace) from whence they might go to perform whatsoever should be thought necessary. This conclusion made, every man returned home. The new Senators entered their offices, and the Gonfaloniere (to give himself reputation, and terrify the contrary party) condemned to prison Donato Velluti, his predecessor, for having employed the public treasure. After these things were done, he sounded the minds of his companions, touching the return of Cosimo: & finding them well disposed, consulted with all those whom he thought to be chief heads of the faction of Medici. By them he was greatly encouraged: And thereupon commanded that Rinaldo (as principal man of the contrary faction) should be sent for. After this commandment given, Rinaldo thought good no longer to protract time, but came from his house followed with many armed men, & with him joined presently Ridolpho Peruzzi, Rinaldo and his friends armed against the Medici. & Nicholo Barbadori. Amongst them were also diverse other Citizens, and many soldiers, who at that time happened to be in Florence without pay. All which company, according to the order taken, resorted to S. Pulinare, & there stayed. Palla Strozzi had also assembled much company, but came not out: the like did also Giovanni Guicciardini. For which so doing, Rinaldo sent to solicit them, & reprove them of their delay. Giovanni answered, that he made war enough to the enemy, if by his tarrying at home, he could hold Piero his brother from going out, to rescue the Palace. Palla after many messages sent unto him, came on horse back to S. Pulinare, with two only foot men, and himself, unarmed. And Rinaldo seeing him, went towards him, and reproved him greatly of negligence, saying that he showed himself thereby a man either of small troth, or little courage. Both which reproachful faults, a man of that sort, whereof he was holden, aught to eschew. And if happily he believed, for not performing his promise, that the enemy (having victory) would pardon either his life or his exile, therein he was deceived. As for himself, if any misfortune happened, yet this content of mind should remain, that before the peril, he was not dismayed, and the peril being come, he was not afraid. But he (and such others as he was) should double their own discontentments, knowing they had three times betrayed their Country. First when they saved Cosimo, next when they refused his counsel, and last for not coming in Arms, according to appointment. To these speeches, Palla answered not any thing that was heard of those that were there, but murmuring, turned his horse, and went home. The Senators hearing that Rinaldo and his followers were in Arms, and seeing themselves abandoned, shut the Palace gates, and as amazed, knew not what to do. But Rinaldo delaying his going thither, attending for forces which came not, lost the occasion of victory, and gave courage to the Senators to make provision, and to other Citizens to go unto them, and advise them how matters might be appeased. Then some friends to the Senators least suspected, went unto Rinaldo, and said, that the Senate knew no cause of these motions, and that they had no intent to offend him, or if it were for Cosimo, there was no meaning of his revocation. If therefore these were the occasions of their suspicion, they might assure themselves, come to their Palace, be welcome, and have their demands granted. These words could not alter the resolution of Rinaldo, but said that he would make the Senators private men, and by that means be assured: which done, reform the City to the benefit of all men. But it ever cometh to pass, that amongst those whose authority is equal, and their opinions diverse, for the most part, nothing is well resolved. Ridolpho Peruzzi moved with the words of those Citizens, said, that for his own part, he sought not further, then that Cosimo might no more return, which being granted, he thought the victory sufficient. Neither desired he in hope of more, to fill the City with blood, and therefore he would obey the Senate. Then went he to the Palace, where he was joyfully received. Thus the stay of Rinaldo at S. Pullinare, the faint heart of Palla, and the departure of Ridolpho, had utterly overthrown the enterprise: and the minds of those Citizens that followed Rinaldo, began to fail of their wont courage, whereunto the authority of the Pope was joined. For at this time, Pope Eugenio being expulsed Rome, happened to be in Florence, where he heard of these tumults, and thought it his office to be a mean to pacify the City. Pope Eugenio laboureth a Pacification in Florence. And therefore sent Giovanni Vittelleschi, Patriarch and friend to Rinaldo, to desire, that he would come unto him, for he intended to employ all his credit and authority to the Senate, to make him contented and assured, without blood or danger to the City. Rinaldo persuaded by the message of his friend, went to Santa Maria Novella, where the Pope lay, and was followed with all those whom he had armed. To him the Pope declared, what credit the Senate had given him, which was, to determine all controversies, and order all matters as should by him be thought good. Rinaldo having made proof of the coldness of Palla, and the inconstancy of Ridolpho Peruzzi, and wanting a better shift, yielded himself into the Pope's hands, hoping his authority should have continued. Thereupon the Pope caused knowledge to be given to Nicholo Barbadori, and the rest, who attended without, that they should lay down their Arms: because Rinaldo remained with him, for the concluding a peace with the Senators. Which words resolved every man, and they disarmed themselves. The Senators seeing their adversaries disarmed, practised a peace by mediation of the Pope, and in the mean time sent secretly to Pistoia, for certain bands of foot men, whom (accompanied with all their men at Arms) they suffered in the night to enter the City: and possessing the strongest places, and calling the people to the Market place, created there a new Balia, which at the first assembly, Cosimo revoked, and Rinaldo with others, confined. determined the revocation of Cosimo, with all others that were banished. And of the contrary faction, they confined Rinaldo delli Albizi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, Nicholo Barbadori, Palla Strozzi, and many other Citizens, that the number of them was such, as that few Towns of Italy (and many other places also) but were full of them. By this accident the City of Florence became deprived, not only of honest men, but also of riches and industry. The Pope seeing the ruin of those men, who at his request had laid down Arms, became greatly discontented, lamenting with Rinaldo for the injury to him done under his credit, persuading him to patience, The words of Rinaldo at his banishment. and hope of better fortune. To whom Rinaldo answered; the small credit which they gave me, who ought to have believed me, and the overmuch credit which I have given to you, hath utterly undone me, and my Country. But I complain more of myself then any others, for believing, that you being banished your Country, could maintain me, in mine. Of Fortune's dalliances I have had experience enough, and sith I little trusted to prosperity, mine adversity shall the less offend me, for I know well, that (Fortune being so pleased) can again favour me. But if she never so do, I shall ever care little, to live in that City, where the laws are of less authority, than men. Because that Country is to be desired, where the wealth and friends of men may be with security enjoyed, and not that, where men's goods may be taken from them, and their friends (for fear to lose their own) in greatest necessity forsake them. It was also ever less grievous to good and wise men, to hear the miseries of their Country, then with their own eyes to see them. And it is also thought a thing more glorious, to be reputed an honourable Rebel, than a slavish Citizen. After this speech made, being much troubled in mind, he took leave of the Pope, finding great fault with his Counsels, and the coldness of his friends, and so went towards his exile. Cosimo on the other side, having received knowledge of his restitution, returned to Florence, and was there received, with no less pomp, then is used to other Citizens, who after victory, came home in triumph. So great was the Concourse of people; so great the demonstration of their benevolence towards him, at this his return from banishment, as the Citizens willingly saluted him by name of the people's Benefactor, and Father of the Country. The end of the fourth Book. royal blazon or coat of arms THE FIFT BOOK. ALL Countries in their alterations, do most commonly change from order to disorder, and from disorder to order again. For nature having made all worldly things variable, so soon as they have attained their uttermost perfection and height, do of force descend: and being come down so low, as lower they cannot, of necessity must ascend. So that from good they descended to evil, and from evil ascend to good. War begetteth quiet, quiet occasioneth idleness, Idleness breedeth disorder, Disorder maketh ruin: Likewise of ruin groweth order, of order virtue, and of virtue, glory with good fortune. It hath been therefore by wise men observed, that learning followeth Arms, and in all Cities and Countries, Captains were before Philosophers. For good and well governed Arms, having won victory, of that victory followeth quiet. And surely the courage of warlike minds cannot with a more honest idleness, than the study of Letters, be corrupted; nor idleness by any greater or more perilous craft enter Cities well governed: which Cato (at such time as Diogenes and Carneades Philosophers, were sent Ambassadors from Athens to the Senate) did well observe. For he seeing with what admiration the youth began to follow them, and knowing the inconveniences which might of that honest idleness ensue, provided that no Philosopher, might after be received into Rome. Every country therefore by these means doth come to decay. Wherewith men being beaten and weary of troubles, return (as is beforesaid) to order, if by extraordinary force they be not utterly ruined. These occasions, by virtue of the ancient Toscani and Romans did make Italy, sometimes happy, and sometimes miserable. And albeit since that time, nothing hath been builded upon the Roman ruins comparable to the old, (as might with great glory have been under the government of a virtuous Prince). Yet in some new Cities so much virtue is grown up (among the Roman spoils) that although no one hath attained such power as to command the rest, yet became they so well ordered and linked together, as they delivered and defended themselves from the barbarous people. Of this number was the Florentines government, (although of less Empire) yet in authority and power not inferior to any, but rather by inhabiting the midst of Italy, being rich and ready to offend, either happily they answered the wars made against them, or else gave the victory to those in whose favour they employed their forces. By the virtue of these principalities, although no times of quiet, and long peace were, yet were they not by terror of war much perilous. For we cannot account that peace, where one state oftentimes with Arms assaileth the other. Neither can that be called war, where men be not slain, Cities not sacked, nor principalities destroyed. For the wars of that time became so cold, as they were begun without fear, continued without peril, and ended without loss. Insomuch, as that virtue which in other Countries was wont by long peace to be extinguished, was in Italy by their own cowardice quenched, as will plainly appear, by that we will hereafter declare from the 1434. till the 94. Whereby we may see, how at length a way was again opened for the entry of strangers, and Italy became to them subject. And albeit the actions of our Princes both abroad and at home, are not (as those of ancient time were) to be read and marveled at for their virtue and greatness: yet for some other qualities, to be with no less admiration considered, seeing so many Noble people, were by so few and evil trained soldiers kept in awe. And if in declaration of things happened in this bad world, we shall not set down the courage of any soldier, the virtue of any Captain, or the love of any Citizen towards his Country: yet shall you find, what cunning and Art, the Princes, the Soldiers, and chief Governors in Common weals (to maintain the reputation they did not deserve) have used: which percase will prove not less worthy, and profitable to be known, than those of most ancient time. For as those do stir up Noble minds to follow them: So these, to eschew their lewdness and lack of virtue, will provoke us. In those days Italy was brought to such condition, by them that there commanded: that whensoever through reconciliation of the Princes a peace was made; shortly after, (by such as had weapons in hand) it was again disturbed. So that neither by the wars ended, was gotten glory, nor by the peace, quiet. The peace being concluded between the Duke of Milan, and those of the League, in the year 1433. the soldiers desiring still to exercise the war, made an enterprise against the Church. There were at that time in Italy, two sorts of soldiers, the one trained under Braccio, Two sorts of soldiers in Italy. 1433. the other under Sforza. Of these, the chief Captain was the Earl Francisco son of Sforza. Of the other, Nicholo Piccinino, and Nicholo Fortibraccio were the Leaders. To these two Sects, all the other Italian soldiers joined themselves. Yet were the followers of Sforza of most reputation, as well for the virtue of the Earl, as the promise to him made by the Duke, The Duke of Milan's daughter offered to Fran. Sforza. of Bianca his natural daughter: which alliance, gained him exceeding estimation. Both these Sects of soldiers, after the peace of Lombardy (for diverse occasions) assaulted the Pope Eugenio. Nicholo Fortibraccio was thereto moved by the old displeasure borne to the Church, by Braccio. And the Earl, by his own ambition. Insomuch as Nicholo assaulted Rome: & the Earl possessed himself, of La Marca. The Romans to eschew the wars, banished Eugenio from Rome, who (with peril and difficulty escaped) came unto Florence. Where considering of the danger wherein he was, and seeing himself by those Princes abandoned, and that they refused to take arms in hand for him, by whose mean at their own desire, they had been lately disarmed, compounded with the Earl, and granted him the principality of La Marca: The Pope assaulted by Fran. Sforza. notwithstanding that he had not only before taken that country from him, but also used contempt in the letters which he wrote to his Agents for the division of the land, writing thus; Girifalco nostro Firmiano, invito Petro & Paulo. Neither was he contented with the grant of these towns, but he would be also Gonfaloniere of the Church. All which was granted: So much did Pope Eugenio, fear more a dangerous war, than a dishonourable peace. Thus the Earl become friend to the Pope, did persecute Nicholo Fortibraccio, and between them in the territory of the Church, in divers months, many accidents happened, more to the prejudice of the Pope, and his subjects, then of them that made the war. In so much as by the Duke of Milan, his mediation, it was concluded, that the one, and the other of them, should remain Princes in the Towns belonging to the Church. This war quenched at Rome, was kindled in Romagna by Babtista Canneto, who in Bologna had slain certain of the house of Grifoni, & driven from thence the Pope's Governor, with some other enemies. Then to hold that state by force, he desired aid of Philippo. And the Pope to be revenged of this injury, required help of the Venetians and Florentines. War between the Pope and the Duke of Milan. The one and the other of them were aided. So that within short space, two great Armies were come into Romagna. The General for Philippo, was Nicholo Piccinino. The Venetian Forces, and the Florentines, were led by Gatamelata, and Nicholo de Tolentino. Near unto Imola, they joined battle, wherein the Venetians and Florentines were overthrown: and Nicholo de Tolentino sent prisoner unto the Duke, where either by poison, or his own sorrow for the loss received, within few days he died. The Duke after this victory, either because he was weak; or believed that the league after this overthrow would stand quiet, followed no further his fortune; but gave the Pope and his confederates time to unite themselves anew: Fran. Mirza, General of the League. who elected for their Captain the Earl Francisco; with determination to remove Nicholo Fortibraccio from the Towns belonging to the Church; and by that means, and the wars which in favour of the Pope they had begun. The Romans seeing the Pope strong in the field, sought his friendship, and received a Governor from him. Nicholo Fortibraccio among other towns, possessed Tibali, Montifiasconi the City of Castello and Ascesi. Into this town Nicholo (not being able to keep the field) fled. There the Earl besieged him, and the siege continuing long (for Nicholo manfully defended himself) the Duke thought necessary either to impeach the League of that victory, or else after the same, to take order for the defence of his own. He therefore, to remove the Earl from the siege, commanded Nicholo Piccinino to go into Toscana, by the way of Romagna. Whereupon the League judging it more necessary to defend Toscana, than surprise Ascesi, gave order to the Earl, not to suffer the passage of Nicholo, who was already with his Army arrived at Furli. The Earl on the other side ma●ched with his soldiers, and came to Secena, recommending unto Lione his brother, the war of La Marca, and his other lands, during the time that Piccinino should pass. And while Piccinino laboured to pass, and the Earl impeached him, Nicholo Fortibraccio assaulted Lione, with great honour took him, and spoiled his soldiers. Also following this victory, he surprised many towns in La Marca. This proceeding greatly grieved the Earl, and supposing all his Countries to be lost, he left part of his army to make war upon Piccinino: with the rest he marched towards Fortibraccio, whom he assaulted and vanquished. In that overthrow, Fortibraccio remained a prisoner, and was so sore hurt, that thereof he died. This victory restored unto the Pope all those towns, which by Fortibraccio had been taken from him, and brought the Duke of Milan to demand peace, Peace between the League and the Duke. which by the mediation of Nicholo de Este marquess of Farrara, was concluded. Whereby the towns surprised by the Duke in Romagna, were restored to the church: and the soldiers belonging to the Duke, returned to Lombardy. Also Baptista de Canneto (as it happeneth to all others, who by force or virtue of other men possess any state) so soon as the Duke's soldiers were departed from Romagna, (his own power and virtue not being able to defend him in Bologna) fled away. Whither Antonio Bentevogli, chief of the contrary faction, presently returned. All these things chanced during the exile of Cosimo: after whose return, these who had sought his revocation, with diverse other Citizens before injured, thought without respect, to assure themselves of the government. And the Senate which succeeded, in the months of November and December, not contented with that which their predecessors had done in favour of their faction, prolonged & changed the time and places of those that were banished, and confined many others anew. Also diverse Citizens were in that time hindered, not only by the humour of faction, but also in respect of their riches, their parentage, and private friendship. And if this proscription of blood had been continued, it would have been like unto that of Octaviano, or Silla, being partly also imbrued in blood. For Antonio son of Bernardo Guadagni was beheaded, and four other Citizens (among whom was Zanoby Belfrategli, and Cosimo Barbadori. These two Citizens for having passed their confines, and remaining at Venegia, were by the Venetians (who esteemed more the love of Cosimo then their own honour) sent home prisoners, & were most cruelly put to death. Which thing gave great reputation to the faction of Cosimo, and much terror to the enemy, that so mighty a Common weal refused not to sell their liberty to the Florentines. Which was thought to be done, not so much to gratify Cosimo, as to exasperate the factions in Florence, & make, by means of blood, the division of our city the more dangerous: Because the Venetians found that there was nothing that so much hindered their greatness, as the uniting thereof. Thus the city being acquit both of the enemies & persons suspected to the state, the governors studying to pleasure other people, New ordinances in Floremce. & make their own part the stronger, restored the house of Alberti with all other Rebels. All the great Citizens (a few except) were brought into the order of the people, & the possessions of the rebels at small prices, among them sold. Moreover with new laws, and orders, they strengthened themselves, making new Squittini, taking out the names of their enemies, & putting in the names of their friends. Also being warned by the ruin of their enemies, and judging that it sufficed not for the holding of the state, to have the Squittini full of their friends: they also thought good, that the Magistrates of life and death, should be chosen of the chief of their faction. It was therefore required, that the makers of the new Squittini, together with the old Senate, should have authority to create the new. They gave unto the Eight authority over life and death, and provided that those that were banished, should not (though their time were expired) return, unless of the Senate and the Colleges being in number 37.) were thereunto consenting, or at the least, thirty four of them. To write unto those that were confined, or receive any letters from them, was forbidden. Also every word, every sign, & every action that offended the Governors, was grievously punished. And if in Florence remained any suspicion, it was the Impositions lately imposed: & so having driven out their adversaries, or brought them to great poverty, assured themselves of the state. Also not to want foreign aid, but prevent such as thereby determined to offend them, they did confederate, and make league with the Pope, the Venetians, and the Duke of Milan. The state of Florence resting in these terms, Giovanna Queen of Naples died, making by her testament Rinieri de Angio, heir of her Kingdom. At that time Alfonso King of Arragon happened to be in Sicilia, and having the friendship of many Barons there, War between Rinieri de Angio, and King Alfonso of Arragon. prepared himself to possess that Kingdom. The Napolitanes, and many of the Lords favoured Rinieri. The Pope on the other side, would neither that Rinieri, nor Alfonso might possess it: but desired that himself should govern it, by a Deputy of his own. Yet Alfonso being arrived in the Kingdom, was by the Duke of Sessa received, and there entertained some other Princes, hoping to surprise Capova (which the Prince of Tarranto in the name of Alfonso possessed) and by that mean to constrain the Napolitanes to yield to his will. For that purpose he sent his Navy to assault Gaietta, which was holden for the Neapolitans. The Napolitanes then prayed aid of Philippo, who persuaded the Genovesis to take that enterprise in hand. They not only to satisfy the Duke their Prince, but also to save the merchandise they had in Naples and Gaietta, armed a mighty Navy. Alfonso on the contrary side, understanding thereof, increased his forces, and went in person to encounter the Genovesis, with whom he fought near unto the Island of Pontio, King Alfonso taken by the Genovesis. and there his Navy was vanquished, himself with diverse other Princes taken and sent by the Genovesis to Philippo. This victory dismayed all the Princes of Italy, because thereby they thought he might become owner of all. But he (so diverse are the opinions of men) took a course, clean contrary to expectation. This Alfonso, being a man very wise, so soon as he could come to the speech of Philippo, told how greatly he deceived himself to favour Rinieri, and disfavour him: because if Rinieri were King of Naples, he would labour with all his force to bring the Dukedom of Milan to the hands of the French King, by reason his aid was at hand, his furniture of all things necessary, and the way open for his relief. Neither could he look for better than his own ruin, if he made that state to become French. But the contrary would follow, if himself might be Prince. For he not fearing any other enemy than the French, should be enforced to love, honour and obey him, who had the only power to open the way to his enemies. So that although the Kingdom should rest with Alfonso, yet the authority and power thereof would remain in the hands of Philippo. Wherefore it would much more import him then himself, to consider the peril of the one, and the profit of the other, unless he desired more to satisfy his fantasy, then assure the state. Because in doing the one, he should be Prince, and free, by the other (in the midst of two mighty enemies) either sure to lose the state utterly, live always in suspicion, or, as a subject, obey them. King Alfonso delivered. These words wrought so deep in the Duke's mind, that (changing his intent) he delivered Alfonso, honourably returned him to Genova, and from thence to the Kingdom. There he embarked again, and being arrived at Gaietta, his delivery was known, and that Country suddenly surprised by certain Lords his followers. The Genovesis seeing, that without respect to them, the Duke had delivered the King, and that he, whom they with their charge and peril had honoured, did not make them aswell partakers of the honour in the King's enlargement, as of the injury to him done, and his overthrow, grew greatly offended. In the City of Genova (when it liveth in liberty) there is created one head, whom they call Doge, not to be a Prince absolute, nor to determine alone, but as chief to propound those matters, whereof the Magistrates and Counsels should consult. Within that Town be many noble Families, which are so mighty, that with difficulty, they yield to the authority of Magistrates. And of them the houses of Fregosa and Adorna be of greatest force. Fregosi and Adorni. From these, the divisions of that City, and the causes of civil disorders did proceed. For they many times contending for government, not only civilly, but also by arms, it falleth out, that ever the one faction is afflicted, and the other governeth. It also happeneth many times, that those who are deposed from authority, do pray aid of foreign arms, and yield that government to others, which they themselves could not enjoy. Hereof it proceedeth, that those who governed in Lombardy, do for the most part command in Genova, as it happened at such time as Alfonso was taken. Among the chief of the Genovesis that caused the City to be given into the hands of Philippo, Francisco Spinola. was Francisco Spinola, who not long after he had brought his country in bondage (as in like cases it ever happeneth) became suspected to the Duke. Wherewith he being discontent, voluntarily exiled himself to Gaietta, and there chanced to be, at such time as the fight by sea was performed against Alfonso. In which exploit he served so valiantly, that he persuaded himself to have deserved so well of the Duke, as in respect of his service, he might (at the least) live in Genova with security. Yet perceiving the Duke to continue in his suspicion, and fearing lest he believed, that a man who had not loved the liberty of his country, could not love him, determined to try a new fortune, and at one instant both to deliver his country, and win himself fame with security; Being persuaded, that by no means he might recover the good will of the Citizens better, then to perform such an act with his own hand: So as, the same hand which had offended, and hurt his country, should also minister the medicine, and heal it. Then knowing the universal hatred borne to the Duke by the delivery of the King, thought the time to serve well for the execution of his intent. Wherefore he imparted his mind to some, whom he knew of his own opinion: Them he persuaded and prepared to follow him. The feast of S. john Baptist being come, Arismino (the new Governor sent by the Duke) entered into Genova, accompanied with Opicino the old Governor, and many other Citizens. Francisco Spinola thought then good no longer to defer the matter, but came out of his house with diverse others, all armed, and privy to his determination. So soon as he came to the market place, where himself dwelled, he proclaimed the name of liberty. And it was a thing very marvelous to see, with how great speed the people and Citizens to that name assembled: So as no man that loved the Duke either for his own profit, or other occasion, had leisure to take arms, or think how to save himself. Arismino with some other Genovesis, fled into the Castle which he kept for the Duke. Opicino presuming that (if he fled to the Palace) having there two thousand Soldiers at his commandment, he should either save himself, or give courage to his friends to defend him, went thitherwards, but before he came to the market place, was slain, cut in pieces, and drawn through every street of the City. The Genovesis having thus reduced the City under their own Magistrates and liberty, within few days also surprised the Castle, with the other places of strength possessed by the Duke, The liberty of Genova recovered. and so clearly cast off the yoke of Philippo. These matters thus handled, as at the beginning, the Princes of Italy was dismayed, fearing that the Duke should become overmightie, so this gave them hope (seeing what end they had) to be able to bridle him. And notwithstanding the league lately made, the Florentines and the Venetians made peace with the Genovesis: whereupon, Rinaldo delli Albizi, and other leaders of the Florentines banished, seeing things out of order, and the world changed, did hope to persuade the Duke to make open war against the Florentines. The Oration of Ri. de Albizi to the Duke of Milan. For which purpose they went to Milan, and Rinaldo being come to the Duke's presence, spoke as followeth. If we sometimes your enemies, do now confidently desire aid of you for the recovery of our country, neither you, nor any other (that consider worldly matters, how they proceed, and how variable fortune is) ought to marvel, albeit neither of our passed or present actions, nor of that we have long since done either to you, or to our country, or that which now is in doing, we can render a good and reasonable excuse. There is no good man reproveth another for defending his Country, in what sort soever the same is defended. Neither was it ever our meaning, to injure you, but to defend our own from being injured; which was sufficiently proved in the greatest victories of our league. For so soon as we knew you inclined to a true peace, we were thereof more desirous, than you yourself, so that we need not fear to obtain any favour at your hands. Neither can our Country find fault, although we now persuade you to take arms against it, whom with so great resolution we have withstood. For that country deserveth to be loved of all men, which indifferently loveth them; and not that country, which disdaining the greatest number, advanceth a few. There is no man also that aught to condemn men, although for some causes they take arms a-against their country. For albeit the Cities be bodies mixed, yet have they of bodies simple, some resemblance. And as in these, many infirmities grow, which without fire & force cannot be cured: so in the other, many mischiefs arise, which a godly and good Citizen should offend to leave uncured: notwithstanding that in the cure he doth (as it behoveth him) apply both fire & force. What sickness in the body of a commonweal can be greater, than servitude? And what medicine is more needful than this in the cure of that disease? Those wars be only just, which be necessary, and those arms most merciful, where other hope cannot be had, then by them. I know not what necessity is greater than ours, or what compassion can be more, then to deliver a Country from servitude? Most certainly we know our cause is to be pitied and just, which ought to be both by us and you considered. For your part, fail not to afford this justice, sith the Florentines have not been ashamed, after a peace with so great solemnity concluded, to make league with the Genovesi your rebels: so that though our cause move you not to compassion, yet this dishonour offered unto yourself, aught to persuade you, and the rather that you see the enterprise easy. Let not exampls passed discourage you, having seen the power of that people, and their obstinate defence of themselves. Which two things, might yet reasonably be feared, were they of the same virtue, which in those days they have been. But now you shall find all contrary. For what force can you look for in any City, which hath spoiled the greatest part of the riches, and industry thereof. What resolution can be hoped of in a people, by so divers and new quarrels disunited? Which disunion, is cause, that those riches there remaining in such sort as they were wont, be employed, because men do willingly spend their patrimony, when they see the same for their own glory, their own honour, and their own Country employed; ever hoping to recover that in peace, which the war hath consumed: and not when they see themselves both in war & peace oppressed; having in the one to suspect the injury of enemies, and in the other, the insolency of them that command. Also, the people are more harmed by covetousness of our own Citizens, than the spoil of our enemies, for of this some end may be hoped of, but of that none at all. In the wars passed, you made war to the whole City, but now you are only to contend with a few. Then you came to take the state from many, and those good Citizens, but now you are to assault a few, and those but base companions. Then you came to take the liberty from the City, but now you come to restore it. It is not therefore like, that in so great a contrariety of occasions, the effect that will follow shall be like. Yea, you are rather to hope of victory certain, which how greatly it fortifieth your State, yourself may easily judge, having thereby greatly bound Toscana to be your friend. And though at some other time, this victory would be accounted ambitious & violent, yet upon this occasion, is esteemed just and reasonable. Omit not therefore the present opportunity, and think that although your other enterprises against the City, did with their difficulty breed your expenses and infamy, yet this with great facility shall bring you forth exceeding profit, with most honourable report. There needed not many words to persuade the Duke to move war against the Florentines, because he was thereunto disposed by hate hereditary, and blind ambition, which humours did lead and command him: and the rather, being spurred forward by new injuries, and offence for the league made with the Genovesis. Notwithstanding, his former charges, with the fresh memory of perils, and losses passed, together with the vain hope of the banished men, Genova revolted from the Duke. did discourage him. This Duke, so soon as he understood the rebellion of Genova, had sent Nicholo Piccinino with all his men of arms, and those footmen he could hire in his journey, to recover the City, before the Citizens had settled their minds and planted a new government, greatly trusting unto the Castle of Genova which was holden for him. And albeit that Nicholo had forced the Genovesis to flee unto the mountains, and taken from them the Vale of Pozeveri, where they fortified themselves, and also constrained them to retire within the walls of their City: yet found he so great difficulty in going forward, by reason of the Citizens resolute defending themselves, that he was enforced to remove from thence. Whereupon the Duke at the persuasion of the banished Florentines, commanded that the River on the East side should be assaulted, approaching the confines of Pisa, and there make the greatest war to Genova, that possibly they could, supposing, that resolution would from time to time inform, what course were best to be followed. Then Nicholo assaulted and surprised Serezana, and after many displeasures done, to make the Florentines more suspicious, he came to Lucca, and caused a report to be made, that he intended a journey to Naples in aid of the King of Arragon. Pope Eugenio upon these new accidents, went from Florence to Bologna, where he practised new composition between the Duke and the League, persuading the Duke, that if he would not consent to the peace, he should be enforced to deliver the Earl Francisco his confederate, at that present remaining in his pay. But notwithstanding the Pope his great endeavour, all his designs proved vain, because the Duke, without possession of Genova, would not consent, and the League would refuse, unless Genova continued free. Every man then despairing of peace, prepared for the war. Nicholo Piccinino being come to Lucca, the Florentines mistrusted no new matter, but caused Neri of Gino to go with their Soldiers to the country of Pisa, obtaining of the Pope, that the Earl Francisco should join with him, and so with both their armies together, make head at S. Gonda. Piccinino arrived at Lucca, desired passage to march towards the Kingdom, and being denied, threatened to pass by force. These two armies, were in force and virtue of the Captains equal, for which respect, neither of them proved their fortune, being also hindered with the cold weather, for then the month of December was begun. In which respects many days, without one offending the other, they stayed. The first of them which marched, was Nicholo Piccinino, who was informed, that if he would in the night assault Vico Pisano, he might easily surprise it. Nicholo took the matter in hand, but not prevailing, spoiled and burned the country thereabouts, together with the Town of S. Giovanni alla Vena. This enterprise, albeit for the most part thereof to no purpose, yet did the same encourage Nicholo to go forwards, seeing the Earl and Neri moved not. Therefore he assaulted and possessed Santa Maria in Castello, and Filetto. Yet for all this, the Florentine forces removed not: not because the Earl stood in fear, but because the war (for the reverence borne to the Pope, who entreated for peace) was not by the Magistrates in Florence determined. And that, which the Florentines by their own wisdom were counseled to do, was thought of the enemy to be done for fear. Which conceit gave them courage, to take new enterprises in hand, so that they determined to besiege Borgo, and before it presented all their forces. This new assault, caused the Florentines to set aside all respects, and not only to rescue Borgo, but also to assault the country of Lucca. Then the Earl marching towards Nicholo, and fight with him near unto Borgo, vanquished his forces, and levied the siege. The Venetians in the mean while, thinking that the Duke had broken the peace, sent Giovan Francisco da Gonzaga their General, into Ghiriadada, who spoiling greatly the Duke's country, constrained him to revoke Nicholo Piccinino from the enterprise of Toscana. Which revocation, together with the victory had against Nicholo, gave the Florentines courage to assault Lucca, with hope to possess it; Wherein they had neither fear, nor respect at all, seeing the Duke, whom they only feared, to be assailed by the Venetians: And that the Lucchesi, having received enemies at home, were content to be assaulted, in respect whereof they could not at all complain. In the month of April, the year 1437. the Earl marched with his army, but before the Florentines would assault others, desired to recover their own, and therefore recovered again Santa Maria in Castello, with all other places surprised by Piccinino. That done, directed a course to the country of Lucca, assailing Ca-Maggiore. The inhabitants whereof, though faithful to their Lord, yet because fear of the enemy near at hand, had greater force in them, than the duty toward their friend far off, they yielded themselves. And with like reputation was Massa, and Serezana surprised. Which things being done about the end of the month of May, the army returned towards Lucca, spoiling the Corn, burning the Villages, Lucca distressed. cutting the Vines and trees, driving away the Cattle, and not fearing to perform every outrage that soldiers were wont to do unto their enemies. The Lucchesi on the other side, seeing themselves by the Duke abandoned, and despairing to defend their country, entrenched and fortified the City by all means they possible could. And having men sufficient, hoped they might for a time defend the same, as in former assaults of the Florentines they had done. They only feared the mutable minds of the common people, lest they being besieged, would grow weary, esteeming more their own private peril, than the liberty of others, and so enforce some dishonourable and dangerous composition. Wherefore to persuade them to take courage, and be resolute in defence of the City, one of the most ancient and wisest Citizens assembled the people in the market place, and said unto them as followeth. You ought always to remember, that things done by necessity, The Oration of the Lucchese to the other Citizens. deserve neither commendation nor blame. If therefore you have found fault with these wars which the Florentines do make upon you, and that we have gained in receiving soldiers from the Duke, and suffered them to assault us, you greatly injure yourselves. Also, the ancient enmity of the Florentines towards you is well known: whereof, neither your injuries, nor their own fear, but our weakness, and their ambition, hath been the cause; for that, the one giveth them hope to oppress you, and the other encouragement to perform the oppression. Do not believe that any merit of yours can remove that desire in them, neither any injury by you done, can more increase the desire they have to offend you. Wherefore, as they do study to take your liberty from you, so must you labour to defend the same. And, for those things which both they and we do to that end, every man may be sorry, but no man can marvel. Let us then be sorry that we are assaulted, that our towns are besieged, our houses burned, and our country spoiled. Notwithstanding, which of us is so unwise, as to marvel thereat? For if we were able, we ourselves would do the like, or worse to them. If they have moved this war by the coming of Nicholo, had he not come, they would have done the like upon some other occasion. If this mischief had been deferred, the same perhaps would have proved greater, so that, this his coming, ought not so much to be blamed, as our evil fortune, and their ambitious nature. For sith we could not refuse to receive the Duke's soldiers, they being come, could not refrain to make the war. You know well, that without the aid of some mighty Prince, we could not be defended: neither was there any of power sufficient, nor more likely to defend us both with fidelity and force, than the Duke. He hath restored our liberty, and therefore reason would, he should defend it. He hath been also enemy to all those that were our ancient enemies. If then by not offending the Florentines, we had incurred the Duke's displeasure, we should thereby have lost our friend, and made the enemy more mighty, and more apt to offend us. So as it is much better to have this war with the Duke's love, than peace with his displeasure. And we may hope well he will deliver us from those dangers, whereunto he hath drawn us, so that we do not forsake him. You know with how great fury the Florentines have diverse times assailed us, and with how great glory we have often defended ourselves against them, even when we had none other hope, but of God and time, the one and the other of them preserved us. And therefore why should we now despair to defend ourselves? At that time all Italy had abandoned us, but now, the Duke is on our side, and we may also hope that the Venetians will not be hasty to offend us, as men that desire not to increase the Florentines greatness. Heretofore the Florentines have been more free, they had also more hope to be aided, of themselves, they were more mighty, and we in every respect weaker than we now are. For at that time we defended a Tyrant, but now we defend ourselves. Then the honour of our defence was an other man's, now it is our own. At that time when they assaulted us, they were united, but now they assail us disunited, all Italy being full of their Rebels. But if all these hopes were not, yet extreme necessity ought to make us resolute in our own defence. Every enemy ought to be by us justly feared, for every of them do seek their own glory and our destruction. But of all others, we ought most to abhor the Florentines, because our obedience, our tribute, and the subjection of this City do not suffice to content them, but they would also have our bodies and wealth, to the end they might feed their cruelty with our blood, and fill their covetous desire with our riches. Every man therefore of what sort soever, aught to detest them. Be not therefore dismayed to behold the fields spoiled, the Villages burned, and the Towns sacked. Yet if this City be saved, of necessity they will be recovered; But if this City be lost, without any our profit they should be saved: Because we continuing our liberty, the enemy shall with difficulty possess them, but losing our liberty, in vain we shall possess them. Take your weapons therefore in hand, and when you fight, believe that the renown of your victory shall be not only the safety of our common country, but also of your private houses and children. The last words of his speech were with so great comfort of the people received, that with one voice they promised to die, rather than yield or consent to any composition in prejudice of their liberty: and therefore prepared all things necessary for defence of the City. In the mean space, the Florentine army lost no time, but after much hurt done to the Country, by treaty took Monte Carlo, and after removed to Vzano, to the end that the Lucchesi environed on every side, should look for no rescue, and so by famine force that City to yield. The Castle was very strong, and fully manned, whereby the winning thereof, was not so easy as the others. The Lucchesi seeing their City on every side besieged, did (as reason would) resort to the Duke: To whom, by all manner of persuasions, The Lucchesi pray aid of the Duke. both sweet and sour, they recommended themselves. And in their speech, sometimes they made mention of their own merits, and sometimes they laid before him the injury done by the Florentines, and what encouragement other his friends would take, if they were defended; or not, what fear might be conceived thereby. But if they should lose their liberty and lives, he should thereby lose his friends and honour, together with the love of all those, that would at every danger adventure for him. These words were accompanied with tears, to the end, that if his own obligation moved him not, yet the compassion of their misery might persuade him. So that the Duke adding to his ancient hate towards the Florentines the new desert of the Lucchesi, and above all, desiring that the Florentines should not grow great by this victory, resolved, to send mighty forces into Toscana, or else with much fury assault the Venetians, so as, the Florentines should be forced to leave their enterprise and secure them. This resolution made, was speedily advertised to Florence, that the Duke intended to send men into Toscana, which moved the Florentines to hope the less of victory. And to the end the Duke might be holden occupied in Lombardy, they did solicit the Venetians to set upon him with all their forces. But they were greatly daunted with the departure of the marquess of Mantova, who had abandoned them, and was joined with the Duke. And therefore being (as it were) disarmed, did answer, they were not only unable to make themselves stronger, but also unfit to continue the war, unless the Earl Francisco were sent unto them, with condition that he should in person pass the River Po. For they would not in any wise allow of the old Capitulations, whereby he stood bound not to pass the River Po. And moreover they alleged, that without a Captain they could not make war, and of other than the Earl, they had no hope. Neither could they employ him, unless he were bound to make war in all places. It seemed to the Florentines necessary, that the war should be made in Lombardy with great force: yet on the other side, if the Earl were removed from the siege of Lucca, that enterprise were to no purpose. And well they knew this request made of the Venetians, was not so much of any need they had of the Earl, as to hinder them of that victory. Contrary to that allegation was alleged, that the Earl was prepared to go into Lombardy, whensoever they of the League should command him, yet would he not alter his bond, lest thereby he might hinder himself in the marriage, promised by the Duke. Thus were the Florentines possessed with two contrary passions, the desire to win Lucca, and the fear of the Duke's war. But (as for the most part it happeneth) fear prevailed, and they content that the Earl having won Vzano, should go into Lombardy. One other difficulty also there was, which not being in the power of the Florentines to dispose, perplexed them more than the former. Which was, that the Earl would not pass the Po, and the Venetians otherwise would not entertain him. So no mean being to accord them, but that the one must yield to the other, the Florentines persuaded the Earl to write a letter, and thereby promise the Senate of Florence to pass the River, which he might do without dishonour, because that private promise should not be any breach of his public obligation: and notwithstanding he might after make war without passing the River, yet thereof this commodity would follow, that the war being kindled, the Venetians should be forced to follow it, and so the humour which they feared, would be turned another way. But the Venetians on the other side affirmed, that his private Letter did suffice to bind him, and they were therewith satisfied. And if the Earl might still use respects to his Father in law, they would allow thereof: for it was neither profitable to himself, or them, without great necessity to discover him. By this means, the passage of the Earl into Lombardy was determined. Who having surprised Vzano, and made some Bulwarks about Lucca, to keep the Citizens from issuing out, and recommending the war to his Deputies, passed the Alps, and went unto Reggio. Then the Venetians grew suspicious of his proceed. And first of all to prove his disposition, required him to pass the River Po, and join with their other forces. Which the Earl utterly denied, and many injurious words passed betwixt him and Andrea Mauroceno, Diffidence between the Venetians and the Earl Francisco. sent thither by the Venetians; the one of these accusing the other of much pride, and little fidelity. The Earl affirming he was not bound to the service, and the other protesting that no payment should be made. So in the end, the Earl returned into Toscana, and Mauroceno to Venice. The Earl, was by the Florentines lodged in the country of Pisa, hoping to persuade him to renew the war against the Lucchesi. But thereunto they found him not disposed. The Duke than understanding, that for respect and reverence borne to him, the Earl would not pass the River, he hoped also that by this means he might save the Lucchesi; And therefore prayed him to make peace betwixt the Lucchesi and the Florentines, and (if he would) to include him also: Giving him hope, that he should, whensoever he pleased, be married unto his daughter. This alliance greatly moved the Earl, because thereby he hoped, (the Duke not having any sons) to become owner of Milan. For which cause, he ever refused to proceed in the wars as the Florentines did require him, alleging he would not march unless the Venetians did perform their payment and promises. Neither was their pay sufficient: for he, being desirous to live secure in his own Country, it behoved him to have other friends than the Florentines. Wherefore, if by the Venetians he were abandoned, then should it behove him to take heed unto his own doings, and (so seemed) a little to threaten an agreement with the Duke. These cavillations, and these subtleties, highly offended the Florentines. For thereby they thought the enterprise of Lucca to be lost, and doubted also of their own estate, if the Duke and the Earl should join together. The Venetians and Florentines of divers opinions touching the pay of the Earl their General. Then to persuade the Venetians to perform the pay promised unto the Earl, Cosimo de Medici went unto Venice, hoping with his credit to persuade them. Being there arrived, he disputed of this matter at large with the Senate, and laid before them the state of Italy, and the danger thereof. Declaring also, of how great forces and reputation in Arms the Duke was, concluding, that if the Duke did join with the Earl, the Venetians should be forced to retire to the Sea, and the Florentines be in peril of their liberty. Whereunto the Venetians answered, that they knew their own strength, and the Italian forces, and believed they were able enough to defend themselves. Affirming also, they were not wont to pay Soldiers that served other men. Wherefore it behoved the Florentines, themselves should pay the Earl, sith by him they were served: and that for the safe enjoying their estate, it was more necessary to keep down the Earl's insolency, then to pay him, because men had no bounds wherein to stay their ambition. Also, if he were now paid without any service done, he would shortly after make some other dishonest and more perilous request. They therefore thought necessary to bridle his pride, and not suffer the same to increase till it were incorrigible. If then they, either for fear, or for any other intent would continue him a friend, it stood then upon to pay him themselves. Thus Cosimo returned without other conclusion. The Florentines notwithstanding laboured, that the Earl should not fall from the League, and indeed very unwilling he was to departed. Yet the desire he had to conclude his marriage, did hold him doubtful, so that the least occasion (as after it came to pass) might lose him. The Earl had appointed his Towns in La Marca to be guarded by a Captain called Furlano, one of his principal Leaders. He having been long solicited by the Duke, discharged himself of the Earl's entertainment, and went unto him: which was the cause, that the Earl, (setting aside all respects) for fear of himself, The Earl Francisco abandoneth the Venetians and Florentines. made peace with the Duke. And among other conditions it was agreed, that in the matters of Romagna, and Toscana, the Earl should not intermeddle further. After this peace made, the Earl instantly persuaded the Florentines to agree with the Lucchesi, and in a sort constrained them. They therefore seeing none other remedy, yielded to composition in the month of April, 1438. In which agreement, the Lucchesi remained in their liberty, and Monte Carlo, with some other Castles, continued in possession of the Florentines. Afterwards they lamented throughout all Italy, that the Lucchesi could not be brought under their government. And seldom it happeneth that any man hath been so greatly grieved with losing his own, as the Florentines were, for not having gotten that which belonged to others. Although then the Florentines were occupied in so great an enterprise, yet were they not forgetful of their neighbours, nor failed to furnish their own City. At that time (as is before said) Nicholo Fortibraccio (who had married the daughter of the Earl of Poppis) was dead. The Earl at the death of Nicholo, The Earl of Poppis. had in his possession Borgo A sand Sepulcro, with the fortress of that Town, which in the name of his son in law, during his life he governed. After his death, as the dowry of his daughter he held the same, and refused to yield that Castle unto the Pope, who claimed it, as land belonging to the Church. In so much, as the Pope sent the Patriarch thither with Soldiers to recover it. The Earl finding himself unable to resist that force, offered the Town to the Florentines, and they refused it. Yet so soon as the Pope returned to Florence, they traveled betwixt him, and the Earl, to make an agreement. Wherein, finding some difficulty, the Patriarch assaulted Casentino, and surprised Prato Vecchio, and Ramena, offering the same likewise to the Florentines. But they would not accept it, unless the Pope did first consent, that they might restore it to the Earl: Wherewith the Pope after much disputation, was contented. Yet so, that the Florentines should promise to persuade, that the Earl of Poppis, should restore unto him Borgo. The Pope's mind by this means satisfied, the Florentines thought good the Cathedral Church of their City called Santa Reparata, (being long before begun, and now come to such perfection, as divine Ceremonies might therein be celebrated) to desire his holiness, that personally he would consecrate the same. Whereunto the Pope willingly consented, and for more magnificence of the City, the Temple, and the Pope, a Terrace was made, from Santa Maria Novella, where the Pope lay, unto the Church which he should consecrate, the same being inbredth four yards, and in height three, and of both sides it was covered with exceeding rich cloth. Upon this Terrace, only the Pope with his Court, and the Citizens especially appointed to attend him did go. All the rest of the Citizens and people stood in the streets, in their houses, and in the Temple, to behold the same. When all ceremonies belonging to so great a consecration, were finished, the Pope, in token of more love, honoured Guiliano de Auanzati with Knighthood, being at that present Gonfaloniere de justitia, and in all times accounted a noble & notable Citizen, whereunto the Senate, to seem no less desirous than the Pope of his advancement, gave unto him the Captainship of Pisa for one year. About this time, some difference grew betwixt the Churches of Rome and Greece, touching the divine Service. And forasmuch as in the last Council holden at Basile, much had been said in that matter by the Prelates of the West Church, it was determined by the Emperors, that great diligence should be used to unite them, and was concluded in the Council of Basile, that proof should be made whether the Grecian Church might be brought to concur with that of Rome. Albeit this resolution was contrary to the majesty of the Grecian Emperor, and the pride of his Prelates to yield unto the Bishop of Rome, yet the Emperor being oppressed by the Turks, and fearing that the Grecians could not be defended by themselves, the rather also to live in security, and be aided of others, determined to give place. Then the Emperor accompanied with the Patriarch, the Prelates and Barons of Greece, according to the order taken by the Council of Basile, came unto Venice. Which City being infected with the plague, it was determined, that the matter should be tried in the City of Florence. After many days of disputation, The Grecian Church submitteth to the Church of Rome. betwixt the Prelates of the Roman and Grecian Churches, the Grecians submitted themselves to the Bishop of Rome. Then was the peace concluded betwixt the Lucchesi and the Florentines. And was also hoped, that the wars betwixt the Duke and the Earl (chiefly in Lombardy and Toscana) might easily be pacified, because that war which was begun in the Kingdom of Naples, betwixt Rinato de Angio, and Alfonso of Arragon, should of force take end by the ruin of those two. And although the Pope was evil contented for the loss of many his Towns, and that therewithal, the great ambition of the Duke and the Venetians was apparent, yet every man supposed, that the Pope for necessity, and the others for weariness, would lay down their arms. But the matter came otherwise to pass, for neither the Duke, nor the Venetians, would be quiet. By reason whereof, it fell out that they took Arms anew, New troubles in Lombardy and Toscana. and made war in the most places of Lombardy and Toscana. The great mind of the Duke, could not endure that the Venetians should possess Bergamo and Brescia: And the rather, seeing them prepared for the wars, and every day molesting and disquieting his Country. He therefore thought, that if they might be abandoned by the Florentines, and the Earl, he should not only bridle them, but also recover his own. To compass that conceit, he intended to take Romagna from the Church, judging that afterwards the Pope could not offend him. And the Florentines, seeing the fire at hand, either they would not stir for fear, or if they did, they could not conveniently assault him. The Duke also knew the displeasure betwixt the Florentines and the Venetians, for the matters of Lucca, and for that cause, supposed the Florentines were the less willing to take Arms for them. As for the Earl Francisco, he thought that the new friendship, and hope of the marriage, should suffice to hold him assured. Also, to fly all offence, and give the less occasion to all others to take Arms, and chiefly, for that he was bound by the Capitulations with the Earl, not to assault Romagna, he caused Nicholo Piccinino (as thereto moved by his own ambition) to take that enterprise in hand. At such time as the reconciliation was concluded betwixt the Duke and the Earl, Nicholo remained in Romagna, and seemed much discontent with that new friendship made between the said Duke and the Earl his perpetual enemy. He therefore with his soldiers retired to Camurata (a place betwixt Furli and Ravenna) where he fortified himself to remain, till such time as some other resolution were taken. The fame of his anger being blown about every where, Nicholo gave the Pope to understand of his well deserving of the Duke, and with what ingratitude he was requited. He also alleged, that the Duke through the help of principal Captains, had won all the soldiers of Italy to be at his commandment. Notwithstanding, if his holiness were so pleased, he could procure, that of these two Captains, the one should prove enemy to the Duke, and the other improfitable. For accomplishment whereof, if money were prepared, and the wars continued, he would so assault the Earl, who had surprised the towns belonging to the Church, as he should have enough to defend his own, and not be able to follow the ambition of Philippo. The Pope gave credit to these words, seeming to him reasonable, and sent unto Nicholo five thousand Ducats, with many fair promises, offering to give lands to him, and his sons. And although the Pope were diverse ways advertised of this deceit, yet he believed well, and was not content to hear any thing to the contrary. The City of Ravenna was then governed for the Pope by Octacio de Polenta. Nicholo thinking good, not to defer his enterprise (because his son had already with the ignomy of the Pope sacked Spoletto) determined to assault Ravenna: (either because he judged the enterprise easy, or that he had some secret intelligence with Octacio) within few days he took the Town by composition, and shortly after Bologna, Imola, and Furli, were by him surprised. The Pope's country spoiled by Ni. Piccinino. Also (as a thing more marvelous) of twenty Castles which were in those countries holden for the Pope, there was not one that refused to yield unto Nicholo. Neither did it suffice him with this injury to offend the Pope, but he would also to these deeds mock and deride him in words: Writing unto the Pope, that upon just cause his Towns were surprised, because he had broken the friendship betwixt the Duke and him: and written letters to many places of Italy, signifying, that he (the Earl) had abandoned the Duke, and joined with the Venetians. Nicholo thus possessing Romagna, left the same in charge to his son Francisco, and himself with the greater part of his army went into Lombardy. Where joining with the remain of the Duke's forces, he assailed the Country of Brescia, which in short space he took, and besieged the City. The Duke, who desired that the Venetians should be left for him as a pray, excused himself to the Pope, to the Florentines, and to the Earl: declaring, that those things which had been done in Romagna by Nicholo, if they were contrary to the Capitulations, they were likewise contrary to his will. Moreover, by secret messengers he gave them to understand, that for his disobedience (as occasion and time should suffer) he would find means to have him punished. The Florentines and the Earl gave no credit thereunto, but believed (as in deed the truth was) that these wars were made to hold them occupied, till such time as he might oppress the Venetians: who, being full of pride, and believing they could by themselves resist the Duke's forces, did not vouchsafe to demand aid of any man, Gatamelata General for the Venetians. but with Gatamelata their Captain, made war alone. The Earl Francisco with the favour of the Florentines, intended to have gone to the aid of King Rinato, if the accidents of Romagna and Lombardy had not withholden him. And the Florentines would also willingly have favoured that enterprise, for the ancient friendship between them, and the house of France. But the one and the other of those, being occupied in the wars near at hand, refrained to attempt any enterprise further off. The Florentines then seeing Romagna surprised by the Duke's forces, and the Venetians assaulted (as those that by the ruin of others did fear their own) desired the Earl to come into Toscana, there to consider what was to be done to encounter the forces of the Duke, which were greater than ever they had been. Affirming, that if his insolency were not by some means bridled, every man that governed any part of Italy, should within short space be oppressed. The Earl knew well that the Florentines had reason to fear. Notwithstanding, the desire he had to proceed in the marriage with the Duke's daughter, did make him suspected. And the Duke knowing his desire, gave him great hope thereof, if he would refuse to take arms against him. And because the Duke's daughter was already marriageable, the matter was brought to this ripeness, that all things for the purpose were prepared. Notwithstanding, with diverse cavillations, the marriage day was delayed, yet by words to hold the Earl in hope, some deeds were performed: and to that end thirty thousand Florins (according to the Articles agreed upon for the marriage) were sent unto him, notwithstanding the war of Lombardy increased, and the Venetians every day lost some Town or other. Also, all the vessels for the wars, which they sent into the Rivers, were by the Duke's Soldiers taken. The Countries of Verona, and Brescia, were all spoiled: and both those Cities so straightly besieged, as in the common opinion, it was hard for them to be many days defended. The marquess of Mantova, who had been many years General for that State, beyond all expectation had abandoned them, and was joined with the Duke, so as that which in the beginning of the wars their pride suffered not, afterwards fear enforced them to do. For knowing none other remedy but the friendship of the Florentines, and the Earl, they began to speak them fair, though shamefully, and with suspicion, because they feared least the Florentines would make them the same answer, which they at the enterprise of Lucca, and in the Earl's cause had received at their hands. Nevertheless, they found the Florentines more easily entreated, then either they hoped, or their deserts did merit. For greater was the Florentines hate to a friend become a foe, than the displeasure they bore to an old and ancient enemy. Persuasions of the Venetians and Florentines to the Earl not to abandon them. They having long before known the necessity whereunto the Venetians would fall, declared to the Earl, that their ruin would be also his: and that he deceived himself, if he believed the Duke Philippo would esteem him so much in his good, as his evil fortune. For the occasion why the Duke offered his daughter unto him, was the fear wherein he stood: and sith things promised by necessity, are never performed without necessity, it behoved him still to hold the Duke distressed, which without the greatness of the Venetians, could not be done. Therefore, he ought to think, that if the Venetians were forced to abandon their Country upon the firm land, he should not only want those commodities which he received by them, but also all others, which of other men for fear of them he might attain unto. And if he considered well the other states of Italy, he should find some of them poor, and some others his enemies. Neither were the Florentines alone (as he had often said) of force sufficient to maintain him. So as, on every side it appeared, that for him it was necessary, to maintain the Venetians mighty upon the land. These persuasions joined with the hate which the Earl had conceived of the Duke, for being mocked in the marriage, caused him consent to the composition, yet would he not at that time be bound to pass the River of Po. These compositions were made in the month of February, the year 1438. Wherein, the Venetians did covenant to defray two thirds, and the Florentines one third of the charge. And both of them together at their common charge, entered obligation to defend the lands which the Earl had won in La Marca. Neither was this League contented with these forces, but unto them they joined the Lord of Faenza, the sons of Pandolfo Malatesta of Rimini, and Pietro Giampagolo Orsino. And although with great promises they had persuaded the marquess of Mantova, yet could they not remove him from the friendship and pay of the Duke. Also the Lord of Faenza, after that the League was settled, finding a better bargain, revolted to the Duke, which deprived the League of hope, to be able to perform the enterprises intended in Romagna. In these days, Lombardy remained thus troubled, Brescia was besieged with the Duke's forces, so straightly as every day was feared that for famine it should be forced to yield. And Verona became so environed with enemies, that it doubted the like end, and if any of these two Cities were lost, every man judged all the other preparation for the wars would be to no effect, and the charges till that time made, utterly lost. Neither was there found any other certain remedy, then to procure, that the Earl Francisco might pass into Lombardy: Wherein were three difficulties, the one in persuading the Earl to pass the River of Po, and make war in all places. The second, that the Florentines seemed to be at the discretion of the Duke, if the Earl should go from them. The third was, what way the Earl with his forces should take, to convey himself into the country of Padua, where the rest of the Venetians forces remained. Of these three difficulties, the second which appertained to the Florentines, was most to be doubted. Notwithstanding they knowing the necessity, and being weary of the Venetians, who with all importunity desired the Earl, (saying that without him, they should be abandoned) they preferred the necessity of others before the suspicion of themselves. There remained also one other doubt, which way they should go, and how the same might be made assured by the Venetians. Moreover, because the handling of this contract with the Earl, and the persuading him to pass the River Po, was appointed to Neri, the son of Gino Capponi, the Senate thought good to send him expressly to Venice, to make that favour the more acceptable there, and to take order for the way, and safe passage of the Earl. Then was Neri dispatched from Cesena, and in a Boat conveyed to Venice: where, by the Senate he was received with more honour, then ever any Prince before that time had been. For upon his coming, and that which by him should be determined, they thought the welfare of their dominion depended. Neri then being brought to presence of the Senate, spoke as followeth. Most Noble Prince, The Oration of Neri Capponi, to the Senate of Venice. my Lords who have sent me, were hitherto ever of opinion, that the greatness of the Duke, would be the ruin both of this state and of their own Commonweal. So that, the well doing of these states, must be your greatness, and ours also. If this had been by your Lordships believed, we should be now in better condition, and your state assured from those perils, which presently do threaten it. But because that in time convenient, you have neither given us aid, nor countenance, we could not readily procure remedy for your harms, nor you, speedily demand it: as men which both in adversity and prosperity knew not how to behave yourselves; forgetting that we are of such disposition, as whom we once love, we will love ever; and whom we hate, we will hate ever. The good will which we have ever borne to this most Noble Senate, yourselves do know, and have oftentimes seen, by the aid we have given you both in money and men. The displeasure which we have borne to Philippo, is such, as we will always bear towards his house, and so the world knoweth. Neither is it possible that ancient hatred, can be either by new deserts or new displeasures canceled. We were and are assured, that in this war, we might with great honour have stood indifferent to the Duke, and with no great danger to ourselves. For though he had been by your ruin become Lord of Lombardy, yet had there remained so much force in Italy, as we need not to have despaired of our well doing, because he increasing in state and power, the enmity, & envy towards him would have also increased. Of which two things, war and displeasure be engendered. We knew also how great charges by eschewing this war, we should have avoided, how eminent perils we should have escaped: and how this war, by our means might be removed from Lombardy into Toscana. Notwithstanding all these suspicions have been, by our ancient affection borne to your state, canceled: and we have determined to aid you, with the same ready good will, wherewith we will defend our own, if the same should be assaulted. Wherefore my Lords, judging it before all other things most necessary, to secure Verona and Brescia, and thinking also that without the Earl the same could not be, they have sent me hither, first to persuade him to come into Lombardy, and make war in all places: he being heretofore (as you know) bond not to pass the River of Po. Therefore I used with him those reasons, wherewith we ourselves be moved. And he, (as he seemeth) by Arms invincible, will not be overcome with courtesy. And that liberality which he saw us use towards you, he hath been pleased to surpass the same. For knowing well in how great perils, after his departure, Toscana remained, and seeing that we have more regarded your peril, than our own well doing; is also content to prefer the same, before his own. I am therefore now come here, to offer you the Earl with seven thousand horse, and two thousand foot men; ready to assault the enemy in what place soever he may find him. I beseech you then, (and my Lords also do entreat you) that as the number of his soldiers is greater than his obligation, whereby he bond himself to serve, so it may please you, that your liberality towards him may be likewise enlarged. To the end, that neither he shall repent his coming to your service, nor we be sorry to have persuaded him thereunto. This speech pronounced by Neri, was with no less attention heard of the Senate, then if from the mouth of some Oracle, the same had proceeded. For by his words all the audience was so moved, that they would not suffer the Prince (as is the custom) to make any answer: But every man stood up, and many of them weeping for joy, held up their hands, thanking the Florentines for so friendly an offer, and him, for having with so great diligence and speed performed the same. Promising moreover, never to forget that favour, nor that any time, either in themselves or in their postery, should cancel the memory of this merit. And that their Commonweal, should be as much at the Florentines commandment, as their own. These courtesies and congratulations ended, they consulted what way the Earl might march, to the end, that the bridges and passages should be prepared. Four ways were then thought upon whereby he might pass. The one from Ravenna, by the sea side: which being narrow and full of marshes, was not liked. An other was by the direct way, which being impeached by a Fortress called Vccellino, kept for the Duke, the same aught to be surprised before the Army should march further; which was heard to do in so short a time, unless the occasion of the enterprise were omitted, the same requiring great diligence and speed. The third was by the wood of Lago, where because the River of Po was overflowed, to pass that way, seemed not only hard, but also impossible. The fourth was by the Champion of Bologna, from thence to Ponte Pulidrano, to Cento, through Finale, and Bondeno, and so to Farrara: From whence by water and land, they might be conveyed into Padovana, there to join with the Venetian forces. In this way, albeit there was many difficulties, and might by the enemy, in some places be impeached: yet was it thought the best of all others. Whereof the Earl advertised, with great speed began his journey, and on the twentieth of june, arrived in Padovana. The coming of this Captain into Lombardy, made Venice, and all the country thereto belonging, in great hope. For as they seemed before to despair, now they began to hope, not only to hold their own, but also to win from others. The Earl first of all went to the rescue of Verona, and the rather to meet with Nicholo, and his Army he marched to Soaue, a Castle builded betwixt Vicentino & Veronesi, and environed by a ditch: which reached from Soaue to the marish of Adice. The Earl seeing his passage by the plain stopped, thought to pass by the mountains, and by that way to come near to Verona; Supposing Nicholo did not think, that he would take that way being unpleasant & mountainous: or if he did, he could not in time come thither to impeach him. Wherefore being provided of victuals for eight days, he and his men passed the mountain and arrived under Soaue, in the plain. Where, albeit some bulwarks had been made by Nicholo, yet were they not such as stayed his passage. Nicholo then seeing the enemy above his expectation come thither, fearing to fight upon disadvantage, retired himself on the other side of Adice: and the Earl without any obstacle, entered into Verona. Thus the Earl having performed the first enterprise, which was to remove the siege, the second yet remained, to rescue Brescia. This City is so seated upon the river of Garda, the scite whereof is such, that though it be besieged by land, yet may it be victualled by water: which was the cause, why the Duke put so great forces upon that Lage, and in the beginning of his victories, had surprised all those towns which by the Lage could relieve Brescia. The Venetians had also Galleys upon the Lage, but they were not of power enough to fight with the Duke's forces. The Earl therefore thought fit with some more soldiers to strengthen the Navy, and win those towns which with held the victuals from Brescia. He therefore brought his Camp before Bandolino, a Castle upon the Lage, hoping if that were won, the rest would presently yield. In that enterprise fortune disfavoured the Earl, for the greatest number of his men fell sick: so as, leaving the enterprise, he went unto Zeno, a castle belonging to Verona, where the country is plentiful, & the air wholesome. Nicholo seeing the Earl retired: not to omit occasion to possess himself of the Lage, left his Camp at Vegatio, and with some choice men went unto the Lage. There, with great fury, he assaulted the Venetian Army, & took well-near all their Galleys. After this victory, almost all the Castles upon the Lage, yielded unto Nicholo. The Venetians dismayed at this his loss, and fearing thereby, that they of Brescia would yield also, solicited the Earl, both by Letters and Messengers, to make speed to secure it. But the Earl seeing that by the Lage there was no hope to relieve it, & by land it was impossible, by reason of ditches, bulwarks, and trenches, made by Nicholo, so as, whosoever should enter, must go to present destruction; determined to prove the way of the mountains: whereby, as he had before saved Verona, so he hoped perhaps to rescue Brescia. The Earl for the atchiving thereof, departed from Zeno, and by the Vale of Acrine, marched to the Lage of S. Andrea, and came to Torboli, and Penda, upon the Lage of Garda. From thence he went to Tenna, and there pitched his Camp: because, to pass from thence to Brescia, it behoved him to surprise that Castle. Nicholo understanding the intent of the Earl, brought his Army to Pischiera: and after with the marquess of Mantova, and some of his own choice soldiers, marched towards the Earl, and fight together, Nicholo was overthrown. The Camp of Nicholo Piccinino defeated. Some part of his men were taken prisoners, an other part, retired to the Army, & the third part, fled to the Navy. Nicholo then, retired himself into Tenna, and the night being come, imagined he could not escape from thence, if he tarried till the next day. Wherefore to eschew that peril certain, he adventured a danger doubtful. Nicholo had amongst many his servants one Almain, a man of great strength, and to him above others, ever most faithful. Nicholo persuaded this man, that if he would put him into a sack, he might upon his shoulders (as though he were some other thing) carry him to some place, from whence he might escape. At this time the Camp yet remained about Tenna. Nevertheless, by means of the victory the day before, no great order or watch was taken, so that this Almain, the more easily might convey his master. Wherefore taking him upon his shoulders, (as though he were some other burden, himself being appareled like a Porter) he passed through the Camp without any let, and so saved his master. This victory, if it had been well used, as it was happily won, had much better relieved Brescia: and the Venetians thereby should have proved more happy. But the same being evil used, the joy thereof was the less; and Brescia remained in the same distress that it was before. For Nicholo having recovered soldiers, Nicholo Piccinino, desirous to recover his honour. determined with them some new victory, to blot out the dishonour of the late loss, and take from the Venetians the mean whereby they should rescue Brescia. He having intelligence from some prisoners taken in that war, that the Citadel of Verona was weakly manned and guarded; so as, easily it might be surprised: thought that Fortune thereby had offered an occasion to recover his honour; and that the new joy of his enemy, for the late victory, should now for a later loss, be converted into sorrow. The City of Verona is in Lombardy, seated at the foot of those mountains which divide Italy from Germany: and is so builded, as it partaketh both of the mountains and the plain. The River of Adice springeth out of the Vale of Trento, and in the course thereof to Italy, it descendeth not strait into the plain, but turneth on the left hand, and passeth by the midst of that City. Yet the one part of the City towards the plain, is greater than the other part towards the mountains. Upon these be built two Fortresses, the one called S. Piero, and the other S. Felice; which seem more strong by nature of the seat, than the thickness of the wall. For being set high, they command the whole City. In the plain on this side the Adice, are joining to the wall of the town, two other Fortresses, the one distant from the other a thousand paces, one of them is named the new Cittadella, and the other the old Cittadella. From the one of these within, there passeth a wall to the other, and is in respect of the compass, as it were a string to a bow. All this space betwixt the one wall and the other is inhabited, and called Borgo di San Zeno. These Fortresses, and this Borgo, Nicholo Piccinino intended to surprise, thinking the same easy, as well for the negligence of the guard therein, as the small care had thereof, by means of the late victory. For he knew well, that in the war there is no enterprise so easily performed, as is that, which the enemy feareth not. He therefore making choice of his men, being acquainted with the marquess of Mantova, in the night marched to Verona, and not being there looked for, scaled the walls, and wan the new Citadel. From thence he sent his men into the town, who broke the gate of S. Antonio▪ and thereby all his horsemen entered. Those that for the Venetians kept the old Citadel, hearing first a noise when the guard of the first Citadel was slain, and after when the gates were broken open: knew well that enemies were come, made Alarm, rung Bells, and stirred up the people. Whereof the Citizens taking knowledge, came out in a confused sort: those that were of most courage, took Arms and went unto the Palace of the Rettore. In the mean while, Nicholo had sacked Borgo of S. Zeno. Then going forward, the Citizens knowing that the Duke's soldiers were within the town, and seeing no way to resist them, persuaded the Venetians Rettore to flee to the Fortress, thereby to save their persons, and the town: saying it was better to preserve their lives, and the riches of the city, till a time more fortunate; then for the encountering of the present fury, to die themselves, and utterly impoverish the city. Verona surprised by Nicholo Piccinino. Then the Rettore, and all other Venetians whatsoever, fled into the Fortress of S. Felice. Which done, many of the chief Citizens came to Nicholo and to the marquess of Mantova, beseeching, that it would please them, to take that city with honour, as it was rich, rather than with their shame, to suffer it to be made poor and spoiled. And the rather, because they had neither deserved well of their chief Lords, nor in defence of the town merited any malice of Nicholo or the marquess. Then were they, both by Nicholo & the marquess comforted, and (as much as in fury of the war might possibly be) defended from the spoil. Nicholo thinking assuredly, that the Earl would come to recover the Town, laboured by every mean to get into his hands all the strong places; and those which he could not get, with trenches and ditches were divided from the Town: to the end, that the enemy should pass in with more difficulty. The Earl Francisco was with his men at Tenna, and hearing those news, at the first thought the same untrue, but after being better advertised of the troth, thought good by speedy proceeding, to amend his former negligence. And albeit his chief Captains of the Camp, did counsel him to leave the enterprise of Verona and Brescia, and go to Vicenza, for not being besieged of the enemy during his abode there; yet would he not be persuaded by them, but in any wise try his fortune to recover that city: and in the midst of these doubtful imaginations, promised the Proveditore of Venice, and Bernardo de Medici, the Florentine General, certainly to recover the city, if any of the Fortresses did remain untaken till he came thither. Then giving order for his journey, he with his soldiers in great haste marched towards Verona. Whom, Nicholo seeing, thought good, as he had been counseled by his Captains, to go to Vicenza. Yet finding that the enemies marched towards the Town, directing their course to S. Felice, he determined to defend that Fort: but all too late, because the trenches about the Castle were not finished, and the soldiers (for covetousness of the spoil) were divided among themselves, so that he could not come thither soon enough. For the Earls soldiers had before approached the Fortress, Verona recovered by the Earl Francisco. and from thence with good success and dishonour of Nicholo, recovered the city. Who together with the marquess of Mantova fled first to the Citadel, and from thence, to Mantova. Where assembling the remain of their saved soldiers, they joined with the others, that besieged Brescia. Thus was Verona in four days by the Duke's Army, both won and lost. The Earl after this victory (being at that time winter, and the cold great) had with much difficulty victualled Brescia, and went to remain in Verona: giving order, that certain Galleys should tarry that winter at Torbali, to the end, that at the spring of the next year, he might be strong both by sea and land for the rescue of Brescia. The Duke seeing the war for that time stayed, and his hope to surprise Verona & Brescia removed, whereof the Council, and the money of the Florentines was the occasion, and that they could not be altered from the love of the Venetians, for any injury they had received of them, nor for any promise he could make them; determined (to the end they should shortly reap fruit of those seeds they had sown) to assault Toscana: being thereto encouraged by the banished men of Florence, and by Nicholo. Nicholo was thereto moved with the desire he had to win the possessions of Braccio, and drive the Earl out of La Marca. The Duke persuaded by Nicholo and the banished Florentines▪ to assault Toscana. And the Florentines desired to return to their Country. So either of these, with reasons according to their own desire, persuaded the Duke. Nicholo told him, that himself might be sent into Toscana, and Brescia might nevertheless be still besieged; for the Duke was Lord of the Lage, and had the strong places belonging to the Town well furnished: the Captains there remaining, and men enough to encounter the Earl whensoever he should attempt any other enterprise; which without the rescue of Brescia he could not, and to rescue it, was impossible. So that he might make war in Toscana, and yet not leave the enterprise in Lombardy. He told him moreover, that the Florentines were enforced so soon as he came into Toscana, to revoke the Earl, or else lose it: so that if any of these two things came to pass, the victory would follow. The banished men alleged, that if Nicholo with his Army did draw near to Florence, it was impossible but that the people (being weary of charges, and the insolency of the great men) would take Arms against the Governors. They showed also how easy it was to approach Florence, promising to make the way open through Casentino, by means of the friendship which Rinaldo had with that Earl. Thus the Duke, first disposed of himself, and after confirmed by persuasions of these men, resolved upon this enterprise. The Venetians on the other part, notwithstanding the bitterness of the winter, failed not to call upon the Earl with all his forces to succour Brescia. Which the Earl answered could not be in that time done, but of force it must tarry the spring of the year: and in the mean time prepare an Army by water, so as both by water and land it might at time convenient be relieved. Hereupon the Venetians became sorry and slow in all their provisions, which was the cause that in their Army many people died. Of all these things the Florentines being advertised, began to mistrust: seeing the war at hand, and no great good done in Lombardy. The suspicion also which they had of the Pope's soldiers, did greatly perplex them: not because the Pope was their enemy, but for that they saw those soldiers more obedient to the Patriarch, their mortal foe, more than to the Pope himself. Giovanni Vittelleschi Cornetano, was first Notary Apostolical, The Patriarch of Alessandria General for the Pope. after Bishop of Ricanati, than Patriarch of Alessandria, and at length after all these dignities, become Cardinal, & was called the Cardinal of Florence. This Cardinal being a man both courageous and crafty, & such a one, as was by the Pope so greatly beloved, as thereby he became General of all the forces belonging to the Church: and was Captain in all enterprises that the Pope took in hand, either in Toscana, Romagna, the Kingdom, or the City of Rome. Whereby he won such reputation among the people, and so great authority under the Pope, that the Pope himself stood in doubt how to command him, and the people did only obey him, and no other. At such time as the news came, that Nicholo would pass into Toscana, this Cardinal with his company happened to be at Rome: whereby the Florentines fear was doubled, because that Cardinal after the banishment of Rinaldo, had ever been enemy to Florence: for that the pacification among the factions of Florence made by his means, were not observed, but all things done to the prejudice of Rinaldo, The Pa. friend to Rinaldo de Albizi. who had been the occasion that Arms were laid down, which gave his enemies good means to banish him. Then the Governors of the state, imagined the time come to restore Rinaldo of his losses, if with Nicholo (being come into Toscana) they joined their forces: but thereof they doubted the more by the untimely departure of Nicholo from Lombardy, who left there an enterprise half won, to begin an other more doubtful: which he would not do, without some new intelligence, and secret subtlety. Of this their mistrust they had informed the Pope, who knew his own error in giving to an other overmuch authority. But when the Florentines stood thus doubtful what to do, Fortune found then a mean, whereby to assure the Patriarch. That state, in those times maintained diligent espials, to discover what Letters were brought too and fro, and thereby conceived, if any thing were practised to the prejudice thereof. It happened that at Monte Pulliciano, some Letters were taken, which the Patriarch without consent of the Pope, wrote unto Nicholo Piccinino. Those Letters by the General of the war, were presently sent unto the Pope; And although they were written in Carects unused, so as no certain sense could be made of them: yet this obscurity, together with the practice of the enemy, The pope seeketh to depose the Patriarch. bred so great suspicion in the Pope, as he determined to assure himself. The charge of this action he committed to Antonio Rido of Padova, being then Captain of the Castle in Rome. Rido having received this Commission, was ready to obey the Pope's commandment, aspecting an opportunity to perform the same. The Patriarch being determined to go into Toscana, and minding the next day to departed from Rome, desired the Captain Rido to attend for him in the morning upon the Castle Bridge, at such time as he should pass that way. Antonio Rido thought then a good occasion was presented: and gave order to his men what to do, tarrying for the coming of the Patriarch, upon the Bridge, which way of necessity he must pass, hard by the Castle. So soon as he was arrived upon that part, which used to be drawn up, Rido gave his men a sign to draw the Bridge and shut the Patriarch into the Castle, which was performed. So as of a General to the Army, the Patriarch was become a prisoner in the Castle. The people that followed him, at the first murmured, but understanding the Pope's pleasure, The Patriarch made prisoner pacified themselves. The Captain did comfort him with courteous words, and persuaded him to hope well. To whom the Patriarch answered, that great personages were not wont first to be apprehended, and after set at liberty. For those that deserve imprisonment, did not merit to be enlarged, and so shortly after died in prison. After his death, the Pope appointed General of his Army, Lodovico Patriarch of Aquilea. Who albeit before that time would not intermeddle with the war, betwixt the League and the Duke; yet was then content to take the same in hand: promising to be ready to defend Toscana with four thousand Horse, and two thousand footmen. The Florentines delivered of this fear, stood yet in doubt of Nicholo, and mistrusted the confusion of matters in Lombardy, by reason of the diversity of opinions betwixt the Venetians and the Earl. Wherefore, to be more fully advertised, of their minds, they sent Neri the son of Gino Capponi, and Guiliano de Auanzati, to Venice. Whom they gave in Commission, to determine in what sort the War should be made the next year following. Commanding Neri, that so soon as he understood the minds and opinions of the Venetians, he should go unto the Earl, to know his; and persuade him to those things, which for the welfare of the League should be thought meet and necessary. These Ambassadors being in their journey not so far as Farrara, had intelligence, that Nicholo Piccinino with six thousand horse was passed the Po. Which news moved them to make the more speed. Being arrived at Venice, they found the Senate fully determined, that Brescia without any delay should be rescued, because, that City, could neither tarry unrelieved till the next Spring, nor till the Navy by water were prepared; but should be enforced for want of aid, to yield unto the enemy: which would make the Duke victorious, and occasion the loss of all their state, upon the firm land. Neri therefore went from thence to Verona, to hear what the Earl could allege to the contrary. Who by many reasons declared, that for the present, it were no furtherance, but rather an impeachment of the enterprise to march towards Brescia. For, considering the season of the year, and the seat of the City, no good could be done, but great disorder, and to the soldiers great trouble would follow thereof. So that, when the Spring should be come, and the season fit for the action, the Army must be enforced to return to Verona, for provision of those things, which the winter had consumed. By reason whereof, all the time fit for war, should be spent in going and returning. There was sent to Verona with the Earl for the consultation of these matters, Orsato Giustiniani, and Giovan Pisani. With these Commissioners after much disputation, it was concluded, Resolution of the League, against the Duke. that the Venetians should give unto the Earl for the next year to come, fourscore thousand Ducats, and to every one of his soldiers, forty. And that they should solicit the Earl to march with his whole Army, and assault the Duke. To the end, that he, for fear of his own country should be forced to revoke Nicholo into Lombardy. After which conclusion, the Ambassadors returned to Venice. Nicholo Piccinino in this mean space proceeded in his journey, & was arrived at Romagna: where he persuaded so far with the sons of Pandolpho Malatesta, that they abandoned the Venetians, and joined with the Duke. These news were displeasant to the Venetians, and much more displeasant to the Florentines, because they hoped by that way to have resisted Nicholo. But seeing the Malatesti rebelled, they were thereat amazed, and the more, for the fear they had that Giampagolo Orsino, their Captain, (who at that time was in the country of Malatesti) should be defeated, and they so disarmed. These occurrents also dismayed the Earl, fearing to lose La Marca, The speech of the Earl Francisco to the Senate of Venice. if Nicholo passed into Toscana. And intending to go unto the rescue of his own, came first to Venice, where he declared unto the Prince, that his coming into Toscana, was improfitable for the League. Because the war was ever to be made, where the Army and General of the enemy is, and not where their Towns are, or their private Garrisons. For if the Army be overthrown the war is ended: but though the Towns be won, and the Army be left whole, the wars for the most part becometh more lively. Then he informed him, that La Marca and Toscana were lost, if good resistance were not made against Nicholo. Of which loss, Lombardy had no remedy. Or if it had, he meaned not to abandon his own subjects and friends. For, being come a Lord into Lombardy, he would not departed thence, as a private Captain. The Venetians answer to the Earl. Hereunto the Prince answered, it was a thing most manifest, that if he did go from Lombardy, and with his Army repass the Po, that all their state upon the firm land, should be lost, and that they would not spend any more upon the defence thereof. For it were folly, to defend a thing, which by no mean could be holden. And less dishonour it were to lose the countries only, then to lose the country and their money also. But if it should so fall out, that these things were lost, it should thereby appear how greatly it stood the Venetians upon, to defend Toscana and Romagna. They were therefore altogether contrary to his opinion, for they believed that whosoever were victorious in Lombardy, could also have victory in all other places. And it was easy to have the victory, because the Duke and his country was become weak by the departure of Nicholo: so as he might be oppressed, before that either he could revoke Nicholo, or be provided of other remedy. Moreover, who so wisely considereth all things, should see, that the Duke had sent Nicholo into Toscana, to no other end, then to remove the Earl from those enterprises, & make that war in other places, which he now had at home. So that in pursuing him (if before he found no extreme necessity) he should execute that which he had in hand, and be owner of his intent. But if the men of war were still employed both in Lombardy and in Toscana, howsoever it came to pass, he should overlate find his oversight, and in time see that without remedy he had lost Lombardy, and gained nothing in Toscana. Thus every one having said and replied according to his opinion, Resolution of the Venetians with the Earl Francisco. it was concluded, that a stay for a few days should be made, to see what effect the agreement betwixt the Malatesti and Nicholo would bring forth: and whether the Florentines could employ Giampagolo: and whether the Pope did faithfully deal with the League, as he had promised. This conclusion made, shortly after they were advertised, that the Malatesti had condescended to the agreement, rather for fear, than any evil intent: and that Pietro Giampagolo with his soldiers, were marched towards Toscana, and the Pope was more willing to aid the League, then before time he had been. These advertisements satisfied the Earl's mind. So as he became contented that himself might remain in Lombardy: and Nery Capponi should return to Florence, with a thousand of his Horse, and five hundredth others And if it did so fall out in Toscana, that the presence of the Earl were there needful and necessary, that then he should write unto him, and the Earl (without any respect) be dispatched thither. Neri with his forces arrived at Florence, in the month of April. And the same day, Giampagolo came thither. In the mean time Nicholo Piccinino having settled all things in Romagna, determined to come into Toscana, and desiring to pass by the Alps of S. Benedetto, and the Vale of Montone, found those places by the virtue of Nicholo de Pisa, so well defended, that he thought all his power too little. Moreover, because the Florentines were not well furnished either of Captains or soldiers, for this sudden assault, they had sent diverse Citizens to the passages of those Alps, with footmen levied in haste, for that purpose. Amongst whom was Bartholomeo Orlandini: and to him was appointed the keeping of the Castle of Marradi, with the passage of those Alps. Nicholo Piccinino supposing he could not go by S. Benedetto for the virtue of him that defended that way, yet thought he it easy to pass by the other which Bartholomeo kept: persuaded thereto by the cowardice of that Captain. Marradi is a Castle built at the foot of those Alps, which divide Toscana from Romagna. But on that side which is towards Romagna, in the beginning of the Vale of Lamona, although it be without walls, yet the River, the Mountain, and the inhabitants of the country do make it strong. For the men be warlike and faithful. The River hath also worn into the land, and made so deep caves and places, as it is impossible to approach it by that Vale, so long as one little Bridge be defended. And on that side towards the Mountains, the shore is so steep as maketh it most assured. Notwithstanding, the cowardice of Bartholomeo was such, as made those people become base minded, and the seat to seem of no force at all. For so soon as the noise of the enemy was heard, he abandoned his charge, and with his soldiers fled away, never staying till he came to Borgo S. Lorenzo. Nicholo entered into the places abandoned, much marveling that they were not better defended. And being glad of that he had gotten, came down into Mugello, where he surprised some Castles; and at Puliciano he lodged his Campe. From thence he spoiled all the Country, to the Mountains of Fiesole. He was also so bold, as he doubted not to pass the River of Arno, foraging and spoiling every place within three miles of the City of Florence. The Florentines on the other side were not dismayed, but before all other things settled the government. Whereof they could not much doubt, as well for the good will the people bore unto Cosimo; as because the chief Offices, were reduced into the hands of a few mighty Citizens, who with their severity handled the matter so, that they assured themselves of every man, that showed themselves discontented, or desirous of Innovasion. They knew also by the contract made in Lombardy, with what Forces Neri returned, and they looked also for other soldiers, to come from the Pope, which till the coming of Neri, made them hope well. But Neri finding the City in these disorders, and fears, determined to go into the field, somewhat to bridle the fury of Nicholo, that he should not so much at his pleasure spoil the country. Then making a band of certain footmen, the people with all the horses they had went out, and recovered Remole, which the enemies had taken. There they encamped themselves, empeaching Nicholo to proceed in his spoil, and gave hope to the Citizens to vanquish the enemy. Nicholo seeing that the enemies having lost their soldiers, moved not: and understanding also, with what security they lived in that city, determined not to lose time, but enterprise some other things. To the end that the Florentines might have occasion to send out their Forces and fight with him. And if the victory proved his, than he hoped that all other matters should prosperously follow. In the Camp of Nicholo, Francisco Earl of Poppis happened to be. He in that time (that the enemies were in Mugello) rebelled from the Florentines, The Earl of Poppis rebelled from the Florentines. with whom he had been before in League. And albeit the Florentines before mistrusted that he would so do, yet thought they to have bound him with benefits, and to that end increased his entertainment, and made him Governor over all their Towns near unto him. All which notwithstanding (so great strength had the love which he bore to the contrary faction) that no benefit nor no fear, could force him to forget, the affection he bore to Rinaldo, and the others that governed in times past. In so much, as when he understood that Nicholo drew near, suddenly he joined with him, and persuaded him with all earnestie to go from the City, and pass into Casentino: showing him the strength of that country, and with what security, he might from thence distress the enemy. Nicholo was well content to be advised by his counsel, and come into Casentino, surprised Romana and Bibiena, and after lodged his Camp at the Castle S. Nicholo. This Castle is seated at the foot of those mountains which divide Casentino from the Vale of Arno, and by reason the seat thereof is high, and the place well manned, the taking thereof proved hard: notwithstanding that Nicholo did with his Artillery continually make the battery. This siege had continued more than twenty days. In which time, the Florentines assembled their Forces at Figghini, to the number of four thousand horse; under the conduct of Pietro Giampagolo, the General, Neri Caponi, and Bernardo de Medici Commissaries. To them four Messengers were sent from the Castle of Saint Nicholo to desire their aid. Those Commissaries having considered the seat of that place, found they could not rescue it any other way, then by the Alps, which come from the Vale of Arno, and the tops of them might be possessed by the enemy, before they could come thither, as well for that they were nearer, as that they could not go unknown. So as, they should attempt a thing to no purpose, and hazard the ruin of their soldiers. Thereupon the Captains commending their fidelity, commanded them, that if they were not able any longer to defend themselves, that then they should yield. Thus Nicholo prevailed in that enterprise, and possessed this Castle in the end of thirty two days, after he and his Camp had besieged it. And for so great a loss of time, obtained this small victory, which was the greatest occasion whereby a greater enterprise was not performed. For if he had still continued with his Camp before Florence, he had forced those that governed, to levy money amongst the Citizens, prepare Forces, and make every other provision, with more difficulty, the enemy being so near at hand, many of the Citizens would also have been desirous of peace, to assure themselves from Nicholo, Nicholo evil counseled by the Earl of Poppis. seeing the war likely to continue. But the desire which the Earl of Poppis had to be revenged of some Captains of Castles, who had been long his enemies, did lead him to give that counsel: And Nicholo for his satisfaction, followed the same; which was the destruction both of the one and the other. Whereof may be conceived, that for the most part, the particular passions of men, do hinder the public commodity. Nicholo following the victory, surprised Rassina and Chiusi. In these places, the Earl of Poppis, persuaded him to tarry, declaring that he might disperse his Forces into Chiusi, Caprese, & Pieve: by that means to become Lord of the mountains, and at his pleasure descend from thence, into Casentino, into the Vale of Arno, to the Vale of Chiana, and the Vale of Teveri, and be also ready, so answer to any motion whatsoever, that the Enemy could make. But Nicholo considering the barrenness of those places, answered, that his Horses, did not eat stones, and so went to the Borgo of S. Sepulchro, where he was friendly received. From thence he practised to win the favour of the inhabitants, of the City called Castello: who being friends to the Florentines, refused him. Also desiring to have the Perugini at his devotion, he went with forty horse unto Perugia: and was received (being there a Citizen borne) very lovingly, yet within few days after he became suspected. For albeit both with the Governor and the Citizens, he practised many things, yet nothing was brought to pass. But receiving of them eight thousand Ducats he returned to the Camp. Then he devised how to take Cortona from the Florentines, Practise to surprise Cortona. which being discovered before the time of execution, that devise came not to effect. Among the chief Citizens of that Town, was Bartholomeo di Senso, who one evening going by commandment of the Captain to take the Guard of one of the gates, was by a Country man his friend, advised not to go thither, unless he were content there to be slain. Bartholomeo desirous to understand the bottom of that matter, found there were some practice made with Nicholo: which Bartholomeo by authority of the Captain revealed, and made sure the chief of the conspiracy. Then doubling the Guard of the Gate, tarried there till Nicholo did come. Who at his arrival, understanding the matter was discovered, returned to his Camp. During that things were in Toscana thus handled, and that the Duke's soldiers had gained little: Lombardy grew unquiet, with loss and disaduanntage of the Duke. Because the Earl Francisco, so soon as the season of the year suffered, came forth with his Army to the field, and for that the Venetians had supplied their Forces upon the Lake, the Earl thought good first to make himself Lord of the Water, and then drive the Duke from the Lake: (which done) all other things would be easily brought to pass. Then with the Navy of the Venetians, he assaulted the Duke's Galleys, and had the victory. He also took those Castles which were holden of the Duke. In so much, as the Dukes other soldiers who besieged Brescia by land, understanding this overthrow, retired. In this sort was Brescia after three years siege delivered. This victory had, the Earl marched towards his enemies, The siere of Brescia removed. who were come to Soncino, a Castle upon the River of Ogglio, where he dislodged them, and forced them remove to Cremona. There the Duke made head, and on that side defended his Countries. But the Earl day by day drawing nearer, and the Duke fearing to lose either all or part of his Country, found how unadvisedly he had done to send Nicholo into Toscana. And to amend that error he wrote unto Nicholo in what terms he stood: praying him, with what speed he possibly might, to leave Toscana, and return into Lombardy. The Florentines in this mean space, by order of their generals, had joined their soldiers with the Pope's Forces, and made head at Anghiari, a Castle at the foot of the mountains, which divided the Vale of Teuere, from the Vale of Chiana, four miles from S. Sepulchro, where the fields be large to receive Horse men, and fit for all actions of war. And because they had intelligence of the Earl's victory, and the revocation of Nicholo, they thought that without the sword, or more labour, the war was ended. Therefore wrote unto their Generals not to fight, for that Nicholo could not many days remain in Toscana. This Commission became known to Nicholo, who seeing that of necessity he must departed: to leave nothing unattempted, he determined to fight, supposing to find the enemy altogether unprovided, and not looking for any Battle at all. Whereunto he was also animated and encouraged by Rinaldo, the Earl of Poppis, and diverse other banished men of Florence, who knew their own destruction to be certain, if Nicholo did remove thence: but by fight they hoped either to win the victory, or lose it with honour. This resolution made, the Army marched from the place where it was, till it came between the Cities of Castello and Borgo, and being come to Borgo, before that the enemies knew thereof, levied from the Town two thousand men, who trusting to the virtue of the Captain and his promises, being desirous of spoil, followed him. Then Nicholo with his Army, marched in Battle-wise towards Anghiari, & was within two miles of the enemy or less, when by Micheletto Attendulo was seen a great dust, who knowing the enemies to be there, warned every man to prepare himself. The noise in the Florentine Camp was great; because that Army encamped for the most part without Discipline, and supposed the enemy to be far off, so all the Florentines were more ready to fly then fight. For every man was far from his own lodging, and disarmed, either to refresh himself in that hot season, or to take some other delight. Yet so great was the diligence of the Governors and the Captain, that before the enemies approached, The battle of Anghiari. they were on horseback, and prepared to resist the charge. And as Micheletto was the first to discover the enemies, so was he also the first that charged them, and with his soldiers made speed to win the Bridge which crosseth the way not far from Anghiari. And because before the coming of the enemy, Pietro Giampagolo had caused the ditches to be cast down, which are on either side the way: Micheletto standing against the Bridge, Simoncino the Pope's Colonel, together with the Legate, stayed on the right hand, and on the left hand stood the Commissaries for Florence, and the foot men placed along the River. Then had the enemy no other way open whereby he might charge, but by the Bridge. Neither had the Florentines to fight but only upon the Bridge, saving that they commanded their footmen, that if the footmen of the enemy did go towards the men of Arms; that then they with their Crossbows should charge them: to the end that the Florentine horsemen in passing the Bridge, should not be hurt on the side. So that they that gave the first charge were by Micheletto bravely resisted: but afterwards Astore and Francisco Piccinino with their choice bands, so furiously charged Micheletto, as they took from him the Bridge, and drove him to the foot of the hill, which leadeth up to Anghiari. After that they were put back by him, and forced to retire beyond the Bridge, and he also charged them upon the side. This fight continued two hours, for sometime Nicholo, and sometimes the Florentines, were Lords of the Bridge. And although upon the Bridge they were of equal force, yet both on that, and this side of the Bridge, Nicholo fought with great disadvantage. Because when the soldiers of Nicholo had passed the Bridge, they found the enemies strong upon that strait, and could not with like advantage be charged: and those that were weary, might easily be, by fresh men supplied. But when the Florentines happened to pass, Nicholo could not so commodiously relieve his wearied men, being straightened and holden in, with ditches and trenches: So as, though many times Nicholo had won the Bridge, yet by the supply of fresh enemies, he was ever driven back. But when the Bridge was by the Florentines assuredly won, and that their forces were entered into the way, Nicholo wanted time, through the fury of the enemy, and the incommodity of the place, to supply his soldiers. For they of the vanguard were forced to mixed themselves, with the rearward: and so the one disordering the other, all the whole Army was forced to fly, and every man without any respect ran towards the Town. Nicholo Piccintino defeated. Then the Florentine soldiers began to spoil: which spoil of prisoners, armour, and horses, was great. For with Nicholo there was not saved above one thousand horses. They of the Borgo, who in hope of spoil had followed Nicholo, were of spoilers, become a spoil, because they were all taken and put to ransom. Their ensigns and carriages were lost, and the victory was much more profitable for Toscana, then prejudicial for the Duke. For if the Florentines had lost the battle, Toscana had been his, but he losing the battle, lost no other thing but the armour and horses of his Army, which with plenty of money might be recovered. Neither could any war be made in the country of another less dangerous, then was the war of those days. For in so great an overthrow, and so long a fight (which continued from twenty to four and twenty of the clock) more were not slain then one man, and he also not hurt by the virtue of any other, but being fallen from his horse, was trodden upon with horses, and so died: with so great security men fought in that age. The reason thereof is, that for the most part the soldiers fought on horseback, and covered with armour, they were defended from death till they yielded. And therefore finding themselves able to fight, they so did, and being not longer able, they yielded. This conflict (for matters which happened both in and after the fight) was a sign of the great unhappiness of those wars, because the enemies being vanquished, and Nicholo returned into Borgo, the Governors of the Florentines would have followed, and besieged him there to have the victory sully. But some soldiers, and some Captains also, refused to obey them, saying they would first carry away the spoil, and cure the hurt men. Also (a thing more notable) the next day at high noon, Want of discipline in the Florentines Campe. without leave or respect either of the Governors or of the General, the soldiers went unto Arezzo, and there bestowed their spoil (which done) they returned to Anghiari. A thing so much against all order Military and Discipline of war, that the remain of any Army well ordered, might and would easily and deservingly have recovered that victory, which the Florentines undeservedly had gotten. Besides this, the governors commanding that all soldiers taken, should be stayed, to the end, that the enemy might not grow and suddenly recover strength, yet were they presently delivered. All which things are greatly to be marveled at. First, how in such an Army, there should be virtue sufficient to win victory: And then, how there could be in any enemy so little value, as would be of so disordered a people oppressed. But while the Florentines went, and returned from Arezzo, Nicholo gained time to go with his soldiers from Borgo, and marched towards Romagna, with whom also fled the Florentine Rebels, who seeing all hope failed for their return to Florence, they divided themselves, and every man took his own way, some remaining in Italy, and some without, as they could find mean to bestow themselves. Of which number was Rinaldo, who made his habitation at Ancona: from whence (the rather to gain himself a celestial country) having lost his dwelling upon earth, he went unto the Sepulchre of Christ, and being returned home, at the marriage of one of his daughters sitting at the table, The death of Rinaldo de Albizi. suddenly died: wherein fortune did favour him, that in the day of his last sorrow she called him away. A man in every fortune honourable, and would have been much more honourable, had he been borne in a City undivided. Because many times those his virtues which in a factious City did hinder him, in a City united would have advanced him. The Commissaries then seeing the soldiers returned from Arezzo, and Nicholo departed, presented themselves before Borgo. The Borghesi offered to yield to the Florentines, but they refused to receive them. And in compounding this agreement, the Pope's Legate grew suspicious of the Commissaries, fearing they intended to take that Town from the Church: in so much, as they grew to words of offence, and some disorder would have followed betwixt the Florentine and the Pope's soldiers, if the matter had been more spoken of. But because every thing passed according to the Legates desire, all anger was pacified. While this assault of Borgo continued, advertisements were given, that Nicholo Piccinino was gone towards Rome, and (as others said) towards Lafoy Marca. Whereupon the Legate, and the rest thought good to march towards Perugia, to secure La Marca or Rome, if Nicholo directed his course to any of them. Bernardo de Medici followed, and Neri with the Florentines marched to surprise Casentino. This resolution made, Neri encamped before Russina, and surprised it with the like fury, that he had taken Bihiena, Prato, Vecchio, Poppis besieged. and Romena. From thence, he went to Poppis, and there lodged the Army, dividing it into two parts, the one upon the plain of Certomondo, the other upon the hill that reacheth to Fronzoli. The Earl seeing himself both of God and men abandoned, shut himself up in Poppis, not hoping of any aid, but the rather to procure a composition least to his disadvantage. Neri there besieging him, was desired to accept composition. The conditions whereof were such, as thereby he might hope to save himself, his children and goods portable, yielding the Town and his state to the Florentines. When these capitulations were in making, the Earl came down to the bridge of Arno, which passeth by the town, and there with great sorrow spoke thus. The speech of the Earl of Poppis to the Florentines commissaries. If I had well measured my fortune with your power, I should now have come as a friend to rejoice at your victory, and not as an enemy, entreat you, that my misery might be pitied. This present chance, as it is to you honourable, and pleasant, so is the same to me lamentable and grievous. I was owner of weapon, horses, subjects and riches, who can therefore marvel though with grief of mind I leave them? If you will, and can command all Toscana, of necessity we must all obey you: and if I had not committed this error, neither should my fortune have been known, nor your liberality appeared. For if at this time you favour me, you shall thereby give to the world a testimony of your mercy. Let therefore the virtue of your compassion, exceed the greatness of mine offence: and be pleased that at the least this only house may descend to those, of whom your ancestors have received benefits. The Earl answered by N. Capponi. To whom Neri answered, that as he had hoped overmuch in those that could do little, so had he thereby in such sort offended the state of Florence, as his fault joined with the conditions of the present time, must of necessity take from him all his wealth, and be enforced to abandon that country, as enemy to the Florentines, which as their friend he would not possess. For he had made so evil a trial of himself, as he might not in any wise be suffered to remain there, where at every change of fortune he might be ready to offend the Florentine common wealth, for it was not him, but his country whom they feared. But if he were pleased to repair into Germany, he might there remain a Prince, sith those Cities did desire him, and the Florentines for the love of those his ancestors whom he alleged, would be also therewith contented. Hereto the Earl in great colour replied, saying, that he would see the Florentines a great way further from him. So leaving all friendly communication, the poor Earl despairing of other remedy, yielded his Town to the Florentines. That done, taking his goods, his wife, and children, departed, weeping and lamenting for the loss of that Country, which his ancestors by the space of 900. years had possessed. These victories being known in Florence, were by the Governors of that State and the people with marvelous joy received, and because that Bernardo de Medici knew that Nicholo was to no purpose marched towards La Marca or Rome, he and his soldiers returned to Neri, and from thence they went together to Florence, where they were welcomed with all the greatest honours that by order of that City might be given to victorious Citizens. And were in triumphant wise saluted by the Senators, the Captains, and the whole City. The end of the fift Book. royal blazon or coat of arms THE sixth BOOK. IT hath been, and by good reason ought to be the intent of all those that make war, to enrich themselves, and impoverish their enemy. Neither is victory for other occasion sought, nor the possessions of the enemy to other end desired, then thereby to make thyself mighty, and thy adversary weak. It followeth therefore, that so oft as thy victory doth impoverish thee, or thy gains do weaken thee, either thou pass or come short of the mark, whereunto the war is directed. That Prince, and that State, is by the victories of war enriched, which extirpeth the enemies, and becometh Lord of the spoils, and ransoms. And that Prince or Commonweal is impoverished, who cannot (though he be victorious) extirpate the enemy, or hath not to his own use, the spoils and ransoms, but leaveth them to his soldiers. Such a Prince in his losses is unhappy, and in his victories most infortunate, because in losing he suffereth all injuries which the enemy can do him, and in winning, must abide the offences of friends: which as they are less reasonable, so are they also less tolerable, seeing that by impositions, and new exactions, he is again to burden his own subjects. That Prince then, in whom is any generosity of mind, cannot rejoice at such a victory whereat all his subjects be constrained to lament. The ancient and well ordered Common weals were wont by conquests to fill their Treasuries with gold and silver, to give rewards to the people, to forgive tributes, and to make triumphs and public feastings. But the States of whom we writ, first emptied their treasure houses, and after impoverished the people, without assuring themselves of their enemies. All which grew by their disorderly proceeding in the wars. For when they took any prisoners, not holding them nor slaying them, the revenge was no longer deferred, than the leaders of the enemy were furnished anew with horse and weapon. Besides that, the spoils and ransoms being given to the soldiers, the Prince's victorious could not employ the same in the next war, but were forced to draw their provision from the bowels of their own people. Neither did that victory bring forth other benefit, then make the Prince greedy, and with less respect to burden them. For the soldiers had brought the war to such a pass (as both the victorious and the victored, if they would command their own men) had like need of money, because the one was to arm them a new, the other to reward them. And as they unmounted could not fight, so these without new rewards, would not. Whereby it followed, that the one enjoyed not much of the victory, the other felt little of the loss, seeing the victored was speedily repaired, and the victorious could not in time pursue the victory. This disorder, and this perverse proceeding in war, caused that Nicholo Piccinino was again set on horseback, before his overthrow was known through all Italy, and made after greater war then before he had done. This was the cause, that after the discomfit at Tenna, he could surprise Verona. This was the cause, that after the slaughter of his soldiers at Verona, he could recover a greater Army, and come into Toscana. This was the cause, that being overthrown at Anghiari, before he arrived in Romagna, he was more mighty in the field, then before he had been: and might thereby put the Duke of Milan in hope to defend Lombardy, which by his absence was supposed to be well-near lost. For when Nicholo had filled Lombardy with troubles, the Duke was brought to such pass, as he began to doubt of his own estate. And fearing his ruin might follow before the coming of Nicholo, (for whom he had sent) to bridle the Earl's fury, and with industry to temper fortune, (which with force he could not) he resorted to those remedies which in like cases had before time helped him. The Duke desireth peace. He therefore sent Nicholo da Este Prince of Farrara unto Pischiera (where the Earl was) to practise a peace, and persuade that war not to be for his advantage. Because, if the Duke were brought to that weakness, that he could not maintain his own reputation, he should be the rather esteemed. And for more assurance that indeed he desired peace, he offered him conclusion of the marriage, and would send his daughter to Farrara, she promising (the peace made) to yield herself into his hands. The Earl answered, that if the Duke did faithfully desire peace, with ease he might find it; as a thing both by the Florentines and Venetians wished for. Yet did he mistrust the same much, knowing that before time, he had never made peace, but for necessity, which being passed, he would always return to his old mind, and make war. Neither could he believe, that the Duke intended the marriage, having been before at his hand so many times mocked: Notwithstanding, if the peace were concluded, he would after deal in the marriage as by friends he should be advised. The Venetians who without reason were suspicious of their own soldiers, The Venetians mistrust the Earl Francisco their General. of those entertainments reasonably conceived mistrust. Which the Earl being careful to remove, followed the war with greater fury. Notwithstanding, his mind was still so tempered with ambition, and the Venetians were so infected with suspicion, as the rest of that summer was passed without any enterprise of importance. In so much as Nicholo Piccinino being returned into Lombardy, and the winter begun, all the soldiers repaired to their lodgings: the Earl to Verona, the Duke to Cremona, the Florentines to Toscana, and the Pope's forces to Romagna. After the victory at Anghiari, they assaulted Furli, and Bologna, with intent to take them from Francisco Piccinino, who in the name of his father kept them. But that enterprise took none effect, yet their coming thither did so much terrify the people of Ravenna, that with the consent of Ostacio di Polenta, they abandoned the Pope, and yielded their obedience to the Venetians, who in recompense of the town (and to the end that Ostacio should never recover that from them by force, Ingratitude of the Venetians. which for want of wit he had given them) sent him and his son to die in Candia. In which enterprises, notwithstanding the victory of Anghiari, the Pope wanting money, sold the Castle of Borgo Saint Sepulcro for twenty five thousand Florins. In this estate all things being, in respect of the winter, every man supposed himself in safety, and therefore of peace thought not at all: chiefly the Duke, held himself by Nicholo, and the winter season assured. For that consideration, the parley of peace with the Earl was broken, and Nicholo with all diligence was set on horseback, with every other furniture for a future war necessary. Hereof the Earl being advertised, went unto Venice, to consult with the Senators what was to be done the year following. Nicholo on the other side was ready, and seeing the enemy unprepared, tarried not for the Spring, but in the depth of winter passed Adda, and entered Bresciano, possessing himself of all that Country (Adula and Acri excepted) and there spoiling and taking prisoners two thousand of the Duke's horses, who unwares were there assaulted. But that which more displeased the Earl and Venetians, was, the revolt of Ciarpellone, one of his chief Captains. The Earl receiving these news, went suddenly from Venice, and being arrived at Brescia, found that Nicholo had done those displeasures, and was returned to his lodging, so as he thought not good to kindle the war again, being in that sort quenched. And sith the enemy and time did give opportunity, thought good to prepare himself, hoping the rather with the new year to be revenged of old injuries. He therefore procured that the Venetians should call back their forces, which served the Florentines in Toscana: and commanded, that the place of Gattamelata being dead, should by Micheletto be supplied. The Spring being come, Micheletto General for the League. Nicholo Piccinino was the first that marched to the field, and besieged Cignano, a Castle distant from Brescia twelve miles. To the rescue whereof came the Earl, and betwixt these two Captains, according to their custom the war was made. The Earl standing in doubt of Bergamo, besieged Martinengo, which Castle being easily won, the succour of Bergamo could not be hard. That City being by Nicholo greatly distressed, and having provided so, as it could not receive harm, but by the way of Martinengo, they manned it so fully, as behoved the Earl to go unto the siege thereof with all forces. Whereupon Nicholo with his whole Army placed himself where he might impeach the Earl of his victual, and was with trenches and bulwarks so fortified, as the Earl without his apparent danger could not assault him, and brought the matter to that pass, that the besieger was in more peril than the people of Martinengo who were besieged; in so much as the Earl for want of victual, could neither continue the siege, nor for the peril he was in, depart thence. Thus the Duke's victory was thought assured, and the Venetians and Earles overthrow seemed apparent. But fortune, (who never faileth of mean, to favour her friends, and disfavour her foes) made Nicholo Piccinino with hope of this victory to become so ambitious and insolent, as without respect to the Duke (and himself also) by a messenger signified unto him, A proud request of Nicholo. that he had long time served under his ensign, and yet had not gained so much land as he could therein bury himself: and was therefore desirous to know wherewith his service should be rewarded, sith now it was in his power to make him Lord of Lombardy, and oppress all his enemies. And to the end that of certain victory he might aspect a certain recompense, desired to have of his gift the City of Piacenza, where being weary of long travel, he might sometimes repose himself: and in conclusion somewhat threatened to abandon the enterprise, if the Duke refused to satisfy his demand. This presumptuous and insolent suit, so highly offended the Duke, as he made choice rather to lose the victory, then consent thereunto. And that which so many dangers and threatenings of enemies could not compass, the insolent behaviour of friends brought to pass, and the Duke resolved to make a peace with the Earl. Peace between the League and Duke, and his daughter married to the Harle Francisco. To whom he sent Antonio Guidobuono of Tortona, and by him offered his daughter with the conditions of peace: which offer, was by the Earl, and all his Collegats greedily accepted, and the particularities betwixt them secretly concluded. The Duke then sent unto Nicholo, willing him to take a truce with the Earl for one year, alleging he had been so sore burdened with charges, as he could not refuse a certain peace for a doubtful victory. Nicholo marveled much at this resolution, as one that knew not what might move the Duke to shun a victory so certain: and could not believe that for want of good will to reward friends, he would save his enemies. Wherefore in the best manner he could, opposed himself to this determination. In so much as the Duke was constrained to threaten him, that if he were not conformable, he would give him either as a prisoner to the enemy, or as a spoil to his own soldiers. Then Nicholo obeyed, but with no other mind, than he that by force abandoneth his friends and country: complaining his hap to be hard, sith sometimes fortune, and sometimes the Duke, had taken from him the victory over his enemies. This peace made, the marriage betwixt the Lady Bianca and the Earl, was solemnized, and to her was allotted for dowry the City of Cremona. Which done, the peace was ratified in November, the year 1441. where, for the Venetians, Francisco Barbarigo, and Pagolo Trono, and for the Florentines, Agnolo Acciaivolo, were Commissioners. In this contract, the Venetians gained Peschiera, Asola, and Lonato, a Castle belonging to the marquess of Mantova. The war thus stayed in Lombardy, it remained to take order for the troubles in the kingdom, which not being pacified, would be an occasion to renew the wars in Lombardy. The King Rinato during the wars in Lombardy, had been spoiled by Alfonso of Arragon of all his Kingdom, save only the City of Naples, so that Alfonso thinking to have victory in his own hand, determined during the siege of Naples, to take from the Earl Benevento; and other his Countries thereabouts: for he thought the same without peril might be done by the Earl's absence, and his employment in the wars of Lombardy. The war between King Rinato and Alfonso revived. This enterprise was by Alfonso easily performed, and with small travel he surprised all those Towns. But the news of the peace in Lombardy being come, Alfonso feared that the Earl, the rather for that his towns were taken from him, would join with Rinato, and Rinato hoped for the same occasion that he would so do. Rinato then sent unto the Earl, desiring him to come to the aid of his friend, and the revenge of his enemy. On the other side, Alfonso entreated Philippo, that for the good will betwixt them, he would cause the Earl to be so much set a work, as to attend greater matters, he might be inforded to let this alone. Philippo granted this request, not thinking what disturbed that peace, which he, not long since, had made to his disadvantage. Then he gave the Pope Eugenio to understand, that the time was now come, to recover those Towns which the Earl had taken from the Church. And for performance of that enterprise, he offered him Nicholo Piccinino paid, so long as the wars continued. For (the peace now made) he remained with his soldiers in Romagna. Eugenio greedily entertained this counsel, aswell for the displeasure he bore to the Earl, as the desire he had to recover his own. And though before time, he had been with the same hope by Nicholo deceived, yet now the Duke undertaking the action, he mistrusted no more deceit, but presently joined his forces with Nicholo, and assaulted La Marca. The Earl being so suddenly set upon, ordered his soldiers, and marched towards the enemy. In this mean while, the King Alfonso won Naples, The City of Naples won by Alfonso. whereby all that Kingdom (excepting Castle Nuovo) was at his devotion. Then Rinato leaving that Castle well guarded, went from thence to Florence, where he was most honourably received, and there remaining a few days, finding he could not make war any longer, went unto Marsilia. Alfonso in the mean while had taken the Castle Nuovo, and the Earl remained in La Marca, in strength inferior to the Pope and Nicholo, and therefore prayed the Venetians and Florentines to aid him with men and money. Letting them to understand, it was necessary to bridle the Pope and the King, during the time he was able: for otherwise they were to look for little good, seeing the Pope and King would join themselves with Philippo, and divide all Italy betwixt them. The Florentines and Venetians for a time stood doubtful what to do, aswell because they knew not whether it were their best to be enemies to the Pope and King, as for that they were occupied with the matters of Bologna. Anibale Bentivogli had driven out of that City Francisco Piccinino. And the rather to defend the same from the Duke, (who favoured Francisco) he sent for aid to the Florentines and Venetians, and they did not deny him: so as being occupied in these matters, they could not resolve to assist the Earl. But Annibale having overthrown Francisco Piccinino, and those matters settled, the Florentines determined to aid the Earl: yet first to be assured of the Duke, they renewed the league with him, which the Duke refused not, having consented that the war should be made upon the Earl, so long as the King Rinato was in Arms. But seeing him vanquished, and utterly deprived of his Kingdom, he was not pleased that the Earl should then be bereft of his Country. And therefore he not only consented to aid the Earl, but also wrote unto Alfonso, desiring him to be pleased to return to the Kingdom, and make no longer war. Whereunto, albeit Alfonso was unwilling, yet being beholding to the Duke, determined to content him, and retired himself with his Army to the other side of Tronto. While matters were thus handled in Romagna, the Florentines within themselves became disquiet. Among the Citizens of most reputation and authority in Florence, was Neri, the son of Gino Capponi, whose greatness, Neri Capponi. Cosimo de Medici. Cosimo de Medici above all others feared. For besides his great credit in the City, he was also greatly honoured of the soldiers, having been many time's General of the Florentine Armies, and with his victory, virtue, and well deserving, had gained their love. Besides that, the memory of victories won by him and Gino his father, the one having surprised Pisa, and the other overthrown Nicholo Piccinino at Anghiari, made him beloved of many, and feared of those who desired no company in the government. Among many other of the chief Captains in the Florentine Army, Baldaccio General of the Florentine footmen. was Baldaccio of Anghiari, a man of war most excellent. For in those days, there was not any in Italy, that for virtue, person, & courage, could excel him, and had among the footmen (for of those he was ever a leader) so much reputation, as all that sort of soldiers in every enterprise, and whensoever he pleased, would willingly follow him. This Baldaccio loved Neri exceeding much, as a man whose virtue (whereof he was a witness) so deserved, which bred in the other citizens great suspicion. And they judging to suffer him, was perilous, & to restrain him was most danger of all: determined to dispatch him utterly, which intent fortune greatly favoured. Bartholomeo Orlandini was Gonfaloniere de Giuslitia. He being (as is before said) Captain of Marradi, at such time as Ni. Piccinino passed into Toscana, cowardly fled & abandoned that passage, which by nature almost defended itself. This cowardice at that time greatly offended Baldaccio, who with words of reproof & letters, made the same everywhere known. Whereat Bartholomeo ashamed & offended, did greatly study to be revenged, hoping by the death of the accusor, to cancel the fame of his infamy. This desire of Bartholomeo being known to other citizens, with small labour he persuaded them to the oppression of Baldaccio, whereby in one act he might revenge his private injury, and deliver the state from that man, whom they must of force entertain with peril, or discharge with disadvantage. Therefore Bartholomeo being fully determined to kill him, conveyed into his chamber many young men armed. Then the Gonfalone seeing Baldaccio come into the market place (whither he resorted daily to confer with the Magistrates of his charge) sent for him, and he obeyed. Being come, the Gonfaloniere met him, entertaining him with speech touching his business from chamber to chamber, till he came near to that place where the armed men were hidden, and when he thought good, called them forth. Baldaccio being disarmed, Baldaccio murdered by Bartholomeo Orlandini. was presently slain, and thrown out of the window. From thence, he was carried to the market place, had his head cut off, and made a spectacle for the people all that day. Of him there remained one son by his wife called Annalena, who within few years after died. This Annalena having buried her son and husband, determined no more to marry, but making her house a Monastery, shut herself up therein▪ with many other noble women, where they very holily lived and died. Her house in memory of her, was after made a Monastery, by the name of S. Annalena (as at this present it is) and ever shall be. This action somewhat decreased the power of Neri, and took from him reputation and friends. Neither did that only content the Citizens in authority. For the ten years of their office being passed, and their authority in the Balia ended, diverse men both by word and deeds took courage to complain against the continuance of those officers: and therefore the governors thought for the holding of their authority, it was necessary to have their offices prolonged, giving new commission to friends, & oppressing their foes. For which consideration, Florence reform. in the year 1444. by their counsels a new Balia was created, which re-established officers, giving authority to a few, to create the Senate, reviving the Chancelorship of reformation: removing Servant Philippo Peruzzi, and in his place appointing one other to govern, according to the pleasure of the great men: putting in prison Giovan the son of Simone Vespucci. The government thus settled, & the offices of state taken anew, they turned their minds to matters abroad. Nicholo Piccinino being (as hath been beforesaid) abandoned by the King Alfonso, and the Earl, with the help he had of the Florentines, became strong, assailed Nicholo near unto Fermo, and there gave him so great an overthrow, that Nicholo lost well-near all his soldiers, Ni. Piccinino discomfited. and with a few fled into Montecchio. Nicholo tarried there all the winter to increase his army, and therein was helped by the Pope, & king Alfonso. In so much as the spring time being come, and the other Captains returned to the field, Nicholo was the stronger, and the Earl brought to extreme necessity, and had been utterly defeated, if the intent of Nicholo had not been by the Duke altered. Philippo sent for Nicholo, pretending to have occasion by mouth to impart unto him matters of great importance. Which Nicholo being desirous to hear, abandoned a certain victory, for an incertain pleasure, and leaving Francisco his son to govern the army, went unto Milan. The Earl understanding of his departure from the Camp, would not lose the opportunity to fight in the absence of Nicholo: and assaulting the army of Nicholo near unto the Castle of Monte Loro, overthrew it, and took Francisco prisoner. Nicholo at his arrival in Milan, seeing himself abused by Philippo, & understanding his camp to be broken, & his son prisoner, with sorrow died, the year 1445. being of the age of 64. years, Death of Ni. Piccinino. having been a Captain more virtuous than happy. Of him there remained two sons, Francisco, and Giacopo, who as they were of less virtue than the father, so had they worse fortune. By which mean, the soldiers bred by Braccio, were almost worn out, and the discipline of Sforza (always helped by fortune) became more glorious. The Pope seeing the army of Nicholo suppressed, and him dead, nor much hoping in the aid of Arragon, sought to make peace with the Earl, which by mediation of the Florentines was concluded. The peace made in La Marca, all Italy had lived in quiet, if the Bolognesis had not disturbed the same. Trouble in Bologna. There was in Bologna two mighty Families, Channeschi, and Bentivogli, of the one Annibale, and of the other Battista was chief. These (to be the rather assured one of the others friendship) contracted a marriage. But between men which aspire to one greatness, though alliance may easily be made, yet friendship cannot. Bolognia was in league with the Florentines and Venetians, which league had been concluded by mean of Annibale Bentivogli, after they had driven out Francisco Piccinino. Battista knowing that the Duke desired greatly to have the favour of that City, practised with him to kill Annibale, and bring that City under his ensign. The order of this murder agreed upon, the 24▪ of june 1445. Battista with his men assaulted Annibale & slew him: which done, he proclaimed the Duke's name throughout the town. At that time, the Commissaries for the Venetians and the Florentines, were in Bologna; and at the first rumour retired unto their houses, but afterwards perceiving that the murderers were not favoured by the people (who were in great numbers armed, and assembled, lamenting the death of Annibale) they took courage, went towards them, & assailed the Canneschi, whom in less than one hour they overthrew; slaying some, and forcing the rest to fly the City. Battista not fleeing in time nor slain, remained at his house and hide himself in a vessel made for the keeping of corn. His enemies having all the day sought him, and assured he was not gone out of the town, threatened his servants so much, as one of them at length discovered where he was. From thence he was taken out▪ and slain, then drawn through the streets, and at last burned: so as the victory of the Duke, was of force sufficient to persuade Annibale to the enterprise, but not of power enough to save him from death. Thus by the death of Battista, and the fleeing of the Canneschi, these tumuls were appeased. The Bolognesis remained in great confusion, because there was not left of the house of Bentivogli any man fit for government. And for that there remained one son only of Annibale but six years old (who was called Giovanni) the Bolognesis feared lest among the friends of the Bentivogli some division would grow, which might perhaps occasion the return of the Canneschi, with the ruin of their country and faction. While the Bolognesis continued in this doubtful imagination, Francisco late Earl of Poppis being in Bologna, informed the chief Citizens, that if they had desire to be governed by one descended of the blood of Annibale, he could inform them of such a one. Declaring that about 20. years past, Hercole the cozen of Annibale happened to be at Poppis, and had there carnal knowledge of a young woman in that Castle, who was after delivered of a son called Santi, Santi Bentivogli. whom Hercole diverse times affirmed to be his. And it seemed to be a thing likely, for that the child so much resembled Hercole, as liker it could not be. His words were believed by those Citizens, and they deferred no time to send unto Florence, to find out the young man, and persuade with Cosimo di Medici, and Neri Capponi, that they might have him. The supposed father of this Santi was dead, and the young man lived under the tuition of an Uncle of his called Antonio Cascese. This Antonio was rich, without children, and friend to Neri. The matter being understood, Neri thought fit, neither to reject the motion, nor embrace it, but commanded that Santi in the presence of Cosimo, and those that were sent from Bologna, should speak with him. Then order being taken for their meeting, Santi was by the Bolognesis not only honoured, but also (as it were) adored. Then Cosimo calling Santi aside, said unto him, there is none that in this matter can better counsel thee, than thyself, for thou art to take that choice whereto thine own mind is inclined. If thou be the son of Hercole Bentivogli, thou wilt dispose thyself to such actions as be worthy of thy father and his house, but if thou art the son of Agnolo Cascese, thou shalt remain in Florence, and employ thy life basely in the art of clothmaking. These words much encouraged the young man, for where he had before refused to take the matter upon him, he said now that he would be directed in all by Cosimo and Neri. Then they resolved with the messengers of Bologna to apparel him, horse him, and man him, and so in honourable wise convey him to the City, there to take the government: where he after governed with so great wisdom, that notwithstanding the greater part of his predecessors had been by their enemies slain, yet he peaceably and honourably lived & died. After the death of Nicholo Piccinino, & the peace made in La Marca, Philippo desired to entertain a Captain to govern his Army, and secretly practised with Ciarpellone, one of the Earls chief Leaders, and grew with him to composition. Ciarpellone prayed leave of the Earl to go to Milan, to take possession of certain Castles, which in the late war were by Philippo given him. The Earl mistrusting that which was, (and to the end the Duke should not be served to his disadvantage) first stayed him, and shortly after put him to death, alleging he had been by him abused. Therewith Philippo was exceedingly angry, and the Florentines and Venetians much pleased, as they that feared least the Earls forces and the Duke's power joined in friendship. This anger was occasion to resuscitate new war in La Marca. In Rimini, Gismondo Malatesti was Lord, who being son in law to the Earl, hoped to have possession of Pesaro: notwithstanding the Earl having surprised it, gave it to Alessandro his brother. Wherewith Gismondo grew greatly offended, and the more because Federigo di Montefeltro his enemy, by the Earl's favour, had usurped Vrbino. This was the cause that Gismondo joined with the Duke, and solicited the Pope & King to make war upon the Earl. Who to the end Gismondo should feel the first fruits of that war which he desired, thought to prevent him, and suddenly assailed him. Whereupon Rome & La Marca were on the sudden brought into tumult, because Philippo, the king, and the Pope, sent great aid to Gismondo: and the Venetians and Florentines furnished the Earl, though with no men, yet with plenty of money. Neither was Philippo content to make war in Romagna, but he also determined to take from the Earl Cremona and Pontremoli: yet was Pontremoli by the Florentines, and Cremona by the Venetians defended. New wars in Lombardy. So that by these means the war in Lombardy was renewed, and therein somewhat done in Cremonese. Francisco Piccinino General for the Duke, was by Micheletto, and the Venetian forces at Casale defeated. By which victory, the Venetians hoped to take the Duke's state from him, and sent their Commissary to Cremona, assailing Ghiraadada, and possessed all saving Cremona. Afterwards they passed Adda, spoiling the country hard to the gates of Milan. Thereupon the Duke desired aid of Alfonso, declaring what peril would ensue to the kingdom, if Lombardy were in the Venetians hand. Alfonso promised to send him soldiers, who without consent of the Earl could with difficulty pass. Then Philippo entreated the Earl not to abandon his father in law being aged and blind. The Earl sound himself offended with the Duke for having moved the war against him. On the other side he misliked the greatness of the Venetians, The Earl his friendship desired both by the Duke and Venetians. his money grew low, and the same was scarcely supplied by the Lords of the League. For the Florentines feared no more the Duke, which was the cause they esteemed the Earl, and the Venetians desired his ruin, judging that the state of Lombardy could not be taken from them but by the Earl. Notwithstanding, while Philippo sought to draw him into his pay, offering him the commandment of all his soldiers, so that he would forsake the Venetians and restore La Marca to the Pope. They also sent Ambassadors unto him, promising him the possession of Milan, if they could win it, and the perpetuity in the government of their men of war, if he would still follow the war in La Marca, and impeach the coming of aid from Alfonso into Lombardy. Thus were the promises of the Venetians great, and their deserts of him greater, having begun that war, to save Cremona for the Earl. On the other part, the injuries done by the Duke were fresh, his promises not faithful nor great. Yet did the Earl much doubt what resolution to make. For of the one side, the obligation of the league, their well deserving of him, and their promises of pleasures to come, did move him. On the other, the entreaty of his Father in law, and chiefly the poison which he feared to be hidden under the great promises of the Venetians, did stay him; suspecting lest their promise of that state, if he should hap to win it, might not be performed: having none other hold, but their bare promise, whereunto no wise Prince, unless it were for great necessity, had ever trusted. These difficulties of the Earl's resolution, were removed by the ambition of the Venetians, who hoping to surprise Cremona by means of some intelligence they had within the City, under another pretence caused their soldiers to march near unto it. But that enterprise was discovered by those that guarded the town for the Earl, whereby the treason took no effect, and they thereby won not Cremona, but utterly lost the love of the Earl, who presently thereupon laying all respects apart, joined himself with the Duke. Now was Pope Eugenio dead, and in his place succeeded Nicholas quinto. The Earl had his whole Army at Cotigniola, ready to pass into Lombardy. Thither came news, advertising the death of Philippo, which was the last of August, Death of Duke Philippo of Milan. in the year 1447. These news grieved the Earl exceedingly, because he thought his army not fully paid, would be unready, & feared lest the Venetians being in arms, would become his enemies. For having abandoned them & joined with the Duke, he feared Alfonso his continual enemy, not trusting either the Pope, or the Florentines. These, because they were in league with the Venetians, and the other, for that he did possess some towns belonging to the Church. Notwithstanding, he determined to show his face to fortune, and according to the chances thereof to proceed. For many times by doing somewhat, secrets are discovered, which by standing still could not be known. Great hope he conceived in thinking, that if the Milanesi would be defended from the ambition of the Venetians, that of force they must employ him and his soldiers. Thereof taking courage, he marched into the country of Bologna, and from thence to Modena and Regio, staying with his forces at Lenza, from whence he sent unto Milan to offer his service. Some of the Milanesi having buried their Duke, desired to live in liberty, and some others were contented to receive a Prince. Of those which desired a Prince, some would have the Earl, and some the King Alfonso, whereby those that loved liberty, being more united, became the stronger part, and framed after their faction a state and government, which was nevertheless disobeyed by many Cities of the Dukedom, imagining that they might also (as Milan did) enjoy their liberty. And others also, which aspired not thereunto, did likewise refuse to yield unto the Milanesi. The Cities of Lodi & Piacenza gave themselves to the Venetians. Pavia & Parma would be free. The Earl understanding these confusions, went unto Cremona, whither his Ambassadors and the Ambassadors of Milan came with this conclusion, that he should remain Captain general of the Milanesi, The Earl made General for the Milanesi. with those conditions last set down by the Duke Philippo, adding thereunto that the Earl should have Brescia, till he surprised Verona. And being possessed thereof, to yield up Brescia. Before the death of this Duke, Pope Nicholo at his assumption sought to make peace amongst all the Italian Princes. For the compass whereof, by Ambassadors he practised, that the Florentines should send unto him at the time of his creation, desiring him to appoint a Parliament at Farrara, to procure therein either a long truce, or a perfect peace. Upon which occasion in that City assembled the Pope's Legate, the Ambassadors for the Venetians, Ambassadors for the Duke, & Ambassadors for the Florentines. But those which were looked for from King Alfonso, appeared not. This King was then at Tiboli, accompanied with many men of war, both on foot and horseback. From thence he gave countenance to the Duke, and it was thought that so soon as they had drawn the Earl to their side, they would openly assault the Venetians and Florentines. In the mean time, the Earl's soldiers should remain in Lombardy, & the peace to be entertained at Farrara, whither the King sent not, saying he would ratify all things the Duke would assent unto. This peace was many days consulted upon, and after much disputation concluded, that either it should be perpetual peace, or a truce for 5. years, at the election of the Duke, whose Ambassadors being returned to Milan to understand his pleasure, at their coming thither found him dead. The Milanesi notwithstanding his death, would needs have the conclusion of peace allowed. But the Venetians did not consent, hoping greatly to usurp that state. And the rather, because Lodi and Piacenza suddenly after the Duke's death were yielded unto them: The Venetians aspire to usurp the Duchy of Milan. whereby they hoped, either by force or composition within short space to become Lords of all the territory of Milan, and in the end so distress the City, as it should also be forced to yield before any man could rescue it. And the rather they thus persuaded themselves, for that they saw the Florentines busied in war with King Alfonso. That King being at Tiboli, and intending to follow the enterprise of Toscana, as he had determined with Philippo, thinking therewith that the war already begun in Lombardy, would give him time and commodity desired, to have one foot into the state of Florence, before such time as he would openly make the war, King Alfonso assaulteth the Florentines. and for that purpose practised to win the Castle Cennina in the upper vale of Arno, and won it. The Florentines stricken with this unlooked for accident, and seeing the King ready to march to their offence, hired soldiers, created the ten Magistrates, and according to their custom, prepared all things for the war. By this time the King with his Army was come to the country of Sienna, labouring by all means to bring that City to favour him. Notwithstanding, the Citizens there stood firm in their friendship to the Florentines, and refused to receive the King, either into Sienna, or any other of their towns: yet did they provide him victual, whereof the importunity of the King, and the force of the enemy might excuse them. The King then thought not good to enter by the way of the vale of Arno, as he first determined, aswell for that he had spoiled Cennina, as because the Florentines were partly furnished with soldiers, and therefore marched towards Volterra, surprised many Castles in the country thereto belonging. From thence, he marched into the country of Pisa, where, by the favour of Arrigo and Fatio, Earls of Chirardesca, he took some Castles, and assaulted Campilia, which being defended by the Florentines and the cold winter, he could not surprise. Then the King leaving certain of his own soldiers to guard the towns by him taken, and to defend the country, retired with the rest of his Army to his lodgings in the country of Sienna. The Florentines favoured by that season of the year, carefully laboured to provide soldiers. Their chief leaders were Federigo Lord of Vrbino, and Gismondo Malatesta of Rimino. And albeit there was betwixt them two some disagreement, yet by the wisdom of Neri, and Barnardetto di Medici, (Commissaries for the Florentines) they agreed so well, that notwithstanding the hard winter continuing, they marched, and recovered those towns which were lost in the country of Pisa, and the Ripomerancie in the territory of Volterra. They also bridled the King's soldiers, who before had spoiled the sea coast, so as with difficulty they might defend the towns committed to their guard. But the Spring time being come, the Commissaries drew forth all their soldiers, to the number of 5000. horse, and 2000 footmen. And the King came with his, to the number of well-near fifteen thousand, besides 3000. at Campiglia. And when he intended to return to the siege of that town, he went to Piombino, hoping easily to win it, because the town was not well furnished, he thought the having thereof profitable for him, and disaduantagious for the Florentines; because, from thence he might protract the wars, and consume them, having mean to victual himself by sea, and disturb the whole country of Pisa. This assault greatly displeased the Florentines, and consulting upon the matter, thought that if they might with their Army remain in the bounds of Campiglia, that the King should thereby be enforced to departed either broken or dishonoured. For which purpose they armed four small Galleys at Livorno, and with them put into the town of Piombino three hundred footmen, placing them at the Galdani, a place where with difficulty they might be assaulted. For if they were lodged in the plain upon the Confines, the same was thought dangerous. The Florentines received their victuals from the Towns thereabouts, which being but few and not much inhabited, did scarcely furnish them. So as the Army suffered penury, and most chief of wine: Because none being there made, nor brought thither from other places, it was impossible for every man to have so much as should suffice him. But the King, notwithstanding he were by the Florentines straightly holden in, yet had he abundance almost of every provision, by reason he received it from the sea. The Florentines therefore thought good; likewise to make proof, if they might be by sea relieved: and for that purpose loaded their Galleys with victual, and sent them thither. But in their passage they were encountered with seven of the King's Galleys, which took two of them, and sunk the others. This loss bereft the Florentine soldiers, of hope to be revictualled. Thereupon two hundredth or more Pioneers for want of drink fled unto the King's Camp: the rest of the soldiers mutined, complaining that in those hot places they could not remain without wine, because water was there most unwholesome. So that the Commissaries determined to abandon that place, and employ their forces to recover certain Castles which remained in the King's hand. Who on the other side, although he wanted not victual, being in force the stronger, yet was his Camp afflicted with sickness, bred there, by the infection of the air, near unto the sea: by mean whereof, almost every man was infected, and many of them also died. These occasions ministered communication of peace, wherein the King demanded fifty thousand Florins, and Piombino to be left at his discretion. The matter being debated at Florence, by many desirous of peace, the demands were thought reasonable. For they were persuaded a war so chargeable as that was, could not without great expense be maintained. Notwithstanding Neri Capponi went unto Florence, and there with such reasons as he made, altered their minds. Dissuading them utterly to accept those conditions: and the Florentines received the Lord of Piombino as recommended; promising both intime of war and peace to defend him, if he would, (as hitherto he had) fight courageously in defence of his own City. The King understanding this resolution, and seeing his own Camp afflicted with sickness, broke up, and retired with the rest into the country of Sienna; leaving behind him two thousand dead bodies. From thence he marched towards the kingdom, and being exceedingly offended with the Florentines, threatened the next Spring to make upon them a new war. While matters were thus handled in Toscana, the Earl Francisco became General of the Milanesi, and before any thing done, obtained the friendship of Francisco Piccinino, who had likewise served them, which he did, to the end that his enterprises might be the more favoured, and by Piccinino the less impeached. Then marched he with his Army to the field, whereby the Citizens of Pavia, fearing they could not defend themselves, and being on the other side, unwilling to obey the Milanesi, offered him the Town, with condition that he should not deliver it to them. The Earl greatly desired the possession of that City, thinking that the having thereof would be a good beginning to colour his intent, being neither detained with fear, nor abashed to break his faith. For great men do call loss, a thing dishonourable, but to compass their desire by craft, is accounted no shame at all. Notwithstanding he doubted, lest his taking of the Town in this sort, would so offend the Milanesi, as for that cause, they would yield themselves to the Venetians: and if it were not taken by him, than he feared the Duke of Savoia, to whom many of the Citizens were willing to give it. So as by every of those means, he thought himself bereft of the dominion of Lombardy: yet supposing it less peril, to take the City for himself then leave it to an other, determined to accept it, being persuaded it was notwithstanding possible to content the Milanesi: whom he informed of those perils whereunto they should fall, if he accepted not the City of Pavia. For that City (if it were by him refused) would yield to the Venetians or the Duke of Savoia, in either of which cases, their country should be lost, and therefore thought rather be contented to have him their neighbour and friend, The Milanesi jealous of the Earl. than any other that were more mighty, and their enemy. The Milanesi were much troubled with this matter, imagining that the Earl had thereby discovered his ambition, and the end whereunto he tended. Yet thought they not good, to take knowledge thereof, because leaving the Earl, they saw not whither to address themselves, unless it were to the Venetians, whose pride and hard dealing they mistrusted. Wherefore they resolved, not to shake off the Earl, but for the present, by him to be be delivered of those inconveniences, hoping after to be also delivered of himself. For they were not only assaulted by the Venetians, but also by the Genovesis and the Duke of Savoia, who made war in the name of Carlo of orleans, son to the sister of Philippo. But the Earl easily withstood their malice. Then were the Venetians his only enemies, who with a mighty Army determined to surprise that state, and had already possessed Lodi, and Piacenza, whereunto the Earl brought his camp: and after a long siege sacked that City. Which done, (because the winter was already come) he retired his men to their lodgings, and went himself to Cremona; where with his wife he rested all that winter. But the spring being come, the Armies of the Venetians and Milanesi, returned to the field. The Milanesi desired to surprise Lodi, and after make peace with the Venetians. Because the charges of war did burden them, and the fidelity of their General was suspected. For these reasons they wished a peace, as well to repose themselves, as to be assured of the Earl. Then they resolved, their Army should besiege Carrauaggio, hoping that Lodi would yield, so soon as the Castle could be taken from the enemy. The Earl obeyed the Milanesi, although his intent was to have passed Adda, and assault the country of Brescia. The siege being laid to the Castle of Carravaggio, he trenched and fortified his Camp, least happily the Venetians would assail him. The Venetians on the other side, conducted by Micheletto their General, marched within two bows shot off the Earl's Camp, where diverse days both the Armies remained, the one many times offending the other. Notwithstanding, the Earl still besieged the castle, & did so straightly distress it, as it was ready to yield: which greatly displeased the Venetians; fearing that the loss thereof would be the ruin of all the enterprise. Great disputation arose among their Captains, by what means it might be succoured. But no other way could be devised, then to assault the enemies in their trenches, which was exceeding dangerous. Notwithstanding so greatly they esteemed the loss of that Castle, as the Senate of Venice (being naturally fearful to meddle with any matter either doubtful or dangerous) did choose rather to hazard all, then with the loss of that, to lose the enterprise. They resolved therefore by all means to assault the Earl, & one morning early charged him on that side where they thought he was weakest. At the first charge (as it happeneth in those assaults which be not looked for) all the Army was dismayed. Notwithstanding, the Earl suddenly repaired the disorders, & had handled the matter so, that notwithstanding many assaults, the enemies were forced in the end, The Venetians defeated by the Earl Francefco. not only to retire, but also were so pursued: that of their Camp (which was twelve thousand horse) not one thousand was saved. All their goods were spoiled, and their carriages taken. So as never before that time the Venetians received any overthrow greater, or more terrible. Among the spoils and prisoners taken in this conflict, was the Venetian Proveditor, who before that skirmish, and after during the wars, had used diverse opprobrious words of the Earl, calling him Bastard and Coward. But being become prisoner, remembering what he had deserved, and brought to the Earl's presence: according to the nature of proud & cowardly men (which is to be in prosperity insolent, and in adversity abject & vile) kneeled down before him, weeping, & desiring pardon of his offences. The Earl took him up by the arm, comforted him, and willed him to be of good cheer. And afterwards said, that he marveled much how a man of his wisdom & gravity, could commit so great an error, as to speak evil of them that had not so deserved. And touching the matter of slander, he knew not in what sort Sforza his father, had used his mother Maddonna Lucia, because he was not there present. So as of that which was done by them he could receive neither blame nor commendation. But for his own doings, he knew well, that nothing was by any man to be reproved: and thereof both he and his Senate could fully and truly witness with him. Whereof he wished him afterwards to be more modest in speech, and in his proceed more discreet. After this victory, the Earl with his triumphant Camp, marched to the territory of Brescia, and possessing all that country, settled his Camp within two miles of the City. The Venetians on the other side, having received this overthrow, feared, (as it came to pass) that Brescia would be first assaulted, speedily as they might, made provision, and with all diligence, levied forces, joining them to those that remained of the old Campe. Therewith also by virtue of the League, desired aid of the Florentines. Who being free from the war of King Alfonso, sent unto them one thousand footmen, and two thousand horse. The Venetians by having these soldiers, gained time to entreat of peace. It hath been long time a thing fatal to the Venetian state, The Venetians fortunate. to lose by war, and recover the loss by composition. And those things which by the wars are taken from them, by the peace many times be restored double. The Venetians knew well, that the Milanesi mistrusted the Earl, and that he desired not to be their Captain, but aspired to the principality of Milan. Also that it was in their choice to make peace with either of them: the one desiring it for ambition, the other for fear. Then they chose to make peace with the Earl, Peace between the Earl and Venetians, without consent of the Milanesi. and deferred their aid for that enterprise: being persuaded, that if the Milanesi found themselves deceived by the Earl, they might grow so offended, as they would give themselves rather to any other, then to him. Being then brought to this pass that they could not defend themselves, nor would trust unto the Earl, they should be enforced, (not having other refuge) to trust unto the Venetians. This resolution made, they sounded the disposition of the Earl, and found him greatly disposed to the peace: as desirous that the victory of Carravaggio might be his, and not the Milanieses. Then was there a composition concluded, wherein the Venetians bound themselves to pay unto the Earl, so long as he deferred the taking of Milan, thirteen thousand Florines for every month: and during the rest of the war, to aid him with four thousand horse, and two thousand footmen. And the Earl for his part did bind himself to restore to the Venetians, all Towns, prisoners, and every other thing by him taken, and rest contented with those Towns only, which the Duke Philippo at his death possessed. This agreement being known in Milan, did bring much more sorrow to that City, than the victory of Carravaggio had given gladness. The chief Magistrates lamented, the people were sorrowful, the women and children wept, and all with one voice, called the Earl disloyal and traitor. For although they believed not, either by entreaty or promises, to divert him from his unthankful intent, yet sent they Ambassadors to see with what face, and with what words, he would maintain his wickedness. Who being come to the presence of the Earl, The Oration of the Milanesi to the Earl. one of them spoke to this effect. Those that desire to obtain any thing of others, were wont by entreaty, gifts, or threatenings, to persuade them. So that, either by compassion, by profit, or fear, they might compass the thing which they desired. But of cruel men, & covetous, being in their own opinion mighty (those three means not prevailing) nothing is obtained: so as whosoever doth trust by entreaty to make them pitiful, or by gifts to win them, or by threatenings to fear them, deceiveth himself. We therefore now knowing (though all too late) thy cruelty, thy ambition, and thy pride, are come unto thee, not requiring any thing, nor hoping (though we had such desire) to obtain it, but to put thee in remembrance what benefits thou hast received of the Milanesi, and lay before thee, with what ingratitude thou dost requite them. To the end, that among so many injuries by us endured, we may take this only pleasure, to reprove thee. Thou oughtest to remember well, what thy state and condition was, after the death of Duke Philippo. Thou wert enemy to the Pope and the King. Thou wert abandoned by the Florentines and Venetians, who either justly offended with thee, or having no more need of thee, wert become as their enemy. Thou wert weary of the war which thou hadst made with the church; Thou hadst few men, few friends, little money, and bereft of all hope to be able to hold thine own country, and thy ancient reputation: which should easily have been taken from thee, had not our simplicity helped. For we only received thee, persuaded with the reverence we bore to the happy memory of our Duke, unto whom thou (being allied) didst make us believe, that his love would have continued in his heirs. And sith to his benefits, we joined ours, that favour and friendship ought to have been, not only firm, but also inseparable. In respect whereof, to the ancient composition, we joined Verona & Brescia. What could we more give thee or promise thee? And what couldst thou either of us or any others, in those days either have or desire more? Thou hast received of us a pleasure unlooked for, and we for recompense, have received of thee, a displeasure not deserved. Neither hast thou deferred thus long to show thy pride. For thou wert no sooner General of our Army, but contrary to justice thou didst receive Pavia: which ought to have warned us, to what end thy friendship tended. Which injury we bore, supposing that victory with the greatness thereof, would have satisfied thy ambition. But (alas) those who desire all, cannot with enough be contented. Thou didst promise that we should enjoy all things after that time by thee won. For thou knewest well, that which thou gavest at many times, thou mightest resume at once: as it came to pass after the victory of Carravaggio; which being begun with blood & money, was after followed with our destruction. O how unhappy are those Cities which be constrained to defend their liberties: against the ambition of all those that would oppress them: but much more unhappy be they that are enforced to employ in their defence, mercenary and disloyal soldiers, such as thou art. God grant that this our example may be a warning to others hereafter: sith that of Thebes and Philip of Macidon, hath not warned us. Who having won victory of their enemies, became of their own Captain, first their enemy, and after their Prince. We may not therefore be blamed of other fault, then to have trusted too much in thee, whom we ought not to have trusted at all. For thy former life, & thy insatiable mind, not contented with any honour or estate, might have forewarned us. Neither aught we to have reposed any trust in thee, who had betrayed the Lord of Lucca, fleeced the Florentines and Venetians, little esteemed the Duke, nor regarded the King, and above all, with many injuries offended God and his Church. Neither ought we ever to have believed, that so many Princes had less power of Francisco Sforza, than the Milanesi; or that he would keep his faith to us, which to so many others he had broken. But this our small wisdom which we do blame in ourselves, doth not excuse thy breach of faith, nor purge thee of those infamies, which our just complaints shall disperse throughout the world. Neither can it be, but that the prick of thine own conscience will persecute thee. For those Arms which were prepared by us, to assault others, must now by thy means offend ourselves: so as thou wilt judge thyself worthy of that punishment which murderers have deserved. If ambition hath blinded thee, all the world being witness of thy wickedness, will force thee to open thine eyes. God also will cause thee to behold thy perjuries, thy faith broken, & thy treasons. Which things so greatly displease him, that although hitherto, for some hidden good, he hath not punished, yet will he never favour men so impiously disposed. Do not therefore promise thyself a victory certain, sith the just ire of God will impeach it, and we are determined with loss of liberty to lose our lives. Which if we be not able to defend, then have we rather to submit ourselves to any other Prince then to thyself. For if our sins be such, as against our wills we must fall into thy hands, be assured, a dominion begun with craft and infamy, shall either in thee or thy children, end with dishonour and shame. The Earl notwithstanding he felt himself by the Milanesi many ways touched, yet showed he no extraordinary change, either by word or gesture: but answered he was content to bear their choler, The Earls answer. and the great injury of their unwise words. Whereunto he would answer particularly, if they were before a judge indifferent to determine the controversy. For it should appear that he had not offended the Milanesi, but provided that they should not injury him. And well he knew, after the victory of Carravaggio what they had done: when in stead of rewarding him with Verona or Brescia, they sought to make peace with the Venetians. To the end, that upon him only the displeasure should be laid: and they to enjoy the profit of the victory, with the honour of the peace, and all the commodity reaped by the war. So as they had no cause to complain, though he had made that composition which they practised to bring to pass. Which resolution being deferred, they were as much to blame their own ingratitude, as find fault with him: and whether this were true or not, that God (whom they had called to revenge their injuries) would by the end of the war show whom he most favoured, or which party did fight with most justice. The Ambassadors being departed, the Earl prepared to assail the Milanesi, and they made ready for defence. Then with the virtue of Francisco and Giacopo Piccinino (who for the ancient hatred the Braccheschi bore to the Sforzeschi, had been to the Milanesi faithful) they hoped to defend their liberty: at the least, till such time as they might disunite the Venetians and the Earl, who they thought would not be long his friends nor faithful. On the other side, the Earl knowing thereof, supposed it was wisdom, to bind the Venetians by reward, which would hold sure, though the bond of friendship were too weak. And therefore in giving order for the war, he was content that they should assault Crema, and he with other forces would set upon the rest of that country. This composition laid before the Venetians, was the occasion that they continued so long in the Earl's friendship, till he had surprised all the dominion of the Milanesi, and distressed the Town so near, as the dwellers therein could not make provision of things necessary. In so much, as despairing of all other aid, they sent Ambassadors to Venice, desiring the Senate to have compassion of their estate, Expostulation of the Florentines, to the Senate of Venice. and be pleased, (according to the custom of Commonweals) to favour liberty, and disfavour a Tyrant. Who prevailing and become Lord of Milan, could not be by the Venetians easily bridled. For they believed not, that he was content with the ancient conditions of the state, but aspired further. The Venetians not having yet the possession of Crema (which before they changed countenance, they determined to have) answered publicly, that in respect of the contract made with the Earl, they might not help the Milanesi, yet privately they entertained the Ambassadors with hope, that a composition was likely to be made, and then, they should assure their Senate to trust unto them. The Earl with his men was already so near Milan, as they assaulted the suburbs, and the Venetians having taken Crema, thought good no longer to defer the aiding of the Milanesi with whom they compounded. Among the first Articles, they promised by all means to defend their liberty. This new contract made, The Venetians desirous to abandon the Earl. they commanded that all their soldiers serving under the Earl, should departed from him, and retire themselves to the Venetians Campe. They also signified unto the Earl, the peace concluded with the Milanesi, to whom they had given twenty days space to accept it. The Earl marveled not at this resolution taken by the Venetians, because that long before he had foreseen it, and looked the same should every day come to pass. Yet could he not but be sorry, and feel the same offence, which the Milanesi did, when he abandoned them. For answering of the Ambassadors sent from Venice to declare the League, he took the leisure of two days. During which time, he determined to entertain the Venetians, and not abandon the enterprise. And therefore publicly said, he would allow the peace, and sent Ambassadors to Venice, with a large Commission to ratify the same: yet secretly he commanded them, not to conclude, but with delays and cavillations, to defer the conclusion. And to make the Venetians the rather believe, that which he spoke, he made truce with the Milanesi for one month: retiring his Camp far from the City, and dividing his forces into other places near hand, which he had lately won. This practice was occasion of his victory, for the Venetians trusting to the peace, were more slow in preparation to the war, and the Milanesi seeing the truce made, the enemy far off, and the Venetians their friends, believed assuredly that the Earl would abandon the enterprise. Which determination, by two means hindered them. The first was, because they neglected to prepare for their own defence. The other, for that they laid the country open to the enemy. For the time then being fit to till the earth, they sowed great store of corn: by mean whereof, the Earl might the more easily famish them. To the Earl on the other side, all those things helped, which hindered the enemy: and besides the delay gave him commodity to take breath, and provide for aid. In all this war of Lombardy, the Florentines were not discovered to be of any side, nor to have favoured the Earl, either when he defended the Milanesi, nor after. For the Earl having had no need, did not very earnestly seek it. Only after the overthrow of Carravaggio, by virtue of their Obligation in the League, they sent aid to the Venetians. But the Earl Francisco being alone, and wanting other refuge, was enforced instantly to pray aid of the Florentines, Cosimo de Medici, friend to the Earl Francisco. both of the state publicly, & of his friends privately: chief of Cosimo de Medici, with whom he had ever been in great familiarity, and was by him in all his actions faithfully counseled, and liberally supplied. Neither did Cosimo in this so great a necessity forsake him: for as a private man he bountifully relieved him, and to follow the enterprise encouraged him. He also entreated the City publicly to assist him where need required. At that time lived in Florence, Neri the son of Gino Capponi, a Citizen of great power, who thought it not good for the City, that the Earl should possess Milan, supposing it more profitable for Italy, that he should ratify the peace, Neri Capponi against the Earl. then prosecute the war. First he doubted least the Milanesi for the displeasure they bore to the Earl, would yield wholly to the Venetians, which would be the ruin of every man. Then he judged if the Earl should happen to surprise Milan, that so great forces and countries joined together, were to be feared. And if he were insupportable, being an Earl, aspired to the title of Duke, no man should endure his pride. Wherefore, he thought better both for the Commonweal of Florence, and all Italy, that the Earl should continue with his reputation in Arms, and Lombardy to be divided into two commonweals, which would never join in the offence of an other, and one of them alone, could not offend: and for bringing this to pass, he saw no better mean, than not to aid the Earl, and maintain the old league with the Venetians. These reasons were not of the friends of Cosimo accepted: because they thought that Neri did make them, not because he thought them good for the commonweal, but for that he would not, that the Earl being friend to Cosimo, should aspire to be Duke. Fearing lest by that means, Cosimo should become over mighty: & Cosimo contrariwise proved, that aiding of the Earl, was both for Italy & that commonweal most profitable. And that it was no wise conceit, to think that the Milanesi could continued free, because the quality of their city, their manner of life, & the factions inveterated there, were contrary to the form of all civil government: so as, it behoved that the Earl should become Duke, or else the Venetians would possess it. And in that choice, there was no man so witless, that knew not whether it were better to have at hand a mighty neighbour, or a more mighty enemy. Neither could he think it to be doubted, that the Milanesi (for having war with the Earl) would yield their obedience to the Venetians. For the Earl having a faction in Milan, & not they, whensoever they could not defend themselves as free, they would rather yield to the Earl, then to the Venetians. These diversities of opinions held the city doubtful what to determine. Nevertheless in the end was concluded: that Ambassadors should be sent to the Earl to entertain a peace, & if they found him strong or likely to have the victory, then to conclude: or not, to use cavillations & delays. These Ambassadors were at Reggio, before they understood that the Earl was become Lord of Milan. For the Earl so soon as the time of truce was ended, environed the city with soldiers, hoping within short space, in despite of the Venetians, to surprise it: because they were not able to secure it, saving on that side towards Adda: which passage, might easily be impeached, and it was not feared, (the winter being come) that the Venetians would encamp there. Also the Earl hoped, before the winter should pass, to have the victory, and the rather by the death of Francisco Piccinino, who had only left Giacopo his brother to govern the Milanesi. The Venetians had sent an Ambassador to Milan, to encourage those Citizens to stand to their own defence, promising them great and speedy supply. During that winter, some light skirmishes happened betwixt the Venetians and the Earl. But so soon as the season suffered, the Venetians under the conduct of Pandolfo Malatesta, brought their Army to Adda: where they consulted, whether it was best to assault the Earl, The Venetians aid the Milanesi against the Earl. and thereby try their fortune. Pandolfo their captain, thought not good to make that trial, in respect of the Earl's virtue, and the sufficiency of his army: but hoped it was possible without fight more safely to oppress him: because the Earl at that present, was with the lack of corn greatly distressed. His advise therefore was, that the camp should not dislodge, whereby the Milanesi might still hope of aid, and not by despair yield them to the Earl. This opinion was by the Venetians allowed, as well in respect of security, as that they thought the Milanesi, being in so great necessity, should be enforced to yield to their dominion, persuaded that they would never give themselves to the Earl, by whom they had been many ways injured. In this mean space the Milanesi were brought almost into extreme misery, & in that city (naturally abounding with poor people) many died of famine, whereat the inhabitants murmured and complained. The magistrates thereby grew afraid, & carefully provided that the people should not gather together. For although the multitude doth not hastily dispose itself to mischief, yet when it hap to be fully bend, every little accident doth move it. It happened that 2. men of mean condition, were near to the new gate, talking of the calamities of the city, & their misery, devising what means might be wrought for redress thereof. Others drew unto them, till they were a good number. Thereby a brute was blown through Milan, that the inhabitants near to the new gate were already in Arms. Then all the multitude (which aspected only occasion) took Arms and created Gasparo da Vicomercato their Captain, & went to the place where the magistrates were assembled: whom they so terrified, that so many as could, did flee, the rest were slain. Among whom Leonardo Veniero, the Venetian Ambassador was murdered: who had before that time rejoiced at their misery, and was thought to have been the occasion of the mischief and famine. Thus the multitude (as Lords of the City) among themselves consulted, what was to be done, to deliver them from so manifold sorrows, wherinto they were entered. And every man thought good to yield the city (sith the liberty could not be preserved) to some Prince that were able to defend it. Some said to the king Alfonso, some to the Duke of Sauóia, & some to the French king. Of the Earl no man made mention, so great was yet the offence of the people towards him. Gasparo Vicomercato his counsel. Notwithstanding seeing they could not resolve upon any, Gasparo Vicomercato was the first that named the Earl: declaring at large, that if they would be discharged of the war, there was no other way but to choose him; because the people of Milan had necessity of certain & present peace, & could not tarry long in hope of future relief. Moreover he excused the actions of the Earl, accusing the Venetians, and all the other Princes of Italy, because they would not, some for ambition, & some for covetise, that Milan should continue free. And therefore being forced to departed with liberty, it was best to yield to such a one, as could & would defend it. So as by that servitude, they might at the least gain peace without further loss, or war more dangerous. This speech was with great attention hearkened unto, & every man with one voice consented that the Earl should be chosen, and Gasparo was made Ambassador to call him: who by commandment of the people, went unto the Earl to present him this pleasant & happy news. The Earl willingly accepted the same & entered into Milan as Prince, The Earl Francisco become Duke of Milan. 1450. the 26. of February, in the year 1450. And was there with exceeding gladness received, even by those who not long before had hated & defamed him. The news of this victory being brought to Florence, order was taken with the Ambassadors sent from thence (and were already upon the way towards the Earl) that in stead of entreaty of peace with him as Earl, they should congratulate the victory as Duke. These Ambassadors were by the Duke honourably received, & bountifully entertained. For he knew well that against the power of the Venetians, he could not find in all Italy, more faithful nor more mighty friends, than the Florentines. Who having removed fear of the Visconti, thought they should be forced to fight with Arragon & Venice. Because the house of Arragon then Kings of Naples, was their enemy in respect of the friendship by them borne to the house of France: and the Venetians knew that the ancient fear of the Visconti, was fresh, and that carefully they had persecuted them; wherefore doubting the like persecution, sought their ruin. These matters were the occasion that the new Duke was easily induced to friend the Florentines, and that the Venetians and the King Alfonso, League betwixt King Alfonso and the Venetians. agreed to join against their common enemy: binding themselves at one self time, to take arms; & that the King should assault the Florentines, and the Venetians set upon the Duke. Who being new in the state, was not (as they thought) neither able with his own forces to withstand them, nor with the aid of others could be defended. Yet because the league betwixt the Florentines and Venetians continued, and that the King after the wars of Piombino had made peace with them, they thought not good to break that peace, Ambassadors from Venice to Florence. till such time as they had some colour to make war. Wherefore both the one & the other, sent Ambassadors to Floremce, to signify in the behalf of their Lords, that the league was made not to offend any man, but to defend their Countries. And moreover the Venetians complained, that the Florentines had given passage to Alisandro, brother to the Duke of Lunigiana, whereby he with his forces passed into Lombardy: and that they were also the Authors and councillors, to make the agreement betwixt the Duke and the marquess of Mantova. All which things (they said) were prejudicial to their state, and the friendship betwixt them. Wheresore friendly wished them to remember, that who so offendeth an other wrongfully, doth give occasion to him that is offended, justly to seek revenge: and he that breaketh the peace, must ever look to find war. The Ambassador answered. The answer of this Embassage was by the Senate committed to Cosimo: who in a long and wise Oration, laid before them all the benefits which his city had bestowed upon the Venetian commonweal. Declaring how great dominion they had won by means of the money, the men, & counsel, of the Florentines. And assured them, that sith the Florentines did occasion the friendship, no cause of war should ever proceed from them. For they having been ever lovers of peace, commended greatly the agreement betwixt them, so as for peace, and not for war the same were made. But he marveled much of the Venetian complaints, & that of so small & vain matters, so great a commonweal would make account. But if they had been worthy consideration, yet was it known to the world, that the Florentine country was free, and open to all men, and the Duke was such a one as to win friendship with Mantova, had no need, either of counsel or favour. Wherefore he doubted, that these complaints, had under them hidden, some secret poison not yet perceived. Which so being, every man should easily understand, that as the Florentines friendship did profit them, so their displeasure could hinder them. Thus for that time the matter was lightly passed over, & the Ambassadors seemed to departed well enough contented. Notwithstanding, the league being made, the manner of the Venetians and the Kings proceed, did occasion the Florentines & the Duke, rather to look for some new war, then hope of firm peace. League between the Florentines and Duke. Therefore the Florentines joined in league with the Duke, & in the mean while, the evil disposition of the Venetians was discovered: because they made league with the Sanesis, & banished all the Florentines, with every other person subject to the state of Floremce. Shortly after, the king Alfonso did the like, without any respect to the peace made the year before, & without just cause or coloured occasion. The Venetians laboured to gain the possession of Bologna & for that purpose aided the banished men of that City, who with many others, found means in the night to enter the town. They were no sooner within the walls, but themselves made an Alarm. Whereat Santi Bentivogli suddenly start up, and knowing that the City was surprised by Rebels: (although he were by many friends counseled, by fleeing to save his life) yet would he in any wise show his face to Fortune, take arms, and encourage others to do the like. He therefore with some others, made head & assaulted part of the Rebels, and broke them, slaying many, and forcing the rest to flee the City. Whereupon every man judged, that he had made good proof to be of the right race of Bentivogli. These actions, Preparation for war in Florence. brought unto Florence a firm belief of the future war. Therefore the Florentines resorting to their ancient orders, created the ten Magistrates for the war, entertained new Captains, sent Ambassadors to Rome, to Naples, to Venice, and to Sienna, procure aid of their friends, discover suspects, gain the good will of those that were neutral, and sound the determination of enemies. Of the Pope they could get nothing but general words, courtesy, and persuasion to peace. Of the King they understood only his vain excuses for discharging the Florentines, and offered to give safe conduct to every man that desired it. And albeit he went about by all means, to conceal the intention of the new war, yet the Ambassadors knew well his evil meaning, and detected many dealings of his, to the disadvantage of their Commonweal. With the Duke they renewed the League, fortifying the same with sundry Obligations: and by his means gained the good will of the Genovesis: canceling all former quarrels. Notwithstanding that the Venetians had laboured many ways, to impeach that composition, and entreated the Emperor of Constantinople to banish from his countries all the Florentine Nation. So greatly they grew into hate by this war, and so great force had their desire of government, as without respect, they sought to oppress those who were the cause of their greatness. Nevertheless by that Emperor they were not harkened unto. The Ambassadors for the Florentines, were by the Venetian Senate forbidden to enter into their Country: alleging that they being in league with the King, might not (without his privity) give them audience. The Sanesis entertained the Ambassadors with courteous words, fearing to be surprised before the league could defend them: and therefore thought good not to stir those Arms, which they were not able to resist. The Venetians and the King (as was then conjectured) would have sent Ambassadors to Florence, to justify the war. But the Ambassador for the Venetians, would not enter into the Florentines dominion, and the King's Ambassador durst not alone execute that message. Whereby the Embassage was not performed. And the Venetians by means thereof, knew that they were little esteemed of the Florentines, they (a few months past) esteemed not much. During the fear of these motions, whom the Emperor Federigo the third, The Emperor Federigo in Florence. came into Italy to be crowned, the thirty day of january, in the year 1451. And entering into Florence with a thousand five hundred horses, was by that City, most honourably received and entertained, till the sixth of February. At which time he took his journey from thence towards his Coronation at Rome, where he was solemnly Crowned and married to the Empress, being come thither by sea. These ceremonies performed, the Emperor returned towards Germany, and came again to Florence in the month of May: where he was used with the same honours he had there before received. Also in his return, having been pleasured by the marquess of Farrara, for recompense the Emperor granted unto him the Cities of Modina & Reggio. During all these doings, the Florentines omitted not their preparation for the war, giving themselves reputation, and the enemy terror. They and the Duke joined league with the French King, for defence of all their countries in general. Which league with great magnificence and rejoicing, they published throughout all Italy. By this time was come the year 1452. when in May, the Venetians thought good no longer to defer the war against the Duke. The Duke of Milan assaulted. Wherefore with sixteen thousand horse, and six thousand footmen, they assaulted him towards Lodi: and at the same time the marquess of Monferato, either provoked by his own ambition, or by the Venetians request, assaulted him on the other side, towards Alessandria. The Duke on the contrary part, had assembled eighteen thousand horse, and three thousand footmen. And having furnished Alessandria and Lodi, he likewise fortified all those places which the enemy might offend. Then with his soldiers he assaulted the country of Brescia, where he greatly damaged the Venetians, spoiling that country, and sacking those towns which were not strong. But the marquess of Monferato being broken by the Duke's forces at Alessandria, the Duke might with the more strength encounter the Venetians, & assault their country. Thus the war of Lombardy proceeding, & therein sundry accidents (not worthy memory) happening: it came to pass, that the like war begun in Toscana betwixt the King Alfonso, & the Florentines: which was performed with no more virtue, nor more peril, Foiano assaulted by Ferrando. than that of Lombardy. Ferrando the bastard son of Alfonso, came into Italy, with 12000. soldiers, conducted by Federigo Lord of Vrbino. Their first enterprise was to assault Foiano in the vale of Chiana: for having friendship of the Sanesis, they might that way enter into the territory of Florence. That Castle was weakly walled, and of small receipt, therefore with no great number defended, yet those few in the Castle were accounted at that time valiant and loyal soldiers. The number sent by the Senate to guard that Castle, were 200. This Castle in that sort prepared, was by Ferrando besieged: and the virtue of those within so great, and so little the value of them without, that till the end of 36. days it was not won. The protract of which time, gave the City commodity to provide to defend other places of more moment, to assemble their forces, & put them in readiness. The enemy having taken this Castle, passed into Chianti, where they set upon two small towns belonging to private men, & could not win them; but marched from thence, and besieged Castellina, a fortress seated upon the confines of Chianti, within ten miles of Sienna; which place both by Art and Nature is exceeding weak: notwithstanding (so base was the courage of this Camp) as it could not conquer that Castle of no force at all. For after they had besieged it 44. days, they departed thence with shame. So small terror was in those armies, and so little peril in those wars, as those towns which at this day are abandoned as impossible to be kept, at that time, as places impregnable, were defended. During that Ferrando remained with his Camp in Chianti, he made many roads into the Florentines country, spoiling that Province within six miles of the City, to the great loss and terror of the Florentine subjects. Who having by that time prepared forces to the number of eight thousand, under the conduct of Astore di Faenza, and Gismondo Malatesti, held the enemy aloof towards the Castle of Colle, fearing always they should be forced to fight, and thought, that if they lost not that day, they could not lose the war. Because the small Castles being lost, might be recovered by peace, and the great towns were assured, by reason the enemy was not able to assail them. The King had also upon the sea near to Pisa, twenty sail of Galleys and Foists. And while La Castellina was assaulted, that Navy battered the fortress of Vade, which through the small diligence of the Captain was taken. By mean whereof, the enemy afterwards molested the country thereabouts. Which molestation was easily removed of certain soldiers, adventurers, sent by the Florentines: who constrained the enemy not to retire far from the sea side. The Pope during these wars, intermeddled not, but where he hoped to make peace between the parties. For he refrained the wars abroad, fearing greater troubles at home. Steffano Porcari. In those days lived Steffano Porcari, a Citizen of Rome, both for birth and learning (but much more for courage and magnanimity of mind) to be honoured. This Steffano (according to the custom of men, desirous of glory) thought to do, or at the least to attempt some thing worthy memory. Then imagining he could not take in hand any thing more worthy, then to deliver his country from the subjection of the priests, & reduce it to the ancient liberty, resolved to enterprise that action, hoping thereby (if it were brought to pass) to be called a new founder and father of Rome. Some do suppose this Canto to be written, not unto S. Porcari, but to Nicholo di Renzo, a gentleman Roman, by Petrarche, who therein serveth to divine, that in Rome should arise a Knight famous throughout all Italy. Those things which gave him hope of happy success, were the wicked conversation of the Prelates, with the discontentment of the Barons and people. But above all other, he was most encouraged with certain verses written by the Poet Francisco Petrarcha, in his song, which beginneth thus. Spirto gentle, che quelle membra reggi: etc. Sopra il monte Tarpeo, Canzon Vedrai un Cavallier, che Italia tutta honora Pensoso Piu d'altrui, che di se stesso. This Steffano was persuaded, that Poettes many times were inspired with the divine spirit of prophesy: Whereof he conceived, that fortune would assuredly happen unto him, which Petrarcha had in his verses prophesied, and that himself was the man, that should be the executor of so glorious an enterprise: imagining that for eloquence, for learning, for favour, and friends, there was no Roman to him comparable. This conceit possessing him, he resolved to execute the same; yet could he not so secretly practise, but by words, by conversation, and his manner of life, somewhat was discovered, and by that mean became suspected to the Pope: who (to remove him from the commodity of doing harm) confined him to Bologna, and commanded the Governor of that City every day to see him. Notwithstanding, Steffano for this first disgrace, dismayed not; but with the more endeavour followed his enterprise: and by all secret & subtle means practised with his friends, going to Rome, and returning with such speed, as he might at times necessary present himself to the Governor. And so soon as he had drawn a sufficient number of men to be of his mind, determined without further delay to attempt the enterprise: giving order to his friends in Rome, that at a time prefixed, they should prepare a solemn supper, where all the conspirators should meet, and every man bring with him his assured friends, and he himself before the supper were ended, would be there also. All things were done according to appointment, and Steffano arrived at the feast. After supper, appareled himself in cloth of gold, and other ornaments, which gave him Majesty and reputation. In that sort, he came forth to the conspirators, embracing them, & persuading them with long speech to be resolute, and ready to perform so glorious an attempt. Then he devised the order thereof, appointing part of them, the next morning to surprise the Pope's Palace, & the rest to call the people to arms. The same night (as some say) through infidelity of the conspirators, the matter was revealed to the Pope. Others affirm, that it came to knowledge by those that saw Steffano come into Rome. But howsoever it were, the same night after supper, the Pope caused Steffano, with the most part of his companions to be apprehended, Steffano put to death. and according to their merits put to death. Such was the end of this his enterprise. It may be, that some will commend his intention, yet will his judgement of all men be reproved. Because this and such like enterprises, although they carry with them a shadow of glory, yet in execution they bring (almost ever) assured misadventure. The war had now continued in Toscana almost one whole year, and the armies were returned to the field, in the year 1454. At which time, Alisandro Sforza was come to the Florentines, with supply of two thousand horse. Whereby the Florentine army was well increased, and the King's Camp diminished. The Florentines thought good to recover some things by them lost, & so with small labour gained the possession of certain Towns. Afterwards they encamped before Foiano, which through negligence of the Commissaries, was sacked: and the inhabitans being dispersed, would not willingly return thither, till such time as by privileges & rewards they were alured. The fortress of Vada, was also recovered: For the enemies seeing they could not defend it, did presently abandon & burn it. During the time that these things were done by the Florentine army, the King's soldiers fearing to come near their enemies, retired themselves towards Sienna, many times spoiling the Florentines country, committing robberies, tumults, and exceeding great displeasures. Nevertheless that King omitted not to devise some other way to assault the enemies, to cut off their forces, or by new troubles & assaults to keep them occupied. Gherardo Gambacorti was Lord in the vale of Bagno. He and his ancestors either by friendship or by obligation, had always in times past, either as hired, or as recommended, served the Florentines. With him the King Alfonso practised to have that country, and offered in recompense thereof, an other in the kingdom. This practice was discovered at Florence, yet to sound the disposition of Gherardo, they sent an Ambassador to remember him of the obligation of his ancestors, and his own also, and therewith to persuade him to continue his fidelity towards that Commonweal. Gherardo seemed to marvel much at this message, & with great oaths protested, that never any disloyal thought had entered his mind; and that he would come unto Florence, and make his own person a pledge of his fidelity: nevertheless, being at that present sick, he could not go thither, but with the Ambassador would needs send his son to remain in Florence as an hostage. These words, & this demonstration brought the Florentines to believe, that Gherardo had said troth, and his accuser being accounted a liar, was not regarded, nor the accusation any more thought upon. Notwithstanding, Gherardo being still solicited by the King, at length consented to the practice. And having concluded the same, the King sent to the Vale of Bagno a Knight of jerusalem called Puccio, and with him diverse bands of soldiers, to take possession of the Castles and Towns belonging to Gherardo. The Vale of Bagno revolted from the Florentines. But those people of Bagno being affectionate to the Florentines, very unwillingly promised their obedience to the King's Commissaries. Puccio having taken possession of all that state, wanted only to possess himself of the fortress of Corzano. When Gherardo delivered this possession, there was present among many others, one called Antonio Gualandi of Pisa, a young man very valiant, and such a one, as was with the treason of Gherardo greatly discontented. He considering the scite of the fortresses, and finding by the countenance of those soldiers who guarded it, that they were likewise displeased. While Gherardo stood at the gate to let in the King's soldiers, Antonio came betwixt him and the Castle, and with both his hands forcibly thrust him out, commanding the Guard to shut the gates against so wicked a Traitor, and keep the same to the use of the Florentines. This rumour being heard in the Vale of Bagno, and other places near unto it, all the people took arms against the King, and followed the Florentines ensign. This matter advertised to Florence, the Florentines caused the son of Gherardo (remaining with them in hostage) to be put in prison: and sent soldiers to Bagno to defend the country for them, changing that government from a principality into a Vicariato. But Gherardo, having thus betrayed both his Lords and his own son, with great difficulty fled, leaving his wife, his daughter, and his substance, at the discretion of the enemy. This accident stood the Florentines greatly in stead: For if the King had possessed that Country, he might with small charge, and easily have gotten the Vale of Teveri, and spoiled Casentino, whereby he should have so much troubled the state, that the Florentines could not have been able to encounter the forces of Arragon which remained at Sienna. The Florentines besides their own preparation in Italy, the rather to oppress their enemies, Rinato de Angio called into Italy by the Florentines. had sent Agnolo Acciaivoili Ambassador to the French King, to persuade him to licence Rinato de Angio, to come in the aid of the Duke and them. By which means he should defend his friends, and afterwards being in Italy, attend the surprising of the Kingdom: whereunto they offered him aid both of men and money. During the wars in Lombardy and in Toscana (as is before said) the Ambassador concluded with King Rinato of Angio, that before the end of june, he should come into Italy with two thousand and four hundred horse: and that at his arrival in Alessandria, the League should give him thirty thousand Florins ready payment: and every month after, during the wars, ten thousand. The King then by virtue of this league, coming into Italy, was by the Duke of Savoia, and the marquess of Monferato impeached: for they being friends to the Venetians, would not permit him to pass. Whereupon the King was persuaded by the Ambassador of Florence, to return to Prouenza with certain of his army, and from thence to pass into Italy by sea. And on the other side, to persuade with the French King to procure so much favour of that Duke, that the rest of his soldiers might come through Savoia. According to this counsel the matter was handled, and the King Rinato went by Sea into Italy, conveying the rest of his Army through Savoia by the French Kings mediation. The King Rinato was by the Duke Francisco most honourably received, and having joined the Italian forces with the Kings, they assaulted the Venetians with so great fury, that within short space they recovered all those Towns in Cremonesi which they had before lost: and not so content, they surprised almost all the country of Brescia. The Venetian army fearing to tarry in the field, retired to the walls of Brescia. But the winter being come, the Duke thought good to withdraw his soldiers to their lodgings, appointing for the King's abode, the City of Piacenza, where he remained all that winter, in the year 1453. without any other action performed. So soon as the time of year served, and that the Duke was going to the field, in hope to dispossess the Venetians, of the rest of their Countries upon the firm land, the King Rinato signified unto him, that of necessity he was to return into France. This intention of the Kings, seemed to the Duke not only strange, but also unlooked for, and therefore greatly offended him: and albeit he went in person presently to dissuade him, yet neither his entreaty nor promises could take effect; but only promised to leave behind him part of his forces, and to send his son Giovanni to supply his place in service of the League. This resolution grieved not the Florentines, for they having recovered their Castles, feared not the King any longer. And on the other side, they desired that the Duke should not recover more, than the towns in Lombrdy to him belonging. The King Rinato being gone, sent according to promise his son into Italy, who stayed not in Lombardy, but went presently unto Florence, where he was very honourably received. The matter thus handled by the King, did occasion the Duke to be content with peace, and the Venetians, Alfonso, and the Florentines, being likewise wearied, desired the same. The Pope also by all means laboured to bring it to pass, because the same year Mahumetto the great Turk had taken Constantinople, and made himself Lord of all Greece: which victory terrified greatly all Christians, but chiefly the Venetians and the Pope, who thought Italy was thereby in great danger. The Pope therefore desired the Potentates of Italy to send Ambassadors unto him, with authority to establish an universal peace; which commission was performed: and notwithstanding that altogether they joined, and seemed all to allow of the motion, they found nevertheless therein great difficulty. The King required that the Florentines should pay his charges in the war past, and the Florentines would be paid themselves. The Venetians demanded Cremona of the Duke, and the Duke asked of them Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema; so that these difficulties seemed impossible to be removed: notwithstanding, that which at Rome seemed hard to be concluded, at Milan and Venice proved easy. For when at Rome the peace universal was practised, Peace between the Venetians and the Duke. the Duke and the Venetians betwixt themselves made an agreement on the ninth of April, in the year 1451. By virtue whereof, every of them should repossess those towns which were theirs before the war. And it was granted to the Duke, that he might recover his towns taken from him by the Lords of Monferato and Savoia. And to the other Princes of Italy, one month was allowed to ratify the same. The Pope, the Florentines, the Sanesis, and the lesser Potentates, within the time appointed, made their ratification. Moreover, betwixt the Florentines, the Duke, and the Venetians, a peace was concluded for fifteen years. Only the King Alfonso among all the Italian Princes seemed therewith discontented, because he thought it was contrary to his reputation to be named in the contract of peace, not as a principal, but as an adherent. For which consideration, he paused long, before he would lay down his resolution. But being solicited by sundry solemn Embassages of other Princes, he was at length content (and chiefly by the Pope) to be persuaded, and with his son entered this league for thirty years: confirming the same with alliances and cross marriages betwixt the Duke and the King, their sons marrying one the others daughters. Notwithstanding, to the end that some seeds of the war might remain in Italy, he consented not to make the peace, before such time as those of the League would give him leave without their injury, to make wars upon the Genovesis, Gismondo, Malatesti, and Astor Prince of Faenza. This conclusion made, Ferrando his son then being at Sienna, returned to the Kingdom, having since his arrival in Toscana not gained any dominion, but lost great numbers of soldiers. This universal peace being concluded, it was only feared, least King Alfonso for the displeasure he bore to the Genovesis, would disturb the common quiet: but the matter came otherwise to pass, for the King did not openly move any disturbance, but (as it hath always happened by the ambition of mercenary soldiers) the peace was by them interrupted. The Venetians had (as their manner is) the wars being ended, discharged their General Giacopo Piccinino, who taking unto him certain other Captains (likewise discharged) went into Romagna, and from thence to the country of Sienna: where Giacopo staying, begun the war, and surprised certain Towns belonging to the Sanesis. Troubles moved by Giacopo Piccinino, and supported by King Alfonso. At the beginning of these troubles in the year 1455. died Pope Nicholo, and to him succeeded Calisto tertio. This Pope, to repress the new war, assembled all the forces he was able, making Giovanni Ventimiglia his General; who with certain Florentines, and other soldiers sent from the Duke for that purpose, went against Giacopo, and fought with him near unto Bolcena: where notwithstanding that Ventimiglia was taken prisoner, yet Giacopo had the worst, and was forced to retire to Castalione della Piscaia, and had he not been by Alfonso relieved with money, he should then utterly have been overthrown; which relief, discovered that Giacopo had taken that enterprise in hand, with the privity and direction of that King. Alfonso finding himself discovered, to be reconciled to the other Princes consenting to the peace, (whose favour by means of this weak war he had almost lost) procured that Giacopo should restore to the Sanesis all the towns he had taken from them, and they to give him twenty thousand Florins. And this agreement made, the King received Giacopo with his soldiers into the Kingdom. In those days, notwithstanding that the Pope intended to bridle Giacopo Piccinino, yet was he mindful also of the defence of Christendom, likely to be oppressed by the Turks. For which purpose, he sent into all Christian Countries Ambassadors and Preachers, to persuade with Princes and people, to arm themselves for the aid of Religion, Pope Calisto persuadeth a general war against the Turks. and to give money and personal service to this enterprise, against the common enemy. He caused also solemn processions to be made, declaring both publicly and privately, that he himself would be among the first of the Christians that should assist that action, with counsel, money, and men. But the heat of this Crociata was cooled, with advertisements that the Turk and his army being at Bellgrado (a Castle of Hungary upon the river of Danubio) was by the Hungarians hurt in his person, and his Camp broken, so that the Popes and Christians fear, conceived by the loss of Constantinople, was thereby ceased, and the preparation they made for the war proceeded coldly. In Hungary likewise by the death of Giovanni Vaivoda, Captain of that victory, the war was discontinued. But returning to the matters of Italy, I say, that in the year 1456. the tumults moved by Giacopo Piccinino were ended: so that every man having laid aside arms, it seemed as though God had taken them in hand. For there happened in Toscana most tempestuous winds, A marvelous rempest in Toscana. such as never before had been heard of, nor shall be, which wrought most marvelous and memorable effects. Upon the 24. of August, one hour before day, there arose from the Sea towards Ancona a great and dark cloud, crossing Italy, and entering the Sea towards Pisa, stretching two miles in compass. This storm was furiously carried, (and whither by natural or supernatural force) divided into many parts, as it were fight amongst themselves. And of those broken clouds, some were hoist up towards heaven, some violently cast down, and some with wonderful speed were turned round; but always before them came a wind, with lightnings and flashing of fire, so terrible, as cannot be expressed. Of these broken and confused clouds, and of those furious winds, and great flames, there grew so strange a noise, as moved the people to greater fear, than any Earthquake or thunder ever had done: in so much as every man thought the world was ended, and that the earth, the water, and the heaven, should have returned to the old Chaos. This fearful storm, wheresoever it passed, wrought marvelous and wonderful effects. But the most notable of all, happened about the Castle of S. Cassiano. This Castle is builded upon the hill which parteth the Vales of Pisa and Grieve, eight miles distant from Florence. Betwixt that said Castle, and the town of S. Andrea, builded upon the same hill, this furious tempest passed, not coming to S. Andrea, but at S. Cassiano threw down certain turrets and attorneys: and near thereunto subverted whole houses even to the ground, and carried away whole roofs of the Churches of S. Martino a Bagnolo, and S. Maria della pace; bearing them from thence unbroken, the space of more than one mile. One man also a Carrier, was taken up, and in the valley next unto the way, both he and his Moils found dead. Moreover, all the greatest oaks and strongest trees which would not bend at the fury of the tempest, were not only broken, but also with violence borne far from the place where they grew. Whereat, the next day, when the tempest was ceased, and men returned to those places, they were greatly astonished, for they found the Country desolate and spoiled, the houses and the temples overthrown, the people lamenting and beholding their houses cast down, and under them their goods, their cattle, and their parents slain: Which thing, both in the beholders and hearers thereof, moved a marvelous compassion. By this mean, it pleased God rather to threaten, then punish Toscana. For if so great a tempest had fallen upon any City full of houses and inhabitants, as it fell upon these oaks, trees, and small houses, one far from the other, without all doubt, the destruction would have been greater, than the mind of man could have conceived. But it pleased God, by that small example to revive in men's minds, the memory of his power. But now to return to our matter. The King Alfonso (as is before said) discontented with the peace, and seeing that the war which he caused Giacopo Piccinino to make upon the Sanesis without any reasonable occasion, had wrought no effect, he thought to move an other with the allowance of the league. The Genovesis assaulted by King Alfonso. And in the year 1456. he assaulted the Genovesis both by sea and land, as desirous to give that state to the Adorni, and deprive the Frigosis who then governed. Besides that, he caused Giacopo Piccinino to pass Tronto, and assault Gismondo Malatesti, who having well manned his towns, regarded not much the assault of Giacopo, so as the enterprise of the King on this side took no effect at all. But that war of Genova occasioned more war to him and his Kingdom, than himself looked for. At that time Pietro Fregoso was Duke of Genova; he fearing himself to be of force unable to withstand the King's assault, determined to give that to an other which himself could not hold: and yield it into the hands of such a one that would (at the least in that respect) defend him; so might he also hope in time to come, to be reacquited. Then sent he Ambassadors to Carlo the seventh, King of France, and offered him the dominion of Genova. Carlo accepted this offer, and to take possession of that City, sent thither Giovanni de Angio son to King Rinato, who not long before was departed from Florence, and returned into France. For Carlo was persuaded, that Giovanni having been before employed in Italy, knew how to govern that City better than any other: hoping also, that being there, he might devise upon the enterprise of Naples, of which Kingdom, Alfonso had dispossessed his father Rinato. Then went Giovanni to Genova, and being there, was received as Prince. Genova in the possession of the French King. All the fortresses belonging to the City, with the whole government, were delivered to his hand. This accident displeased Alfonso, thinking he had drawn in an enemy over mighty: yet not dismayed therewith, courageously followed his enterprise, and sailed on with his Navy, till he came under Villa Marina, at Ponto Fino, The death of King Alfonso. where taken with a sudden disease, he died. By death of this King, Giovanni and the Genovesi were delivered of the war, and Ferrando (who succeeded his father Alfonso in the Kingdom) grew suspicious, lest an enemy of so great reputation in Italy, might happily win the favour of many his Barons, whose fidelity he doubted, and whose minds he knew desirous of Innovation: for which respects, they might percase be persuaded to join with the French. He also instructed the Pope, whose ambitious mind (as he thought) aspired to take from him this new Kingdom. His only trust was in the Duke of Milan, he being indeed no less careful of the Kingdom, than was Ferrando: for he mistrusted, that if the French did prevail, they would also labour to surprise his state, which they had some colour to claim, as to them appertaining. That Duke therefore, presently upon the death of Alfonso, determined to give that Kingdom unto Pietro Lodovico Borgia his nephew. Also (to make that enterprise seem more honest and acceptable to the rest of the Italian Princes) he published, that his intent was, to reduce that Kingdom under the Church of Rome: persuading the Duke in that respect, not to favour Ferrando, offering him those towns which of ancient time he possessed in the Kingdom. But in the midst of these imaginations and new troubles, Pope Calisto died, The death of Pope Calisto and in his place was created Pio secundo, borne in Sienna, and of the family of Piccolhuomini. This Pope minding only to benefit the Christians, and honour the Church, setting aside all private passion, at the Duke of Milan's request, crowned the King Ferrando: thinking he should better appease the wars by maintaining of him in possession, then by favouring the French, to give them the Kingdom; or if he should (as Calisto did) challenge it for himself. For this benefit, Ferrando gave unto Antonio the Pope's nephew, the principality of Malfi: and married him unto his own base daughter. He restored also Benevento and Terracina to the Church. Then all men supposing that the arms of Italy were laid down, the Pope took order to move the Christians to make war upon the Turks, as it was before devised by Pope Calisto. At which time, there rose great dissension betwixt the Fregosi and Giovanni de Angio Lord of Genova: which dissension, revived a war of more importance, than was the other already passed. At that time, The Genovesis revolted from the french. Pietrino Fregoso happened to be at a Castle of his in Riviera. He not holding himself according to his merits rewarded, by Giovanni de Angio, (who by help of him and others of his house was made Prince) became open enemy to Giovanni. This discord pleased Ferrando, as that, which might only be the means of his good speed. Then sent he men and money to Pietrino, hoping by his aid to drive Giovanni from that state. Which he knowing, sent into France to encounter Pietrino. There finding much favour, he received a great supply, and went against Pietrino, who was become strong also: so as Giovanni retired into the City, where also in the night Pietrino entered, and possessed some places thereof: but the next morning was by the soldiers of Giovanni assaulted and slain, and all his men likewise either slain or taken. This victory encouraged Giovanni to set upon the Kingdom: and in October 1459. with a mighty navy he departed from Genova. The kingdom of Naples assaulted by Giovanni de Angio. And landing at Baia, marched from thence to Sessa, where he was by the Duke of that country received. Then came unto Giovanni the Prince of Tarranto, the Citizens of Aquila, with many other towns and Princes, in so much as that Kingdom was almost ruined. Ferrando seeing that, desired aid of the Pope and the Duke. Also to have the fewer foes, made peace with Gismondo Malatesti, wherewith Giacopo Piccinino (being natural enemy to Gismondo) became so much displeased, as he discharged himself from the service of Ferrando, and joined with Giovanni. Ferrando also sent money to entertain Federigo Lord of Vrbino, and within short space he assembled (according unto that time) a great army. Then marched he to the river of Sarni, where he found the enemy, and fought with him: in which conflict, King Ferrando defeated. the forces of King Ferrando were overthrown, and many of his principal Captains taken. But notwithstanding this overthrow, the City of Naples, with a few other towns, and some Princes, continued faithful to Ferrando, though all the rest of the Realm, and Nobility, yielded their obedience to Giovanni. Giacopo Piccinino persuaded Giovanni to follow the victory, and presently to march to Naples, thereby to possess himself of the chief City of the Kingdom; which Giovanni refused to do, saying he would first spoil all the country, and then it would be more easy to surprise the City, which was the cause, he failed to perform that enterprise: for he knew not, that the parts do more willingly follow the head, than the head doth follow them. After this overthrow, the King Ferrando being fled into Naples, thither resorted unto him diverse of his subjects, who were driven from their countries: then by all courteous means he levied men and money to make a new Camp, sending again for aid to the Pope and Duke. From the one and the other of whom he was aided more speedily and abundantly then before time he had been, because they greatly feared, he should otherwise lose his Kingdom. King Ferrando in this sort grown strong, marched out of Naples, and having gotten some reputation, recovered also part of his lost towns. During these wars in the Kingdom, a chance happened, that utterly deprived Giovanni de Angio of reputation and mean to have victory in that enterprise. The Genovesis being weary of the French insolent and covetous government, took arms against the King's Governor there, and forced him to flee to the little Castle of Genova. The Fregosi and the Adorni were content to join in that action, and by the Duke of Milan they became furnished of money and men, both for the winning, and keeping the City. So that the King Rinato with his navy came to the succour of his son, and hoping to recover Genova, by mean of the small Castle, in landing his soldiers, was overthrown; and forced with shame to return unto Prouenza. These news being carried to the Kingdom of Naples, greatly dismayed Giovanni de Angio: notwithstanding, he still followed his enterprise, and continued the war, being served by those Barons who were rebelled, and could not look for favour of Ferrando. In the end, after many accidents, those two royal armies joined battle, Giovanni de Angio vanquished in battle. wherein, near unto the City of Troia, Giovanni was vanquished, the year 1463. This overthrow did not so much hinder the success of the King Giovanni, as did the revolt of Giacopo Piccinino, who left him, and joined with King Ferrando: whereby being spoiled of his forces, he retired into Histria, and from thence to France. This war continued four years, and was in the end lost by his own negligence, for it was many times in good way of victory by the virtue of his soldiers. Therein the Florentines intermeddled not apparently, yet were they desired by Ambassadors of the King Giovanni of Arragon (newly come to that Kingdom by the death of Alfonso) to assist the enterprise of Ferrando his nephew, as they had bound themselves by the league lately made with Alfonso his father. To whom by the Florentines it was answered, that they were not by any obligation bound to aid the son in that war, which was begun by the father: for as the same had been without their counsel or knowledge taken in hand, so without their assistance it should be performed and ended. The Ambassadors being thus to the request of their King answered, protested the execution of their band, and the King's prejudice, so in great displeasure with that City, departed. The Florentines during these wars, continued in peace abroad, but within they rested not, as in the next Book shall be particularly declared. The end of the sixth Book. royal blazon or coat of arms THE SEVENTH BOOK. TO those that have read the former Book, it may seem in writing of Florence, and the proceed of the Florentines, we have overmuch spoken of such accidents as happened in Lombardy and the Kingdom. Nevertheless, as heretofore I have, so am I hereafter to continue with the like discourses. For albeit I did not promise to write of matters concerning Italy, yet have I thought good to speak of those, that were in that country most notable. For if I should not make mention of them, our history would be with more difficulty understood, and to the Readers less pleasing. Chiefly, because the actions of other people and Princes of Italy, did occasion the wars, wherein the Florentines were forced to intermeddle, as of the war of Giovanni de Angio, and King Ferrando great enmity grew, which was after betwixt Ferrando and the Florentines, and particularly with the house of Medici continued. For the King complained, that the Florentines did not only leave him in that war unaided, but also that his enemies were by them favoured: which anger, was the occasion of exceeding many inconvenients, as shall be hereafter declared. And for as much as I have written at large those matters which happened without the City, till the year 1463. it behoveth me for the declaration of such troubles as happened in those days within, to look back many years passed. Yet first by way of discourse (as is my custom) I say, that whosoever doth think, that any Commonweal can continue united, he greatly deceiveth himself. But true it is, that some divisions be prejudicial to Commonweals, and some others be profitable. Those be prejudicial, which are with factions and followers accompanied. And those are profitable, which without factions and followers be maintained. Seeing then, it is a thing impossible, for that man who frameth a Commonweal, to provide that no enmity shall therein arise, he ought (at the least) foresee, that no factions be permitted. It is then to be considered, that the Citizens in every state do win reputation, either by public or private means. Public reputation is gotten by victory in the field, by surprising of towns, by wise and discreet performing of Embassages, or by counseling the State gravely and fortunately. By private means men attain to reputation, by pleasuring particular citizens, by saving them from punishments, by relieving them with money, by advancing them unworthily to honours and offices, and by entertaining the common people with sports & public gifts. From these causes, faction, following, and partaking do proceed. And as reputation thus gotten is hurtful, so the other not being intermeddled with faction, is the occasion of great good, because it is grounded upon no private, but common commodity. And albeit among such Citizens, so great displeasures will grow, as the wisdom of man is not able to prevent, yet wanting partakers to follow them for proper profit, they cannot by any way hinder the commonweal, but shall rather help it: for in aspiring to that they would come unto, it behoveth them to endeavour the advancement of the state, and particularly one to respect the other, so much, as the laws & civil orders be not infringed. The enmities of Floremce were always followed with factions, and therefore hurtful to the state, neither was any victorious faction longer united, than the contrary part continued in force: for so soon as the enemies were extinguished, the faction remaining no more in awe of the enemy, nor having order to bridle itself, became divided. The faction of Cosimo de Medici in the year 1434. remained with victory. Nevertheless, because the party oppressed was still great, and full of mighty men, it continued united and tolerable, so long, as among those of the faction, no error was committed, and the people for no evil desert did hate them: and whensoever that government had need of the people to re-establish their authority, they found them ready to give unto the chief of the faction the Balia, and whatsoever else they desired. Thus from the 1434. till the 55. being 21. years, they were confirmed in office 6. times, Cosimo de Medici. Neri Capponi. ordinarily elected by the Counsels. There were in Florence (as we have diverse times said) two most mighty Citizens, Cosimo de Medici, and Neri Capponi, of whom, Neri had gained his reputation by public means: by season whereof, he had many friends, but few followers. Cosimo on the other side being aspired both by public and private ways, had not only many friends, but also many followers. These two men continuing united, during their lives, easily obtained of the people whatsoever they desired, because they had love mixed with authority. But the year 1455. being come, Neri dead, & the adverse part extinguished, Cosimo found no small difficulty to be confirmed, and his own friends being most mighty in the state, were cause thereof: because they feared no more the contrary faction put down, & desired to decrease the power of Cosimo; which was the beginning of those divisions which followed after in the year 1466. So as they unto whom the offices appertained, in their counsels, where the public government of that state was debated, did allege it was not convenient that the authority of Balia should be resumed, but that the order of election ought proceed, as it was wont, by lots, and not according to the former Squittini. Cosimo, to qualify this humour, had to determine upon one of these two remedies, either by force with the aid of his friends and followers to possess himself of the State, and therewith to compel the contrary faction, or else to suffer the matter proceed, and in time let his friends know, that not his honour, but their reputation was by the enemy taken away. Of these two remedies, he made choice of the last: for he knew well, that the Squittini being fullest of his friends, himself could not incur any peril, and might also at his pleasure resume the State. The City then determined to create the Magistrates by lot: the greatest number thought the liberty recovered, and that the offices should not after be allotted, according to the will of the most mighty men, but as seemed best to themselves. Whereupon, the followers of the great Citizens began to be disesteemed, and by the people were in sundry places beaten down and oppressed. So as they who were wont to have their houses full of suitors and presents, were now become empty, and without any resort at all. They also saw themselves made equal with those who were before time far under them, and their equals were become their superiors. They were not regarded nor honoured, but rather many times mocked and derided. Also in the streets, the people without respect, spoke their pleasures both of them, and of the Commonweal. Whereof was conceived, that they, and not Cosimo, had lost the government. All which things Cosimo dissimuled, and whensoever any thing plausible to the people was propounded, he was ever the first that allowed thereof. But that which most terrified the great men, and made Cosimo to look about him, was the reviving of the Catasto the year 1427. Whereby was ordained, the Imposition should proceed by the order of law, and not the pleasure of men. This law made, and Magistrates for execution thereof chosen, occasioned the great Citizens to assemble, go unto Cosimo, and desire him be pleased to concur with them in their, and his own delivery from the people: whereby he should recover reputation to the State, make himself mighty, and them honoured. Thereunto Cosimo answered, he was content, so that the law were made orderly with consent of the people, and without force; otherwise no speech to be thereof. Then went they about in the Counsels to make a new Balia, whereby they might create new Officers, but that intention prevailed not: then the great Citizens returned to Cosimo, desiring him most humbly to consent to the Parliament, which Cosimo utterly refused to do: meaning thereby to bring to pass, that they should find the error they committed. And because Donato Cochi, being Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, would in any wise without his consent call the Parliament, Cosimo procured him by the rest of the Senators, (who sat with him in office) to be so mocked and disdained, as thereby he became mad, and was as a man senseless, sent home to his house. Notwithstanding, because he thought it not fit to suffer matters to run further out of order, then that they might be at his pleasure reform: Lucca Pitti. Lucca Pitti become Gonfaloniere di Giustitia (a stout and self-willed man) Cosimo thought good to leave the government to his discretion, to the end, that if any thing were misdone, the fault might be to Lucca and not to himself imputed. Lucca then in the beginning of his Magistracy, propounded many things to the people, touching restoration of the Balia, but not obtaining his desire, with injurious words full of pride, he threatened those of the counsels: Which threatenings, shortly after he performed indeed. For in August upon the eve of S. Lorenzo, the year 1458. he assembled secretly within the Palace many armed men, called the people thither, and forced them to consent to that, which voluntarily they had before denied. By this means being again in possession of the State, the Balia was created, and the chief Magistrates according to the pleasure of a few, were appointed. Then to begin that government with terror, which was gotten by force, Girolamo Machiavelli. they confined Girolamo Machiavelli, with some others, and deprived many from their offices, which Girolamo having afterwards passed the bounds of prescription, was proclaimed a Rebel. Then went he from place to place in Italy, to persuade the Princes against his country, till at length in Lunigiana, through the treason of one of that Senate, he was taken, brought to Florence, and there in prison died. This form of government continuing eight years, was violent and insupportable. For Cosimo being old, weak, unhealthy, and unable to be present as he was wont, at the affairs of the Commonweal, a few Citizens at their pleasures did rob and spoil the City. Lucca Pitti for his good service was made Knight, and he to declare himself no less thankful to the State, than the State had been to him, caused that the Officers called Priori delli Arti, having passed their authority, should be called Priori della Liberta. He ordained also, that whereas the Gonfaloniere was wont to sit on the right hand of the Rettori, that after he should be placed in the midst of them. Moreover, to the end that God might seem partaker of this action, they made public processions and prayers, thanking him for the restoration of their honours. Lucca was by the Senate, and by Cosimo richly presented. To him also every other Citizen resorted, and gave somewhat, so that it was supposed that the sum of his presents amounted unto twenty thousand ducats. In conclusion, he aspired to such greatness of reputation, as Lucca, Ordinances by Lucca Pitti. and not Cosimo, seemed to govern the City. Thereupon he conceived so great confidence, that he began to build two houses, the one in Florence, the other in Rucciano, a mile distant from the City, both stately and kingly buildings. But that in Florence was much larger than by any private Citizen had ever been builded. For performance thereof, he spared not to use all extraordinary means. For not only private Citizens and particular men did present him, and help him with things necessary for his building, but the whole commonalty and people did put their hands to his works. Moreover, all banished men, and every other person having committed murder, theft, or other offence, whereof he feared public punishment (if he were abled to his service any way) might without all danger resort thither. The other Citizens, although they builded not like unto him, yet were they no less violent, and inclined to oppression: so as, albeit Florence had no war abroad to hinder it, yet was it by the Citizens within oppressed. In those days (as is before said) happened the war in the Kingdom: and some wars were also made against the house of Malatesti, by the Pope, being desirous to take from them Rimino and Cesena: so that in this enterprise, and his study to move the war against the Turk, Pope Pio consumed his Papacy. But Florence continued still in divisions and troubles. For than began the faction of Cosimo to be divided within itself, the year 1455. which happened by the occasions before said. Yet were they (for that time) by his wisdom appeased. But the year 64. being come, Cosimo fell again sick, The death of Cosimo di Medici. and died. At his death, both friends and foes lamented: for they, who in respect of the State loved him not, seeing what extortion was used by the Citizens in his life, doubted (lest Cosimo being dead whom all men reverenced) they should be utterly ruined, and of his son Piero they hoped not much. For albeit he were of disposition a good man, yet being sickly, and new in the government, they thought he should be forced to respect others, who without any bridle, would become strong and incorrigible. Every man therefore feared to find great want of Cosimo. This Cosimo was the most esteemed, and most famous Citizen (being no man of war) that ever had been in the memory of man, either in Florence, or any other City, because he did not only excel all others (of his time) in authority and riches, but also in liberality and wisdom. For amongst other qualities which advanced him to be chief of his Country, he was more than other men, liberal and magnificent. Which liberality appeared much more after his death then before. For his son Piero found by his father's Records, that there was not any Citizen of estimation, to whom Cosimo had not lent great sums of money: and many times also vnrequired he did lend to those Gentlemen, whom he knew to have need. His magnificence likewise appeared by diverse his buildings. For within Florence, he builded the abbeys and Temples of S. Marco, S. Lorenzo, and the Monastery of S. Verdiana. And in the Mountains of Fiesole, S. Gerolano, with the Abbey thereunto belonging. Also in Mugello, he did not only repair the Church for the Friars, but took it down, and builded it a new. Besides those magnificent buildings in S. Croce, in S. Agnoli, and S. Miniato, he made Altars, and sumptuous Chapels. All which Temples and Chapels, besides the buildings of them, were by him paved, and throughlie furnished with all things necessary. With these public buildings, we may number his private houses, whereof one within the City meet for so great a parsonage, and four other without at Carriaggi, at Fiesole, at Cafaggivolo, and at Trebio, all Palaces fit for Princes then private persons. And because his magnificent houses in Italy did not in his opinion make him famous enough, he builded in jerusalem an Hospital to receive poor and diseased Pilgrims. In which work, he consumed great sums of money. And albeit these buildings, and every other his actions were princely, and that in Florence he lived like a Prince, yet so governed by wisdom, as he never exceeded the bounds of civil modesty. For in his conversation, in riding, in marrying his children and kinsfolks, he was like unto all other discreet and modest Citizens: because he well knew, that extraordinary things which are of all men with admiration beholded, do win more envy, than those which without ostentation be honestly covered. Whensoever therefore he married his sons, he never sought to match them with the daughters of Princes, but wedded his son Giovanni, to Cornelia Alessandris, and Piero, to Lucretia Tornabuoni. Also of his grand children begotten of Piero, he married Bianca to Guglielmo de Pazi, and Nannina to Bernardo Russellai. These his proceed caused, that in so great change of fortune, and in so variable a City, among so inconstant Citizens, he continued a Magistrate 31. years. For being a wise man, he discovered all inconvenients a far, and therefore might in time prevent them, or if they did grow, be so prepared, as they could not offend him. Whereby he did not only suppress all domestical and civil ambition, but also bridled the insolency of many Princes with so great happiness and wisdom, that whosoever joined in league with him and his country, became either equal or superior to his enemies. And whosoever opposed themselves against them, either they lost time, money, or state. Whereof the Venetians can bear witness, who being joined with him against the Duke Philippo, were always victorious: and being disjoined, were first by Philippo, and after by Francisco victored and oppressed. Also when they joined with Alfonso against the state of Florence, Cosimo with his credit, made both Naples and Venice so scarce of money, as they were constrained to take what peace himself was pleased with. Whatsoever difficulty or contradiction was moved against Cosimo, either within or without the City, the end thereof was to his glory, and the disadvantage of his enemies. Therefore all civil discords increased his authority in Florence, and foreign wars augmented his power abroad. He annexed to the dominion of his Country Borgo at S. Sepolcro, Montevoglio, Casentino, and the Vale of Bagno. Thus his virtue and fortune, oppressed all enemies, and advanced his friends. He was borne in the year 1389. on the feast day of S. Cosimo and Damiano. The first part of his life was full of troubles, as appeareth by his exile, his imprisonment, and his dangers of death. Also at the Council of Constanza (whither he went with the Pope Giovanni) after the Pope's oppression, he was forced to disguise himself, and flee. But having passed the forty year of his age, he lived most happily: in so much, as not only they which joined with him in public actions, but all other men also that maneged his treasure in every place of Europe, did participate of his felicity. Also many excessive rich houses in Florence had their beginning from him, as Tornabuoni, Benchi, Portinari, and Sassetti. Besides all these, every man depending upon his counsel, and fortune, became wealthy. And albeit that his building of Temples, and giving of alms, was known throughout the world, yet would he to his friends many times lament, that he had not spent and bestowed so much to the honour of God, but that he found himself still in his book a debtor. He was of mean stature, in complexion brown, The description of Cosimo his person, and his wit. and of presence venerable: unlearned, yet eloquent, and full of natural wisdom; friendly to his friends, and pitiful to the poor. In conversation he was frugal, in counsel advised, in execution speedy, in speech and answering, witty, and grave. Rinaldo de gli Albizi in the beginning of his exile sent him a message, saying that the hen did sit: whereunto Cosimo answered, that she could never hatch, being far from her nest. To other Rebels who sent him word they slept not: he answered, that he believed the same, because there, sleep was taken from them. Unto the Pope Pio, persuading Princes to take Arms against the Turk, Cosimo said, An old man taketh in hand a young enterprise. To the Ambassadors of Venice, who came with the messengers of Alfonso, to complain of the Florentines, he showed his head bare, and asked of what colour it was? they answered white. Then he replying, said, that ere it belong, your Senators will also have white heads like unto mine. His wife, a few hours before his death, seeing him shut his eyes, asked him for what cause he so did? He answered, to bring them in use. Some Citizens saying unto him after his return from exile, that he hindered the City, and offended God, in banishing so many honest men? To them he answered, It was better to have a City hindered, then lost; and that the State was not defended with beads in men's hands. Which words, gave his enemies matter to speak evil of him, as a man that loved himself more than his Country, and that esteemed more this world, than the world to come. Many other sayings, as things not necessary, I, omit. Cosimo was also a lover and preferrer of learned men, for he brought unto Florence Argiropolo, a Grecian borne, and in that time of singular learning, to the end that the youth of Florence might be by him instructed in the Greek tongue, and other his good learn. He entertained in his house Marsilio Ficino, a second father of the Philosophy of Plato, and him he entirely loved. Also, to the end he might with commodity exercise the study of learning, and more aptly use his help therein, he gave him certain land near unto his house of Careggi. This his wisdom, these his riches, this manner of life, and this fortune, were the causes, that in Florence he was both feared and loved, and of the Princes not only of Italy, but also of all Europe esteemed: so as he left unto his posterity such a foundation, as they might with virtue equal him, and in fortune far excel him. Whatsoever authority Cosimo had either in Florence, or elsewhere in Christendom, he deserved the same: notwithstanding, in the end of his life, he had great sorrows. For of two only sons, Pietro, and Giovanni, the one (of whom he had most hope) died: the other was continually sick, and therefore unable either for public or private function. In so much as his son being dead, he caused him to be carried about the house, and he following the Coarse, sighed, and said, this house is over great for so small a family. It also offended the greatness of his mind, that he had not (in his own opinion) enlarged the Florentine dominion with some honourable conquest. And it grieved him the more, knowing that Francisco Sforza had deceived him, who being but Earl, promised, that so soon as he was possessed of Milan, he would win the City of Lucca for the Florentines. Which was not performed, because the Earl with his fortune changed his mind, and being become Duke, determined to enjoy that state with peace, which he had gotten by war. Therefore he would neither keep touch with Cosimo nor any other, neither would he after he was Duke, make any more wars then those that for his own defence he was enforced unto. Which grieved Cosimo greatly, finding that he had endured great pains, and spent much, to advance a man unthankful and perfidious. Moreover by the weakness of his body, he found himself unfit to follow either private or public affairs, whereby the one, and the other, miscarried. Because the City was destroyed by the Citizens, and his own substance by his confidents and children consumed. All these things in the later end of his age, did greatly disquiet his mind: Notwithstanding he died with glory. And all the principal Citizens, and all the Christian Princes did condole his death with Pietro his son, and accompanied his coarse to the Temple of S. Lorenzo, where with great pomp it was buried: and by public consent was written upon his Tomb, Pater Patriae. If in this discourse of Cosimo, I have imitated those, which have written the lives of Princes, and not those which writ universal histories: let no man marvel thereat. For he being a rare man in our City, deserved I should afford him extraordinary commendation. In those days, that Florence and Italy stood in the conditions aforesaid, jews King of France, was with grievous wars assaulted. For the Lords of his own Country, assisted by the Dukes of Bretagne and Burgogne, made the war so great upon the King, that he had no mean to aid the Duke Giovanni de Angio, in his enterprise of Genova and the kingdom. But judging that he had need of aid whatsoever, he gave the City of Savona (then in his hand and kept by French men) to Francisco Duke of Milan: letting him understand, that (if he so pleased) he might also with his favour, assault Genova. Which offer was accepted by Francisco, and either through the reputation of the King's friendship, or the favour of the Adorni, he became Lord of Genova. The Duke of Milan, Lord of Genova. Then to declare himself thankful for the benefit received of the King, he sent into France to the King's aid, a thousand five hundredth horse, conducted by Galiazzo his eldest son. Thus Ferrando of Arragon, and Francisco Sforza, were become, the one Duke of Lombardy and Prince of Genova: the other, King of all the kingdom of Naples. And having married their children, the one, to the other, they devised by what means they might, during their lives, maintain their countries with security: and after their deaths, so leave the same to their heirs. For which purpose, they thought it necessary, that the King should assure himself of those Barons, which in the war of Giovanni de Angio, had disobeyed him: and that the Duke should endeavour himself to extinguish those that had been brought up in the wars by the Bracci, natural enemies to his house, and grown up in great reputation under Giacopo Piccinino, who was the chiefest Captain in all Italy; and such a one as every Prince ought to beware of: chief the Duke who could not account his dominion assured, nor leave the same to his sons, if Giacopo did still live. The King therefore by all means sought to make peace with his Barons, handling the matter cunningly to assure himself of them, which fell out very happily. Because the Barons did think, that in continuing the war against their King, the same would be in the end their undoubted ruin: and yielding to the peace, they should stand at the king's discretion. But because men do most willingly eschew that evil which is most certain, it cometh to pass, that Princes may easily deceive others of less power: and so these Lords gave credit to the King. For they seeing the manifest danger of the war, yielded themselves into his hands, and were upon sundry occasions by him oppressed: which greatly dismayed Giacopo Piccinino, at that time remaining with his forces at Salmona. And to remove occasion whereby the King might oppress him, he practised by his friends, to be reconciled to the Duke Francisco, who having made him great and honourable offers, Giacopo resolved to put himself into his hands: and being accompanied with one hundredth horse went to Milan to present himself unto the Duke. Giacapo had long served his father, and with his brother; first for the Duke Philippo, and after for the people of Milan. Whereby he gained great acquaintance in that City, Giacopo Piccinino, suspected to the Duke. and the good will of the multitude, which was increased by the present condition of the City. For the good fortune, and great power of the house of Sforza, had kindled great envy: And Giacopo for his adversity and long absence, was greatly by the people pitied, who desired much to see him. All which things appeared at his coming. For well-near all the Nobility went to meet him, and the streets were full of those which desired to see him. Besides that, great honour was spoken of him and his soldiers. All which things, did hasten his destruction, because they increased suspicion, and the Duke's desire to oppress him. For the more covert performance thereof, the Duke devised, that the marriage with his daughter Drusiana, who had been long before contracted unto him, should now be solemnized. Then he practised with Ferrando, to entertain him, for General of his Army, and promised him a hundredth thousand Florins in priest. After this conclusion, Giacopo, accompanied with the Duke's Ambassador, and Drusiana his wife, went unto Naples, where he was joyfully and honourably received: and for diverse days entertained with all sorts of triumph and feasting. But at length desiring to go unto his Camp (which he left at Salmona) he was by the King convited to dinner in the Castle. The dinner being ended, Giacopo Piccinino, murdered. both he and his son were imprisoned, and shortly after put to death. Whereby may be perceived, that our Italian Princes have feared that virtue in others, which was not to be found in themselves: and did smother the same so long, as no virtue at all being left, our country became shortly after, afflicted and ruined. In these days the Pope Pio having settled all things in Romagna, thought the time served well, in respect of the universal peace, to move the Christians to make war against the Turk: according to the plot set down by his predecessors. To the performance of this exploit, all Princes did contribute money or men. And in particular Mathias King of Hungary, and Carlo Duke of Borgogna, promising to go in person, were by the Pope made Captains general of that journey. The Pope had so great hope of proceeding in this enterprise, that he went from Rome to Ancona, where all the Army were appointed to assemble: and the Venetians did promise to send vessels to pass the soldiers into Schiavonia. After the Pope's arrival in that City, the concourse of people there was so great, that within few days all the victual of that city, and that could be brought thither from other places thereabouts, did not suffice. In so much as every man began to taste of famine. Moreover, there wanted money to furnish the soldiers of things needful, and arm those that were disarmed. Mathias and Carlo appeared not, and the Venetians sent thither one only Captain with a few Galleys, rather to show their pomp, and seem to have kept promise, then to pass the Army. So as the Pope being old and sick, in the midst of these businesses and disorders, died. After whose death, every man returned home. This Pope being dead, the year 1465. Paulo secundo, borne in the City of Venice, aspired to the Papacy. About that time, many other states of Italy changed their government. The death of the Duke Francisco. For the same year following, died Francisco Sforza, Duke of Milan, having usurped that Dukedom sixteen years. And Galiazzo his son, was proclaimed Duke. The death of this Prince, was the occasion that the divisions of Florence, Piero di Medici. became of more force, and wrought their effects with the more speed. After the death of Cosimo di Medici, Piero his son being left in possession of the goods and lands of his father, called unto him, Diotisalui Neroni, a man of great authority, among the other citizens of most reputation: and one in whom Cosimo reposed so great trust, as at his death he willed Piero both in his substance & state, to be by his counsel governed. Piero accordingly declared unto Diotisalui the trust which Cosimo had in him: And because he would show himself as obedient to his father after death, as he was in his life: he desired Diotisalui to assist him with his counsel, both for the order of his patrimony, and the government of the City; and to begin with his own private business, he commanded all his Officers to resort unto him with their accounts, and leave the same with Diotisalui, to the end that he might find out the order and disorder of their doings, and so counsel him what was best afterwards to be done. Diotisalui promised to use diligence, and perform the trust in him reposed. The Officers being come and examined, were found to have committed many disorders. And thereupon (as a man that more respected his own ambition, than the love he bore to Piero, or the benefits he had received of Cosimo) imagined it was easy to deceive Piero of the reputation, and livings left him by his father. Dissimulation of Diotisalui Neroni. Diotisalui came unto Piero offering him counsel, which seemed very honest and reasonable, yet under the same lay hidden the destruction of Piero. He told him what disorder he found in his affairs, and how it behoved him to provide great sums of money for the holding of his credit, and reputation in the state; and therefore said, he could not more honestly repair his disorders and losses, then by calling in those debts which many strangers and Citizens did owe unto his father. For Cosimo to gain himself followers in Florence, and friends abroad, was exceeding liberal of his substance; and had for that occasion lent out sums of great importance. This counsel to Piero seemed good, and honest, supposing he should by execution thereof, without peril, repair himself with his own. Notwithstanding so soon as he called for these debts, the Citizens grew no less offended, then if he should have desired their own goods, and without respect they spoke evil of him, slandering him to be a man unthankful and covetous. Diotisalui seeing this common and popular disgrace, which Piero had gotten by his counsel, A practice against Piero di Medici. joined himself with Lucca Pitti, Agnolo Acciaivoli, and Nicholo Soderini, determining to take from Piero, reputation and government. These men were moved thereunto for diverse respects. Lucca desired to succeed in the place of Cosimo, for he was aspired to such greatness, as he disdained to await upon Piero. Diotisalui, knowing that Lucca was not fit to be chief of the government, thought if Piero had lost his reputation, it would in short time fall upon himself. Nicholo Soderini, desired that the City might live more at liberty, and that the Magistrates might govern at their discretion. Also betwixt Agnolo and the house of Medici, remained particular displeasures. The occasion whereof was this. Rafaello his son, had long before, Offence between the Acciaivoli and the Medici. taken to wife Alessandra de Bardi, and received with her a great dowry. She, either through her own default, or the malice of others, was by her father in law and her husband, evil handled. Whereupon Brenzo de Illarione her kinsman, being moved with compassion, went in the night accompanied with many armed men, and took her out of the house of Agnolo. Agnolo and the rest of the Acciaivoli, complained of this injury done them, by the Bardi. The matter was committed to the hearing of Cosimo, who judged that the Acciaivoli should restore the marriage money received with Alessandra, and she after to return to her husband, or not, as herself was disposed. Agnolo thought himself in this judgement not friendly handled by Cosimo, of whom, because he could not be revenged, he thought to execute the revenge upon his son. These conspirators notwithstanding the diversity of their humours, pretended all one occasion, saying they would have the City governed by the magistrates, and not by the counsel of a few. The displeasure towards Piero, and the evil speech of him was increased by many merchants, who at that time became bankrupt, and laid the fault thereof upon Piero, for that he calling home his money hastily, had hindered their credit, and forced them with the prejudice of the City to be undone. Besides that, they did surmise, that he practised to marry his son with Clarise Orsini. Whereof the Citizens conceived that he did disdain to make alliance with any Citizen: therefore prepared to usurp the state, and make himself Prince. For whosoever disdaineth his own Citizens to be of his kindred, desireth to have them his subjects. In these respects they had no reason to be his friends. The leaders of this sedition, persuaded themselves to have the victory in their own hands, because the greater number of the Citizens (deceived with the name of liberty, whereby they used to make their enterprises, seem more honest) followed them. These humours then boiling in the breasts of the Citizens, it was thought good to them, whom civil disorder displeased, to assay, if by some new found mirth or feast, the minds of men might be settled. For most commonly the idle people be instruments for those that desire alteration. Then to remove this idleness, and give some occasion to alienate the minds of men from consideration of the state, the year of Cosimo his death being passed, they took occasion to make the City some mirth, ordaining two triumphs more solemn than was the custom. The one made representation how the three Magis came from the East, following the star that led them to the place where Christ was borne: which was performed with so great solemnity, as entertained the City diverse months. The other was a torniament, wherein the principal young Gentlemen of the City exercised Arms against all the chief men of Arms in Italy. And of the Florentine youth, Lorenzo the eldest son of Piero gained most honour: for not by favour, but in deed by his own valour, he wan the best prize. These triumphs being ended, the Citizens returned to think of the state, and every man with more care than before, studied to maintain his own opinion, whereof great diversity of conceits, and troubles ensued. The one was, that the authority of Balia took no effect. League between the Duke Galiiazzo and the Florentines. The other, by the death of Francisco Duke of Milan. Whereupon the new Duke Galiazzo sent Ambassadors to Florence, to confirm the capitulations made by Francisco his father: wherein among other things it was concluded, that yearly the Duke should receive from them certain sums of money. Upon this Article, the Governors of the state, took occasion to hold opinion contrary to the House of Medici, publicly in these Counsels, inveighing against that payment, alleging that pension to be promised, not to Galiazzo, but unto Francisco. For Francisco being dead, there was no cause to continued it. Because in Galiazzo there was not that virtue, which was in Francisco: and so consequently, that good was not, nor could not be looked for at his hand, which was found at his fathers. And although of Francisco they received not much, yet were they to look for less of Galiazzo: and if any Cititzen would entertain him, to maintain his own private power, that were a thing contrary to civil life, and the liberty of the City. Piero on the contrary, alleged, that it were not well done, through covetousness, to lose a friendship so necessary: and that there was nothing so meet, for the Commonweal, and all Italy, as to continue in league with the Duke. To the end that the Venetians seeing them united, might not hope either by feigned friendship or by open war, to oppress the Dukedom. For if they should perceive, the Florentines to have forsaken the Duke, they would presently take Arms, and the rather, knowing he was young, newly come to the government, and without friends. Whereof they might hope either by fraud or force to win his country, which would be also the utter ruin of the Florentine Commonweal. These reasons were not allowed, and secret hatred began openly to show itself. For the same night, either party, in diverse companies assembled. The friends of the Medici, met at Crocetta, and their adversaries in La Pieta, who studying to oppress Piero, had gotten their enterprise subscribed with the hands of many Citizens. Consultation to oppress the Medici. Also, being among many other times, one night assembled, they held a particular Council for the manner of their proceeding; when every man consented to diminish the power of the Medici: yet in the order how to bring the matter to pass, they concurred not. Some, that were of most modest nature, thought that the authority of the Balia being ended, it were best to find means, that the same might not be revived: for if the Counsels and Magistrates did govern the City, the authority of Piero would be in short space extinguished; and with loss of his reputation in the state, he should also lose his credit in merchandise. For being no more in place, where he might employ the public treasure, he should of necessity grow weak; which being brought to pass, there would not be after any cause to fear him: and all this practice might be performed without banishment of any man, and the liberty without blood recovered, which every good Citizen ought to desire. But if they proceeded by force, many perils might be incurred: for whosoever is ready to fall alone, if he be forced by others, will labour to stay himself up. Moreover, when nothing is done extraordinarily against him, he shall not have any occasion to Arm himself, or seek friends; or if he should, the same would turn to his great reproach, and breed suspicion in every man: so as his overthrow shall be the more easy, and others take occasion the rather to oppress him. Many others of that assembly liked not this delay: affirming the time favoured him, & not them. For if they were contented with ordinary proceed, Piero was in no danger at all, and they in great peril: Because the Magistrates (notwithstanding they were his enemies,) would suffer him in the City, and his friends, with their ruin (as it happened in the year 58.) would make him Prince; and as the former counsel proceeded from good men, so this was the opinion of wise men. It was therefore necessary, that while men be displeased, to make him sure. The mean to bring the same to effect, was to be armed both within and without, and also to entertain the marquess of Farrara, to be the better defended. Which done, when a Senate happened to be for the purpose, then to make all assured. In this resolution they stayed till the next Senate, and proceeded according to the quality thereof. Among the conspirators, was Nicholo Fedini, whom they employed as Chancellor, he persuaded with a hope more certain, revealed to Piero, all the practice agreed upon by his enemies, and delivered him a note of all their names; which Piero perused, and seeing the number and quality of the Citizens who had conspired against him, took counsel of his friends, and made a note likewise of them. Then he committed this roll of friends to be made by one whom he most trusted, who considering thereof, found so great variety, and instability, in the minds of the Citizens, that many who had been written for his enemies, were also enrolled among the rest, who were accounted his friends. During the space that these matters, with these alterations were handled, the time was come to choose two supreme Officers, and Nicholo Soderini was elected Gonfaloniere de Giustitia. It was a marvelous thing to see, with what concourse not only of honourable Citizens, but of all sorts of people, he was accompanied to the Palace, and passing upon the way, they set on his head a garland of Olive, to show that of him depended the welfare and liberty of the Country. By this and many like experiences, it is proved, that men should not take upon them any Office or principality with extraordinary opinion. For not being able to perform such expectation (men desiring more than can be) doth in time breed his own dishonour and infamy. Thomaso and Nicholo Soderini were brethren: Nicholo was the bolder and more courageous, but Thomaso, the wiser, and friend to Piero. Who knowing his brother's humour, that he desired only the liberty of the City, and that the state might be settled without harm of any, persuaded Nicholo to make new Squittini, whereby the Borsi might be filled with such Citizens as loved to live in liberty. By doing whereof, the state should be at his will settled without tumult or injury to any. Nicholo gave credit to the counsel of his brother, and in these vain imaginations consumed the time of his office, till by the chief of the conspirators his friends, he was suffered to sink: as they that would not for envy, that the government should be with the authority of Nicholo renewed, and hoping ever they might in time, under some other Gonfaloniere work the same effect. The end of the magistracy of Nicholo come, and many things by him begun, but nothing ended, he yielded up his authority with more dishonour, then with honour, he had entered the same. This matter made the faction of Piero glad, and confirmed his friends in the hope they had of his good success. And those that before stood neutral, joined with Piero, and matters being thus in a readiness, for diverse months without other tumult, they temporised. Notwithstanding the part of Piero still increased in strength, whereof the enemies took knowledge and joined themselves together, to perform that by force, which by mean of the Magistrates they might easily have done before; and so concluded to kill Piero lying sick at Careggi: for which purpose, they sent to the marquess of Farrara, to come unto the City with his forces, and Piero being slain, they determined to march armed into the Market place, and cause the Senate to settle the government according to their will. For albeit all the Citizens were not their friends, yet they that were their enemies would for fear give place. Diotisalui (the rather to cloak his intent) oftentimes visited Piero, and reasoned with him of the uniting of the City. All these practices had been revealed to Piero, and Domenico Martegli also gave him intelligence, that Francisco Neroni, brother to Diotisalui, had persuaded him, to be of his conspiracy: alleging the victory was certain, and assured. Thereupon Piero determined to be the first that should take arms, and feigned an occasion upon the practices of his enemies, with the marquess of Farrara. He pretended therefore to have received a Letter from Giovanni Bentivogli, Prince in Bologna, whereby he was advertised, that the marquess of Farrara was with his forces marched to the River of Albo, and (as was commonly thought) intended to come to Florence. Upon these advertisements Piero took arms, and with a great multitude of men armed, came to Florence, where all others that followed him armed themselves. The contrary party did the like: but Piero his followers were the better prepared, because the others had not so great warning thereof. Diotisalui dwelling near unto Piero, thought not himself assured at home, but sometimes he went to the Palace, to persuade the Senate to cause Piero to lay down his arms, & sometimes he resorted to Lucca, to entreat him to stand firm to his faction. But of all others, Nicholo Soderini showed himself of most courage; for he presently took arms, and being followed of all the common people of his quarter, went unto the house of Lucca, Persuasions of Nicholo Soderini against the Medici. desiring him to mount on horseback, and come to the Market place in favour of the Senate, which favoured them, and therefore might hope of victory certain. But if he remained in his house, he should be either by the armed men oppressed, or by those that were disarmed shamefully deceived. Or if he should after repent that he did not take arms, that repentance were too late. But if he would with the war oppress Piero, he might easily do it: and after if he liked to make peace, it was better for him to give, then to receive the conditions thereof. These words moved not Lucca, having already settled his mind, and promised to Piero new alliances, and new conditions. For he had already married unto Giovanni Tornabuoni, one of his nieces, and therefore persuaded Nicholo to lay down arms, and return to his house. For it ought to suffice him, that the City should be governed by the Magistrates, and it would come to pass, that every man would lay down arms: and the Senators being the stronger party, should be judge of the controversy. Nicholo then seeing he could not otherwise persuade him, returned home. But first said unto Lucca, I cannot alone work the well doing of our City, but I alone can prognosticate the evil whereinto it is falling. This resolution you have made, will breed loss of liberty to our country, your deprivation of government and wealth, and my banishment. The Senate in this tumult shut up the Palace, and the Magistrates kept themselves therein, not seeming to savour any part. The Citizens (and chief those who had followed Lucca) seeing Piero armed, and his adversaries disarmed, began to devise, not how to offend Piero, but how to become his friends. Whereupon the chief citizens & leaders of the factions, went to the Palace, & in the presence of the Senate, debated many things touching the state of the City, and pacification thereof. And for that, Piero by reason of his infirmity could not come thither, they determined by consent to go all unto him, (Nicholo Soderini except) who having first recommended his children & family to Tomaso, went to his own house in the country, aspecting there the event of these matters, accounting himself unhappy, and for his country infortunate. The other Citizens being come to the presence of Piero, The speech of the Citizens to Piero di Medici. one of them appointed to speak, complained of the tumults in the City, declaring that they, who first took arms were most too blame: they not knowing what Piero, (who indeed did first take arms) would do. They were come therefore to understand what was his intent, which (being for good of the City) they would follow the same. Whereunto Piero answered, that he who taketh arms first, The answer of Piero. is not ever the cause of disorder, but he that giveth first occasion: and if they would consider what their behaviours had been towards him, they should marvel less at that he had done for his own safety. For thereby they should see, that their assemblies in the night, their subscriptions, & their practices to take from him his government & life, were the occasions why he took arms: which not used but in the defence of his own house, and not the offence of them, sufficiently proved his intent was to defend himself, and not to harm others. Neither would he any thing, or desired more than his own security & quiet, nor had given cause, that they should think he sought for other. For the authority of Balia discontinued, he never laboured by extraordinary mean to revive it; and was well content that the Magistrates should govern the city if they so pleased: assuring them, that Cosimo and his children could live in Florence honourably both with and without the Balia; and that the year 58. the same had been, not by his house, but by them renewed; and if now they would not have it more, he should also be so contented. But this sufficed not for them: for he found that his adversaries believed, they could not dwell in Florence, if he also there dwelled. A thing which he never thought that the friends of his father & him would fear to live in Florence with him, having ever born himself among them, as a quiet and peaceable man. Then (turning his speech to Diotisalui & his brethren there present) he reproved them with words of much gravity & offence: putting them in mind what benefits they had received of Cosimo, how much he had trusted them, & how unthankfully they had used him. Which words wrought such effect in some that were present, that if Piero had not stayed them, they suddenly would have stricken Diotisalui. In conclusion, Piero said he would maintain every thing, that they & the Senate had determined. And that he desired nothing, but to live quiet & assured. After this speech was ended, many matters were commoned of, yet nothing done: but in general was concluded, that it was necessary to reunite the city & reform the state. At that time Bernardo Lotti was Gonfaloniere d'Giustitia, a man not trusted by Piero, wherefore thought not good to attempt any thing during his Magistracy: but the end of his authority drawing near, election was made by the Senators of a Gonfaloniere to sit in September and October 1466. And they elected Roberto Lioni: who was no sooner in office, (all other things being prepared) but he assembled the people in the Market place, and made a new Balia, all of the faction of Piero; which shortly created the Magistrates, The enemies of the Medici vanquished. according to the will of the new government, which terrified the heads of the enemies, and Agnolo Acciaivoli fled to Naples, Diotisalui Neroni, and Nicholo Soderini to Venice, and Lucca Pitti remained in Florence: trusting to the promises of Piero, and the new alliance with his house. All the fugitives were proclaimed Rebels, and all the family of Neroni dispersed. Also Giovanni Neroni then Bishop of Florence, to avoid a worse mischief, voluntarily confined himself to Rome. Many other likewise banished themselves to divers places, neither did this suffice: but a public procession was ordained to give God thanks for the preservation, and uniting the state. In the solemnisation whereof, some citizens were apprehended & tormented. Afterwards part of them put to death, & the rest confined. In this variation of fortune, The fall of Lucca Pitti. there was nothing so notable, as the example of Lucca Pitti: who suddenly saw the difference of victory, and loss of honour, and dishonour. For his house, whereunto was wont be great repair, became unfrequented; himself that had been accustomed to pass the streets followed with many friends & kinsfolks, could neither be accompanied, nor scarcely saluted: because some of them had lost their offices, some their goods, & all the rest threatened. His stately houses in building, were by the workmen abandoned. Those that were wont to present him, did now offer him injury & despite. Some who had given him presents of great value, did now demand them again as things lent. Others that were wont with praises to extol him to the skies, did as a person ungrateful and violent, blame him. So that overlate he repent his not giving credit to Nicholo Soderini, and that he did not with sword in hand rather die honourably, then among his victorious enemies, live dishonoured. These that were banished, sought by sundry means to recover the City, they had lost. Yet Agnolo Acciaivoli being at Naples, before he attempted any thing, thought good to feel the disposition of Piero, and what hope remained of reconciliation: writing unto him, The letter of Agnolo Acciaivoli, to Piero di Medici. as followeth. I smile to see, what sports fortune doth make herself, and how at her pleasure she frameth of foes friends, and of friends foes. You can remember that at the banishment of your father (esteeming more his injury then mine own danger) I lost my country, & was like to have also lost my life. Neither (in all his time) did I ever omit, to honour and favour your house, nor after his death have had any intent to offend you. True it is, that your own unhealthy disposition, & the tender years of your children, brought me into such fear, as I thought it behoved me to take order, that after your death, our country should not be ruined. For which consideration I have done divers things, not against you, but for the good of my country. Wherein, if I have committed error, the same ought be, for my good intent, and passed service, pardoned. Neither can I believe other, but that (in respect of ancient love to your house) I shall at this occasion find mercy, & my manifold merits, shall not be, by one only fault canceled. Piero having perused this letter, answered thus. Your laughing there you are, The answer of Piero. is the occasion that I weep not here where I am: for if you had laughed at Florence, I should have wept at Naples. I deny not your well deserving of my father, sith yourself will confess to have tasted his liberality: and by how much that deeds be esteemed above words, by so much your obligation is more than ours. You then recompensed for your good, may not marvel, though for your evil, you receive deserved punishment. Let not the love of your country excuse you: sith there is no man believeth, that this city hath been less loved & profitted by the Medici, them the Acciaivoli. I do therefore wish you with dishonour to remain there, sith here in honour you knew not how to lead your life. Agnolo thus despairing of pardon, went to Rome, & there conferred with the Archbishop, & other banished men, of the mean whereby they might take reputation from the house of Medici: which Piero with difficulty (notwithstanding the aid of his friends) could prevent. Diotisalui and Nicholo Soderini; likewise practised to make the Senate of Venice enemy to their country: thinking thereby, that if with any new war the Florentines were assailed, the government being new and hated, they should not be able to defend themselves. In those days Giovan Francisco the son of Palla Strozzi lived in Farrara, and had been together with his father, banished in the alteration of the state, the year 34. This Giovanni had great credit, and was holden amongst other merchants a man of great riches. The new Rebels declared unto him, the great facility they found to recover their country, if the Venetians would take the enterprise in hand: which he thought they would be easily persuaded unto, if part of their charges might be borne. Giovan Francisco, who desired to revenge himself of the injuries received, easily gave credit to their counsel: and promised with all his wealth, to furnish the enterprise. Then went they all together unto the Duke, Complaint of the banished Florentines to the Senate of Venice. complaining of the exile whereinto they said themselves were fallen, not for any other fault, but because they desired that their country might be governed with the laws thereof: and that the Magistrates and not a few others should be honoured. For Piero de Medici with others his followers, accustomed to live tyrannically, had by deceit taken arms, and by deceit caused them to disarm themselves, and afterwards by deceit expulsed them out of their City. Neither were they so content, but they would also therein pretend devotion to God, and by that colour oppress others. For at the assembly of the Citizens, and at public and sacred ceremonies (to the intent God should be partaker of their treasons) they apprehended, imprisoned, and slew many Citizens: which was an example of great impiety and wickedness. For revenge whereof, they knew not whither to resort with more hope, then to that Senate which having ever lived free, could not but take compassion of those, who had lost their liberties. Then they persuaded all men that loved liberty to detest tyrants: & those that were godly, to abhor impious people. Putting them in mind, that the house of Medici had taken from them, the dominion of Lombardy, at such time as Cosimo (without consent of the other citizens, & the Senate) favoured & aided Francisco. So that though they had no compassion of the Florentines, yet the revenge of the injuries done to the Venetians, aught to move them. The Florentines assaulted by the Venetians & marquess of Farrara. These last words moved all the Senate to determine that Bartolomeo Coglione their General, should assault the dominion of Florence. He with all speed possible assembled the army, & with him joined Hercole Este, sent by Borso marquess of Farrara. They at the first entry (the Florentines not being prepared) burned the Town of Davadola, and spoiled some other places in the country thereabout. But the Florentines (having driven out all the enemies to Piero) made league with Galiazzo Duke of Milan, and with the King Ferrando. Then they entertained Federigo Earl of Vrbino, for their General; and found themselves so friended, as they feared little the force of their enemies. For Ferrando sent thither Alfonso his eldest son, and Duke Galiazzo came in person: either of them leading a convenient number, and they altogether made head at Castracaro, a Castle belonging to the Florentines: builded at the foot of those Alps, whereby men pass from Toscana to Romagna. In the mean time the enemies were retired towards Imola, and so between the one and the other army (according to the custom of those days,) some light skirmishes happened, but no towns by either of them besieged, nor any disposition in either of them to fight with their enemy, but every man remaining within his Tent, continued the wars with great cowardice. This manner of proceed, greatly offended the Governors in Florence, finding themselves charged by a war, wherein they spent much, and could hope for little. And the Magistrates complained of those Citizens who were made Commissaries in that enterprise. They answered, that Duke Galiazzo was occasion thereof, for he having most authority and least experience, knew not what was profitable, nor would not believe others of more skill: and that it was impossible, so long as he remained in the army, that any thing should be done with honour and commodity. Wherefore the Florentines said unto the Duke, albeit for their profit it was best he should be personally in their aid, because the reputation of his presence was the fittest mean to terrify the enemy; notwithstanding for that they esteemed more his safety, than their state, or proper commodity, they thought not fit he should remain long from Milan, being newly come to his government, and having there diverse strong enemies to be suspected: so that, if any of them should practise against him, they might easily in his absence, do it. For which respects they persuaded him to return home, and leave part of his forces for their defence. This counsel contented Galiazzo, and without further consideration, returned to Milan. The Florentine Captains disburdened of this let, to declare the same was the true occasion of their slow proceeding, drew so near to the enemy, that they joined battle: which continued one half day, neither party yielding to other. Notwithstanding there was not any man therein slain, but some horses hurt, and a few prisoners on either part taken. The winter now being come, and the season of the year no longer serving for the field, they retired to their lodgings. Bartolomeo went to Ravenna, the Florentines into Toscana: the King's soldiers and the Dukes, resorted home to their masters Countries. But so soon as this assault began to be forgotten, and no disorder made in Florence, as the Florentine Rebels promised, and the other soldiers wanting pay, were content to entreat of peace, Peace between the Florentines and Venetians. which with small difficulty was concluded. The Rebels then despairing of all hope, to diverse places dispersed themselves. Diotisalui went to Farrara, where he was by the marquess Borso, received, and relieved. Nicholo Soderini fled to Ravenna, where living long upon a poor pension given him by the Venetians, in the end there died. This Nicholo was accounted a man just and courageous, yet uncertain and slow of his resolution: which was the cause that the Gonfaloniere lost that opportunity, which being out of office, he would have taken, but could not. The peace concluded, the Citizens who remained in Florence with victory, thinking themselves not assured, unless they did as well oppress those they suspected, as their apparent enemies, persuaded Bardo Altoviti, than Gonfaloniere d'Giustitia, to remove more Citizens from their offices, and to banish many others. Which thing greatly increased the power of that faction, and terrified the contrary part: which power they used without respect, and proceeded so much at their pleasure, as it seemed, that God and fortune had consented to give that City into their hands. Of which doings, Piero knew little, and that little, he could not (being afflicted with sickness) remedy. For his diseases were so great) as he could not use any member save only his tongue: wherewith he exhorted them, and prayed them to live civilly, and enjoy their native country, rather entire than broken. And for the comfort of the City, he determined with magnificence to celebrate the marriage of Lorenzo his son, who was already contracted to Clarice, descended of the house of Orsini: which marriage was performed with great pomp, as to so magnificent a feast appertained. For performance of these triumphs, divers days were consumed in feasting, dancing, & public shows. Whereunto was also joined (for more appearance of greatness of the Medici) 2. marshal exercises; the one represented a battle fought in the field; the other, of a town besieged: which things were devised in good order, & performed with so much virtue as might be. While these matters were doing in Floremce, the rest of Italy lived quiet, but yet in great suspicion of the Turk, who proceeded still in his enterprise against the Christians, and had won Negroponti, to the great infamy and dishonour of the Christian name. Then died Borso marquess of Farrara, to whom succeeded his brother Hercule. Even than died also Gismondo da Rimino, a perpetual enemy to the Church: who left to inherit that state, Roberto his natural son; afterwards accounted the most excellent Captain of Italy. Then likewise died the Pope Pagolo: Pope Sisto. in whose place was created Sisto quarto, called before his creation Francisco da Savona, a man of base and vile condition: yet for his virtue made General of the order of S. Francisco, and afterwards Cardinal. This Pope was the first that began to show of what great force the Papacy was, and that many things before time accounted faults, might be by Papal authority, covered. This Pope had amongst many others in his house, two men, the one called Piero, and the other Gerolamo: who (as every man thought) were his unlawful sons: notwithstanding men called them by other names more honest. Piero being made a Friar, was preferred to the dignity of Cardinal, and called Cardinal of S. Sisto. To Gerolamo he gave the City of Furli, and took it by force from Antonio Ordelaffi, whose ancestors had been long time Princes there. This ambitious manner of proceeding, made him the more esteemed by the Princes of Italy, and every of them sought which way to be accounted his friend. The Duke of Milan gave his daughter Catterina in marriage to Gerolamo, and with her the City of Imola, which by force he had taken from Taddeo Alidossi. Betwixt this Duke, and the King Ferrando, was also made new alliance. For Eliza-bella daughter to Alfonso, eldest son of the King, was married to Giovan Galiazzo, eldest son to the Duke. Thus Italy continued quiet, and the greatest care of the Princes was, one to honour the other: and with new alliances, friendships, & leagues, one to assure himself of the other. But notwithstanding so great a peace, Florence was by the Citizens thereof greatly afflicted. And Piero being troubled with ambition of the Citizens, and his own diseases, could not procure remedy: yet to discharge his conscience, and lay before them their misdemeanour, he called to his presence the chief Florentines, and said unto them as followeth. The Oration of P. di Medici to the Florentines. I never thought that any time could come, when the manner & behaviour of friends would prove such, as to make me love & desire my enemies: or that I might wish victory to be converted to loss. Because I thought myself accompanied with men, whose appetites were confined to measure; & that it sufficed them to live in their country assured & honoured, and (that which is more) upon their enemies revenged. But now I know myself far deceived, as he that knew little the ambition of men, and least of all yours. For it contenteth you not to be Princes of so great a City, and among you a few to have the honours, offices, and commodities, wherewith many Citizens were wont to be honoured. It contented you not to have the goods of your enemies among you divided. It contenteth you not, to burden others with public charges, & you free from all payments, to take the public profit: but you will also with every kind of injury molest them. You cease not to rob your neighbours; you fear not to sell justice; you fly civil judgement; you oppress peaceable men, and advance those that be insolent. Neither do I believe that there is in all Italy, so many examples of violence & covetousness, as be in this city. But sith it hath given you life, why do you take life from it? If it hath made you victorious, why should we destroy it? If it hath honoured us, why have we disdained it? I promise you by that faith, which ought to be given and received among good men, that if you behave yourselves so, as I shall repent me of my victory, I will so do, as you shall also repent that you have abused it. Those citizens according to the time answered reasonably. notwithstanding they continued still in their insolent doings. Inso much as Piero sent secretly to Agnolo Acciaivoli (who came unto him at Cafaggivolo) and there they reasoned at length touching the estate of the City. And surely had he not been by death prevented, he would have called home all the banished men, to bridle the insolency and oppression of those that lived in the City. But death suffered him not to perform so honest an intent: for diseases of body and trouble of mind, Death of Piero di Medici. so grievously handled him, that he died the fifty and three year of his age. His virtue and bounty, could not be to his Country so well known, as they deserved: partly because his father lived (well-near as long) and partly, for that those few years he overlived him, were in civil contentions and sickness consumed. This Piero was buried in the Church of S. Lorenzo, near unto his father: and his funeral performed with honour and pomp, worthy so great a Citizen. Of him there remained two sons, Lorenzo and Giuliano, of whom there was good hope, that they would prove men fit for the state: yet their youth was such as made all men doubt thereof. Amongst other chief Citizens in the government of Florence, there was one far excelling the rest, Tomaso Soderini. called Tomaso Soderini: whose wisdom and authority, not only to Florence, but also to all the Princes in Italy was known. He, after the death of Piero, was of all the City reverenced: and many Citizens did daily visit him, as chief man of the state. Also diverse Princes did write unto him. Nevertheless being wise, and knowing what fortune followed him and his house, he would never answer the Prince's Letters: and persuaded the Citizens they should not resort to his house, but to the houses of the Medici. Also to show in deeds, that which by words was by him persuaded, he assembled all the chief Gentlemen of every family, at the Monastery of S. Antonio; whither he procured that Lorenzo and Giuliano di Medici should come: and there after a long and grave Oration by him made, they disputed the estate both of that City, of all Italy, and of the humours of the Princes. Therein concluding, that to continue Florence united in peace, assured from division within, and from war without, it behoved them to honour those two young men, and maintain the reputation of their house: Because men do not repine to do such things as they have been accustomed unto, but new houses, as they are easily honoured, so are they quickly abandoned. For it hath been ever more easy to maintain that reputation, where length of time hath extinguished envy, then to raise a new estimation, which by many occasions may be oppressed. After him spoke Lorenzo, who notwithstanding his youth, uttered words with so great gravity & modesty, as gave every man hope he would become such a one, as indeed afterwards he proved. And before they departed that place, the Citizens prayed the brethren, to receive them as children, they offering to honour them as fathers. Giuliano and Lorenzo di Medici. This conclusion set down, Giuliano and Lorenzo were honoured as Princes of the City, and those that were of counsel with Tomaso, did not intermeddle. Thus the Florentines lived both within & without so peaceably, as nothing disturbed the Common quiet, till a trouble not looked for arose, which did prognosticate future mischief. Among other families (which Lucca Pitti ruined) was that of Nardi. For Saluestro and his brethren being heads of that house, were first sent into exile, and after by the war which Bartolomeo Coglione moved, made Rebels. Of these Bernardo brother of Saluestro, was a young man of great spirit and courage. Conspiracy of the Nardi. He being poor could not endure banishment: and finding that the peace made had not provided for his return, determined to make proof of somewhat, whereby might grow occasion of war. For many times of a small beginning, great effects do follow. Because men be more willing to prosecute, then begin any enterprise. This Bernardo had much acquaintance in Prato, and much more in the Country about Pistoia: chiefly with the the house of Palandra: who albeit they were but country people, yet was their number great, and the men (according to the manner of that country) practised in arms, and much used to blood. He knew likewise they lived discontented, and by reason that some of their enemies were Magistrates in Florence, they had been evil handled. He knew moreover the humour of the Pratesis, who accounted themselves proudly and hardly governed, and had particular knowledge of the evil disposition of some towards the State. All which things brought him in hope to kindle fire in Toscana, by making Prato to rebel, whereto so many would put hands, as they that would quench it, should not be able. Then he imparted this matter to Diotisalui Neroni, and asked of him, what aid might be by his means procured among the Princes, if he should happen to surprise Prato. Diotisalui thought the enterprise dangerous, and as impossible to take effect: notwithstanding, considering he might thereby with the peril of others make new proof of fortune, persuaded him to proceed, and promised to bring him assured aid from Bologna, and Farrara, so that he were able to defend Prato at the least fifteen days. Barnardo then encouraged with this promise, and conceiving great hope of happy proceeding, went to Prato, and there communicating the matter to diverse, found them very willing. The like disposition he perceived in the family of Palandra, and having agreed togethers of the time and manner of the enterprise, Bernardo imparted all to Diotisalui. At that time, was Cesare Petrucci, Podesta of Prato, for the Florentines. The custom was, that the Podesta should have the keys of the town brought unto him: And whensoever any of the town (chiefly in times of no suspicion) desired to go out or come in by night, that favour was granted. Bernardo knowing this custom, being accompanied with those of the house of Palandra, and 100 others armed men, in the morning when the gate towards Pistoia should open, presented himself: and those whom he had made privy within, did likewise arm. One of them went to the Podesta, saying, a friend of his desired to come into the town. The Podesta not doubting any such accident, sent with him a servant of his to carry the keys: from whom, (being a little on the way) the keys were taken, the gates opened, and Bernardo with his followers came in. Then they divided themselves in two parts. The one led by Saluestro of Prato, took possession of the Citadel. The other following Bernardo, surprised the Palace, and committed the Podesta with all his family, to the custody of one of his company. Which done, they walked the streets, proclaiming the name of liberty. By that time it was day, and many people by mean of the noise, came to the market place, where understanding that the Citadel and Palace were taken, the Governor also with his family imprisoned, they marveled much. The eight Citizens (chief Officers of the town) assembled in their Palace, to consult what was to be done. But Bernardo and his men, having awhile walked the town, and finding himself not well followed, hearing where the eight were, went unto them, declaring that the occasion of his enterprise was to deliver them and their country from bondage: and that they should gain great glory to take arms, and accompany him in that glorious action, whereby they should win perpetual quiet, and eternal fame. He also laid before them the memory of their ancient liberty, comparing it with their present condition. He likewise told them what aid they should be assured to have of others, if they would but for a few days defend themselves from the Florentine forces. He informed them moreover, that he had intelligence in Florence, whereby he was advertised that City would wholly follow him. The eight not moved with these persuasions, answered, that they knew not whether Florence lived in liberty or bondage, as a thing they desired not to understand. But well they knew their own desire was not to enjoy other liberty, then to obey those Magistrates that governed in Florence: of whom, they had not received any such injury, as might move to take arms against them. Wherefore they persuaded him to restore the Podesta to his liberty, send his men out of the town, and save himself speedily from that danger, whereinto he was unadvisedly fallen. These speeches dismayed not Bernardo, for he intended to see if fear might move the Pratesis, to that which with entreaty could not. Therefore to terrify the Citizens, and determining to put the Podesta to death, he took him out of prison, and commanded him to be hanged at the Palace window. The Podesta being brought to the window, the halter upon his neck, and seeing Bernardo to solicit his death, turned himself towards him, and said. Bernardo, thou puttest me to death, hoping the rather to be followed of the Pratesis, but the contrary will come to pass. For the reverence which this people doth bear to the Governors sent by the Florentines is so great, that so soon as they shall see this injury done to me, they will hate thee, so much, as the same will prove thy ruin: wherefore not my death, but my life, may be the occasion of thy victory. For if I command them that which thou wouldst have done, they will more willingly obey me, than thee. Thus I following thy direction, thou mayst become owner of thy desire. This counsel seemed to Bernardo (being a man irresolute) very reasonable, and therefore willed him at a window to command the people to yield their obedience to Bernardo. Which being done, the Podesta was lead back to prison. By this time, the weakness of the conspirators was discovered, and many Florentines inhabiting that town, were assembled: among whom, was Georgio Ginori, a Knight of jerusalem. He being the first that took arms against the Rebels, assaulted Bernardo in the streets, sometimes entreating, and sometimes threatening the people to follow him, The enterprise of Bernardo defeated. till at length by Georgio, and many others (who took arms) Bernardo was hurt and taken. Which done, it was no hard matter to deliver the Podesta, and vanquish the rest. For they being few, and divided into sundry parts of the town, were well-near all taken or slain. In the mean space, the fame of this accident was come to Florence, and reported to be much greater than it was. For the advertisements were, that Prato was surprised, the Podesta with his household put to death, Pistoia in arms, and many of the Citizens of the conspiracy, in so much as many Citizens suddenly came to the Palace to consult with the Senate. At that time, Roberto Sanseverino happened to be in Florence, who being a man of great experience in war, was sent with certain forces to Prato, commanded, that he should approach the town, and send back particular advertisements in what state the same stood; and do there, what by his wisdom should be thought good. Roberto marching on his way, and passing the Castle of Campi, a messenger came unto him from Cesare Petrucci, declaring, that Bernardo was taken, his companions fled, or slain, and all the tumult pacified. Whereupon Roberto returned to Florence, and shortly after Bernardo being brought thither a prisoner, and demanded why he took that enterprise in hand, answered, because he determined rather to die in Florence, then live in exile: and thought good to accompany his death with some memorable action. This tumult begun and ended (as it were in one instant) the Citizens of Florence returned to their wont order of life, thinking to enjoy that state without suspicion, which they had lately established, and settled: whereof ensued those inconveniences, which many times be engendered by peace, for the youth became more prodigal than they were wont, spending their money in apparel, feasting, and other like vanities, and (being idle) consumed their substance in play, and women. Their whole study was to be bravely appareled, and to seem witty, or subtle; for he that could most cunningly mock and deride others, was holden the wisest and most esteemed. These and such like disorders, were by the Courtiers of Milan increased. For at that time, thither came the Duke, with his wife, and Court, The Duke of Milan in Florence. to perform (as he said) a certain vow, and was there received with pomp, meet for so great a Prince, and friend to the Florentines. In that time also, was seen a thing in Florence, never before used, which was, that the Courtiers of Milan, notwithstanding the time of Lent, did without respect of the Ecclesiastical order, eat almost none other meat, but flesh. Albeit the Duke found the City of Florence full of courtly delicacy, and customs contrary to all well ordered civility, yet his coming increased the same. Wherefore the good Citizens thought fit and necessary to bridle the excess with new laws, for apparel, for funerals, and feastings. In the midst of this great peace, there happened in Toscana a new and unlooked for tumult. In the Province of Volterra, Tumults in Volterra. certain Citizens happened to find a Mine of Alum, whereof, knowing the commodity, to be helped with money, and defended with authority, they joined with them some Citizens of Florence, making them partakers of such profit as should thereof arise. This matter at the beginning (as it happeneth for the most part in all new actions) was by the people of Volterra little esteemed. But the commodity thereof afterwards known, they desired too late, and without effect, that which at the first they might easily have obtained. Then began they to propound the matter in their counsels, saying, it was not convenient that a commodity found in the common lands, should be converted to a private use. Thereupon, they sent unto Florence certain Ambassadors. The cause was committed to a few Citizens, who either because they were corrupted, or for that they so thought best, gave sentence, that the request of the people of Volterra was not reasonable, because they desired to deprive the Citizens of their labour and industry, and therefore judged, that those Alums appertained to private men, and not to the City. Yet was it convenient, that those private persons should give yearly unto the people certain money, in sign they acknowledged them for superiors. This answer did nothing diminish, but augment the tumults and displeasures in Volterra, so that nothing was spoken of so much in their counsels, and in every other place in the City, as the request of the multitude, which was, to recover that which they thought lost. The private men on the other side, still laboured to continue that which they had gotten, and had been confirmed by judgement of the Florentines. This matter remained so long in disputation, that one Citizen, a man of estimation in that City, called Pecorino, with diverse others that took part with him, was slain, their houses spoiled and burnt. In that fury also, the Rettori for the Florentines with difficulty escaped. This first tumult being passed, they determined in all haste to send Ambassadors to Florence, who informed the Senators, that if they would observe their ancient conditions, they would also continue in their ancient obedience. The answer of these messengers was long disputed. Tomaso Soderini was of opinion, that it behoved to receive the Volterani with what condition so ever, thinking the time served not, to kindle a fire so near hand, that might burn their own house: for he feared the disposition of the Pope, the power of the King, and mistrusted the Venetians friendship and the Dukes, not knowing what fidelity was in the one, nor what virtue in the other, alleging that proverb which saith, Better a lean peace, than a fat victory. Of a contrary mind was Lorenzo de Medici, thinking he had now occasion to make show of his wisdom and counsel, and the rather being thereto persuaded by those that envied the authority of Tomaso. And therefore determined by arms to punish the insolency of the Volterani, affirming, that if they were not corrected, as a memorable example, all others (upon every light occasion) without reverence or respect, would dare to do the like. This resolution made, the Volterani were answered, that they could not require the keeping of those conditions, which they themselves had broken, and therefore either they should refer themselves to the discretion of the Senate, or presently look for war. The Volterani returned with this answer, prepared for the defence of their town, and sent to all Princes of Italy for aid, but were aided by few: for only the Sanesis, and the Lord of Piombino did promise to help them. The Florentines on the other side, judging that the victory would be gotten by making of speed, assembled ten thousand footmen, and two thousand horse, whom under the conduct of Federigo, Lord of Vrbino, they sent into the country of Volterra: all which, they easily possessed. Then they brought their Camp before the City, which being builded upon an hill, could not be assaulted, but on that side, where the Church of S. Alisandro standeth. The Volterani had for their defence entertained a thousand soldiers, or thereabouts, who seeing how bravely the Florentines assailed them, fearing they could not defend the town, were in the service slow, but in doing injury to the Volterani ready enough: so that those poor Citizens were by the enemies assaulted without, and by friends oppressed within. In so much as (despairing to be saved) thought good to make peace, and forwant of better mean, yielded themselves to the Florentines Commissaries: who caused them to open the gates, and the greater part of the army being entered, they went unto the Palace where the Priori were, whom they commanded to return to their houses, and by the way, one of them was by a soldier reviled and rob. Of this beginning (for men be more ready to evil then good) grew the destruction and sack of this City, which continued one whole day. The houses were rob, and the people spoiled, neither did the women and Churches escape, but all soldiers, aswell they that had cowardly defended the town, Volterra sacked. as the others that fought, were partakers of the spoils. The news of this victory, was with much rejoicing received at Florence, for the same was wholly the enterprise of Lorenzo, who thereby gained great reputation. And thereupon one of his dearest friends reproved Tomaso Soderini for his counsel, saying unto him, What say you now, that Volterra is taken? To whom, Tomaso answered, me thinks it is lost: for if you had taken it by composition, you might have made profit and surety thereof; but having it by force, in time of war it will weaken and trouble you, and in time of peace, charge and hinder you. In those days, the Pope desiring to hold in obedience the towns belonging to the Church, caused Spoleto to be sacked: which by mean of inward faction, had rebelled. Castello besieged by Pope Sisto. After, for the like offence, he besieged the City of Castello. In that town, Nicholo Vitelli was Prince. He being in great friendship with Lorenzo de Medici, refused not in that necessity to aid him: yet was that aid not sufficient to defend Nicholo, but enough to sow the first seeds of enmity betwixt Sisto and the Medici, which afterwards brought forth fruit of much mischief: and the same should quickly have showed itself, had not the death of Friar Piero, Cardinal of Sisto, happened. For this Cardinal, having traveled about all Italy, went also to Venice and Milan (pretending to honour the marriage of Hercole, marquess of Farrara) to practise with the Princes, and sound their disposition towards the Florentines. But being returned to Rome, he died: not without suspicion to have been poisoned by the Venetians, who feared the greatness of Sisto, so long as he might be counseled and encouraged by Friar Piero. For albeit nature had made this Friar of base blood, and was also bred up basely in a Monastery, yet so soon as he had aspired to be Cardinal, there appeared in him so great pride and ambition, as might not only become a Cardinal, but also seem fit enough for any Pope. For he feared not to make a feast in Rome with so great charge, as seemed superfluous for any King: for therein he spent more than twenty thousand Florins. Pope Sisto bereft of this agent, prosecuted his enterprises more coldly. Notwithstanding, the league being renewed between the Florentines, the Duke, and Venetians, and place left for Pope Sisto, and the King, who made an other contract; therein also, leaving places for other Princes to enter, if they would. By this mean, Italy became divided in two factions: Italy divided into sactions. for daily betwixt these two leagues, there grew displeasure, as it happened, touching the isle of Cyprus, which the King Ferrando challenged, and the Venetians usurped, whereupon, the Pope and the King became more willing one of the others friendship. In those days, Federigo Prince of Vrbino, was accounted the most excellent Captain of Italy, and had long served for the Florentines. The King and the Pope (to the end our league should not have the service of such a leader) determined to win the good will of Federigo. To that end both the Pope and the King desired him to come unto Naples. Federigo performed their desire, to the great admiration and displeasure of the Florentines, believing it would become of him, as it did to Giacopo Piccinino. Yet the contrary came to pass: for Federigo returned from Naples and Romagna with great honour, and still General for their league. Nevertheless, the King and Pope ceased not, to sound the disposition of the Lords in Romagna, and the Sanesis, hoping to make them his friends, and by their means, be able to offend the Florentines, whom they perceived by all convenient ways armed, to encounter their ambition: and having lost Federigo of Vrbino, they entertained Roberto of Rimini. They also renewed the league with the Perugini, and drew thereunto the Lord of Faenza. The Pope and King alleged, that their displeasure to the Florentines was, because they sought to draw the Venetians from them: and the Pope thought that the Church could not maintain the reputation thereof, nor the Earl Girolamo his state in Romagna, if the Florentines and Venetians were united. On the other side, the Florentines feared they would be enemies to the Venetians, not to win their friendship, but the rather thereby to injury them: so as Italy lived two years in these suspicions, and diversities of humours, before any tumults were moved. But the first (although but small) happened in Toscana. Braccio of Perugia, Trouble in Toscana. a man (as hath heretofore been often said) of great reputation in the war, had two sons, called Oddo, and Carlo. This Carlo was a child, and Oddo was by the inhabitants of the Vale of Lamona slain, as hath been declared. Carlo being attained to age, and able for arms, was for the memory of his father, and the good hope of himself entertained by the Venetians, and made among others, a leader for that state. The time of his conduct ended, he refused to serve longer, determining to make proof, if with his own fame, and the reputation of his father, he could recover his own country of Perugia. Whereto the Venetians easily consented, as they that were wont in alterations to increase their dominion. Carlo then came into Toscana, and found the enterprise of Perugia hard, by reason that the Perugini were in league with the Florentines, yet desirous that this motion might take some effect worthy memory, he assaulted the Sanesis, alleging they were debtors of money, due to his father, for service done to that state, whereof he required satisfaction: and upon that demand, assaulted them with so great fury, as that dominion became disordered. The Citizens of Sienna, seeing themselves so furiously charged (being ready to suspect the worst of the Florentines) thought all was done by their consent. They also complained much to the Pope and the King; and sent Ambassadors unto Florence, to expostulate the injury, and covertly alleged, that without assistance, Carlo could not with so great security have offended them. The Florentines excused themselves, promising in what sort the Ambassadors thought good, they would command Carlo, no more to offend the Sanesis. Whereof Carlo complained, that they by not aiding him, should lose a great conquest, and he miss the mean, to aspire to much glory. For in short space he promised them possession of that City, where he found so great cowardice and disorder, as with possibility it could not be defended. Then Carlo departed from thence, and returned to his old entertainment of the Venetians. Albeit the Sanesis were by the Florentines delivered from so great danger, yet remained they towards them offended, and judged their obligation not to be any thing, having saved them from an evil, whereof they had been the occasion. During that these matters betwixt the King and Pope were handled in Toscana, Conspiracy against the Duke of Milan. there happened in Lombardy an accident of much more moment, and did prognosticate greater evils. There was in Milan a Schoolmaster, called Cola of Mantova, a man well learned, but ambitious, and such a one, as instructed the chief children of the City. This Cola, either because he hated the life and manners of the Duke, or for some other occasion, in all his speeches seemed to disdain those men that lived under an evil prince, calling others glorious and happy, whom nature and fortune granted to be borne, and live in commonweals. Declaring how all famous men had been brought up in commonweals, and not under Princes. For the commonweals (said he) did nourish virtuous men, but Princes did oppress them: for the one doth cherish virtue, the other doth fear it. The young men with whom he had gained most familiarity, were Giovandrea Lampugnano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Olgeato, with them he oftentimes reasoned of the evil nature of the Duke, and their own misfortune, being governed under such a one: and at length he began to be in so great confidence of these young men, that he brought them to swear, that so soon as they attained to man's estate, they would deliver their country from the tyranny of that Prince. These youths persuaded to perform what they had promised, weighing therewith all the Duke's behaviour, and the particular injuries he had done, did hasten their intent to put the matter in execution. The Duke Galiazzo was in his disposition lascivious and cruel, which two things had made him odious: for it sufficed him not to entice Ladies to dishonour, but he would also take pleasure in publishing the same. Neither was he content to put men to death, but he would also execute them with some cruel manner of torment. He was moreover slandered, or truly suspected, to have murdered his own mother for he persuading himself not to be Prince (she being present) found means to remove her to Cremona, which was the place of her dowry, and in that journey she became suddenly sick, and died: and many men judged her son was cause of her death. This Duke, had in matter touching women, dishonoured Carlo, and Gerolamo, and denied Giovandrea to have the possession of the Abbey of Miramondo, being granted unto him of the Pope, upon resignation of a kinsman of his. These private injuries increased the desire of the young men, by revenge to deliver their country of so great mischiefs: hoping, that if they might murder the Duke, they should be not only esteemed of the nobility, but also of the people followed. Thus determined of the enterprise, they oftentimes met together, and by reason of their ancient familiarity, no marvel made of their meeting. Being togethers (to make their minds more prepared for that action) they always talked thereof, and with the sheaths of daggers made for that purpose, one of them in the breast and belly struck the other. Then they devised of the time and place. In the Castle they thought it not fit to be performed. In hunting they feared it would prove incertain & perilous. When the Duke walked in the streets for pleasure, they imagined it would be hard, and unlikely to be done. And at feasts, they doubted the places would not serve. Wherefore they resolved, at some public pomp and triumph, where they were certain of his being, to kill him, for thither they might under diverse colours assemble their friends. They concluded also, that if any of them upon occasion were by the officers apprehended, the rest should with their swords in the midst of his enemies slay him. This happened in the year 1476. The feast of Christmas then being at hand (at which time, on S. Stephen's day, the Duke was wont with great pomp to visit the Church of that holy Martyr) they resolved that place and time would best serve for the execution of their intent. The morning of S. Stephen's day being come, they caused certain of their most assured friends and servants to arm themselves, saying, they would go to aid Giovandrea, who contrary to the mind of some his evil willers, would make a conduct for water in a certain ground of his. They being thus armed, went to the Church, pretending, that they would before their departure, take leave of the Prince. They procured also diverse other their friends and kinsfolks, for sundry considerations to come thither, hoping, that the deed being done, every one would follow them to perform the rest of the enterprise. And their intent was, (the Duke being slain) to join with those armed, and go to that place of the City, where they might more easily raise the people, and persuade them to arm themselves against the Duchess, and Princes of the State; supposing the people by means of the famine wherewith they were then grieved, would easily favour the enterprise: and unto the people they determined to give leave to spoil the houses of Ceco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francisco Lucani, all Magistrates of the government, whereby they should be assured of them, and gave the people liberty. This resolution was set down, and the execution thereof firmly agreed upon in their minds. Giovandrea with the rest met early in the Church, and there altogethers heard Mass; which being ended, Giovandrea turning towards the image of S. Ambrose, said, O Ambrose, Lord of our City, thou knowest our intention, and the end wherefore we will adventure ourselves to so many perils: Be favourable to this our enterprise, and by favouring of justice, show how greatly injustice doth displease thee. To the Duke on the other side, before he came to the Church, many signs happened, to prognosticate his death at hand. For the day being come, he put on his privy armour (as every other day for the most part he did) yet suddenly before he went from his house, either because he thought it not sightly, or that it did hurt his body, he took it off. Then thought he to have heard Mass in the Castle, but his Chaplain was gone to S. Steffano. Then commanded he that the Bishop of Como should say the Mass, but he alleged certain reasonable lets, so the Duke was (as it were by necessity) occasioned to go to the Church. But first, he called for his two sons, Giovangaliazzo, and Hermes, whom he embraced, and kissed often, as though he had no power to departed from them: yet in the end, he determined to go; and coming out of the Castle, betwixt the Ambassadors of Farrara and Mantova, road to the Temple. The conspirators in the mean while, to give the less suspicion, and keep them from the cold, were retired into a chamber belonging to the chief Priest of the Church, their friend, and understanding that the Duke did come, they came from the chamber into the Church. Giovandrea and Girolamo placed themselves on the right hand of the Church door, and Carlo on the left hand. Then those that went before the Duke, entered the Church door, and after the Duke himself, environed with a great multitude of people, as it always happeneth, in time of such a princely pomp. The first of the Conspirators that went towards him, were Lampugnano, and Girolamo. They pretending to make place and room for the Prince, came hard unto his person, and assaulted him with short and sharp daggers, which they had hidden in their sleeves. Lampugnano gave him two wounds, the one in the belly, the other in the throat. Girolamo likewise in the throat, and in the breast struck him. Carlo Visconti standing near unto the door, and the Duke past him, at such time as his companions gave the assault, could not hurt him before, but gave him two other wounds, one on the shoulder, the other in the back: and these six wounds were all so suddenly and speedily given, The Duke murdered. that the Duke was fallen to the ground before any man knew what the matter meaned. Neither could he do, or say any thing that was known, but in falling, one only time he cried, O Lady help me. The Duke thus laid on the ground, the rumour grew great, many swords were drawn out, and (as it happened in like cases unlooked for) some fled out of the Church, and some ran thither, without any certain knowledge, or occasion of the matter. But those who were next unto the Duke, seeing him slain, and knowing the murderers, pursued them. Of the conspirators, Giovandrea intending to get out of the Church, went amongst the women, who being many, and according to their custom set on the ground, was so troubled and stayed with their garments, that he was by a Moor (one of the Duke's footmen) overtaken, and slain. Carlo was likewise by those that were present, killed. But Girolamo Olgiato escaped out of the Church, seeing his companions slain, and not knowing whither to flee, went home, where he could be neither by his father nor brothers received. But his mother only, having compassion of her son, did recommend him to a Priest, an ancient friend of that house, who put him in Priestlike garments, and removed him to his house, where he remained two days, hoping that some tumult in Milan would arise, and thereby he might be saved. But that not coming to pass, and fearing to be found there, he assayed to flee disguised; yet being known, was brought before the Magistrates, and there he confessed all the order of the conspiracy. This Girolamo was twenty three years of age, and died with no less courage, than he had executed the enterprise. For being brought to his death, stripped naked, and prepared for the hangman, who with his knife in hand, stood ready to cut him in pieces, he spoke these Latin words, Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti. This enterprise was by these unhappy young men secretly practised, and resolutely executed. The cause of their destruction was, that they were not followed and defended of them, to whom they trusted. Let Princes therefore learn to make themselves so much honoured and loved, as no man can hope to hurt them, and save himself. And let all private persons know, how vain it is to think, that the multitude (notwithstanding it be discontented) will in their perils follow or accompany them. This accident amazed all Italy, but much more trouble proceeded of other chances, that shortly after happened in Florence. For thereby the peace which had continued in Italy the space of twelve years, was broken, as in the Book following shall be declared. Which Book, as it beginneth with blood and terror, so doth it end with sorrow and misery. The end of the seventh Book. royal blazon or coat of arms THE EIGHT BOOK. THE beginning of this Book, placed amidst two conspiracies, the one in Milan already declared, the other happened in Florence, and to be spoken of; it may be thought fit, that (according to my custom) I should somewhat say, touching the quality of conspiracies, and of what importance they are. Which willingly I would do, had I not in other places discoursed thereof, or that such a matter might be briefly passed over. But seeing it requireth great consideration, and is already spoken of, we will proceed, and tell how the Medici, having overcome all enemies, that openly opposed themselves, being desirous their house alone might have authority in the City, it behoved them to oppress all others that secretly practised against them. For so long as they contended against other families but with equal authority, the Citizens envying their greatness, might openly and without fear affront them. Because, the Magistrates being free, neither party before loss of victory, had any occasion to fear itself. But after the victory, in the year 66. the State became so much in the hand and power of the Medici, as all men discontented, were enforced, either patiently to abide the condition wherein they lived, or else by way of conspiracy, and secret practice, to amend their fortune. But sith conspiracies are with difficulty performed, for the most part, they procure the ruin of the conspirators, and the greatness of him against whom they be conspired. So that, a Prince by conspiracy assaulted, if he be not therein slain, as was the Duke of Milan (which seldom happeneth) becometh thereby the stronger, and being before good, becometh evil. Because conspiracies do give him occasion to fear, fear counseleth him to seek assurance, and in seeking assurance, he doth injure others, whereby he gaineth hatred, and many times procureth his own destruction. So as in conclusion, treasons do suddenly overthrow those who attempt them, and trouble him many times against whom they be attempted. Italy was (as hath been before declared) divided into two factions, the Pope and the King on the one side, and the Venetians, the Duke, and Florentines on the other side. And albeit there was not betwixt them any war moved, yet was there daily occasion given thereof, and the Pope chiefly in all his actions studied to offend the state of Florence. Philippo de Medici Archbishop of Pisa, then dying, the Pope, (contrary to the will of the Senate of Florence) gave that Bishopric to Francisco Salviati, whom he knew to be enemy to the house of Medici. Displeasure between the Pope and the Medici. But the Senate denying to deliver possession thereof, there followed great displeasure betwixt the Pope and the Medici. Besides that, the Pope did great favours in Rome to the family of Pazzi, and in every act, disfavoured the house of Medici. In those days, the house of Pazzi lived above other the Florentine families, in most riches and glory. The chief of them was called Giacopo, who for his riches and Nobility, was made Knight. He having no children but one only daughter, had for heirs diverse nephews, sons of Piero and Antonio his brethren. The chief of whom were Guglielmo, Francisco, Rinato, and Giovanni. After them, Andrea, Nicholo, and Galeotto. Cosimo de Medici seeing their riches and nobility, gave his niece Biancha in marriage to Guglielmo, hoping that alliance would make those houses more united, and remove all occasion of displeasures and suspicions, which many times happened betwixt them. Notwithstanding (so incertain and fallible are the expectations of men) the matter came otherwise to pass, for those that counseled Lorenzo, told him, it was perilous, and contrary to his authority, to suffer the Citizens to increase their riches and state: which was the cause that those degrees of honour were not granted to Giacopo and his nephews, which (as other Citizen's thought) they deserved. Hereof grew the first displeasure of the Pazzi, and the first fear of the Medici. Enmity between the Pazzi, and Medici. The increasing of the one, was cause that the other also increased: in so much as the Pazzi in all actions, whereat other Citizens did meet, were not to the Magistrates welcome. Also the officers of eight men, upon a like occasion (without such respect, as was wont to be borne towards the great Citizens) constrained Francisco de Pazzi being at Rome, to return to Florence. Whereupon the Pazzi in all places with injurious words, and full of offence complained: which doings, caused others to suspect, & think themselves to be injured. Giovanni de Pazzi, had married the daughter of Giovanni Barromei a man of great riches, which riches after his death for want of sons, should come unto her. Nevertheless, Carlo his nephew took possession of part of those goods, and thereby the matter being brought to trial and suit, an order was made, by virtue whereof, the wife of Giovanni de Pazzi was disinherited, and the possessions given to Carlo: which injury, the Pazzi did altogether impute to the Medici. Of this matter, Giuliano de Medici did many times lament, and complain to his brother Lorenzo, saying, he feared lest they desiring too much, should lose all. But Lorenzo being full of youth and authority, would needs take all upon him, and make every man know, that all things were done by him. The Pazzi being noble and rich, could not endure so great injuries, but devised by what means they might procure revenge. The first that moved speech against the Medici, was Francisco. He being of more courage and life then the others, determined to get that which he wanted, or lose that which he had. And because the government of Florence was hateful unto him, he lived for the most part in Rome, and there (according to the custom of Florentine Merchants) occupied great sums of money. Being also of familiar acquaintance with the Earl Girolamo, one of them often complained to the other of the Medici. In so much as after many consultations, they concluded, that to make the one of them assured of his lands, and the other of his City, it was necessary to alter the government of Florence, which they thought could not be done, Conspiracy against Giuliano, and Lorenzo di Medici. without the death of Giuliano, and Lorenzo. They also supposed, that the Pope and the King, would easily thereto consent, if the facility of the enterprise were laid before them. They then thus minded, imparted all their intent to Francisco Salviati, Archbishop of Pisa, who being ambitious, and lately injured by the Medici, willingly condescended. And examining among themselves what was to be done, they agreed (for the more speedy performing of the action) to draw thereinto Giacopo de Pazzi, without whom, they thought nothing could be performed. It was then supposed good, that for this purpose Francisco de Pazzi should go to Florence, and the Archbishop and the Earl remain at Rome, to solicit the Pope when need required. Francisco being come to Giacopo, found him more respective, and hard to be persuaded, than they would have him, and advertising the same to Rome, it was thought fit to draw him with more authority. Whereupon the Archbishop and the Earl opened all the matter to Giovanbattista da Montesecco, one of the Pope's Captains. He being a man of war well esteemed, was also beholding to the Pope and the King. Nevertheless, he judged the matter hard, full of danger and difficulties, which the Archbishop laboured to remove, by telling him what aid the Pope and King would give to the enterprise. Also he alleged, that the Citizens of Florence did hate the Medici, and the Salviati and Pazzi would help to kill them, which was the more easy to do, by reason they walked in the City unaccompanied, and without suspect. Therefore if Giuliano and Lorenzo were dead, the State might easily be changed. All which reasons, Giovanbattista believed not, hearing many Florentines affirm the contrary. While these matters were in consideration, it happened Carlo of Faenza fell so sick, as every man feared his death. It was then thought good to the Archbishop and the Earl, to take occasion to send Giovanbattista to Florence, and from thence to Romagna, under pretence to recover certain Towns, which the Lord of Faenza had taken from them. The Earl therefore commanded Giovanbattista to speak with Lorenzo, and in his name desire counsel how the matters of Romagna might be handled: after to deal with Francisco de Pazzi, and then they together, to persuade Giacopo di Pazzi to be of their mind. And because he should carry with him the authority of the Pope, they procured him to speak with his holiness, who offered to further the enterprise with all his power. Giovanbattista arrived at Florence, went unto Lorenzo, of whom he was courteously received, and in all his demands wisely and friendly counseled. Whereof Giovanbattista marveled, finding him an other man, than he was reported to be: for he perceived him to be courteous, wise, and a friend to the Earl: notwithstanding he thought fit to talk with Francisco, but (he being gone to Lucca) communed with Giacopo, whom at the first he found far from the matter, yet before they parted, with the authority of the Pope somewhat moved; and said to Giovanbattista, that he should go into Romagna, and in the mean space Francisco would become home: and then more particularly they would reason how all things should be handled. Giovanbattista went and returned, and still continued to entertain Lorenzo with his dissimuled business for the Earl: and after conferred with Giacopo and Francisco de Pazzi, with whom he persuaded so far, that they consented to the enterprise. Then they reasoned of the manner how to perform it, and Giacopo thought it unpossible, both the brethren being in Florence, and therefore thought best to tarry till Lorenzo went to Rome, which was thought he would, and then to execute the matter. Francisco liked well that Lorenzo should go to Rome, but if he did not go thither, yet either at some wedding in the Church, or at the time of some sport, they might be both slain. And touching foreign aid, he thought the Pope might assemble forces, pretending the enterprise of the Castle of Montone, having just occasion to take it from Carlo, because he had moved rebellion in the country's belonging to Sienna and Perugia. Yet was nothing fully concluded, but that Francisco de Pazzi, and Giovanbattista should go to Rome, and there with the Earl and the Pope determine all things. This matter was again practised in Rome, and in the end a resolution set down (the enterprise of Montone being determined) that Ciovan Francisco da Tolentino the Pope's soldier, should go to Romagna, and Lorenzo di Castello to his country, and either of them with their men be ready to do, whatsoever by the Archbishop Salviati, & Francisco de Pazzi should be commanded: who, with Giovanbattista de Montesecco should go to Floremce, and make provision of all things for the execution of the enterprise; whereunto the king Ferrando by his Ambassador promised some aid. The Archbishop, and Francisco de Pazzi arrived at Florence, persuaded unto the conspiracy Giacopo di Poggio, a young man well learned, but ambitious, & delighting in change. They persuaded also the two Giacopi Salviati, one was brother, the other nephew to the Archbishop. They persuaded likewise Bernardo Bandini, and Napolione (too valiant young men borne in France) yet affectionate to the family of Pazzi. Of strangers (besides those we have named) they persuaded Antonio di Volterra, and one other called Steffano, a Priest, who taught the latin tongue to the daughter of Giacopo. Rinato de Pazzi, being a wise and grave man (and such a one as knew the inconvenients that followed like enterprises) would not consent to the conspiracy, but by all honest means he could, impeached the same. The Pope had in the University of Pisa, maintained Raffaello de Riario (nephew to the Earl Girolamo) to learn the Cannon laws, where he continued till the Pope advanced him to the dignity of Cardinal. The conspirators thought fit to bring this Cardinal to Florence, whose coming, should cover the conspiracy, hoping to harbour in his house those conspirators, whom they had need of, and thereby take occasion to perform their intent. The Cardinal being desired, came, and was by Giacopo de Pazzi received at Montughi his town, near unto Floremce. The conspirators desired by his occasion to assemble Lorenzo and Giuliano, and so to kill them. They found means then that they should feast the Cardinal at their town of Fiesole, whither Giuliano either by hap or purpose came not, so as that appointment failed. Then determined they to convite them in Florence, whither of necessity they must come, and so they took order to make the feast on Sunday the 26. of April 1478. The conspirators thus determined to murder them at the feast, on Saturday night they met together, to take order for the execution of the murder the next day. The day being come, Francisco was advertised, that Giuliano would not be there. For which consideration, the conspirators met again, and concluded, that it stood them upon to bring the matter to execution, because it was impossible (being known to so many) but it would be revealed, wherefore they determined to kill him in the Cathedral Church of S. Reparata, where the Cardinal being, both the brethren (according to their custom) would not fail to be. They ordered, that Giovanbattista should take in hand to kill Lorenzo, and Francisco de Pazzi, with Bernardo Bandini, should slay Giuliano. Giovanbattista, refused to perform his charge, either because the courteous usage of Lorenzo had mollified his mind, or else for some other occasion which moved him, said, he durst not commit so great a sin in the Church, as to execute treason with sacrilege. Which conceit of Giovanbattista, was the first ruin of their enterprise; for the time drawing on, they were forced to commit that charge to Antonio of Volterra, and Steffano the Priest: two men, both for experience and nature, far unfit for that purpose, because there is no action which requireth more resolution and constancy of mind, than this. And it behoveth him that should take such a matter in hand, to be a man accustomed to be present at the death of others. For it hath oft been seen, that some men, used to arms and blood, have notwithstanding in like cases, let fall their courage. This determination set down, they agreed that the time of the execution should be at the sacring time of Mass, and in the same instant, the Archbishop Salviati, with Giacopo, should take possession of the public Palace, to the end that the Senators either by consent or force (so soon as the young men were slain) should favour the conspirators. This course being agreed of, they went to the Temple, where they found the Cardinal, and Lorenzo de Medici. The Church was full of people, and the service begun, but Giuliano not come. Wherefore Francisco de Pazzi, with Bernardo (who had the charge of his death) went unto his house, and there by entreaty and cunning, persuaded him to come to the Church. And truly it is a thing worthy memory, to know how so great hatred would be so covertly kept secret in the minds of Francisco & Bernardo. For both by the way going to the Church, and in the church, they entertained Giuliano with pleasant speech and youthful dalliance. Also Francisco under colour of familiar and friendly courtesy, took Giuliano in his arms, to feel whether he had on any armour or garment of defence. Giuliano and Lorenzo knew well enough they were not beloved of the Pazzi, and that they desired to remove them from their authority in the state: yet feared they not their own lives, supposing that whensoever the Pazzi would attempt any enterprise against them, they would do it civilly and not by violence. Therefore not mistrusting any such measure, they likewise feigned themselves to be their friends. The murderers thus prepared, those that were appointed for slaughter of Lorenzo, thrust in among the multitude: where they might stand without suspicion. The others, togethers with Giuliano, being come to the Church, at the time appointed, Bernardo Bandini with a short dagger made for the purpose, stabbed Giuliano to the heart, who moving a step or two, fell to the ground: and upon him went Francisco de Pazzi wounding his body in many places so furiously, that he struck himself also a great wound in one of his own legs. Antonio and Steffano assaulted Lorenzo, at whom they struck diverse times, but hurt him only a little in the throat. For either their negligence, his resistance, or the help of those that stood by, saved him from further harm. So that the conspirators fled, and hid themselves. But being afterwards found, they were shamefully put to death, and their bodies drawn through all the streets of the City. Lorenzo joining with those friends he had about him, retired himself into the vestry of the Temple, and there shut up the doors. Bernardo Bandini seeing Giuliano dead, slew also Francisco Nori a great friend to the Medici, either because he hated him before, or because Francisco had gone about to save Giuliano. Also not content with these two murders, he went towards Lorenzo, hoping by his courage and quickness to supply that, which others for their sloth and cowardice had left undone. But Lorenzo being in the vestry, he could not perform his intent. In the midst of this great and terrible accident (which was such as made all men to fear, that the Church would have fallen down) the Cardinal retired to the altar, where he was with great difficulty by the Priests saved, till such time (as the tumult ceased) the Senate could convey him to his Palace, and there till his delivery, with great fear he remained. At that time there were in Florence, certain Citizens of Perugia, who by the factions, (enemies to their houses,) had been banished. These Perugini being promised by the Pazzi to be restored to their country, were also of this conspiracy. Whereupon the Archbishop Salviati, (who was gone to surprise the Palace accompanied with Giacopo, the two other Salviati, and other his friends and followers) being come thither, left certain of them below, charging them, that so soon as they should hear any noise, to take possession of the gate, and he with the greater part of the Perugini went up, where he found the Senate at dinner, and was presently let in by Cesare Petrucci Gonfaloniere di Giustitia. The Archbishop thus entered with a few, leaving the rest without, they of their own accord went into the Chancery, where they shut themselves in. For the lock of that door was by such devise made, as neither within, nor without, could be but with the key opened. The Archbishop in the mean space being with the Gonfaloniere, pretending to speak with him of matters by the Pope's commandment, began to utter some speech fearfully, and as though he were amazed. In so much as the alteration of his countenance & words, wrought so great suspicion in the Gonfaloniere, that suddenly he thrust him out of the chamber: and seeing Giacopo there also, took him by the hair of the head, and delivered him to the hands of the sergeant. The rest of the Senators perceiving these tumults: with those weapons which were next hand, assaulted the others which were come up with the Archbishop. Part of them being shut up, the rest were dismayed, all whom they suddenly slew, or caused alive to be cast out of the Palace window. Of this number, the Archbishop with the other two, Salviati and Giacopo de Poggio were hanged. The other conspirators which were left below, had won the gate from the guard, and gotten possession of all the lower rooms, so that the Citizens who resorted unto the Palace upon this rumour, could neither with their counsel nor their force assist the Senators. In the mean space, Francisco de Pazzi, and Bernardo Bandini seeing Lorenzo escaped, and one of them in whom the chief hope of the enterprise depended, to be sore hurt, were therewith dismayed. Whereupon Bernardo hoping with that courage to escape, wherewith he had injured the Medici, seeing the enterprise failed, fled away and saved himself. Francisco being come home to his house hurt, offered to mount on horseback (for the order was, that certain armed men should be placed about the town, and the people called to liberty and arms) but he could not: So deep was the wound, and so much blood had he lost. Wherefore he put off all his clothes, and laid himself naked in bed; desiring Giacopo that he would perform that which himself could not: albeit Giacopo were old, and unpractised in such tumults, yet to make the last proof of fortune, mounted on horseback, followed with a hundredth horsemen or thereabouts (who were laid ready for the like enterprise) and with those he went to the Market place of the Palace, calling the people to aid him, and recover their liberty. But the people by the fortune and liberality of the Medici made deaf, gave no ear to help him, and the Florentines had so much forgotten their liberty, as he received no answer at all. Only the Senators (who commanded the highest place in the Palace) saluted them with throwing down of stones, and with threatenings by all ways they could devise, terrified them. Giacopo standing then doubtful what to do, was met by Giovanni Saristori his brother in law, who first reproved him and the rest, for the troubles they had begun, and then persuaded him to return to his house, saying that the welfare of the people, and the liberty, touched other Citizens aswell as him. Thus Giacopo void of all hope, seeing the Senators his enemies, Lorenzo alive, Francisco hurt, and himself not followed of any, determined to flee and save his life, if possibly he could. For which purpose, with that company which was with him in the Market place, The event of this conspiracy. he went out of Florence towards Romagna. In the mean time all the City were in arms, and Lorenzo di Medici accompanied with many armed men, returned home to his house. The Palace was recovered by the people, and all the conspirators taken and slain. Also throughout the City, the name of Medici was proclaimed, and the members of the dead men, either carried upon the points of sword and lances, or drawn through the streets: moreover every man, both by words and deeds, irefully and cruelly persecuted the Pazzi. Their houses were by the people taken, and Francisco (naked as he lay in bed) drawn out and brought to the Palace, where he was hanged fast by the Archbishop and others his companions. But he would not in any wise, for any injury done unto him by the way, or after, speak any word at all: but looked every man earnestly in the face, and so without other lamentation took leave of life. Guglielmo di Pazzi, brother in law to Lorenzo) by his own innocency and the help of his wife Bianca, saved himself in his house. There was no Citizen either armed or disarmed, but in that necessity went unto Lorenzo, offering him their service and substance. So great was the fortune and favour, which that house, by his wisdom and liberality had gained. Rinato de Pazzi, when this chance happened, retired to his house in the country: where understanding thereof, he disguised himself and fled. Notwithstanding, being known by the way, he was taken and brought to Florence. Giacopo in passing the Alps was also taken. For those mountain people hearing what had happened in Florence, and seeing him fleeing, stayed him, and brought him back to Florence. Neither could he entreat them to kill him by the way, although he earnestly desired them so to do. Giacopo and Rinato were brought to their death, four days after this accident happened: & among so many murders and executions done all those four days, by means whereof the streets were filled with dead men; yet was there no compassion taken of any, but only of this Rinato; because he was accounted a wise man, honest, and free from that pride, whereof the rest of that house were noted. And to the end that this action might proceed for an extraordinary example, Giacopo being buried among his ancestors, was (as a man excommunicate) taken up, and by the halter wherewith he was hanged, drawn naked throughout the City: and those that drew him, not voucthsaving him a grave, threw his body into the river of Arno. A rare example of fortune, to see a man of so great riches, and happy estate, to fall into so great infelicity, and be ruined with so much cruelty. Some have reported him, to be delighted in vices, and that he took great pleasure in gaiming and swearing, as one that was careless and desperate. These vices he covered with liberality and alms: for he largely relieved many poor men, and gave money to places of devotion. This good also may be said of him, that the night before the Sunday appointed for the murder (to the end no friend should be partaker of his misfortune) he paid all his debts, and delivered all the merchandise he had of other men's to the proper owners, with marvelous care and diligence. Giovanbattista de Montesecco, after many examinations, was beheaded. Nappolione the Frenchman, scaped away, and by that means saved himself. Guglielmo de Pazzi, was banished, and his brother in laws left alive, were put in prison in the bottom of the Castle at Volterra. The tumults thus pacified, and the conspirators punished, the funeral of Giuliano was celebrated with much lamentation of all Citizens: because there was in him so great liberality and courtesy, as might be wished in any man borne to like fortune. Of Giuliano there remained one son, who was borne a few months after his death, and was called Giulio: who became of that virtue and fortune, which at this present all the world knoweth, and I will (when occasion shall be offered if God grant me life) speak of him at large. Those soldiers which were conducted by Lorenzo da Castilia in the vale of Teuere, and those which served under Giovanfrancesco da Tolentino in Romagna, were joined together to aid the Pazzi: and were coming towards Florence. But hearing the enterprise was miscarried, they returned back. And the alteration of the state not being brought to pass (as the Pope and King desired) they determined to do that by open war, which by secret conspiracy they could not. The Pope and King move war against the Florentines Then both the one and the other of them, with all possible speed, assembled their forces to assault the state of Florence: publishing that they required nothing of that City, but that it would remove Lorenzo de Medici, whom among all the Florentines, they accounted their only enemy. The King his soldiers, were already passed Tronto, and the Pope's forces, arrived in the country of Perugia. The Pope also intending to make the Florentines to taste of spiritual affliction, did excommunicate and curse them. The Florentines seeing so great forces coming against them, with great care prepared for defence. And Lorenzo de Medici (because the war was said to be made only against him) desired before all other things, to assemble in the Palace with the Senate all the principal Citizens, to the number of three hundredth or more: unto whom he spoke as followeth. The speech of Lorenzo de Medici to the Florentines. I know not (right noble Lords and magnificent Citizens) whether I ought lament or rejoice with you, for these matters lately happened. For when I consider with what fraud and despite I was assaulted, and my brother slain; I cannot but be sorry, and with all my heart and soul lament. Yet when I remember with what readiness, what love and universal consent of all this City, my brother's death was revenged and I defended, I must of force be glad, and greatly esteem myself. For as experience hath now taught me to know, that I have more enemies in the City than I thought, so hath it informed me, that I had also more earnest and affectionate friends than I looked for. I am then to condole with you for the injury of others, and rejoice with you, for your own merits: yet must my sorrow be the more, because the injuries were rare, never seen, and not of us deserved. Consider (right noble Citizens) to what point froward fortune had brought our house, that among our friends, our kinsfolks, and in the Church, it was not assured. Such as stand in fear of their lives, were wont to resort to their friends for aid, and flee to their kinsfolk for succour: both whom we found ready armed to our destruction. Such as either mistrusted private or public persecution, have found refuge in Churches: but the same having saved others, hath been made a place for our murder. For where murderers & thieves have found refuge, the Medici have met with ministers of their death. But God (who hitherto did never abandon our house) hath saved us, and taken upon him the defence of our just cause. For what injury have we done, that might of any man merit so great desire of revenge? Truly we never offended privately any of these, who have proved themselves so much our enemies. For if we had offended them, they should not have had so great mean to offend us. Or if they attribute to us the public injuries (whereof I am not privy) they offend rather you then us; rather this Palace, and majesty of government than our house: seeming that for our cause you do undeservedly injure them, and the rest of your Citizens, which is far from all troth. For we, though we could, and you (though we would) did never consent they should be done. Whosoever doth look well into the truth, shall find, that our house hath been by you, with so universal consent, advanced for nothing more, then for that it hath studied to excel others in courtesy, liberality, and well doing. If then we have honoured strangers, how have we injured our kinsfolk? If this motion proceeded of desire to govern (as it seemeth to do, by taking the Palace and leading armed men to the Market place) thereby appeareth, how evil, ambitious, and reprooveable it is. If it be done, for the malice and envy they bear to our authority, therein they offend you, not us to whom you have given it. For surely those authorities deserve hate, which men usurp, not those which with courtesy, liberality, and magnificence be gained. You know also that our house never ascended to any degree of greatness, but by order of this Palace, and your universal grant. Cosimo my grandfather, returned not from exile by force of arms or violence, but by your allowance and consent. My father being aged and sick, could not defend his authority against so many enemies, but you with your authority did it. I myself after my father's death (being as it were a child) have not maintained the estimation of my house, but by your counsels and favour. Neither could our house have governed this commonweal, had you not joined, and do join in the government thereof. I cannot therefore imagine, what cause of malice they have against us, or what just occasion to envy us. For sith their own ancestors with their pride and covetise, have lost those honours, why should they envy us, if by contrary desert we have gained them? But admit the injuries done them by us be great, and that they justly desired our ruin, yet why should they offend this Palace? Why make they league with the Pope and King against the liberty of this state? Or why do they disturb the long peace of Italy? Hereof they have no excuse at all, for they ought to offend those, who offended them; and not mix private displeasures, with public injuries: which is the reason that they being extirped, our misery is the more. For by their means the Pope and King are coming towards us in arms: and that war (they say) to be made only against me and my house. Which would God were true, because then the remedy is ready and certain. For I am not so bad a Citizen, as to prefer my private welfare, before your public welldoing: but would willingly quench your fire, with my own destruction. Yet sith the injuries which great men do, be always covered with some pretence less dishonest, they have chosen this quarrel, to cloak their shameful enterprise. But if it so be, that you believe the contrary, I am in your hands to be holden, or let lose, as yourselves shall think best. You are my fathers, you are my defenders, whatsoever you command, I obey and will perform. Neither will I ever refuse (if it shall please you) to end this war with my blood, which by the blood of my brother hath been begun. While Lorenzo thus spoke, the Citizens could not refrain weeping: and with such compassion as they heard him, he was by one of them, answered, saying; The City did acknowledge to have received so much good of him and his, as he might assure himself they would be no less ready to preserve his reputation and authority, than they had been willing to revenge his brother's death, and save his life. And before he should lose either the one or the other, they would hazard the loss of their country. And to the end their deeds might be answerable to those words, they appointed a certain number of men to guard his person from domestical treasons: and after took order for the war, levying both men and money by all means convenient. Then by virtue of the league, they sent for aid to the Duke of Milan and the Venetians. And sith the Pope had showed himself a wolf and no shepherd, fearing to be devoured, by all possible means they justified their cause, letting all Italy know the treason practised against their state: declaring the wickedness of the Pope, and his injustice; who being by indirect means aspired to the Papacy, would also with malice exercise the same. For he had not only first sent a Prelate of his to accompany traitors, and cut-throats to commit murder in the Temple, even in the time of divine service, and at the instant of celebration of the Sacrament, (and so by the death of the Citizens to change the government, and sack the City at his pleasure) but had also excommunicated them, and with his papal curses threatened and offended them. Notwithstanding if God were just, and that the injuries of men were to him offensive, it could not be, but that the actions of this Pope were to him displeasing, and would be content that men injured (not having any other refuge) might resort unto him. Wherefore the Florentines did not only refuse to obey this excommunication, The Florentines careless of the Pope's curse. but also the same notwithstanding, enforce their Priests to celebrate divine service. They also assembled a Council in Florence, whereunto all the Prelates of Toscana repaired, and appealed from the Pope to the next Council. On the other side, the Pope wanted not reasons to justify his cause: and therefore alleged it was the office of a chief Bishop, to remove tyrants, oppress the wicked, and advance the good. All which things, it behoved him by all ways to procure. For it was not the office of secular Princes to imprison Cardinals, hang up Bishops, to kill, cut in pieces, and draw the Priests through the streets, murdering both guilty and unguilty people, without respect. Notwithstanding all these quarrels and accusations, the Cardinal (whom the Florentines kept prisoner) was released, and sent home to the Pope: which was the cause that the Pope without respect, with all his and the King's forces, The Pope and King assault the Florentines. assailed them. And those two armies conducted by Alfonso, eldest son of Ferrando Duke of Calauria, and by Federigo Earl of Vrbino) entered Chianti, by leave of the Sanesis (who favoured the enemy) and surprised Radda with diverse other Castles, and spoiled the country: which done, they encamped at Castellina. The Florentines seeing these assaults, were much afraid, being without men, and slowly aided by friends. For albeit the Duke had sent a supply, yet the Venetians denied they were bound to help them in private causes. And the war being against private men they were not to aid them; because private quarrels are not publicly to be defended. Wherefore the Florentines thought good by Ambassadors to persuade the Venetians to a better opinion: and sent Tomaso Soderini unto the Senate. In the mean space soldiers were entertained, and Hercole marquess of Farrara appointed General. While this preparation was in making, the enemy distressed Castellina, and the people there despairing of rescue, after forty days defence, yielded. From thence the enemy marched towards Arezzo, and laid siege to Monte S. Sovino. By this time the Florentine army was ready, and being come within three miles, the enemy seemed therewith perplexed. For Federigo de Vrbino desired truce for a few days: which was granted with so great disadvantage to the Florentines, that they who desired it, did much marvel. For if that request had not been obtained, they had been forced to departed with shame. But having those days to repair them, in the end of the truce, they took that Castle, before the faces of our men. Yet the winter at hand, the enemy to lodge himself with more commodity, retired into the country of Sienna. The Florentines likewise bestowed themselves, where with most commodity they could. And the marquess of Farrara having little profitted himself, and done less good to others, Genova rebelled from the Duke of Milan. returned to his own. In those days Genova rebelled from the Duke upon these considerations. After the death Galeazzo (having left his son young and unfit to govern) their grew dissension betwixt Lodovico, Octaviano, and Ascanio his uncles, and the Lady Bona his mother: for every of them, desired the tuition of the little Duke. In which contentions the Lady Bona Duchess (by counsel of Tomaso Soderini Ambassador there for the Florentines, and Cecco Simonetti (who had been Secretary to Galeazzo) got the upper hand. Whereupon the Sforzi fled from Milan. Octaviano flying, was drowned in the River Adda: and the others, together with Roberto of Sanseverino▪ were to sundry places confined; for Roberto in those troubles had abandoned the Duchess, and joined with them. After happened some tumults in Toscana, by which new accidents, those Princes hoping of new fortune, every of them attempted somewhat, whereby to return to his country. The King Ferrando, who saw that the Florentines were in their necessity, succoured only by the state of Milan, to take also from them that aid, found means that the Duchess should so be set a work in her country, as of her, they could not be aided. And by Prospero Adorno, and the Lord Roberto (who were rebelled) found means to make Genova revolt from the Duke. Nevertheless the small Castle stood firm; whereunto the Duchess sent great forces to recover the City: but they were overthrown. Then she seeing the danger of her son and herself, by the continuance of that war, Toscana disordered, and the Florentines (in whom she only hoped) afflicted, determined that sith she could not hold Genova as subject, she would recover it as a friend. And agreed with Battistino Fregoso (enemy to Prospero Adorno,) to give him the little Castle, and make him Prince of Genova, upon condition, that he would drive out Prospero, and disfavour the Sforzi. According to this agreement, Battistino with the help of the Castle, and his faction, surprised Genova, and according to the custom made himself Doge. The Sforzi then, and the Lord Roberto, being driven out of Genova, went with their followers to Lunigiana. Thereupon the Pope and King seeing the troubles of Lombardy pacified, took occasion by those that were driven from Genova, to disturb that part of Toscana which is towards Pisa. To the end that the Florentines dividing their forces should become weak: and took order that the winter now past, Roberto should go with his forces from Lunigiana to assault the country of Pisa. This Roberto than moved exceeding great tumult, surprising and sacking many castles in that country, & spoiling hard to the walls of Pisa. At that time arrived in Florence Ambassadors from the Emperor, the French King, and the King of Hungary: sent by those Princes to the Pope. They persuaded the Florentines also to send unto him, promising to make some end of the war, and procure a good peace. The Florentines refused not to make this trial, and the rather that thereby they should let the world know, they were desirous of peace. These Ambassadors dispatched, returned again without any thing done. Whereupon the Florentines, to honour themselves by the reputation of the French King (being by the Italians partly offended, & partly abandoned) sent unto him Donato Acciaivoli, a man well learned in the Greek & Latin tongues, & one whose ancestors had always born office in the city: but being on his way, at Milan he died. Then the state to reward his heirs, The Florentines grateful to their servants. and honour the memory of him being dead, with public expense honourably buried his body, advancing his sons, and giving portions of money to his daughter's marriages. In his place, they sent Ambassador to the King, Guidantonio Vespucci, a man also learned in the Imperial and Papal laws. The assault of Roberto upon the country of Pisa, troubled much the Florentines, for being already occupied in a great war towards Sienna, they saw not how to make provision for Pisa. But to hold the Lucchesi faithful, and that they should not relieve the enemy with money or victual, sent Ambassador unto them Piero Capponi: who was (by reason of the ancient hate which that city beareth to the Florentines) received with so great suspicion, as he feared many times to have been populerly slain. Insomuch as this journey did rather breed occasion of new displeasure, then new friendship. The Florentines then revoked the marquess of Farrara, entertained the marquess of Mantova, and with great suit, required of the Venetians to have the Earl Carlo, son of Braccio, and Deifebo, son of the Earl Giacopo. Which request, after many cavillations, was by the Venetians granted. For they having made truce with the Turk, had no colour to deny them, and were ashamed to break their promise made to the League. The Earls Carlo & Deifebo, came with a good number of men at arms, & joining to them all other the men of arms they could spare, from the army which served under the Marquis of Farrara, against the Duke of Calauria, went towards Pisa to encounter Roberto: who with his men was near to the river of Serchio. And albeit he made show to tarry for our men, yet did he not, but retired into Lunigiana, to those lodgings from whence he came, when he entered into the country of Pisa. After his departure, all those towns were recovered by the Earl Carlo, which the enemies had before taken in the country of Pisa. The Florentines delivered of the enemy towards Pisa, caused all their forces to be brought betwixt Colle & S. Gimiano. But by reason of the Earl Carlo his coming, there were in that camp both the followers, Sforza & Braccio: which was the occasion that (moved with old envy) they begun to mutiny: & was feared, that if they had been long together they would have come to blows. It was therefore thought fit for eschewing a worse mischief, to divide the soldiers, & send one part of them into the country of Perugia, under the Earl Carlo: the other to stay at Piggibonzi, there to entrench themselves strong, & procure that the enemy should not enter the Florentines land. By this action they also hoped to constrain the enemies to divide their forces: for they thought either that the Earl Carlo should surprise Perugia, where they supposed he had many partakers, or that the Pope should be enforced to send great forces to defend it. They practised moreover (to bring the pope in more necessity) that Nicolo Vitelli (being come from the city of Castello, where Loremzo his enemy was chief) should with his men approach the town, remove his adversary, & take it from the pope. At the beginning it seemed as though fortune would have favoured the Florentine attempts: because Earl Carlo proceeded well in the country of Perugia. Nicholo Vitelli also, although he entered into Castello, yet he and his were strongest in the field, and without any resistance, spoiled about the City at his pleasure. Likewise the forces left at Poggibonzi, went every day to the walls of Sienna. Notwithstanding all these hopes became vain. First died the Earl Carlo in the chief hope of his victory: whose death had bettered the estate of the Florentines, if the victory which grew thereof, had been well used. For so soon as the Earl's death was known, suddenly the Pope's soldiers (who were altogether at Perugia) hoped to overthrow the Florentines: and coming forth into the field, lodged themselves upon the lage, distant three miles from the enemy. On the other side, Giacopo Guicciardini (who was Commissary of that camp) with the counsel of Roberto da Rimino (Chieftain after the death of the Earl Carlo) knowing the occasion of the enemy's pride, determined to stay for them. So as, joining battle upon that lage (where in old time Hannibal gave that memorable overthrow to the Romans) the Pope's forces were broken. The Pope's forces discomfired by the Florentines. Which victory was in Florence received with commendation of the captains, & comfort of all others. And the same had proved the honour & profit of the enterprise, if the disorders which grew in the army at Poggibonzi had not undone all. And thus the good success of the one camp was utterly marred by the other. For the soldiers of that army having gotten a booty in the country of Sienna, in the division thereof, the Marquis of Farrara & Mantova fell in debate. Insomuch as they came to arms, either injuring the other by all means they could. Whereby the Florentines finding they could no more employ them together, were pleased that the Marquis of Farrara with his men should be discharged. That army thus weakened & left without a governor, proceeding in every thing disorderly: the Duke of Calauria (who was with his camp near to Sienna) took courage to approach, & so did. The Florentines seeing themselves likely to be assailed, neither trusted to their force, nor their number, which was greater than the enemies, nor in their place where they were, being of great force: but without respect, even at sight of the enemy, & the dust, fled; leaving the munition, the carriages & artillery. So beastly & cowardly were those camps, when the charge or retire of one horse, might make the loss, or winning of an enterprise. This discomfit filled the king's soldiers with spoil, & the Florentines with fear. For their city was not only afflicted with war, but also with pestilence: which was so great, that all the Citizens to shun death, were retired to their country houses. This overthrow was the more terrible, because those Citizens who had land in the vales of Pisa & Delsa, being come thither, (the overthrow performed) with all possible speed returned to Florence, leading with them not only their children & goods, but also their labourers. For every hour it was feared, the enemy would present himself before the city. The officers for the war, seeing this disorder, commanded those forces which were victorious in the country of Perugia, to surcease their enterprise against the Perugini, & come to the vale of Delsa, to encounter the enemy there: who after the victory, did without resistance spoil the country. And albeit they had so greatly distressed the city of Perugia, as they might every hour look for victory, yet the Florentines resolved rather to defend their own, than take from others. Thus that army removed from the place of happy success, was brought to S. Cassiano, a Castle distant from Florence 8. miles: thinking they could not stay in any other place, till such time as the broken Camp were supplied. The enemies on the other side at Perugia being free by the departure of the Florentine soldiers, become audacious, did daily take great booties in the countries of Arezzo & Cortona: and the others who had victory under Alfonso Duke of Calauria at Poggibonzi, got the possession first of Poggibonzi, & then of Vico, & sacked Certaldo. Having won these towns, & committed these spoils, they encamped before the castle of Colle, which in those days was accounted a place of great strength, and the people of that country, being faithful to the Florentines, were of force sufficient to hold the enemy off, till the army was assembled. The Florentines then having gathered all their forces at S. Cassiano, and the enemies furiously besieging Colle, determined to draw near unto them, to encourage their friends to defend themselves: supposing also that the enemy would offend with more respect, for having his adversary at hand. This resolution set down, they removed the Camp from S. Casciano, and brought it to S. Giminiano's, within five miles of Colle: from whence with light horses and other sudden means, they daily molested the Dukes Camp. Notwithstanding, this supply sufficed not those of Colle: for wanting necessary provision, on the thirteenth day of November they yielded, to the great grief of the Florentines, and the joy of the enemies: and chief of the Sanesis, who besides their hate to the Florentines, bear also private grudge to the Collegiani. By this time the winter was great, and the season unfit for war, so that the Pope and King (either because they would give hope of peace, or that they desired to enjoy the passed victory quietly) offered to the Florentines truce for three months, and gave them ten days respite to make answer: which was presently accepted. But as a wound when the blood therein groweth cold, grieveth the body more, than when it was received, so this small rest, caused the Florentines to know the travails they had endured: and the Citizens without respect accused one an other, of the errors committed in the last war, for the charges in vain spent, and the Impositions unjustly put upon them. Which matters were not only spoken of among private men, but the same was also boldly propounded in the Counsels. And one of them took courage, turning his face towards Lorenzo de Medici, said unto him. This City is wearied, and refuseth to have longer war. It behoveth therefore that we devise which way to make peace. Then Lorenzo knowing the necessity, consulted with those friends whom he knew most faithful and wise, and concluded (first perceiving the Venetians coldness and inconstancy, the Duke's infancy and trouble of civil wars) that it was necessary with new friends to seek new fortune. Yet stood they doubtful whether they were best trust unto the Pope, or the King. The matter being well examined, they preferred the King's friendship as most stable and sure. Because the shortness of the Pope's lives, the change of their succession, the small fear which the Church hath of Princes, and the few respects which it useth in resolution, are the causes why a secular Prince cannot assuredly trust unto a Pope, nor safely pass one fortune with him. For whosoever is friend unto the Pope in wars and dangers, shall be by him accompanied in the victory, but in adversities left alone: because the Pope is by spiritual power and reputation, The Florentines seek the King Ferrando his favour. supported and defended. This resolution made, that to gain the King's friendship was best: they thought the same by no mean better procured, nor with more assurance, then by the presence of Lorenzo. For the more liberality were used to him, the more they thought he would forget former displeasures. Lorenzo determined upon this journey, reaccommended the City and state unto Tomaso Soderini, than Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, and in the beginning of December he departed from Florence: and being arrived at Pisa, wrote unto the Senate the occasion of his departure; and the Senate to honour him, and that he might with more reputation conclude the peace with the King, made him Ambassador for the people of Florence, Lorenzo de Medici, Ambassador for the Florentines. with full authority to proceed, as by his discretion should be thought good. In the mean time Roberto da San Severino, together with Lodovico and Ascanio (for their third brother Octaniano Sforza was dead) assaulted again the State of Milan, desirous to win the government thereof. And having surprised Tortona, Milan also with the whole country was in arms. Then the Duchess Bona was counseled to admit the Sforzi into the State, and by that mean appease the civil dissension. The chief of those Counsellors, Antonio Tassino. was Antonio Tassino of Farrara: who being bacely born, came to Milan, and was by the Duke Gale 〈…〉 o and the Duchess received to serve in their chamber. He either for the beauty of his person, or for some other secret virtue, after the death of the Duke, aspired to so great favour with the Duchess, as almost alone he governed the state: which greatly displeased Cecco, being a man both for learning and long experience excellent. So as he both to the Duchess and others, laboured to decrease the credit of Tassino. Whereof Tassino being aware, to be revenged, & have aid at hand to defend him from Cecco, persuaded the Duchess to receive home the Sforzi: which she did without making Cecco privy. But Cecco after knowing thereof, said unto her; Madam, you have made a resolution which will take my life from me, and the state from you: As shortly after came to pass. For Cecco was by the Lodovico put to death: and Tassino, within a short space (being driven out of the Duchy) the Duchess took thereat so great offence, that she went from Milan, Lodovico Sforza, Governor of the Duke of Milan. and renounced the government of her son unto Lodovico. Thus Lodovico become only governor of Milan, was (as shall be declared) the occasion of the ruin of Italy. Lorenzo de Medici was now on his way towards Naples, and the peace betwixt the enemies in communication: when beyond all expectation Lodovico Fregoso having practised with some Serezanaesi, by stealth entered with armed men into Serezana, taking possession of that Town, and imprisoned those that governed then for the Florentines. This accident greatly offended the princes of the Florentine state, who thought the matter was brought to pass by direction of the king Ferrando. And complained to the Duke of Calauria (who was at the Camp before Sienna) saying they were notwithstanding the truce, assaulted with new war. He both by Letters, Embassages, and every other way, declared the same was done without the consent of his father. The Florentines nevenhelesse thought themselves in hard estate, wanting money; the chief of their Commonweal in the King's hand: A new war moved by the Genovesis, and without friends. For in the Venetians they trusted not: and feared least the government of Milan was vnassured. Their only hope was upon that which Lorenzo de Medici was to conclude with the King. Lorenzo arrived at Naples by sea, Lorenzo de Medici, arrived at Naples was there both by the King and all that City, honourably and with great expectation received. Because so great a war being made only to oppress him, his enemies thereby did make him more great. For being come to the King's presence, he debated with him the estate of Italy, the humours of princes and people thereof, and what might be hoped of the peace, and feared by the war. Which the King hearing, grew into more admiration, to find in him so noble a mind, so ready a wit, and so great a judgement, then that he could endure so long a war. In so much as the King doubled the honours before done unto him, and began to devise rather how he might win him for a friend, then continue him an enemy. Notwithstanding for diverse causes he entertained him from December till March, not only to make the more trial of him, but also of his City. For Lorenzo wanted not enemies in Florence, who desired that the King would have holden him, and entertained Giacopo Piccinino: and under colour of lamenting, they speak their minds. Also in public Councils, they opposed their opinions against Lorenzo. By these devices; It was bruited, that if the King would keep Lorenzo long at Naples, the government in Florence should be changed. Which was the only cause that the King deferred his dispatch so long, hoping there might some tumult arise in Florence. But seeing that all things passed quietly, on the sixth day of March, in the year 1479. he had leave to departed, and before his departure was by the King so bountifully presented, & lovingly used, that betwixt Lorenzo & the King their grew a perpetual amity, & preservation of both their states. Thus Lorenzo returned to Florence with greater reputation & honour than he went thence, & was with so great joy of the city received, as his great virtues & new merits deserved: having put his own life in hazard to recover peace to his country. For within two days after his arrival, Peace and league between the King & the Florentines. the treaty betwixt the common weal of Florence & the King was proclaimed, whereby they were both both bound to defend one the others country: & that the towns taken from the Florentines in the war, should be by the King restored. And that the Pazzi imprisoned in the town of Volterra, should be delivered. And that money should be for a certain time paid unto the Duke of Calauria. This peace being published, did much offend the Pope & the Venetians, because the Pope thought he was little esteemed of the King, & the Venetians as little regarded of the Florentines: who being their companions in the war, thought themselves il used, not to be partakers of the peace. This indignation understood and believed at Florence, did suddenly breed suspicion in every man, that of the peace would arise a greater war. Whereupon the Magistrates of the state, determined to restrain the government, and that the affairs of most importance should be reduced into the hands of a less number: and so ordained a Council of 70. Citizens, with authority that they might proceed in matters of most importance. This new ordinance stayed the minds of those that desired innovation, and to give thereto countenance, first of all they accepted the peace, which Lorenzo had made with the King, and sent unto the Pope Antonio Ridolphi, and Piero Nasi. Nevertheless Alfonso Duke of Calauria, did not remove his army from Sienna, saying he was stayed by the discord of the citizens there, which was so great, that he being lodged without the city was called in and made judge of their differents. The Duke taking these occasions, punished many of those citizens in money, imprisoning & banishing others, and some also were judged to death. In so much as by this means he became suspected not only to the Sanesis, but the Florentines also mistrusted he would make himself Prince of that city. Whereof they knew no remedy, considering the new friendship of Florence with the King, & the enmity of the Pope & King. Which suspicion, not only in the people of Florence generally (who mistrustfully consider of all things) but in the chief governors of the state, appeared: every man imagining, that our city had never been in so great danger to lose the liberty thereof. But God who had ever a particular care thereof, caused an accident to hap unlooked for, which made the King, the Pope, & the Venetians, to think of greater matters than these of Toscana. The Isle of Rodi assaulted by the Turks. Mahumetto great Turk, was with a mighty army gone to the Isle of Rodi, & had many months assaulted it. But notwithstanding his forces were great, and his resolution to win the town greater, yet was the virtue of those that defended the same, greatest of all. For Mahumetto notwithstanding his furious assaults, was forced to departed with shame. Thus the Turk being departed from Rodi, part of his army conducted by Saccometto Bascia, went towards Velona, & by the way, either for that he saw the enterprise easy, or because the Turk had so commanded, passed by the coast of Italy, & suddenly set 4000 men on land, who assaulted the city of Ottranto, took it, sacked it, The Turks landed in Italy. & slew all the inhabitants thereof: which done, by all the best means he could; fortified both the city, & the haven. Then sent he for horsemen, & with them he foraged, & spoilt the country round about. The king seeing this assault, & knowing how great a prince had taken that enterprise in hand, sent unto all places to signify the same, & desired aid of them all, against the common enemy. Also speedily revoked the Duke of Calauria with his forces from Sienna. This assault, though it grieved the duke & the rest of Italy, yet did the same comfort Floremce & Sienna. One hoping thereby to recover liberty, th'other trusting the rather to shun those perils, which made them to fear the loss of their liberty. Which opinion was increased by the unwilling departure, and lamentation of the Duke, at his going from Sienna, accusing fortune, that she by an unlooked for and unreasonable accident, had taken from him the dominion of Toscana. The self-same chance did alter the Pope's mind: for where before, he refused to give audience to all Florentines, he was now become so courteous, as he refused not to hear any that would speak unto him of the universal peace. Whereupon the Florentines were advertised, that if they would desire pardon of the Pope, they might obtain it. It was then thought good, not to omit this occasion: and 12. Ambassadors were sent to the Pope, who being arrived at Rome, were by his holiness before they had audience, entertained with divers practices. In the end it was between the parties concluded, how either of them should afterwards live, & in what sort either of them both in peace and war, were to make contribution. After this conclusion, the Ambassadors were admitted to present themselves at the Pope's feet: and he sitting in the midst of his Cardinals, with exceeding great pomp, The speech of the Florentine Ambassadors to the Pope. received them. These Ambassadors excused all matters passed, sometimes blaming necessity, sometimes the evil disposition of others, sometimes the popular fury, and the just offence thereof, saying they were most unhappy, being forced either to fight, or die. And because all things are endured to eschew death, they had suffered war, excommunications, & all other troubles, which the matters passed had brought with them. And all to the end, that their common weal might avoid bondage, which is the death of all free Cities. Nevertheless if any error or enforced fault were committed, they were ready to make satisfaction: ever hoping in his goodness, (who following the examples of the almighty Redeemer) he would receive them, The Pope's answer. rather for his mercy, than their merits. To which excuses, the Pope answered with great pride and anger; reproving them of all things done against the church; notwithstanding for God's sake, he was pleased to grant them the pardon they desired: yet therewith affirming they were to obey him, & if they shall fail of obedience, their liberty which now should have been lost, shall then be justly taken from them. For they deserve liberty, who take in hand good actions, & not they that in evil enterprises employ themselves. Because liberty abused, offendeth itself and others. Also to esteem God little, & the church less, is not the office of good men, but of vain persons, inclined to evil. The correction of whom appertaineth not only to Princes, but to every christian: so as they were for matters passed to blame their own evil doings, which was the first occasion of war, & by their worse doings it was nourished. But all anger was now extinguished, rather by the goodness of others, than their own deserts. After publication of the peace, the Pope's blessing was read. Whereunto his holiness by word of mouth added, that if they would enjoy the benefit of his benediction, they should during the Turks war in the kingdom, maintain at their charge 15. galleys well paid. The Ambassadors complained much of this burden imposed over and above the contract. Yet by no means they could make, or by any lamentation they used, the Pope would diminish any part of that penance. But the Ambassadors being returned to Florence, the Senate for confirmation of this peace, sent Ambassador to the Pope, Guidantonio Vespucci, who was lately arrived from France. He by his wisdom brought all matters unto reasonable terms, & obtained many favours of the Pope, which was a token of greater reconciliation. The Florentines having ended their business with the Pope, and Sienna with themselves being delivered from fear of the King by the departure of the Duke of Calauria, and the Turks war continuing, constrained the King to restore all the Castles which the Duke of Calauria at his departure left in the hands of the Sanesis. Whereby that King hoped, that the Florentines in so great necessity would not shrink from him, or by moving of war against the Sanesis, impeach the aid which he hoped of from the Pope and other Italian Princes. And therefore was content that the Castles should be restored, and bound the Florentines by a new obligation. So as thereby we see, that force and necessity, but not writings or obligations, do make Princes to observe their faith. The Castles thus received, and the new confederacy made, Lorenzo di Medici recovered that reputation, which the war first and after the peace (when the King was feared) had taken from him. For there wanted not those that openly slandered him, and said, that for saving himself, he had sold his country, and that by the war they lost their towns, and by the peace they should lose their liberty. But the towns recovered an honourable peace made with the King, and the City returned to the ancient reputation. For in Florence (a City free of speech, and therein matters judged by their success, and not by counsel) the case was altered, and Lorenzo commended to the skies, every man saying, that he with his wisdom had found means to recover that by peace, which evil fortune had taken from them in war: and that his counsel and judgement, had prevailed more than the enemy's arms, or their money. The assault of the Turks had deferred that war, which by offence of the Pope and Venetians would have been moved. But as the beginning of that assault was unlooked for, and occasion of much good, so was the end thereof unlooked for, and the cause of much evil: for Mahumetto great Turk, beyond all expectation died, and discord growing betwixt his sons, those Turks that were in Puglia, being abandoned of their Lord, by composition yielded Ottranto to the King. This fear removed, which held the Pope and Venetians firm, every man doubted new tumults. On the one side, the Pope and the Venetians were in league, and with them the Genovesi, Sanesis, New leagues in Italy. and other less Potentates. On the other, were the Florentines, the King, and the Duke, with whom, the Bolognesis, and many other Lords joined. The Venetians desired to become Lords of Farrara, supposing they had reasonable occasion to begin that enterprise, and certain hope to perform it. The occasion was, because the marquess affirmed, he was no longer bound to receive the Visdomine and their salt, because the contract was, that after seventy years, the City should be disburdened of those charges. The Venetians to the contrary answered, that so long as he did hold the Polesine, so long he ought to receive the Visdomine and the salt. But the marquess not consenting thereto, the Venetians thought they had just occasion to take arms, and time fit for the same, seeing the Pope much offended with the Florentines and the King, whose favour they hoped the rather to have, because the Earl Girolamo being at Venice, was there received most honourably: and the Venetians bestowed on him the title of a Gentleman of that state, which is the greatest token of honour, which they will, or can give. They had also for preparation of the wars, imposed a new Subsidy, and chosen Roberto de Sanseverino for their General: who being offended with Lodovico, Governor of Milan, was fled to Tortona, and there having made some tumults, went to Genova; from thence he was called by the Venetians, and made Chieftain of their army. These preparations and new motions being known to those of the contrary league, was the cause that they also prepared for the war. The Duke of Milan made Federigo Lord of Vrbino, his General, and the Florentines Costanzo de Pesaro. Also, to sound the disposition of the Pope, and to discover whether the Venetians with his consent did make the war against Farrara, the King Ferrando sent Alfonso Duke of Calauria, with his army to the river of Tronto, and there desired leave of the Pope to pass into Lombardy to aid the marquess, which was by the Pope utterly denied. Whereupon, the King, and the Florentines, being resolved, thought to constrain him by force, so as thereby he should either become their friend, or at the least, they would so trouble him, as he could not be able to aid the Venetians: for they were in the field, and had already begun the war with the marquess, spoiled his countries, and besieged Figarolo, a Castle of much importance, for the country of that Prince. Thus the King and the Florentines determined to assail the Pope. Alfonso Duke of Calauria spoiled the country towards Rome, and with aid of the Colonni, who were on his side (because the Orsini were joined with the Pope) did great damage to that country on the other side of Rome. The Florentines on the other side under Nicholo Vitelli, assaulted the City of Castello, surprised it, and drove out Lorenzo, who kept that Castle for the Pope, and Nicholo remained a Prince thereof. By these actions, the Pope was greatly distressed, because Rome within the City was troubled with factions, and the country without spoiled by enemies. Notwithstanding, as a man of courage, he would not give place to the enemy, but entertained Roberto da Rimino, and calling him to Rome, where all his men of war were assembled, told him, how great honour he might win, if he could against the force of a King, deliver the Church from those troubles wherewith it was occupied: and how great obligation he should thereby have not only of him, but also of all other Popes his successors, and that both God and men would reacquite the same. Roberto first viewing the Pope's men of arms, and other his preparations, persuaded him to make all the footmen he was able, which with all speed and diligence was performed. By this time the Duke of Calauria was near unto Rome, and spoiled the country even to the walls of the City, which offended the people so much, as many of them voluntarily offered themselves to serve with Roberto, and recover the liberty of Rome: who were all by that Lord thanked and received. The Duke hearing of these preparations, retired a little from the City, thinking, that if he were further off, Roberto would not seek him: and he also looked, that Federigo his brother, should come with fresh men, sent from the King their father. Roberto seeing himself equal with the Duke for men of arms, and in footmen above him, marched out of Rome without order, and lodged his Camp within two miles of the enemy. The Duke seeing his enemies at hand, not looking for them, thought it stood him upon, either to fight or flee. Wherefore as constrained, and for not doing a thing unworthy the son of a King, determined to fight, and turning his face to the enemy, either camp put their men in order, and brought them to battle, which continued from the morning till noon: and the same was performed with more virtue, than any had been in Italy fifty years before; for therein were slain on both sides more than a thousand men, The Duke of Calauria discomfited by the Pope. and the end was glorious to the Church. For the great multitude of the Pope's footmen, so much offended the Duke's horsemen, as they were forced to turn their backs: and the Duke's person had been taken prisoner, had he not been saved by many Turks, who were left at Ottranto, and served under him. Roberto having this victory, returned to Rome with triumph: which he enjoyed not long, for that by drinking of much water at the day of battle, he fell into a flux, which within few days brought him to death. His body was by the Pope, with great honour buried. The Pope having this victory, sent the Earl presently towards the City of Castello, to see that town restored unto Lorenzo; and beside to prove, how the City of Rimino was inclined. For after the death of Roberto, (who had only one young son, and the City left to the government of his mother) the Pope imagined it was easy for him to surprise it. And in deed it would have so come to pass, had not that woman been by the Florentines defended, who took her part with such forces, as the enemy could not work his will, either against Castello, or Rimino. While these matters were a doing in Romagna and Rome, the Venetians had surprised Figarolo, and with their men had passed the River of Po, and in the Duke of Milan his camp, and the marquess also, there was disorder, because Federigo, Earl of Vrbino, being sick, caused himself to be carried to take physic at Bologna, and there died: whereby the affairs of the marquess proceeded slowly, and the Venetians hoped daily more and more to surprise Farrara. On the other side, the King and the Florentines laboured to make the Pope of their side, which not brought to pass by arms, they threatened by a General Council to make him yield, which Council, was by the emperors commandment, appointed at Baselia: whereupon, by persuasion of the emperors Ambassador at Rome, and the chief Cardinals, who desired peace, the Pope was persuaded and constrained to allow of peace, and the uniting of Italy. Then the Pope for fear, and also for that he found the greatness of the Venetians to be the ruin of the Church and all Italy, resolved to come into the league, and sent his Nuncii to Naples, New leagues in Italy. where a league was concluded for five years, betwixt the Pope, the King, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines, reserving a place for the Venetians, if they were pleased to enter. This done, the Pope commanded the Venetians to surcease the war of Farrara, which they not only refused to do, but also made the preparation greater: and having already broken the Dukes and marquess forces at Argenta, they at Farrara were so near distressed, as the Duke's forces were lodged in the marquess Park. Then the League thought good no longer to defer the aiding of that Prince, and caused the Duke of Calauria with his and the Pope's men to go to Farrara. The Florentines likewise sent all their forces thither, and for the better ordering of the war, the League appointed a Council to be holden at Cremona, where the Pope's Legate, the Earl Girolamo, the Duke of Calauria, the Lord Lodovico, Lorenzo de Medici, with many other Princes of Italy met. In this Council, the Princes devised the order of the future war. And because they judged that Farrara could not be better relieved any way, then by some brave assault, they ordered that Lodovico should begin a war upon the Venetians, for the countries belonging to the Duke of Milan. But thereunto that Lord would not consent, fearing to begin a war which he could not end at his pleasure. Wherefore it was determined they should go with all their footmen to Farrara, and with four thousand men of arms, and eight thousand footmen, assault the Venetians, who had two thousand and two hundred men of arms, and six thousand footmen. And the League thought good first to assail the navy which the Venetians had lying upon the river of Po, and the same being assaulted, was broken at Bondeno, with the loss of two hundred vessels, and Antonio justiniano, the Proveditor of the navy was taken. Then the Venetians, seeing all Italy united against them, to win some reputation, entertained the Duke of the Rhine with two thousand men of arms. But having received this overthrow of their navy, they sent this Duke with part of their army to front the enemy, and commanded Roberto de Sanseverino, with the rest of their camp, to pass the river of Adda, and approaching to Milan, to proclaim the name of the Duke, and of the Lady Bona his mother: for by that means, they hoped to make some Innovation in the City, supposing that the Lord Lodovico and his government was hated. This assault at the beginning brought therewith some terror, and moved all the City to take arms: but in the end, it wrought an effect contrary to the Venetians expectation. Because Lodovico in respect of this injury, was content to allow of that which before he would not. And therefore, leaving the marquess of Farrara to the defence of his own country, he with four thousand horse, and two thousand footmen, and the Duke of Calauria with twelve thousand horse, and five thousand footmen, entered the country of Pergamo, Brescia, and Verona, spoiling almost all the country belonging to those three Cities, before the Venetians knew thereof, for the Lord Roberto with his soldiers, could scarcely defend that City. On the other side, the marquess of Farrara had recovered a great part of his possessions, by mean whereof, the Duke of the Rhine who came against him, was not able to make head, having only two thousand horse, and one thousand footmen. Thus all that summer, in the year 1483. the League proceeded in their wars most prosperously. The next Spring being come (for in all the winter was nothing done) the armies were again brought to the field, and the League, (to the end it might the more speedily oppress the Venetians) had joined all the whole army together: but if they had proceeded as they did the year before, they should assuredly have taken from the Venetians, all the lands in Lombardy to them belonging: for they had not left unto them, more than six thousand horse, and five thousand footmen. And on the other side, were twelve thousand horse, and six thousand footmen. Also the Duke of the Rhine having ended the year of his entertainment, was returned home. Notwithstanding (as it often happeneth) where diverse Governors be of equal authority, there groweth division, and the enemy winneth victory, so Federigo Gonzaga, marquess of Mantova, being dead (who with his authority continued the Duke of Calauria, and the Lord Lodovico united) betwixt them grew diversity of opinions, and jealousy. For Giovangaliazzo Duke of Milan being attained to age, and ability to govern his own state, and having also married the daughter of the Duke of Calauria, the Duke desired, that his son in law, and not Lodovico, might govern the state. This suspicion of Lodovico being known to the Venetians, was made by them an occasion, supposing they might as they had ever done, recover by peace, that which they had lost by war: and secretly they practised a pacification betwixt them and Lodovico, which was concluded in August, the year 1484. That being known to the other confederates, displeased them much, chiefly when they knew, that all the towns taken from the Venetians should be restored, and they still to enjoy also Rovigo, and Policene, which towns they had taken from the marquess of Farrara. And moreover, that they should have again all those prerogatives which in times passed they had. Every man then thought, they had made a war with great charge, and as therein they had gained small honour, so in the end it was compounded with shame: because the towns taken, were restored, and the towns lost, were not recovered. Yet were the confederates forced to accept the peace, being weary of charges, and fearing the ambition and defects of others, would make no more trial of their fortune. While in Lombardy matters were in this manner handled, Castello besieged by the Pope. the Pope by mean of Lorenzo besieged the City of Castello, to drive from thence Nicholo Vitelli, (who, to draw the Pope into the league) had forsaken him. In this siege, those that within the town were partarkers with Nicholo, came forth to fight with the enemies, and did vanquish them; whereupon, the Pope revoked the Earl Girolamo from Lombardy, to repair his force at Rome: that done, to return to his enterprise. But afterwards, thinking it better to gain the good will of Nicholo by peace, then to assail him with a new war, grew to agreement with him, and by all means reconciled him to Lorenzo his adversary: whereupon, he was alured rather by suspicion of new tumults, then by the love he bore his country. For betwixt the Colonnesi and Orsini, there appeared much displeasure: because the King of Naples in the war betwixt him and the Pope, had taken from Orsini the Earldom of Tagliacozzo, and given it to the Colonnesi his followers. Afterwards, the peace being made betwixt the King and the Pope, the Orsini by virtue thereof demanded restitution. The Pope often signified to the Colonnesi, that they ought to make restitution, but they, neither at the entreaty of the Orsini, nor for the threatening of the Pope, would agree thereunto, but still with injuries, and spoiling of the Orsini, did displeasure them, which the Pope could not endure: and therefore assembled all his forces, and joining with them the Orsini, sacked all the houses of the Colonni in Rome, slaying and taking all those that made resistance, The Colonnesi oppressed by the Pope. and razing the most part of all their Castles: so that those tumults were ended not by peace, but by oppressing one of the parties. Also Genova and Toscana were somewhat disquieted, for the Florentines did keep the Earl Antonio de Marciano with his soldiers, upon the confines of Serezana, who during the war of Lombardy, with foraging, and small skirmishes, molested the Serezanesis. And in Genova, Battistino Fregoso Duke of that City, trusting unto Pagolo Frigoso Archbishop, was by him taken, with his wife and children, and the Archbishop made Duke. Likewise, the Venetian navy had assaulted the Kingdom, surprised Galipoli, and molested other places thereabouts. But the peace of Lombardy concluded, all tumults did cease, save only in Toscana and Rome: for the Pope within five days after the peace was proclaimed, died: either because the end of his life was come, or for sorrow that a peace was made to his disadvantage. This Pope at his death left Italy in peace, though during his life he had always therein made war: and the Romans presently after his departure took arms. The Earl Girolamo with his soldiers retired under the Castle, and the Orsini did fear, lest the Colonnesi would be revenged of the fresh injuries done them. Then the Colonnesi demanded again their houses and Castles. Upon these occasions, within few days there followed many murders, robberies, and burnings in diverse parts of the City. But the Cardinals having persuaded the Earl to yield that Castle unto the College, and return home to his own land, and also remove his soldiers out of Rome, he being desirous to gratify the next Pope, gave up the Castle to the College, and went himself unto Imola. Whereupon the Cardinals delivered of this fear, and the Barons out of hope to be aided by the Earl in their quarrels, went to the creation of a new Pope. After some disputation, and diversity of opinions, Giovanbattista Cibo, borne in Genova, and Cardinal of Malfetta, was chosen Pope, by the name of Innocentio octavo. He through the courtesy of his nature (being a quiet and peaceable man) procured all arms to be laid down, and for the present, pacified Rome. The Florentines after the peace, could not content themselves with rest, being persuaded it was shame, and dishonour, that a private Gentleman had taken from them the Castle of Serezana. And because the capitulations were, that it was lawful to demand all things taken, and if they were not restored, to make war against the withholder, they resolved speedily to prepare money and men to perform that enterprise. Then Agostino Fregoso, who had surprised Serezana, being persuaded that at his private charge he could not maintain so great a war, gave that town to S. George. And sithence we are to make mention diverse times of S. George, and the Genovesis, The first erection of S. George in Genova. it seemeth not amiss to declare the orders and customs of that City, being one of the principal states of Italy. The peace made betwixt the Genovesis and Venetians (after the greatest war, that was seen in many years past) the State not being able to pay those Citizens who had lent great sums of money, appointed their revenues of the Dogana, to be paid unto them, till such time as the principal debts were discharged. And for their meeting togethers, they appointed the Palace over the Dogana. These creditors among themselves ordained a form of government, appointing a Council of a hundred, and a Senate of eight Citizens, which officers as heads of the City, might dispatch all affairs. The debts were divided into parts, which they called Luoghi, and entitled the whole corporation of S. Georgeo. This government thus established, ever happened new necessities, whereupon they resorted to S. George for new aid: who being rich and well ordered, could easily serve their turns. And the commonalty on the other side, having granted the Dogana, began for pawn of the moneys, to give their lands: yea, the matter went so far (by reason of the common necessities and services of S. George) that under government thereof, the greater part of the Towns, Cities, and Lands of Genova, do now belong to S. George, who doth govern and defend them. Also every year by public suffrage, officers be appointed without any intermeddling of the Commonalty. Hereof it proceedeth, that those Citizens have no regard of the common profit, as a thing tyrannized, and set their whole care upon S. George, as well and equally governed: whereof do arise the easy and often alterations of the State, and that the people do otherwhiles yield their obedience to some of their own Citizens, and sometimes to a Stranger: for not S. George, but the Commonalty doth alter in government: which was the cause that when the Adorni & Fregosi contending for the principality did fight, the commonalty only, and the greater part of the citizens stood neutral, and yielded to the victorious. Neither doth the office of S. George other, then whensoever any man hath taken the government, it sweareth him to observe the laws thereof, which to this day are not changed. For S. George having in possession the arms, the money, and the government, cannot without the danger of a certain rebellion, be altered. A rare order surely, and not found by the Philosophers among their imagined or visible Commonweals, to see within one circle, and among one number of Citizens, liberty, and tyranny, civil life, and corruption, justice and licentiousness: which order only maintaineth that town full of ancient and venerable customs. And if it should happen (which in time will assuredly come to pass) that S. George shall be owner of all the City, that State will be more notable, than the Venetian Commonweal. To this S. George, Agostino Fregoso gave Serezana, who received it willingly, and taking in hand the defence thereof, presently prepared a navy by sea, and sent certain forces to Pietrasanta, to impeach all those that resorted to the Florentine Camp, then near unto Serezana. On the other side, the Florentines desired to take Pietrasanta, as a town needful to be had for the winning of Serezana: for being betwixt it and Pisa, they could not besiege it so long as by the Pietrasantesis, or others therein, they were impeached in the siege of Serezana. To bring this enterprise to pass, they sent from Pisa to the Camp, a great quantity of munition and victual, slenderly guarded: to the end that they of Pietrasanta should fear the less, and in hope of a good booty, to assault them. The matter was then followed according to expectation: For the soldiers in Pietrasanta, War between the Genouesi and the Florentines. seeing before their eyes so great a booty, took it, which gave the Florentines just occasion to execute the enterprise: wherefore leaving Serezana, they besieged Pietrasanta, which was well manned, and bravely defended. The Florentines having their artillery in the plain, made a bulwark upon the mountain, hoping from thence to batter it. Giacopo Guicciardino was Commissary of the Florentine forces. And while they besieged Pietrasanta, the navy of Genova took and burnt the fortress of Vada: and setting some of their soldiers a land, spoiled the country thereabout. Against whom, Buongianni Gianfiliazzi, was sent with certain footmen, who partly stayed their pride, so as they durst no longer spoil at their pleasures. Yet the navy continuing to molest the Florentines, went unto Livorno, and with certain instruments, approached Torre Nuova, battering it diverse days with artillery, but seeing nothing done to their advantage, returned back with shame. In the mean space, Pietrasanta was coldly assaulted: whereupon, the enemies took heart, assaulted the Bulwark, and took it: which was so greatly to their reputation, and the Florentines fear, as they were ready to break up the Campe. In so much as they retired four miles from the town, and the officers of the Camp thought good, that the month of October being come, it was time to lodge the army, and defer that siege till the next Spring. This disorder being known in Florence, made the Magistrates much offended, and therefore to repair the Camp in force and reputation, made choice of new Commissaries, Antonio Pucci, and Bernardo del Nero, who with great sums of money went unto the Camp, and declared to the Captains the indignation of the Senate and the people, and how great a shame it should be, unless the army did again return to the siege: for it were an infamy, so great a Camp, to be repulsed by so small a guard, and so weak a town. They also showed the present and future commodity that would ensue of that victory. Which persuasion, moved the soldiers to return to the walls, and first of all to recover the Bulwark. For the performance whereof, they knowing how much courtesy, affability, and good usage might do to encourage the minds of men, Antonio Pucci, by comforting, promising, and embracing the soldiers, procured the Bulwark to be assaulted so furiously, as even in a sudden it was taken, Pietrasanta taken. yet not without loss: for in that assault, the Earl Antonio de Marciano with a piece of artillery, was slain. This victory terrified those of the town so much, as they began to offer composition: whereupon, to the end the conclusion might be made with the more reputation, Lorenzo di Medici thought good to come to the Camp, and within a few days after his arrival, the Castle was yielded. The winter now come, the Captains liked not to proceed further in the war, but attend the Spring: and the rather, because the Autumn past, by means of evil airs, sickness was brought into the Camp, wherewith many of the Captains and leaders were diseased. Among whom, Antonio Pucci, and Bongianni Gianfigliazzi, were not only sick, but also dead, to the great grief of all the army: so great was the honour and love that Pucci had won in the exploit of Pietrasanta. After the taking of Pietrasanta, the Lucchesi sent Ambassadors to Florence, to demand that town, as a thing belonging to their commonweal. For they alleged, that among other things it was contracted betwixt them, that the town first won by any of them, should be restored to the ancient owner. The Florentines directly denied not that covenant, but answered, that they doubted whether in the peace made betwixt them and the Genovesis, it was meant the town to be delivered, and therefore they could not till then determine: and if it were restored, than the Lucchesi ought of necessity to pay the charge, and make satisfaction, for the loss of so many great Citizens: which if they would do, they might hope to have it again. All that winter was spent, in the communication of this peace betwixt the Genovesis, and the Florentines. And by reason the Pope was a doer therein, the matter was handled at Rome: but not being concluded, the Florentines would the next Spring have assaulted Serezana, had they not been by the sickness of Lorenzo di Medici, and the war which grew betwixt the Pope, and the King Ferrando, impeached. For Lorenzo was not only diseased of the gout, which infirmity, seemed to descend from his father, but was also so grievously tormented with grief of the stomach, that he went unto the Baths to be cured: but the war was the chief occasion of his sickness, and the original thereof. The City of Aquila was subject to the King of Naples, yet the people therein lived as free. In this City, the Earl Montorio had great reputation. Aquila rebelled from the K. of Naples. The Duke of Calauria with his men of arms being near unto Tronto, pretending to pacify certain tumults among the people of that country, and intending to reduce Aquila wholly under the King's obedience, sent for the Earl Montorio, as though he would employ him in those matters he made show of. The Earl without suspicion came, and was presently by the Duke sent to Naples prisoner. These news being advertised to Aquila, altered the mind of the City, and the people populerly took arms, and slew Antonio Concinello, Commissarie for the King, and with him certain other Citizens, who were known affectionate to the King. Also, to the end the Aquilani, might have some friend to defend them in their rebellion, they displayed the Ensign of the Church, and sent Ambassadors to give the City to the Pope: desiring him, as his own subjects, to defend them from the tyranny of the King. The Pope defendeth the rebels of Aquila. The Pope manfully took in hand their defence, as one that both for private and public occasion hated the King. And Roberto da Sanseuerino, enemy to the State of Milan, happening to be out of pay, the Pope entertained him for General, and caused him with great expedition to come unto Rome: and besides that, solicited all the friends and kinsmen of the Earl Montorio, to become Rebels to the King; in so much as the Princes of Altemura, Salerno, & Bisignano, took arms against him. The King seeing himself by so sudden a war assaulted, prayed aid of the Florentines, and the Duke of Milan. The Florentines stood doubtful what to do, because it seemed hard to leave their own enterprise for others: and to take arms against the Church, was perilous. Notwithstanding, being in league, they preferred fidelity, before commodity or peril, and entertained the Orsini, and sent all their own men towards Rome to the aid of the King, under conduct of the Earl of Pitigliano. Then the King made two camps, and sent the one towards Rome, under the Duke of Calauria, who with the Florentines should encounter the Pope's army. The other camp himself did lead, and marched toward the Barons that rebelled. This war with variable fortune was managed, and at the end, the King in all places having advantage, Peace between the K. of Naples, and the Pope. 1486. by mediation of the Ambassadors of Spain, a peace was concluded in the month of August 1486. whereunto the Pope (being beaten with evil fortune, and loath to adventure more) consented. Also, all the Potentates of Italy were included (only the Genovesi, as rebels to the State of Milan, and usurpers of the Florentines lands) were left out. Roberto da Sanseuerino, the peace made, having been in this war no faithful friend to the Pope, and nothing terrible to the enemy, departed from Rome, as driven out by the Pope: and being followed by the Dukes and Florentines soldiers, so soon as he had passed Cesena, seeing himself not followed, fled away, and with less than one hundred horse, came to Ravenna. Of the rest of his men, some were received by the Duke, and some by the country people, were cut in pieces. The King having made peace, and reconciled his Barons, put to death Giovanni Coppola, and Antonello de Anuersa, with his sons, and those which had in the war revealed his secrets unto the Pope. By means of this war, the Pope knew what readiness and care the Florentines had to keep friendship: and therefore, albeit that for the love of the Genovesis, and the aiding of the King, he before hated them, yet now he began to love them, and show more favour unto their Ambassadors then he was wont. Which disposition known to Lorenzo de Medici, was by all honourable means increased: for he thought it much for his reputation, if to the favour which the King bore him, he might also join the Pope's friendship. This Pope had one son called Francisco, and being desirous to honour him with lands and friends, wherewith he might after his death, maintain himself, he knew not any in Italy with whom he could more safely be matched, then with Lorenzo: Lorenzo di Medici his daughter, married unto the Pope's son. and therefore so handled the matter, that Lorenzo married a daughter of his unto Francisco. This marriage being made, the Pope desired that the Genovesi might by composition deliver Serezana to the Florentines: persuading them, that they should not hold that which Agostino had sold, nor Agostino could give unto S. George that, which was not his. Notwithstanding, this persuasion took no effect. But the Genovesi while these matters were practising at Rome, armed certain of their Ships, and before the Florentines knew any thing thereof, set three thousand footmen a land, and assaulted the Castle of Serezanello, near unto Serezana, The Genovesis assaulted by the Florentines. belonging to the Florentines, spoiling and burning the Town: which done, they planted their Artillery against the Castle, and with all diligence battered the same. This new assault was unlooked for of the Florentines, nevertheless presently they assaulted their forces at Pisa, under Virginio Orsino. They also complained unto the Pope, that whilst he practised the peace, the Genovesi had begun this war. They sent likewise Piero Corcini to Lucca, to continue the amity with that City: and Pagolantonio Soderini, was sent unto Venice, to feel the disposition of that state. They prayed aid also of the King, and of the Lord Lodovico Sforza: but failed thereof at both their hands. For the King said he feared the Turks Navy, and Lodovico under other cavillations deferred to send any. Thus the Florentines (being for the most part left alone in their wars) did not find any so ready to help them, as they were ready to aid others. Neither were they dismayed being now abandoned by their confederates (which was no new thing) but assembling a great army under Giacopo Guicciardini, and Piero Vittori, sent them against the enemy, who lodged one night upon the River Magra. In the mean time, Serezanello was straightly distressed by the enemy, who by undermining and every other means, besieged it. In so much as our Commissaries marched towards the relief thereof. Yet the enemy refused not to fight, but joining battle with the Commissaries, the Genovesi were overthrown: and Lodovico Fiesco, with many other Captains of the enemies were taken prisoners. This victory discouraged not so much the Serezanesis, The Genovesis discomfited. that they would therefore yield, but with more obstinacy they prepared for defence: and the Florentine Commissaries still continued to offend them. In so much as that town was both manfully assaulted, and stoutly defended. This siege continuing long, caused Lorenzo di Medici to go himself into the field. He being come thither, greatly encouraged our soldiers, and discouraged the Serezanesis. For they seeing the resolution of the Florentines to distress them, and the coldness of the Genovesis to relieve them, freely, and without conditions, yielded themselves to the Florentines hands. And were all received to mercy, excepting a few who had been the authors of the rebellion. Lodovico during this siege, had sent his men of arms to Pontremoli, seeming to have aided us. But having intelligence with some in Genova, that faction took arms against those that governed, and with the aid of these forces, delivered that City to the Duke of Milan. At that time the Almains had moved a war against the Venetians, and Boccolino de Osimo in La Marca, caused the town of Osimo to rebel against the Pope, and made himself Prince thereof. He, after many accidents, at the persuasion of Lorenzo di Medici, was contented to deliver that City again unto the Pope, and went himself to Florence, where under the protection of Lorenzo, he lived long in great honour. After he went from thence to Milan, where not finding the like fidelity, was by Lodovico put to death. The Venetians broken, and their General slain. The Venetians assaulted by the Almains, were near unto the City of Trento broken, and Roberto da Sanseverino their General, slain. After which loss, the Venetians (according to the order of their fortune) made peace with the Almains, not as victored, but as victorious) so honourable was the conclusion for their state. Tumults in Romagna. In those days also there happened in Romagna, tumults of great importance. Francisco de Orso of Furli, was a man of great authority in that City. He being suspected to the Earl Girolamo, was many times by the Earl threatened. Whereupon Francisco living in great fear, was persuaded by his friends and kinsmen, to prevent the mischief. And sith he feared to be slain by the Earl, was advised to slay him first: and so by the death of an other, escape his own danger. This resolution made, he appointed the time for performing the enterprise, the Market day at Furli: for many of his country friends coming then thither, he thought to have their aid without sending for them. This conspiracy happened in the month of May, in which time (and all the summer) the Italians do use to sup by daylight. The conspirators thought the fittest instant to commit this murder, should be immediately after supper, when all his family were at meat, and he left almost alone in his chamber. Thus determined, and that hour appointed, Francisco went unto the Earl's house, and leaving his companions in the Hall, himself went up to the Chamber, where the Earl was, and said to one of his men, The Earl Girolamo murdered. that he desired to speak with the Earl. Francisco being called in, entertained the Earl awhile with some feigned speech, and so suddenly slew him. Then he called unto him his companions, and slew also the Earls man. By chance the Captain of the town also came in the mean time to speak with the Earl, and being arrived in the Hall, followed with a few, was likewise slain by those that came to murder the Earl. These murders executed, the Earl's body was cast out of the window: and the murderers proclaiming the Church and liberty, caused all the people to arm, who hated greatly the covetise and cruelty of the Earl. The conspirators having sacked the Earl's houses, took the Countess Caterina his wife, with all her children. Then remained only the Castle (which being surprised) should happily finish the enterprise. But thereunto the Captain would not consent: Nevertheless, this Countess promised to deliver it, if she were let lose to go into the Castle, and for hostages of her promise, she left with the enemies her children. The conspirators believed her words, and gave her leave to departed. But so soon as she was within the Castle, she looked over the walls, and threatened the enemies to be revenged of her husband's death. Then they threatening to slay all her children, answered, that she had mean to beget others. The conspirators dismayed, seeing they were not aided by the Pope, and hearing that the Lord Lodovico, Uncle to the Countess, did send men in her aid, taking up all the goods they could carry away, went unto the City of Castello, whereby the Countess recovered her state, and revenged her husband's death by all manner of cruelties. The Earl's wife revenged. The Florentines understanding the Earl's death, took occasion to repossess the fortress of Piancaldoli, which the Earl had before taken from them: for sending thither their forces, they surprised it, and slew therein Ciecco, the famous Architetture. To this tumult of Romagna, followed one other of no less moment. Galeotto Lord of Faenza, took to wife the daughter of Giovan Bentivogli, Prince of Bologna. She either for jealousy, or because her husband used her not well, either else through her own evil nature, hated him so much, as she determined to take from him his principality and life. Then dissembling a sickness, laid herself in bed, and when Galeotto should come to visit her, she determined he should be by certain men hidden in the Chamber, slain. Of this intent, she had made her father privy, who hoped by the death of his son in law, to become Lord of Faenza. The time destined for this murder being come, Galeotto repaired to his wives Chamber, as he was wont, and having a little talked with her, the murderers came forth, and without any mercy, Galeotto, Lord of Faenza murdered. there presently slew him. So soon as the murder was known, great tumults arose. His wife, with one little son, called Astore, fled to the Castle. The people took arms, and Giovan Bentivogli, together with a Captain of Milan, called Bergamino, prepared for the purpose, with many armed men entered into Faenza, where was also Antonio Bascoli, a Florentine Commissary. All these leaders assembled, and reasoning of the government of that town. The men of the Vale of Lamona (who were come populerly to the rumour) assaulted Giovanni, and Bergamino, slaying the one, and taking the other prisoner. Then they proclaimed the name of Astore, and the Florentines, reacommending the City to the Florentine Commisaries. This chance known at Florence, grieved every man much: notwithstanding they caused Giovanni and his daughter to be set at liberty, and the tuition of Astore, by consent of the people was given unto them. Besides these diverse other tumults happened in Romagna, la Marca, and Sienna: after the wars were compounded betwixt the greater Princes; which being of less importance, I judge superfluous to report. True it is, that the troubles of Sienna (after the departure of the Duke of Calauria in the year 88) were more in number: and after many alterations, sometimes the people governed, and sometimes the nobility, but in the end, the nobility was victorious. Among whom, Pandolfo and Giacopo Petruccio, were of most authority. The one for his wisdom, the other for courage, became as Lords of that City. But the Florentines after the war of Serezana, till the year 1492. (at which time Lorenzo de Medici died) did live in great felicity. Lorenzo de Medici. For Lorenzo having by his wisdom appeased the arms of Italy, endeavoured to make himself and his City great; and married his eldest son Piero to Alfonsina, the daughter of Cavallier Orsino: and Giovanni his second son, was advanced to the dignity of Cardinal. Which honour was the more notable, because at the time of his calling to that honour, he passed not the age of fourteen years: which was the way to make his house (as after it came to pass) to be exalted to the skies. For Giuliano his third son, by reason of his young age, and the small time Lorenzo lived, he could not provide any extraordinary fortune. Of his daughters he married one to Giacopo Salviati, an other to Francisco Cibo; the third, to Piero Ridolfi: the fourth (whom he bestowed to hold his house united) was wedded to Giovan di Medici, but she died. In his other private affairs, and chief in merchandise he was very infortunate. Lorenzo in merchandise infortunato. For by the disorder of his ministers (who lived liker Princes, then private men) a great part of his substance in sundry places was consumed: enforced thereby to borrow great sums of his country. Afterwards, not to run in danger of like fortune, leaving merchandise, he employed himself in the purchase of lands: as riches of more assurance. In the countries of Pisa, Prato, and in the vale of Pesa, he compassed possessions both for profit and magnificence of houses, more fit for a King than a private person. After that time, he enlarged and beautified his own City, to the end he might live therein with the more quiet, and security. And therefore in many void places he built new houses and streets: whereby the City became more beautiful and large. Also to the end he might rest the more assured at home, and encounter his enemies far of: towards Bologna in the midsts of the Alps, he fortified the Castle of Firenzuola. Loremzo magnificent. Towards Sienna, he began to re-edify Poggio Imperiale, and make it exceeding strong. Towards Genova by winning of Pietrasanta and Serezana, he shut that passage up against the enemies. Moreover, by giving pensions, and provisions, he made friends, the Baglioni in Perugia, the Vitelli in the City of Castello, and in Faenza, he had particular government. All which things were as Bulwarks to defend Florence. In times of peace, he feasted the City, making many times triumphs, justs, and public shows. For his intent was to keep the City plentiful, the people united, and the nobility in honour. He greatly esteemed men that excelled in any Art. He also favoured learned men, as Agnolo da Montepulciano, Christofero Landini, and Demetrio Greco, Lorenzo a lover of learning. can bear witness. Insomuch as the Earl Giovanni de Mirandola (a man accounted almost divine) forsaking all other parts of Europe, which he had travailed, moved by the magnificence of Lorenzo, settled his habitation in Florence. He marvelously delighted in Music, Architecture and Poetry, as many of his own verses, and Commentaries yet extant do testify. Also to the end that the Florentine youth might be exercised in learning, he erected an University in Pisa, whither he brought the most excellent men of all Italy. He likewise builded a Monastery near unto Florence, chief for Friar Mariano da Chinazano, of the order of S. Austen, being accounted an excellent Preacher. Lorenzo universally loved. He was greatly loved both of God and fortune. All his enterprises had good success, and his enemy's misadventure: for besides the Pazzi, Battista Frescobaldi, and Baldinotto practised to slay him: but either of them with others guilty of the treason, were rewarded with the pains of their merit. This his manner of life, this his wisdom and fortune, caused the Princes not only of Italy, but others further of to know him: and with admiration to esteem him. Mathias King of Hungary made many testimonies of the love he bore him. The Sultan by his Ambassadors and presents, did visit him. The great Turk delivered to his hand Bernardo Bandini, that murdered his brother. Lorenzo honoured of princes. Which things made him highly honoured in Italy. And that reputation was daily by his own wisdom increased. For in discourse, he was eloquent, in council wise, in execution quick and courageous: neither was there in him any vices to blemish those virtues, although he were greatly delighted with love of women, and took pleasure in jesting and taunting: and would also play at children's games, unseemly in so great a parsonage. For so much he pleasured in children, that he was often seen to play with his sons, and little daughters. But whosoever would consider his lightness with his gravity, should think there were in him two persons of diverse composition, (as it were) by impossible conjunction coupled. In the last end of his life, he lived full of sorrow, caused by extreme sickness: for he was troubled with intolerable pains of the stomach, The death of Lorenzo di Medici. and died in April the year 1492. and the three and forty year of his age: neither was there any man that died either in Florence, or elsewhere in Italy, so famous for his wisdom, or so much lamented of his country. In so much as the heavens made evident signs of great misadventures that should follow. Amongst others, the Temple of Santa Reparata, was with so much fury stricken by thunder, that the greater part of the steeple was thrown down, to the admiration and terror of all men. All the inhabitants of Florence, and all the Princes of Italy lamented his death, and made manifest show thereof. For there was not any of them, that sent not Ambassadors to condole the death of Lorenzo. And for trial that they had just cause to lament, the effect following proved. For Italy being deprived of his counsel, had not any man left therein, whose wisdom could prevent or bridle the ambition of Lodovico Sforza, Governor of the young Duke of Milan. Wherefore, Lorenzo being dead, those evil seeds began to grow, which shortly after (wanting such a one to root them out) did ruin, and yet doth ruin all Italy. FINIS. LONDON Printed by Thomas Creed, for William Ponsonby. 1595.