The Art of war, written first in Italiam by Nicholas Machiavelli, and set forth in English by Peter Whitehorne, student at Gray'S Inn: with an addition of other like Marcialle feats and experiments, as in a Table in the end of the Book may appear.  
Anno. M.D.LX Menss. julij.   title page engraving  

To the most high, and excellent Princes, Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, and of the Church of England, and Ireland, on earth next under God, the supreme Governor.  
ALthough commonly every man, most worthy and renowned Sovereign, seeketh specially to commend and extol the thing, where unto he feeleth himself naturally bend and inclined, yet all such partiality and private affection laid aside, it is to be thought (that for the defence, maintenance, and advancement of a Kingdom, or Common weal, or for the good and due observation of peace, and administration of justice in the same) no one thing to be more profitable, necessary, or more honourable, than the knowledge of service in war, and deeds of arms: because considering the ambition of the world, it is impossible for any realm or dominion, long to continue free in quietness and safeguard, where the defence of the sword is not always in a readiness. For like as the Greeks, being occupied about trifling matters, taking pleasure in resiting of Comedies, and such other vain things, altogether neglecting Martial feats, gave occasion to Philip king of Macedonia, father to Alexander the Great, to oppress and to bring them in servitude, under his subjection, even so undoubtedly, liberty will not be kept, but men shall be trodden under foot, and brought to most horrible misery and calamity, if they giving themselves to pastimes and pleasure, for slake the just regard of their own defence, and safeguard of their country, which in temporal regiment, chief consisteth in warlike skilfulness. And therefore the ancient Captains and mighty Conquerors, so long as they flourished, did devise with most great diligence, all manner of ways, to bring their men to the perfect knowledge of what so ever thing appertained to the war: as manifestly appeareth by the warlike games, which in old time the Princes of Grecia ordained, upon the mount Olympus, and also by th'orders and exercises, that the ancient Romans used in sundry places, and specially in Campo Martio, and in their wonderful sumptuous theatres, which chief they builded to that purpose. Whereby they not only made their Soldiers so expert, that they obtained with a few, in fighting against a great huge multitude of enemies, such marvelous victories, as in many credible Histories are mentioned, but also by the same means, their unarmed and rascall people that followed their Camps, got such understanding in the feats of war, that they in the day of battle, being left destitute of succour, were able without any other help, to set themselves in good order, for their defence against the enemy, that would seek to hurt them, and in such dangerous times, have done their country so good service, that very often by their help, the adversaries have been put to flight, and fields most happily won. So that th'antiquity esteemed nothing more happy in a common weal, then to have in the same many men skilful in warlike affairs: by means whereof, their Empire continually enlarged, and most wonderfully and triumphantly prospered. For so long as men for their valiantness, were then rewarded and had in estimation, glad was he that could find occasion to venture, yea, and spend his life, to benefit his country: as by the manly acts that Marcus Curcius, Oracius Cocles, and Gaius Mucius did for the safeguard of Rome, and also by other innumerable like examples, doth plainly appear. But when through long and continual peace, they began to be altogether given to pleasure and delicateness, little regarding Martial feats, nor such as were expert in the practice thereof: Their dominions and estates, did not so much before increase and prosper, as then by such means and oversight, they suddenly fell into decay and utter ruin. For such truly is the nature and condition, both of peace and war, that where in government, there is not had equal consideration of them both, the one in fine, doth work and induce, the others oblivion and utter abholition. Wherefore, sith the necessity of the science of wars is so great, and also the necessary use thereof so manifest, that even Lady Peace herself, doth in manner from thence crave her chief defence and preservation, and the worthiness moreover, and honour of the same so great, that as by proof we see, the perfect glory thereof, cannot easily find root, but in the hearts of most noble courageous and manlike personages, I thought most excellent Princes, I could not either to the special gratefiing of your highness, the universal delight of all studious gentlemen, or the common utility of the public wealth, employ my labours more profitably in accomplishing of my duty and good will, then in setting forth some thing, that might induce to the augmenting and increase of the knowledge thereof: inespecially th'example of your highness most politic government over us, giving plain testimony of the wonderful prudent desire that is in you, to have your people instructed in this kind of service, as well for the better defence of your highness, themselves, and their country, as also to discourage thereby, and to be able to resist the malingnitie of the enemy, who otherwise would seek peradventure, to invade this noble realm or kingdom.  
When therefore about ten years paste, in the emperors wars against the moor and certain Turks being in Barbary, at the siege & winning of Calibbia, Monesterio and Africa, I had as well for my further instruction in those affairs, as also the better to acquaint me with the Italian tongue, reduced into English, the book called The art of War, of the famous and excellent Nicholas Machiavelli, which in times paste he being a counsellor, and Secretary of the noble city of Florence, not without his great laud and praise did write: and having lately again, somewhat perused the same, the which in such continual broils and unquietness, was by me translated, I determined with myself, by publishing thereof, to bestow as great a gift (sins greater I was not able) amongst my country men, not expert in the Italian tongue, as in like works I had seen before me, the frenchmen, Duchemen, Spaniards, and other foreign nations, most lovingly to have bestowed amongst theirs: The rather undoubtedly, that as by private reading of the same book, I then felt myself in that knowledge marvelously helped and increased, so by communicating the same to many, our Englishmen finding out the ordering and disposing of exploits of war therein contained, the aid and direction of these plain and brief precepts, might no less in knowledge of wars become incomparable, then in prows also and exercise of the same, altogether invincible: which my translation most gracious Sovereign, together with such other things, as by me hath been gathered, and thought good to add thereunto, I have presumed to dedicate unto your highness: not only because the whole charge and furniture of warlike counsels and preparations, being determined by the arbitrement of Governors and Princes, the treatise also of like effect should in like manner as of right, depend upon the protection of a most worthy and noble Patroness, but also that the discourse itself, and the work of a foreign author, under the passport and safe-conduct of your highness most noble name, might by special authority of the same, win amongst your majesties subjects, much better credit and estimation. And if most mighty Queen, in this kind of Philosophy (if I may so term it) grave and sage counsels, learned and witty precepts, or politic and prudent admonitions, ought not to be accounted the least and basest jewels of weal public. Then dare I boldly affirm, that of many strangers, which from foreign countries, have heretofore in this your majesties realm arrived, there is none in comparison to be preferred, before this worthy Florentine and Italian, who having freely without any gain of exchange (as after some acquaintance and familiarity will better appear) brought with him most rich, rare and plentiful Treasure, shall deserve I trust of all good English hearts, most lovingly and friendly to be entertained, embraced and cherished. Whose new English apparel, how so ever it shall seem by me, after a gross fashion, more fitly appointed to the Camp, then in nice terms attired to the Carpet, and in course clothing rather put forth to battle, then in any brave show prepared to the banquet, nevertheless my good will I trust, shall of your grace be taken in good part, having fashioned the phrase of my rude style, even according to the purpose of my travail, which was rather to profit the desirous man of war, then to delight the ears of the fine Rhetorician, or dainty curious scholemanne: Most humbly beseeching your highness, so to accept my labour herein, as the first fruits of a poor soldiers study, who to the uttermost of his small power, in the service of your most gracious majesty, and of his country, will at all times, according to his bounden duty and allegiance, promptly yield himself to any labour, travail, or danger, what so ever shall happen. Praying in the mean season the almighty GOD, to give your highness in long prosperous reign, perfect health, desired tranquillity, and against all your enemies, lucky and joyful victory.  
Your humble subject and daily orator, Peter Whitehorne.   

The Proheme of Nicholas Machiavelli, Citizen and Secretary of Florence, upon his book of the Art of war, unto Laurence Philippe Strozze, one of the nobility of Florence.  
THere have Laurence, many h●lde, and do hold this opinion, that there is no manner of thing, which less agreeth the one with the other, nor the is so much unlike, as the civil life to the Soldiers. Where by it is often seen, that if any determine in th'exercise of that kind of service to prevail, that incontinent he doth not only change in apparel, but also in custom and manner, in voice, and from the fashion of all civil use, he doth alter: For that he thinketh not meet to cloth with civil apparel him, who will be ready, and promt to all kind of violence, nor the civil customs, and usages may that man have, the which judgeth both those customs to be effeminate, and those usages not to be agreeable to his profession: Nor it seems not convenient for him to use the civil gesture and ordinary words, who with fasing and blasphemies, will make afraid other men: the which causeth in this time, such opinion to be most true. But if they should consider thancient orders, there should nothing be found more united, more confirmable, and that of necessity ought to love so much the one the other, as these: for as much as all the arts that are ordained in a common weal, in regard or respect of common profit of men, all the orders made in the same, to live with ●eare of the Law, and of God, should be vain, if by force of arms their defence were not prepared, which well ordained, do maintain those also which be not well ordained. And likewise to the contrary, the good orders, without the soldiers help, no less or otherwise do disorder, than the habitation of a sumptuous and royal palais, although it were decte with gold and precious stones, when without being covered, should not have wherewith to defend it from the rain. And if in what so ever other orders of Cities and Kingdoms, there hath been used all diligence for to maintain men faithful, peaceable, and full of the fear of God, in the service of war, it was doubled: for in what man ought the country to seek greater faith, then in him, who must promise to die for the same? In whom ought there to be more love of peace, then in him, which only by the war may be hurt? In whom ought there to be more fear of GOD, then in him, which every day commiting himself to infinite perils, hath most need of his help? This necessity considered well, both of them that gave the laws to Empires, & of those that to the exercise of service we appointed, made that the life of Soldiers, of other men was praised, and with all study followed and imitated. But the orders of service of war, being altogether corrupted, and a great way from the ancient manners altered, there hath grown these sinisterous opinions, which maketh men to hate the warlike service, and to fly the conversation of those that do exercise it. Albeit I judging by the same, that I have seen and red, that it is not a thing impossible, to bring it again to the ancient manners, and to give it some fashion of the virtue passed, I have determined to the intent not to pass this my idle time, without doing some thing, to write that which I do understand, of the art of war, to the satisfying of those, who are lovers of ancient acts. And although it be a hold thing to entreat of the same matter, whereof otherwise I have made no profession, notwithstanding I believe it is no error, to occupy with words a degree, the which many with greater presumption with their deeds have occupied: for as much as the errors that I may happen to make by writing, may be without harm to any man corrected: but those the which of them be made in doing, cannot be known without the ruin of Empires. Therefore Laurence you ought to consider the quality of this my labour, and with your judgement to give it that blame, or that praise, as shall seem unto you it hath deserved. The which I send unto you, as well to show myself grateful, although my ability reach not to the benefits, which I have received of you, as also for that being the custom to honour with like works them, who for nobility, riches, wisdom, and liberality do shine: I know you for riches, and nobility, not to have many peers, for wisdom few, and for liberality none.   

The first book of the art of war 〈◊〉 Nicholas Machiavelli, citizen and Secretary of Florence, unto Lauren● Philip Strozze, one of the nobiltie of Florence.  
FOrasmuch as I believe that after death, all men may be praised without charge, all occasion and suspect of flattery being taken away, I shall not doubt to praise our Cosimo Ruchellay, whose name was never remembered of me without tears, having known in him those conditions, the which in a good friend or in a citezien, might of his friends, or of his country, be desired: for that I do not know what thing was so much his, not excepting any thing (saving his soul) which for his friends willingly of him should not have been spent: I know not what enterprise should have made him afraid, where the same should have been known to have been for the benefit of his country. And I do painly confess, not to have met amongst so many men, as I have known, & practised withal, a man, whose mind was more inflamed than his, unto great & magnificent things. Nor he lamented not with his friends of any thing at his death, but because he was borne to die a young man within his own house, before he had gotten honour, and according to his desire, helped any man: for that he knew, that of him could not be spoken other, saving that there should be dead a good friend. Yet it resteth not for this, that we, and what so ever other that as we did know him, are not able to testify (seeing his works do not appear) of his laudable qualities. True it is, that fortune was not for all this, so much his enemy, that it left not some brief record of the readiness of his wit, as doth declare certain of his writings, and setting forth of amorous verses, wherein (although he were not in love) yet for that he would not consume time in vain, till unto profounder studies fortune should have brought him, in his youthful age he exercised himself. Whereby most plainly may be comprehended, with how much felicity he did describe his conceits, and how moche for Poetry he should have been esteemed, if the same for the end thereof, had of him been exercised. Fortune having therefore deprived us from the use of so great a friend, me thinketh there can be found no other remedy, then as much as is possible, to seek to enjoy the memory of the same, and to repeat such things as hath been of him either wittily said, or wisely disputed. And for as much as there is nothing of him more fresh, than the reasoning, the which in his last days signor Fabricio Collonna, in his orchard had with him, where largely of the same gentleman were disputed matters of war, both wittily and prudently, for the most part of Cosimo demanded, I thought good, for that I was present there with certain other of our friends, to bring it to memory, so that reading the same, the friends of Cosimo, which thither came, might renew in their minds, the remembrance of his virtue: and the other part being sorry for their absence, might partly learn hereby many things profitable, not only to the life of Soldiers, but also to civil men's lives, which gravely of a most wise man was disputed. Therefore I say, that Fabricio Collonna returning out of Lombardie, where long time greatly to his glory, he had served in the wars the catholic king, he determined, passing by Florence, to rest himself certain days in the same city, to visit the Duke's excellency, and to see certain gentlemen, which in times paste he had been acquainted withal. For which cause, unto Cosimo it was thought best to bid him into his orchard, not so much to use his liberality, as to have occasion to talk with him at leisure, and of him to understand and to learn divers things, according as of such a man may be hoped for, seeming to have occasion to spend a day in reasoning of such matters, which to his mind should best satisfy him. Then Fabricio came, according to his desire, and was received of Cosimo together, with certain of his trusty friends, amongst whom were Zanoby Buoudelmonti, baptist Palla, and Luigi Allamanni, all young men loved of him, and of the very same studies most ardent, whose good qualities, for as much as every day, and at every hour they do praise themselves, we will omit. Fabritio was then according to the time and place honoured, of all those honours, that they could possible devise: But the banqueting pleasures being passed, & the tabel taken up, and all preparation of feastings consumed, the which are soon at an end in sight of great men, who to honourable studies have their minds set, the day being long, and the heat much, Cosimo judged for to content better his desire, that it were well done, taking occasion to avoid the heat, to bring him into the most secret, and shadowest place of his garden. Where they being come, and caused to sit, some upon herbs, some in the coldest places, other upon little seats which there was ordained, under the shadow of most high trees, Fabritio praiseth the place, to be delectable, 
How senior Fabricio Collonna and other gentlemen being togethet in a garde●●, ●nt●red into talk of matters of war.  and particularly considering the trees, and not knowing some of them, he did stand musing in his mind, whereof Cosimo being a ware said, you have not peradventure been acquainted with some of these sorts of trees: But do not marvel at it, for as much as there be some, that were more esteemed of the antiquity, than they are commonly now a days: and he told him the names of them, and how Bernardo his grandfather did travail in such kind of planting: Fabritio replied, I thought it should be the same you say, and this place, and this study, made me to remember certain Princes of the Kingdom of Naples, which of these ancient tillage and shadow do delight. And staying upon this talk, and somewhat standing in a study, said moreover, if I thought I should not offend, I would tell my opinion, but I believe I shall not, commoning with friends, & to dispute of things, & not to condemn them. How much better they should have done (be it spoken without displeasure to any man) to have sought to been like the antiquity in things strong, and sharp, not in the delicate and soft: and in those that they did in the Sun, not in the shadow: and to take the true and perfect manners of the antiquity: not those that are false and corrupted: for that when these studies pleased my Romans, my country fell into ruin. Unto which Cosimo answered. But to avoid the tediousness to repeat so many times he said, & the other answered, there shall be only noted the names of those that speaks, without rehearsing other.  
Then Cosimo said, you have opened the way of a reasoning, which I have desired, and I pray you that you will speak without respect, for that that I without respect will ask you, and if I demanding, or replying shall excuse, or accuse any, it shall not be to excuse, or accuse, but to understand of your the truth.  Fabritio. 
And I shall be very well contented to tell you that, which I understand of all the same that you shall ask me, the which if it shall be true, or no, I will report me to your judgement: and I will be glad that you ask me, for that I am to learn, as well of you in asking me, as you of me in answering you: for as much as many times a wise demander, maketh one to consider many things, and to know many other, which without having been demanded, he should never have known.  Cosimo. 
I will return to the same, that you said first, that my grandfather and those your Princes, should have done more wisely, to have resembled the antiquity in hard things, then in the delicate, and I will excuse my par●e, for that, the other I shall leave to excuse for you. I do not believe that in his time was any man, that so much detested the living in ease, as he did, and that so moche was a lover of the same hardness of life, which you praise: notwithstanding he knew not how to be able in person, nor in those of his sons to use it, being borne in so corrupt a world, where one that would digress from the common use, should be infamed and disdained of every man: considering that if one in the hottest day of Summer being naked, should wallow himself upon the Sand, or in Winter in the most coldest months upon the snow, as Diogenes did, he should be taken as a fool. If one (as the Spartans were wont to do) should nourish his children in a village, making them to sleep in the open air, to go with head and feet naked, to wash themselves in the cold water for to harden them, to be able to abide moche pain, and for to make them to love less life, and to fear less death, he should be scorned, and sooner taken as a wild beast, then as a man. If there were seen also one, to nourish himself with peason and beans, and to despise gold, as Fabricio doth, he should be praised of few, and followed of none: so that he being afraid of this present manner of living, ●e left ancient f●cions, and the same, that he could with lest admiration imitate in the antiquity, he did.  Fabritio. 
You have excused it in this part most strongly: and surely you say the truth: but I did not speak so moche of this hard manner of living, as of other manners more humane, and which have with the life now a days greater conformity. The which I do not believe, that it hath been difficult to bring to pass unto one, who is numbered amongst Princes of a city: for the proving whereof, I will never seek other, than th'example of the Romans. Whose lives, if they were well considered, and th'orders of the same common weal, there should therein be seen many things, not impossible to induce into a commonalty, so that it had in her any good thing.  Cosimo. 
What things are those, that you would induce like unto the antiquity.  Fabricio. 
To honour, and to reward virtue, not to despise poverty, to esteem the manners & orders of warfare, to constrain the citizens to love one an other, to live without fectes, to esteem less the private, than the public, and other like things, that easily might be with this time accompanied: the which manners are not difficult to bring to pass, when a man should well consider them, and entre therein by due means: for asmuch as in the same, the truth so moche appeareth, that every common wit, may easily perceive it: which thing, who that ordaineth, doth plant trees, under the shadow whereof, they abide more happy, and more pleasantly, then under these shadows of this goodly garden.  Cosimo. 
I will not speak any thing against the same that you have said, but I will leave it to be judged of these, whom ●asely can judge, and I will turn my communication to you, that is an accuser of them, the which in gra●●, and great doings, are not followers of the antiquity, thinking by this way more easily to be in my intent satisfied. Therefore, I would know of you whereof it groweth, that of the one side you condemn those, that in their doings resemble not the antiquity? Of the other, in the war, which is your art, wherein you are judged excellent, it is not seen, that you have endeavoured yourself, to bring the same to any such end, or any thing at all resembled therein the ancient manners.  Fabricio. 
You are happened upon the points, where I looked: for that my talk deserved no other question: nor I desired other: and albeit that I could save myself with an easy excuse, not withstanding for my more contentation, and yours, seeing that the season beareth it, I will enter in moche longer reasoning. Those men, which will enterprise any thing, ought first with all diligence to prepare themselves, to be ready and apt when occasion serveth, to accomplish that, which they have determined to work: and for that when the preparations are made craftily, they are not known, there cannot be accused any man of any negligence, if first it be not disclosed by th'occasion: in the which working not, is after seen, either that there is not prepared so much as sufficeth, or that there hath not been of any part thereof thought upon. And for as much as to me there is not come any occasion to be able, to show the preparations made of me, to reduce the service of war into his ancient orders, if I have not reduced it, I cannot be of you, nor of other blamed: I believe this excuse should suffice for answer to your accusement.  Cosimo. 
It should suffice, when I were certain, that th'occasion were not come.  Fab. 
But for that I know, that you may doubt whether this occasion hath been cum, or no, I will largely (when you with patience will hear me) discourse what preparations are necessary first to make, what occasion must grow, what difficulty doth let, that the preparations help not, and why th'occasion cannot come, & how these things at ones, which seem contrary ends, is most difficile, & most easy to do.  Cosimo. 
You cannot do both to me, and unto these other, a thing more thankful their this. And if to you it shall not be tedious to speak, unto us it shall never be grievous to hear: but for as much as this reasoning aught to be long, I will with your licence take help of these my friends: and they, and▪ I pray you of one thing, that is, that you will not be grieved, if some time with some question of importance, we interrupt you.  Fabricio. 
I am most well contented, that you Cosimo with these other young men here, do ask me: for that I believe, that youthfulness, will make you lovers of warlike things, and more easy to believe the same, that of me shallbe said. These other, by reason of having now their head white, and for having upon their backs their blood congealed, part of them are wont to be enemies of war, part uncorrectable, as those, whom believe, that times, and not the naughty manners, constrain men to live thus: so that safely ask you all of me, and without respect: the which I desire, as well, for that it may be unto me a little ease, as also for that I shall have pleasure, not to leave in your mind any doubt. I will begin at your words, where you said unto me, that in the war, that is my art, I had not endeavoured to bring it to any ancient end: whereupon I say, as this being an art, whereby men of no manner of age can live honestly, it cannot be used for an art, but of a common weal: or of a kingdom: and the one and the other of these, when they be well ordained, will never consent to any their citizens, or Subjects, 
Why a good man ought never to use the exercise of arms, as his art  to use it for any art, nor never any good man doth exercise it for his particular art: for as much as good he shall never be judged, whom maketh an ex●ersise thereof, where purposing always to gain thereby, it is requisite for him to be ravening, deceitful, violente, and to have many qualities, the which of necessity maketh him not good: nor those men cannot, which use it for an art, as well the great as the least, be made otherwise: for that this art doth not nourish them in peace. Wherefore they are constrained, either to think that there is no peace, or so much to prevail in the time of war, that in peace they may be able to keep themselves: and neither of these two though 〈◊〉 happeneth in a good man: for that in minding to do able to find himself at all times, do grow robberies, violence, slaughters, which such soldiers make as well to the friends, as to the enemies: and in minding not to have peace, there groweth deceipts, which the captains use to those, which hire them, to the intent the war may continue, and yet though the peace come often, it happeneth that the captains being deprived of their stipends, and of their licentious living, they erect an ansigne of adventures, and without any pity they put to sack a province. Have not you in memory of your affairs, how that being many Soldiers in Italy without wages, because the war was ended, they assembled together many companies, and went taxing the towns, and sacking the country, without being able to make any remedy? Have you not red, that the Carthagenes soldiers, the first war being ended which they had with the Romans, under Matho, and Spendio, two captains, rebelliously constituted of them, made more perilous war to the carthaginians, than the same which they had ended with the Romans? In the time of our fathers, Frances Sforza, to the intent to be able to live honourably in the time of peace, not only beguiled the Millenars, whose soldier he was, but he took from them their liberty and became their Prince. Like unto him hath been all the other soldiers of Italy, which have used warfare, for their particular art, and albeit they have not through their malignity becomen Dukes of Milein, so much the more they deserve to be blamed: for that although they have not gotten so much as he, they have all (if their lives were seen) sought to bring the like things to pass. Sforza father of Frances, constrained Queen jone, to cast herself into the arms of the king of Arragon, having in a sudden forsaken her, and in the midst of her enemies, left her disarmed, only to satisfy his ambition, either in taxing her, or in taking from her the Kingdom. Braccio with the very same industry, sought to possess the kingdom of Naples, and if he had not been overthrown and slain at Aquila, he had brought it to pass. Like disorders grow not of other, then of such men as hath been, that use the exercise of warfare, for their proper art. Have not you a Proverb, which fortefieth my reason's, 
A Proverb of ●●●●e & pe●ce.  which saith, that war maketh thieves, and peace hangeth them up? For as much as those, which know not how to live of other exercise, and in the same finding not enie man to sustain them, and having not so much power, to know how to reduce themselves together, to make an open rebellion, they are constrained of necessity to Rob in the high ways, and justice is enforced to extinguish them.  Cosimo. 
You have made me to esteem this art of warfare almost as nothing, and I have supposed it the most excellentes, and most honourablesse that hath been used: so that if you declare me it not better, I cannot remain satisfied: For that when it is the same, that you say, I know not, whereof groweth the glory of Cesar, of Pompey, of Scipio, of Marcello, and of so many Roman Captains, which by fame are celebrated as Gods.  Fabricio. 
I have not yet made an end of disputing all the same, that I purposed to propound: which were two things, the one, that a good man could not use this exercise for his art: the other, that a common weal or a kingdom well governed, did never permit, that their Subjects or citizens should use it for an art. About the first, I have spoken as much as hath comen into my mind: there remaineth in me to speak of the second, where I will come to answer to this your last question, and I say that Pompey and Cesar, and almost all those Captains, which were at Rome, after the last Carthagenens war, got same as valiant men, not as good, and those which lived before them, got glory as valiant and good men: the which grew, for that these took not the exercise of war for their art: and those which I named first, as their art did use it. And so long as the common weal lived unspotted, never any noble Citizen would presume, by the mean of such exercise, to avail thereby in peace, breaking the laws, spoiling the Provinces, usurping, and playing the Tyrant in the country, and in every manner prevailing: nor any of how low degree so ever they were, would go about to violate the Religion, confederating themselves with private men, not to fear the Senate, or to follow any tyrannical insolence, for to be able to live with the art of war in all times. But those which were Captains, contented with triumph, with desire did turn to their private life, and those which were membrrs, would be more willing to lay away their weapons, then to take them, and every man turned to his science, whereby they got their living: Nor there was never any, that would hope with pray, and with this art, to be able to find themselves. Of this there may be made concerning citizens, most evident conjecture, by the ensample of Regolo Attillio, who being Captain of the Roman armies in Africa, and having as it we overcome the Carthegenens, he required of the Senate, licence to return home, to keep his possessions, and told them, that they were marred of his husbandmen. Whereby it is more clear than the Sun, that if the same man had used the war as his art, and by means thereof, had purposed to have made it profitable unto him, having in pray so many Provinces, he would not have asked licence, to return to keep his fields: for as much as every day he might otherwise, have gotten moche more, than the value of all those possessions: but because these good men, and such as use not the war for their art, will not take of the same any thing than labour, perils, and glory, when they are sufficiently glorious, they desire to return home, and to live of their own science. Concerning men of low degree, and common soldiers, to prove that they kept the very fame order, it doth appear that every one willingly absented themselves from such exercise, and when they served not in the war, they would have desired to serve, and when they did serve, their would have desired leave not to have served: which is well known through many ensamples, and inespecially seeing how among the first privileges, which the Roman people gave to their citizens was, that they should not be constrained against their wills, to serve in the wars. Therefore, Rome so long as it was well governed, which was until the coming of Graccus, it had not any Soldier that would take this exercise for an art, and therefore it had few naughty, and those few were severely punished. Then a cities well governed, aught to desire, that this study of war, be used in time of peace for exercise, and in the time of war, for necessity and for glory: and to suffer only the common weal to use it for an art, as Rome did, and what so ever Citizen, that hath in such exercise other end, is not good, & what so ever city is governed otherwise, is not well ordained.  Cosimo. 
I remain contented enough and satisfied of the same, which hitherto you have told, and this conclusion pleaseth me very well which you have made, and as much as is looked for touching a common wealth, I believe that it is true, but concerning Kings, I can not tell now, for that I would believe that a King would have about him, whom particularly should take such exercise for his art.  Fabritio. 
A kingdom well ordered aught moste of all to avoid the like kind of men, for only they, are the destruction of their king, and all together ministers of tyranny, and allege me not to the contrary any present kingdom, for that I will deny you all those to be kingdoms well ordered, because the kingdoms which have good orders, give not their absolute Empire unto their king, saving in the armies, for as much as in this place only, a quick deliberation is necessary, & for this cause a principal power ought to be made. In the other affairs, he ought not to do any thing without council, & those are to be feared, which council him, least he have some about him which in time of peace desireth to have war, because they are not able without the same to live, but in this, I willbe a little more large: neither to seek a kingdom altogether good, but like unto those which be now a days, where also of a king those aught to be feared, which take the war for their art, for that the strength of armies without any doubt are the foot men: so that if a king take not order in such wise, that his men in time of peace may be content to return home, & to live of their own trades, it will follow of necessity, that he ruinated: for that there is not found more perilous men, than those, which make the war as their art: because in such case, a king is enforced either always to make war, or to pay them always, or else to be in peril, that they take not from him his kingdom. To make war always, it is not possible: to pay them always it can not be: see that of necessity, he runneth in peril to lose the state. The Romans (as I have said) so long as they were wise and good, would never permit, that their citizens should take this exercise for their art, although they were able to nourish them therein always, for that that always they made war: but to avoid the same hurt, which this continual exercise might do them, seeing the time did not vary, they changed the men, and from time to time took such order with their legions, that in xv. years always, they renewed them: and so they had their men in the flower of their age, that is from xviij. to xxxiij. years, in which time the legs, the hands, and the yes answer the one the other, nor they tarried not till there strength should decay, and there naghtines increase, as it did after in the corrupted times. For as much as Octavian first, and after Tiberius, minding more there proper power, than the public profit, began to unarm the Roman people, to be able easily to command them, & to keep continually those same armies on the frontries' of the Empire: and because also they judged those, not sufficient to keep bridled the people and Roman Senate, they ordained an army called Protoriano, which lay hard by the walls of Rome, and was as a rock on the back of the same City. And for as much as then they began freely to permit, that such men as were appointed in such exercises, should use the service of war for their art, straight way the insolence of them grew, that they became fearful unto the Senate, and hurtful to the Emperor, whereby ensued such harm, that many were slain through there insolensie: for that they gave, and took away the Empire, to whom they thought good. And some while it happened, that in one self time there were many Emperors, created of divers armies, of which things proceeded first the division of the Empire, and at last the ruin of the same. Therefore kings ought, if they will live safely, to have there soldiers made of men, who when it is time to make war, willingly for his love will go to the same, and when the peace cometh after, more willingly will return home. Which always willbe, when they shallbe men that know how to live of other art then this: and so they ought to desire, peace being come, that there Prince do turn to govern their people, the gentlemen to the tending of there possessions, and the common soldiers to their particular art, and every one of these, to make war to have peace, and not to seek to trouble the peace, to have war.  Cosimo. 
Truly this reasoning of yours, I think to be well considered, notwithstanding being almost contrary to that, which till now I have thought, my mind as yet doth not rest purged of all doubt, for as much as I see many Lords and gentlemen, to find themselves in time of peace, through the studies of war, as your matches be, who have provision of there princes, and of the commonalty. I see also, almost all the gentlemen of arms, remain with their provision, I see many soldiers lie in garrison of Cities and fortresses, so that my thinks, that there is place in time of peace, for every one.  Fabritio. 
I do not believe that you believe this, that in time of peace every man may have place, because, put case that there could not be brought other reason, the small number, that all they make, which remain in the places alleged of you, would answer you. What proportion have the soldiers, which are requiset to be in the war with those, which in the peace are occupied? For as much as the fortrese, and the cities that be warded in time of peace, in the war are warded much more, unto whom are joined the soldiers, which keep in the field, which are a great number, all which in the peace be put away. And concerning the guard of states, which are a small number, Pope july, and you have showed to every man, how much are to be feared those, who will not learn to exercise any other art, than the war, and you have for there insolence, deprived them from your guard, and have placed therein Swisers, as men borne & brought up under laws, and chosen of the commonalty, according to the true election: so that say no more, that in peace is place for every man. Concerning men at arms, they all remaining in peace with their wages, maketh this resolution to seem more difficult: notwithstanding who considereth well all, shall find the answer easy, because this manner of keeping men of arms, is a corrupted manner and not good, the occasion is, for that they be men, who make thereof an art, and of them their should grow every day a thousand inconveniencies in the states, where they should be, if they were accompanied of sufficient company: but being few, and not able by themselves to make an army, they cannot often do such grievous hurts, nevertheless they have done oftentimes: as I have said of Frances, and of Sforza his father, and of Braccio of Perugia: so that this use of keeping men of arms, I do not allow, for it is a corrupt manner, & it may make great inconveniencies.  Cosimo. 
Would you live without them? or keeping them, how would you keep them?  Fabritio. 
By way of ordinance, not like to those of the king of France: for as much as they be perilous, and insolent like unto ours, but I would keep them like unto those of the ancient Romans, whom created their chivalry of their own subjects, & in peace time, they sent them home unto their houses, to live of their own trades, as more largely before this reasoning end, I shall dispute. So that if now this part of an army, can live in such exercise, as well when it is peace, it groweth of the corrupt order. Concerning the provisions, which are reserved to me, & to other captains, I say unto you, that this likewise is an order most corrupted: for as much as a wise common weal, ought not to give such stipends to any, but rather they ought to use for Captains in the war, their citizens, and in time of peace to will, that they return to their occupations. Likewise also, a wise king either ought not to give to such, or giving any, the occasion ought to be either for reward of some worthy deed, or else for the desire to keep such a kind of man, as well in peace as in water. And because you alleged me, I will make ensample upon myself, & say that I never used the war as an art, for as much as my art, is to govern my subjects, and to defend them, & to be able to defend them, to love peace, & to know how to make war, and my king not so much to reward and esteem me, for my knowledge in the war, as for the knowledge that I have to council him in peace. Then a king ought not to desire to have about him, 
A king that ●at● about him any that are to much severe of wa●●e, or to much ●ouere of peace 〈…〉 him to e●te.  any that is not of this condition if he be wise, and prudently mind to govern: for that, that if he shall have about him either to much lovers of peace, or to much lovers of war, they shall make him to err. I cannot in this my first reasoning, and according to my purpose say more, and when this sufficeth you not, it is meet, you seek of them that may satisfy you better. You may now very well understand, how difficult it is to bring in ure the ancient manners in the present wars, and what preparations are meet for a wise man to make, and what occasions ought to be looked for, to be able to execute it. But by & by, you shall know these things better, if this reasoning make you not weary, conferring what so ever parts of the ancient orders hath been, to the manners now present.  Cosimo. 
If we desired at the first to here your reason of these things, truly the same which hitherto you have spoken, hath doubled our desire: wherefore we thank you for the we have hard, & the rest, we crave of you to here▪  Fabritio. 
Seeing that it is so your pleasure, I will begin to entreat of this matter from the beginning, to the intent it may be better understood, being able by the same mean, more largely to declare it. The end of him that will make war, is to be able to fight with every enemy in the field, & to be able to overcum an army. To purpose to do this, it is convenient to ordain an host. To ordain an host, their must be found men, armed, ordered, and as well in the small, as in the great orders exercised, to know how to keep array, and to encamp, so that after bringing them unto the enemy, either standing or marching, they may know how to behave themselves valiantly. In this thing consisteth all the industry of the war on the land, which is the most necessary, and the most honourablest, for he that can well order a field against the enemy, the other faults that he should make in the affairs of war, willbe borne with: but he that lacketh this knowledge, although that in other particulars he be very good, he shall never bring a war to honour: for as much as a field that thou winnest, doth cancel all other thy evil acts: so like wise losing it, all things well done of thee before, remain vain. Therefore, being necessary first to find the men, it is requiset to come to the choice of them. They which unto the war have given rule, will that the men be chosen out of temperate countries, to the intent they may have hardiness, and prudence, for as much as the hot country, bredes prudente men and not hardy, the cold, hardy, and not prudente. This rule is good to be given, to one that were prince of all the world, because it is lawful for him to choose men out of those places, which he shall think best. But minding to give a rule, 
Out of what Country is best to choose Soldiers to make a good election.  that every one may use, it is meet to declare, that every common weal, and every kingdom, aught to choose their soldiers out of their own country, whether it be hot, cold, or temperate: for that it is seen by old ensamples, how that in every country with exercise, their is made good soldiers: because where nature lacketh, the industry supplieth, the which in this case is worth more, than nature, and taking them in other places, you shall not have of the choice, for choice is as much to say, as the best of a province, & to have power to choose those that will not, as well as those that will serve. Wherefore, you must take your choice in those places, that are subject unto you, for that you cannot take whom you list, in the countries that are not yours, but you must take such as will go with you.  Cosimo. 
Yet there may be of those, that will come, taken and left, and therefore, they may be called chosen.  Fabricio. 
You say the truth in a certain manner, but consider the faults, which such a chosen man hath in himself, for that also many times it happeneth, that he is not a chosen man. For those that are not thy subjects, and which willingly do serve, are not of the best, but rather of the worst of a Province, for as much as if any be slanderoous, idle, unruly, without Religion, fugetive from the rule of their fathers, blasphemers, Dise players, in every condition evil brought up, be those, which will serve, whose customs cannot be more contrary, to a true and good service: Albeit, when there be offered unto you, so many of such men, as come to above the number, that you have appointed, you may choose them: but the matter being nought, the choice is not possible to be good: also, many times it chanceth, that they be not so many, as will make up the number, whereof you have need, so that being constrained to take them all, it cometh to pass, that they cannot then be called chosen men, but hired Soldiers. With this disorder the armies of Italy, are made now a days, and in other places, except in Almain, because there they do not hire any by commandment of the Prince, but according to the will of them, that are disposed to serve. Then consider now, what manners of those ancient armies, may be brought into an army of men, put togethet by like ways.  Cosimo. 
What way ought to be used then?  Fabritio. 
Thesame way that I said, to choose them of their own subjects, and with the authority of the Prince.  Cosimo. 
In the chosen, shall there be likewise brought in any ancient fashion?  Fabricio. 
You know well enough that ye: when he that should command them, were their Prince, or ordinary lord, whether he were made chief, or as a Citizen, and for the same time captain, being a common weal, otherwise it is hard to make any thing good.  Cosimo. 
Why?  Fabricio. 
I will tell you a nane: For this time I will that this suffice you, that it cannot be wrought well by other way.  Cosimo. 
Having then to make this choice of men in their own countries, whether judge you that it be better to take them out of the city, 
Whether it be better to take men out of towns or out of the country to serve.  or out of the country?  Fabritio. 
Those that have written of such matters, do all agree, that it is best to choose them out of the country, being men accustomed to no ease, nourished in labours, used to stand in the sun, to fly the shadow, knowing how to occupy the spade, to make a ditch, to carry a burden, & to be without any deceit, & without malisiousnes. But in this part my opinion should be, that being two sorts of soldiers, on foot, & on horseback, that those on foot, should be chosen out of the country, and those on horseback, out of the Cities.  Cosimo. 
Of what age would you choose them? 
Of what age Soldiers ought to be chosen.   Fabricio. 
I would take them, when I had to make a new army, from xvij. to xl. years: when it were made already, and I had to restore them, of xvij. always.  Cosimo. 
I do not understand well this distinction.  Fabricio. 
I shall tell you: when I should ordain an host to make war, where were no host already, it should be necessary to choose all those men, which were most fit & apt for the war, so that they were of serviceable age, that I might be able to instruct them, as by me shallbe declared: but when I would make my choice of men in places, where a power were already prepared, for supplying of the same, I would take them of xvij. years: for as much as the other of more age, be already chosen & appointed.  Cosimo. 
Then would you prepare a power like to those which is in our country?  Fabricio. 
Ye truly, it is so that I would arm them, Captain them, exercise and order them in a manner, which I cannot tell, if you have ordered them so.  Cosimo. 
Then do you praise the keeping of order?  Fabritio. 
Wherefore would you that I should dispraise it?  Cosimo. 
Because many wise men have always blamed it.  Fabricio. 
You speak against all reason, to say that a wise man blameth order, he may be well thought wise, and be nothing so.  Cosimo. 
The naughty proof, which it hath always, maketh us to have such opinion thereof.  Fabricio. 
Take heed it be not your fault, and not the keeping of order, the which you shall know, before this reasoning be ended.  Cosimo. 
You shall do a thing most thankful, yet I will say concerning the same, that they accuse it, to the intent you may the better justify it. They say thus, either it is unprofitable, and we trusting on the same, shall make us to lose our state, or it shall be virtuous, and by the same mean, he that governeth may easily deprive us thereof. They allege the Romans, who by mean of their own powers, lost their liberty. They allege the Venicians, & the French king, which Venicians, because they will not be constrained, to obey one of their own citizens, use the power of strangers: and the French king hath disarmed his people, to be able more easily to command them, but they which like not the ordinances, fear moche more the unprofitableness, that they suppose may ensue thereby, than any thing else: the one cause which they allege is, because they are unexpert: The other, for that they have to serve par force: for asmuch as they say, that the aged be not so dissiplinable, nor apt to learn the feat of arms, and that by force, is done never any thing good.  Fabricio. 
All these reasons that you have rehearsed, be of men, which knoweth the thing full little, as I shall plainly declare. And first, concerning the unprofitableness, I tell you, that there is no service used in any country more profitable, than the service by the Subjects of the same, nor the same service cannot be prepared, but in this manner: and for that this needeth not to be disputed of, I will not lose moche time; because all thensamples of ancient histores, make for my purpose, and for that they allege the lack of experience, & to use constraint: I say how it is true, that the lack of experience, causeth lack of courage, and constraint, maketh evil contentation: but courage, and experience they are made to get, with the manner of arming them, 
By what means soldiers be made bold and expert.  exercising, and ordering them, as in proceeding of this reasoning, you shall hear. But concerning constraint, you ought to understand, that the men, which are conducted to warfare, by commandment of their Prince, they ought to come, neither altogether forced, nor altogether willingly, for as much as to much willyngnesse, would make thinconveniencies, where I told afore, that he should not be a chosen man, and those would be few that would go: and so to much constraint, will bring forth naughty effects. Therefore, a mean aught to be taken, where is not all constraint, nor all willingness: but being drawn of a respect, that they have towards their Prince, where they fear more the displeasure of the same, than the present pain: and always it shall happen to be a constraint, in manner mingled with willingness, that there cannot grow soche evil contentation, that it make evil effects. Yet I say not for all this, that it cannot be overcome, for that full many times, were overcome the Roman armies, and the army of Aniball was overcome, so that it is seen, that an army cannot be ordained so sure, that it cannot be overthrown. Therefore, these your wise men, ought not to measure this unprofitableness, for having lost once, but to believe, that like as they lose, so they may win, and remedy the occasion of the loss: and when they shall seek this, they shall find, that it hath not been through fault of the way, but of the order, which had not his perfection, and as I have said, they ought to provide, not with blaming the order, but with redressing it, the which how it ought to be done, you shall understand, from point to point. Concerning the doubt, lest such ordinances, take not from thee thy state, by mean of one, which is made head thereof, I answer, that the armure on the backs of citizens, or subjects, given by the disposition of order and law, did never harm, but rather always it doth good, and maintaineth the city, much longer in surety, through help of this armure, then without. Rome continued free. CCCC. years, and was armed. Sparta eight C. Many other cities have been disarmed, and have remained free, less than xl For as much as cities have need of defence, and when they have no defence of their own, they hire strangers, and the straunges defence, shall hurt moche sooner the common weal, than their own: because they be much easier to be corrupted, and a citizen that becometh mighty, may much sooner usurp, and more easily bring his purpose to pass, where the people be disarmed, that he seeketh to oppress: besides this, a city ought to fear a great deal more, two enemies then one. Thesame city that useth strangers power, 
A city that useth the service of strangers, feareth at one instant the strangers, which it hireth and the citizens of the same.  feareth at one instant the stranger, which it hireth, and the Citizen: and whether this fear ought to be, remember the same, which I rehearsed a little afore of Frances Sforza. That city, which useth her own proper power, feareth no man, other then only her own Citizen. But for all the reasons that may be said, this shall serve me, that never any ordained any common weal, or Kingdom, that would not think. that they themselves, that inhabit the same, should with their swords defend it.  
And if the Venicians had been so wise in this, as in all their other orders, they should have made a new Monarchy in the world, whom so moche the more deserve blame, having been armed of their first giver of laws: for having no dominion on the land, they were armed on the sea, where they made their war virtuously, and with weapons in their hands, increased their country. But when they were driven, to make war on the land, to defend Vicenza, where they ought to have sent one of their citizens, to have fought on the land, they hired for their captain, the Marquis of Mantua: this was the same foolish act, which cut of their legs, from climbing into heaven, and from enlarging their dominion: and if they did it, because they believed, that as they knew, how to make war on the Sea, so they mistrusted themselves, to make it on the land, it was a mistrust not wise: for as much as more easily, a captain of the sea, which is used to fight with the winds, with the water, and with men, shall become a captain of the land, where he shall fight with men only, than a captain of the land, to become a captain of the sea. The Romans knowing how to fight on the land, and on the sea, coming to war, with the carthaginians, which were mighty on the sea, hired not Greeks, or Spaniards, accustomed to the sea, but they committed the same care, to their citizens, which they sent on the land, and they overcame. If they did it, for that one of their citizens should not become a tyrant, it was a fear smally considered: for that beside the same reasons, which to this purpose, a little afore I have rehearsed, if a Citizen with the powers on the sea, was never made a tyrant in a city standing in the sea, so much the less he should have been able to accomplish this with the powers of the land: whereby they ought to see that the weapons in the hands of their citizens, could not make tyrants: but the naughty orders of the government, which maketh tyranny in a city, & they having good government, they need not to fear their own weapons: they took therefore an unwise way, the which hath been occasion, to take from them moche glory, and moche felicity. Concerning the error, which the king of France committeth not keeping instructed his people in the war, the which those your wise men allege for ensample, there is no man, (his particular passions laid a side) that doth not judge this fault, to be in the same kingdom, and this negligence only to make him weak. But I have made to great a digression, and peradventure am come out of my purpose, albeit, I have done it to answer you, and to show you, that in no country, there can be made sure foundation, for defence in other powers but of their own subictes: and their own power, cannot be prepared otherwise, then by way of an ordinance, nor by other way, to induce the fashion of an army in any place, nor by other mean to ordain an instruction of warfare. If you have red the orders, which those first kings made in Rome, and inespecially Seruio Tullo, you shall find that the orders of the Classi is no other, than an ordinance, to be able at a sudden, to bring together an army, for defence of the same city. But let us return to our choice, I say again, that having to renew an old order, I would take them of xvij having to make a new army, I would take them of all ages, between xvij and xl. to be able to war strait way.  Cosimo. 
Would you make any difference, of what science you would choose them?  Fabritio. 
The authors, which have written of the art of war, make difference, for that they will not, that there be taken fowlers, Fishers, Cooks, bawds, nor none that use any science of voluptuousness. But they will, that there be taken Plowmen, Ferrars, Smiths, Carpenters, Buchars, Hunters, and such like: but I would make little difference, through conjecture of the science, 
Of what science soldiers ought to be chosen.  concerning the goodness of the man, notwithstanding, in as much as to be able with more profit to use them, I would make difference, and for this cause, the country men, which are used to till the ground, are more profitable than any other. Next to whom be Smiths, Carpentars', Ferrars, Masons, whereof it is profitable to have enough: for that their occupations, serve well in many things: being a thing very good to have a soldier, of whom may be had double service.  Cosimo. 
Whereby do they know those, that be, or are not sufficient to serve.  Fabritio. 
I will speak of the manner of choosing a new ordinance, to make an army after, for that, part of this matter, doth come also to be reasoned of, in the election, which should be made for the replenishing, or restoring of an old ordinance. I say therefore, that the goodness of one, which thou must choose for a Soldier, is known either by experience, through mean of some of his worthy doings, or by conjecture. The proof of virtue, cannot be found in men which are chosen of new, and which never afore have been chosen, and of these are found either few or none, in the ordinance that of new is ordained. It is necessary therefore, lacking this experience, to run to the conjecture, which is taken by the years, by the occupation, and by the parsonage: of those two first, hath been reasoned, there remaineth to speak of the third. And therefore, I say how some have willed, that the soldier be great, amongst whom was Pirrus. Some other have chosen them only, by the lustiness of the body, as Cesar did: which lustiness of body and mind, is conjectured by the composition of the members, and of the grace of the countenance: and therefore, 
How to choose a soldier.  these that writ say, that they would have the eyes lively and cheerful, the neck full of sinews, the breast large, the arms full of musculles, the fingers long, little beallie, the flanks round, the legs and feet dry: which parts are wont always to make a man nimble and strong, which are two things, that in a soldier are sought above all other. Regard aught to be had above all things, to his customs, and that in him be honesty, and shame: otherwise, there shall be chosen an instrument of mischief, and a beginning of corruption: for that let no man believe that in the dishonest education, and filthy mind, there may take any virtue, which is in any part laudable. And I think it not superfluous, but rather I believe it to be necessary, to the intent you may the better understand, the importance of this chosen, to tell you the manner, that the Roman Consuls, in the beginning of their rule, observed in the choosing of their Roman legions: in the which choice of men, because the same legions were mingled with old soldiers and new, considering the continual war they kept, they might in their choice proceed, with the experience of the old, and with the conjecture of the new: and this aught to be noted, that these men be chosen, either to serve incontinently, or to exercise them incontinently, and after to serve when need should require. But my intention is to show you, how an army may be prepared in the country, where there is no warlike discipline: in which country, chosen men cannot be had, to use them strait way, but there, where the custom is to levy armies, and by mean of the Prince, they may then well be had, as the Romans observed, and as is observed at this day among the Suisers: because in these chosen, though there be many new men, there be also so many of the other old Soldiers, accustomed to serve in the warlike orders, where the new mingled together with the old, make a body united and good, notwithstanding, that themperors after, beginning the staciones of ordinary Soldiers, had appointed over the new soldiers, which were called tironi, a master to exercise them, as appeareth in the life of Massimo the Emperor. The which thing, while Rome was free, not only in the armies, but in the city was ordained: and the exercises of war, being accustomed in the same, where the young men did exercise, there grew, that being chosen after to go into war, they were so used in the feigned exercise of warfare, that they could easily work in the true: but those emperors having after put down these exercises, they were constrained to use the ways, that I have showed you. Therefore, coming to the manner of the chosen Romain, I say that after the Roman consuls (to whom was appointed the charge of the war) had taken the rule, minding to ordain their armies, for that it was the custom, that either of them should have two Legions of Roman men, which was the strength of their armies, they created xxiiij Tribunes of war, and they appointed six for every Legion, whom did the same office, which those do now a days, that we call Constable's: they made after to come together, all the Roman men apt to bear weapons, and they put the Tribunes of every Legion, separate the one from the other. afterward, by lot they drew the Tribes, of which they had first to make the chosen, and of the same Tribe they chose four of the best, of which was chosen one of the Tribunes, of the first Legion, and of the other three was chosen, one of the Tribunes of the second Legion, of the other two there was chosen one of the Tribunes of the third, and the same last fell to the fourth Legion. After these iiij, they chose other four, of which, first one was chosen of the Tribunes of the second Legion, the second of those of the third, the third of those of the fourth, the fourth remained to the first. After, they chose other four, the first chose the third, the second the fourth, the third the fifth, the fourth remained to the second: and thus they varied successively, this manner of choosing, so that the election came to be equal, and the Legions were gathered together: and as afore we said, this choice might be made to use straight way, for that they made them of men, of whom a good part were experiensed in the very warfare in deed, and all in the feigned exercised, & they might make this choice by conjecture, and by experience. But where a power must be ordained of new, and for this to choose them out of hand, this chosen cannot be made, saving by conjecture, which is taken by considering their ages and their likeliness.  Cosimo. 
I believe all to be true, as much as of you hath been spoken: but before that you proceed to other reasoning, I will ask of you one thing, which you have made me to remember: saying that the chosen, that is to be made where men were not used to war, aught to be made by conjecture: for asmuch as I have heard some men, in many places dispraise our ordinance, and in especially concerning the number, for that many say, that there ought to be taken less number, whereof is gotten this profit, that they shall be better and better chosen, and men shall not be so much diseased, so that there may be given them some reward, whereby they may be more contented, and better be commanded, whereof I would understand in this part your opinion, and whether you love better the great number, than the little, and what way you would take to choose them ●n the one, and in the other number.  Fabricio. 
Without doubt it is better, and more necessary, the great number, than the little: but to speak more plainly, where there cannot be ordained a great number of men, there cannot be ordained a perfect ordinance: and I will easily confute all the reasons of the● propounded. I say therefore first, that the less number where is many people, as is for ensample. Tusca●e, maketh not that you have better, nor that the chosen be more excellent, for that minding in choosing the men, to judge them by experience, there shall be found in the same country most few, whom experience should make provable, both for that few hath been in war, as also for that of those, most few have made trial, whereby they might deserve to be chosen before the other: so that he which ought in like places to choose, it is meet he leave a part the experience, and take them by conjecture. Then being brought likewise into such necessity, I would understand, if there come before me twenty young men of good stature, with what rule I ought to take, or to leave any: where without doubt, I believe that every man will confess, how it is less error to take them all, to arm them and exercise them, being not able to know, which of them is best, and to reserve to make after more certain chosen, when in practising them with exercise, there shall be known those of most spirit, and of most life: which considered, the choosing in this case a few, to have them better, is altogether nought.  
Concerning diseasing less the country, and men, I say that the ordinance, either evil or little that it be, causeth not any disease, for that this order doth not take men from any of their business, it bindeth them not, that they cannot go to do any of their affairs▪ for that it bindeth them only in the idle days, to assemble together, to exercise them, the which thing doth not hurt, neither to the country, nor to the men, but rather to young men, it shall bring delight: For that where wi●● on the holy days, they stand idle 〈◊〉 appling houses, they will go for pleasure to those exercises, for that the handling of weapons, as it is a goodly spectacle, so unto young men it is pleasant. Concerning to be able to pay the least number, and for this to keep them more obedient, and more contented, I answer, how there cannot be made an ordinance of so few, which may be in manner continually paid, where the same payment of theirs may satisfy them. As for ensample, if there were ordained a power of .v. thousand men, for to pay them after such sort, that it might be thought sufficient, to content them, it shall be convenient to give them at least, ten thousaunde crowns the month: first, this number of men are not able to make an army, this pay is intolerable to a state, and of the other side, it is not sufficient to keep men contented, and bound to be able to serve at all times: so that in doing this, there shall be spent moche, and a small power kept, which shall not be sufficient to defend thee, or to do any enterprise of thine. If thou shouldest give them more, or shouldest take more, so much more impossibility it should be, for thee to pay them: if thou shouldest give them less, or should take less, so much the less contentation should be sit than, or so much the less profit that shall bring thee. Therefore, those that reason of making an ordinance, and whilst they tarry at home to pa●e them, they reason of a thing either impossible, or unprofitable, but it is necessary to pay them, when they are taken up to be led to the war: albe●●, though such order should somewhat disease those, in time of peace, that are appointted in the same, which I see not how, there is for recompense all those benefits, which a power brings, that is, ordained in a country: for that without the same, there is nothing sure. I conclude, that he that will have the little number, to be able to pay them, or for any of the other causes alleged of you, doth not understand, for that also it maketh for my opinion, that every number shall diminish in thy hands, through infinite impediments, which men have: so that the little number shall turn to nothing: again having th'ordinance great, thou mayest at thy pleasure use few of many, besides this, it must serve thee in deed, and in reputation, and always the great number shall give thee most reputation. More over, making the ordinance to keep men exercised, if thou appoint a few number of men in many countries, the bands of men be so far a sunder, the one from the other, that thou canst not without their most grievous loss, gather them together to exercise them, and without this exercise, the ordinance is unprofitable, as hereafter shall be declared.  Cosimo. 
It sufficeth upon this my demand, that which you have sai●●: but I desire now, that you declare me an other doubt. They say, that soche a multitude of armed men, will make confusion, descension and disorder in the country where they are.  Fabritio. 
This is an other vain opinion, the cause whereof, I shall tell you▪ such as are ordained to serve in the wars, may cause disorder in two manners, either between themselves, or against other, which things most easily may be withstood, where the order of itself, should notwithstande it: for that concerning the discord among theimselues, this order taketh it way, and doth not norrishe it, for that in ordery●s them, you give them armour and captains. If the country where you ordain them, be so 〈◊〉 for the war, that there are not armours among the men of the same, and that that be so united, that they have no heads, this order maketh them much s●●rser against the stranger, but it maketh them not any thing the more disunited; for that men well ordered, fear the law being armed, as well as unarmed, nor they can never alter, if the captains, which you give them, cause not the alteration, and the way to make this, shall be told now: but if the country where you ordain them, be warlike and disunited; this order only shall be occasion to unite them: because this order g●ueth them armours profitable for the w●rre, and heads, extinguishers of dissension: where their own armours be unprofitable for the wars, and their heads nourish us of discord. For that so soon as any in the same country is offended, he resorteth by and by to his captain to make complaint▪ who for to maintain his reputation, comforteth him to revengement not to peace. To the contrary doth the public head, so that by this means, th'occasion of discord is taken away, and the occasion of union is prepared, and the provinces united and effeminated, get utility, and maintain union: the disunited and discencious, do agree, and the same their fierceness, which is wont disordinately to work, is turned into public utility. To mind to have them, to do no hurt against other, 
How to provid against such inconveniences as soldiers may ●●use.  it ought to be considered, that they cannot do this, except by mean of the heads, which govern them. To will that the heads make no disorder, it is necessary to have care, that they get not over them to much authority. And you must consider that this authority, is gotten either by nature, or by accident: and as to nature, it behoveth to provide, that he which is boren in one place, be not appointed to the men billed in the same, but be made head of those places, where he hath not any natural acquaintance: and as to the accident, the thing ought to be ordained in such manner, that every year the heads may be changed from government to government: for as much as the continual authority over one sort of men, breedeth among them so much union, that it may turn easily to the prejudice of the Prince: which permutations how profitable they be to those who have used them, and hurtful to them that have not observed them, it is well known by the kingdom of the Assyrians, and by the Empire of the Romans▪ where is seen, that the same kingdom endured a M. years without tumult, and without any Civil war: which proceeded not of other, then of the permutations, which from place to place every year the same Captains made, unto whom were appointed the charge of the Armies. 
The occasion of civil ●●●re among the Romans.  Nor for any other occasion in the Roman Empire, after the blood of Cesar was extinguished, there grew so many civil wars, between the Captains of the hosts, and so many conspiracies of the foresaid captains against the Emperors, but only for keeping continually still those captains always in one government. And if in some of those first Emperors, and of those after, whom held the Empire with reputation, as Adriane, Marcus, Severus, and such like, there had been so moche foresight, that they had brought this custom of changing the captains in the same Empire, without doubt it should have made them more quiet, and more durable: For that the Captains should have had less occasion to make tumults, the emperors less cause to fear, and the senate in the lacks of the successions, should have had in the election of the Emperor, more authority, and by consequence should have been better: but the naughty custom, either for ignorance, or through the little diligence of men, neither for the wicked, nor good ensamples, can be taken away.  Cosimo 
I cannot tell, if with my questioning, I have as it were led you out of your order, because from the choosing of men, we be entered into an other matter, & if I had not been a little before excused, I should think to deserve some reprehension.  Fabritio. 
Let not this disquiet you, for that all this reasoning was necessary, minding to reason of the ordinance, the which being blamed of many, it was requsite to excuse it, willing to have this first part of choosing men to be allowed. But now before I descend to the other parts, I will reason of the choice of men on horse back. Of the antiquity, these were made of the most richest, having regard both to the years, and to the quality of the man, 
The number of horsemen, that the Romans chose for a Legion, and for a Cons●lles army.  and they chose. CCC. for a Legion, so that the Roman horse, in every consuls army, passed not the number of vi C.  Cosimo. 
Would you make an ordinance of horse, to exercise them at home, and to use their service when need requires?  Fabricio. 
It is most necessary, and it cannot be done otherwise, minding to have the power, that it be the own proper, and not to purpose to take of those, which make thereof an art.  Cosimo. 
How would you choose them?  Fabricio. 
I would imitate the Romans, 
The choosing and ordering of horsemen, that is to be observed at this present.  I would take of the richest, I would give them heads or chieftains, in the same manner, as now a days to other is given, and I would arm them and exercise them.  Cosimo. 
To these should it be well to give some provision?  Fabricio. 
Ye Marie, but so much only as is necessary, to keep the horse, for as much as bringing to thy subjects expenses, they might justly complain of thee, therefore it should be necessary, to pay them their charges of their horse.  Cosimo. 
What number would you make? and how would you arm them?  Fabricio. 
You pass into an other matter. I will tell you in convenient place, which shallbe when I have told you, how foot men ought to be armed, and how a power of men is prepared, for a day of battle.   

The second book of the art of war, of Nicholas Machiavelli, Citezeine and Secretary of Florence, unto Laurence Philip Strozze.  
I Believe that it is necessary, men being found, to arm them, and minding to do this, I suppose that it is a needful thing to examine, what armour the antiquity used, and of the same to choose the best. The Romans divided their foot men in heavy and light armed: Those that were light armed, they called by the name of veliti: Under this name were understood all those that threw with slings, shot with Crossbows, cast Darts, and they used the most part of them for their defence, to wear on their head a Murion, 
How the Romans armed their soldiers and what weapons they used  with a Targaet on their arm: they fought out of th'orders, and far of from the heavy armed, which did wear a head piece, that came down to their shoulders, a Corselet, which with the tases came down to the knees, and they had the legs and the arms, covered with greavess, and vambraces, with a targaet on the left arm, a yard and a half long, and three quarters of a yard broad: which had a hoop of Iron upon it, to be able to sustain a blow, and an other under, to the intent, that it being driven to the earth, it should not break: for to offend, they had girt on their left flank a sword, the length of a yard and a nail, on their right side, a Dagger: they had a dart in every one of their hands, the which they called Pilo, and in the beginning of the fight, they threw those at the enemy. This was the ordering, and importance of thArmours of the Romans, by the which they possessed all the world. And although some of these ancient writers gave them, besides the foresaid weapons, a staff in their hand like unto a Partesen, I cannot tell how a heavy staff, may of him that holdeth a Targaet he occupied: for that to handle it with both hands, the Targaet should be an impediment, & to occupy the same with one hand, there can be done no good therewith, by reason of the weightiness thereof: besides this, to faight in the throng, & in th'orders with such long kind of weapon, it is unprofitable, except in the first front, where they have space enough, to thrust out all the staff, which in th'orders within, cannot be done, for that the nature of the battle (as in the order of the same, I shall tell you) is continually to throng together, which although it be an inconvenience, yet in so doing they fear less, than to stand wide, where the peril is most evident, so that all the weapons, which pass in length a yard and a half, in the throng, be unprofitable: for that, if a man have the Partesan, and will occupy it with both hands, put case that the Targaet let him not, he cannot hurt with the same an enemy, whom is upon him, if he take it with one hand, to th'intent to occupy also the Targaet, being not able to take it, but in the midst, there remaineth so moche of the staff behind, that those which are behind him, shall let him to weld it. And whether it were true, either that the Romans' had not this Partasen, or that having it, did little good withal, read all the battles, in the history thereof, celebrated of Titus Livius, and you shall see in the same, most seldom times made mention of Partasens, but rather always he saith, that the Darts being thrown, they laid their hands on their swords. Therefore I will leave this staff, and observe, concerning the Romans, the sword for to hurt, and for defence the Targaet, with the other armours aforesaid.  

How the Greeks did arm themselves, and what weapons they used against their enemies.  The Greeks did not arm themselves so heavily, for their defence, as the Romans did: but for to offend the enemies, they grounded more on their staves, then on their swords, and in especially the Fallangy of Macedonia, which used staves, that they called Sarisse, seven yards and a half long, with the which they opened the ranks of their enemies, and they kept th'orders in their Fallange. And although some writers say, that they had also the Targaet, I cannot tell (by the reasons aforesaid) how the Sarrisse and they could stand together. Besides this, in the battle that Paulus Emilius made, with Persa king of Macedonia, I do not remember, that there is made any mention of Targaettes, but only of the Sarisse, & of the difficulty that the Roman army had, to overcome them: so that I conjecture, that a Macedonicall Fallange, was no otherwise, then is now a days a battle of swizzers, the which in their pikes have all their force, and all their power. The Romans did garnish (besides the armours) the footmen with feathers: 
A brave, and a terrible thing to the enemies.  the which things makes the sight of an army to the friends goodly, to the enemies terrible.  

How the Romans armed their horsemen in old tyme.  The armour of the horsemen, in the same first Roman antiquity, was a round Targaette, and they had their head armed, and the rest unarmed: They had a sword and a staff, with an Iron head only before, long and small: whereby it happened, that they were not able to stay the Targaette, and the staff in the encountering broke, and they through being unarmed, were subject to hurts: after, in process of time, they armed them as the footmen, albeit they used the Targaette moche shorter, square, and the staff more stiff: and with two heads, to the intent, that breaking one of the heads, they might prevail with the other. With these armours as well on foot, as on horseback, the Romans conquered all the world, and it is to be believed, by the fruit thereof, which is seen, that they were the best appointed armies, that ever were: and Titus Livius in his history, doth testify very often, where coming to comparison with the enemy's armies, he saith: But the Romans, by virtue, by the kind of their armours, and practise in the service of war, were superiors: and therefore I have more particularly reasoned, of the armours of conquerors, then of the conquered. But now me thinks good, to reason only of the manner of arming men at this present. Footmen have for their defence, 
The manner of arming men now a days.  a breast plate, and for to offend, a Lance, six yards and three quarters long, which is called a Pike, with a sword on their side, rather round at the point, then sharp. This is the ordinary arming of foot men now a days, for that few there be, which have their legs armed, and their arms, the head none, and those few, hear in stead of a Pike, a Halberde, the staff whereof as you know, is two yards and a quarter long, and it hath the Iron made like an axe. Between them, they have Harkebutters, the which with the violence of the fire, do the same office, which in old time the stingers did, and the crossbow ●●●ters. This manner of arming, 
The invention of Pikes.  was found out by the Duchemennes, in especially of swizzers, whom being poor, and desirous to live free, they were, and be constrained to fight, with the ambition of the Princes of Almain, who being rich, were able to keep h●●se, the which the same people could not do for poverty. Whereby it grew, that being on foot, minding to defend themselves from the enemies, that were on horseback, it behoveth them to seek of the ancient orders, and to find weapons, which from the fury of horses, should defend them: This necessity hath made either to be maintained, or to be found of them the ancient orders, without which, as every prudent man affirmeth, the footmen is altogether unprofitable. Therefore, they took for their weapon the Pike, a most profitable weapon, not only to withstand horses, but to overcome them: and the Duchemennes have by virtue of these weapons, and of these orders, taken such boldness, that xu or twenty thousand of them, will assault the greatest number of horse that may be: and of this, there hath been seen experience enough, within this xxv years. And the ensamples of their virtue hath been so mighty, grounded upon these weapons, and these orders, that sense king Charles passed into Italy, every nation hath imitated them: so that the Spanish armies, are become into most great reparation.  Cosimo. 
Which manner of arming, do you praise most, either these Duchmennes, or the ancient Romans?  Fabricio. 

Whether the Romans manner in arming of men, be better than the arming of men, that is used now a days.  The Roman without doubt, and I will tell you the commodity, and the discommodity of the one, and the other. The D●che foot men, are able to withstand, and overcome the horses: they be most speedy to march, and to be set in array, being not laden with armours▪ of the other part, they be subject to all blows, both far of, and 〈◊〉 hand: because they be unarmed, they be unprofitable unto the battle on the land, and to every fight, where is strong resistance. But the Romans withstood, and overcame the horses, as well as the Duchemen, there were safe from blows 〈◊〉 hand, & farr● of, being ●●uere● with armours: they w●● also better able to charge, and better able to sustain charges, having Targaettes: they might more aptly in the ●re●e might with the sword, than these with the P●●e, and though the Duchemen 〈◊〉 likewise sw●●●des, 〈…〉 Targaettes, they became in such ●ase unprofitable▪ The Romans might safely assault to●nes, having their bodies clean covered with armour, & being better able to coue● themselves with their Targaettes: So that they had a● other inco●●●●●tie, the 〈◊〉 weights 〈◊〉 of their armours, and the pain to carry them: the which things they overcame, with accustoming the body to diseases, and with hardening it, to be able to endure labour. And you know, how that in things accustomed, men suffer no grief. And you have to understand this, that the footmen may be constrained, to faight with footmen, and with horse, and always those be unprofitable, which cannot either sustain the horses, or being able to sustain them, have notwithstanding need to fear the footmen, which be better armed, and better ordained than they. Now if you consider the Duchemen, and the Romans, you shall find in the Duchemen activity (as we have said) to overcome the horses, but great dissavauntage, when they fight with men, ordained as they themselves are, and armed as the Romans were: so that there shall be this advantage more of the one, then of tother, that the Romans could overcome the men, and the horses, the Duchemen only the horses.  Cosimo. 
I would desire, that you would come to some more particular ensample, whereby we may better understand.  Fabricio. 
I say thus, that you shall find in many places of our histories, the Roman footmen to have overcome innumerable horses, and you shall never find, that they have been overcome of men on foot, for default that they have had in their armour, or thorough the vantage that the enemy hath had in the armours: For that if the manner of their arming, should have had default, it had been necessary, that there should follow, the one of these two things, either that finding such, as should arm them better than they, they should not have gone still forwards, with their conquests, or that they should have taken the strangers manners, and should have left their own, and for that it followed not in the one thing, nor in the other, there groweth that there may be easily conjectured, that the manner of their arming, was better than the same of any other. It is not yet thus happened to the Duchemen, for that naughty proof, hath been seen made them, when soever they have chanced to faight with men on foot prepared, and as obstinate as they, the which is grown of the vantage, which the same have encountered in thenemies armours. 
An ensample which proveth that horsemen with staves, cannot prevail against footmen with Pikes, & what great advantage the armed have, against the unarmed.  Philip Vicecounte of Milan, being assaulted of xviij thousand swizzers, sent against them the Count Carminuola, which then was his captain. He with six thousand horse, and a few footmen, went to meet with them, and incountering them, he was repulsed with his most great loss: whereby Carminuola as a prudent man, knew strait way the puissance of the enemy's weapons, and how moche against the horses they prevailed, and the debility of the horses, against those on foot so appointed: and gathering his men together again, he went to find the swizzers, and so soon as he was near them, he made his men of arms, to a light from their horse, 
The victory of Carminuola against the Duchemen.  & in the same manner fighting with them, he slew them all, except three thousand: the which seeing themselves to consume, with out having reamedy, casting their weapons to the ground, yielded.  Cosimo. 
Whereof cometh so moche disadvantage?  Fabricio. 
I have a little afore told you, but seeing that you have not understood it, I will rehearse it again. The Duchemen (as a little before I said unto you) as it were unarmed, to defend themselves, have to offend, the Pike and the sword: they come with these weapons, and with their orders to find the enemies, whom if they be well armed, to defend themselves, as were the men of arms of Carminuola, which made them a light on foot, they come with the sword, and in their orders to find them, and have no other difficulty, then to come near to the swizzers, so that they may reach them with the sword, for that so soon as they have gotten unto them, they faight safely: for asmuch as the Dutch man, cannot strike th'enemy with the Pike, whom is upon him, for the length of the staff, wherefore it is convenient for him, to put the hand to the sword, the which to him is unprofitable, he being unarmed, and having against him an enemy, that is all armed. Whereby he that considereth the vantage, and the disadvantage of the one, and of the other, shall see, how the unarmed, shall have no manner of remedy, and the overcoming of the first fight, and to pass the first points of the Pikes, is not much difficult, he that faighteth being well armed: 
The battles when they ●●e a fighting, do throng together.  for that the battles go (as you shall better understand, when I have showed you, how they are set together) and incountering the one the other, of necessity they thrust together, after such sort, that they take the one tother by the bosom, and though by the Pikes some be slain, or overthrown, those that remain on their feet, be so many, that they suffice to obtain the victory. Hereof it grew, that Carminuola overcame them, with so great slaughter of the swizzers, and with little loss of his.  Cosimo. 
Consider that those of Carminuola, were men of arms, whom although they were on foot, they were covered all with steel, and therefore they were able to make the proof they did: so that me thinks, that a power ought to be armed as they, minding to make the very same proof.  Fabricio. 
If you should remember, how I told you the Romans were armed, you would not think so● for as much as a man, that hath the head covered with Iron, the breast defended of a Corselet, and of a Targaet, the arms and the legs armed, is moche more apt to defend himself from the Pike, and to enter among them, than a man of arms on foot. I will give you a little of a late ensample. There were come out of Cicelie, into the kingdom of Naples, a power of Spaniards, for to go to find consalvo, who was besieged in Barlet, of the frenchmen: there made against them monsieur de Vhigni, with his men of arms, and with about four thousand Duchemen on foot: The Duchemen encountered with their Pikes low, and they opened the power of the Spaniards: but those being holp, by mean of their bucklers and of the agiletie of their bodies, mingled togethers with the Duchemen, so that they might reach the with the sword, whereby happened the death, almost of all them, and the victory to the Spaniards. Every man knoweth, how many Duchemen were slain in the battle of Ravenna, the which happened by the very same occasion: for that the Spanish soldiers, got them within a swords length of the Duche soldiers, & they had destroyed them all, if of the French horsemen, the Duchemen on foot, had not been succoured: notwithstanding, the Spaniards close together, brought themselves into a safe place. I conclude therefore, that a good power ought not only to be able, to withstand the horses, but also not to have fear of men on foot, the which (as I have many times said) proceedeth of the armours, and of the order.  Cosimo. 
Tell therefore, how you would arm them?  Fabricio. 

How to arm men, and what weapons to appoint them, after the Roman manner, and Duche ta●ion.  I would take of the Roman armours, and of the Duchemennes' weapons, and I would that the one half, should be appointed like the Romans, and the other half like the Duchemen: for that if in six thousand footmen (as I shall tell you a little hereafter) I should have three thousand men with Targaettes, after the Roman manner, and two thousand Pikes, and a thousand Harkebutters, after the Duche fashion, they should suffice me: for that I would place the Pikes, either in the front of the battle, or where I should fear most the horses, and those with the Targaetes and swords, shall serve me to make a back to the Pikes, and to win the battle, as I shall show you: so that I believe, that a power thus ordained, should overcum at this day, any other power.  Cosimo. 
This which hath been said, sufficeth concerning footmen, but concerning horsemen, we desire to understand, which you think more stronger armed, either owers, or the antiquity?  Fabricio. 
I believe that in these days, having respect to the Saddelles bolstered, and to the stiroppes not used of th'antiquity, they stand more strongly on horseback, then in the old time: I think also they arm them more sure: so that at this day, a band of men of arms, paising very moche, cometh to be with more difficulty withstood, then were the horsemen of old time: notwithstanding for all this, I judge, that there ought not to be made more account of horses, then in old time was made, for that (as afore is said) many times in our days, they have with the footmen received shame, and shall receive always, where they encounter, with a power of footmen armed, and ordered, as above hath been declared. 
The victory of Lucullo, against Tigrane king of Armenia.  Tigrane king of Armenia, had against the army of the Romans, whereof was captain Lucullo, Cl. thousand horsemen, amongst the which, were many armed, like unto our men of arms, which they called Catatratti, and of the other part, the Romans were about six thousand, with xxv thousand footmen: so that Tigrane seeing the army of the enemies, said: these be horses enough for an embassage: notwithstanding, incountering together, he was overthrown: and he that writeth of the same fight, dispraiseth those Catafratti, declaring them to be unprofitable: for that he saith, because they had their faces covered, they had much ado to see, and to offend the enemy, and they falling, being laden with armour, could not rise up again, nor weld themselves in any manner to prevail. I say therefore, that those people or kingdoms, which shall esteem more the power of horses, than the power of footmen be always weak, and subject to all ruin, as by Italy hath been seen in our time, the which hath been taken, ruinated, and over run with strangers, through no other fault, then for having taken little care, of the service on foot, and being brought the soldiers thereof, all on horseback. Yet there ought to be had horses, but for second, and not for first foundation of an army: for that to make a discovery, 
For what purpose horsemen be most requi●●●e.  to over run, and to destroy the enemy's country, and to keep troubled and disquieted, the army of the same, and in their armours always, to let them of their victuals, they are necessary, and most profitable: but concerning for the day of battle, and for the fight in the field, which is the importance of the war, and the end, for which the armies are ordained, they are more metre to follow the enemy being discomfited, then to do any other thing, which in the same is to be done, and they be in comparison, to the footmen, much inferior.  Cosimo. 
There is happened unto me two doubts, the one, where I know, that the Parthians did not use in the war, other the● horses, and yet they divided the world with the Romans: the other is, that I would that you should show, how the horsemen can be withstood of footmen, and whereof groweth the strength of these, and the debility of those?  Fabritio. 
Either I have told you, or I minded to tell you, how that my reasoning of the affairs of war, ought not to pass the bounds of Europe: when thus it is, I am not bound unto you, to make account of the same, which is used in Asia, yet I must say unto you thus, that the warring of the Parthians, was altogether contrary, to the same of the Romans: for as much as the Parthians, warred all on horseback, and in the fight, they proceeded confusedly, and scattered, and it was a manner of fight unstable, and full of uncertainty. The Romans were (it may be said) almost all on foot, and they fought close together and sure, and they overcame diversly, the one the other, according to the largeness, or straightness of the situation: for that in this the Romans were superiors, in the same the Parthians, whom might make great proof, with the same manner of warring, considering the region, which they had to defend, the which was most large: for as much as it hath the sea coast, distant a thousand miles, the rivers th'one from tother, two or three days journey, the towns in like manner and the inhabitants few: so that a Roman army heavy and slow, by means of their armours, and their orders, could not over run it, without their grievous hurt (those that defended it, being on horseback most expedite) so that they were to day in one place, and to morrow distant fifty miles. Hereof it grew, that the Parthians might prevail with their c●●ualrie only, both to the ruin of the army of Crassus, and to the peril of the same, of Marcus Antonius: but I (as I have told you) do not intend in this my reasoning, to speak of the warfare out of Europe, therefore I will stand upon the same, which in times past, the Romans ordained, and the Greeks, and as the Duchemen do now adays. But let us see to the other question of yours, where you desire to understand, what order, or what natural virtue makes, that the footmen overcome the horsemen. And I say unto you first that the horses cannot go, 
The reason why footmen are able to ouerc●●● horsemen.  as the footmen in every place: They are slower than the footmen to obey, when it is requisite to alter the order: for as much, as if it be needful, either going forward, to turn backward, or turning backward, to go forward, or to move themselves standing still, or going to stand still, without doubt, the horsemen cannot do it so readily as the footement: the horsemen cannot, being of some violence, disordained, return in their orders, but with difficulty, although the same violence cease, the which the footmen do most easily and quickly. Besides this, it happeneth many times, that a hardy man shall be upon a vile horse, and a coward upon a good, whereby it followeth, that this evil matching of stomachs, makes disorder. Nor no man doth marvel, that a band of footmen, sustaineth all violence of horses: for that a horse is a beast, that hath sense, and knoweth the perilies, and with an ill will, will enter in them: and if you consider, what force maketh them go forward, and what holdeth them backward, you shall see without doubt, the same to be greater, which keepeth the● back, then that which maketh them go forwards: For that the spur maketh them go forward, and of the other side, either the sword, or the Pike, keepeth them back: so that it hath been seen by the old, and by the late experience, a band of footmen to be most safe, ye, invincible for horses. And if you should argue to this, that the heat, with which they come, maketh them more furious to encounter, who that would withstand them, and less to regard the Pike, than the spur: I say, that if the horse so disposed, begin to see, that he must run upon the point of the Pike, either of himself, he will refrain the course so that so soon as he shall feel himself pricked, he will stand still at once, or being come to them, he will turn on the right, or on the left hand. Whereof if you will make experience prove to run a horse against a wall: you shall find few, with what so ever fury he come withal, will strike against it. Cesar having in France, to fight with the swizzers, a lighted, and made every man a light on foot, and to avoid from the arms, the horses, as a thing more meet to ●le, then to faight. But notwithstanding these natural impediments, which horses have, the same captain, 
How footmen may save themselves from horsemen.  which leadeth the footmen, aught to choose ways, which have for horse, the most impediments that may be, and seldom times it happeneth, but that a man may save himself, by the quality of the country: for that if thou march on the hills, the situation doth save thee from the same fury, whereof you doubt, that they go withal in the plain, few plains be, which through the tillage, or by means of the woods, do not assure thee: for that every hillock, every bank, although it be but small, taketh away the same heat, and every culture where be Vines, and other trees, lets the horses: and if thou come to battle, the very same lets happeneth, that chanceth in marching: for as much as every little impedement, that the horse hath, abateth his fury. One thing notwithstanding, I will not forget to tell you, how the Romans esteemed so much their orders, and trusted so moche to their weapons, that if they should have had, to choose either so rough a place to save themselves from horses, where they should not have been able, to range their orders, or a place where they should have need, to fear more of horses, but been able to destende their battle, always they took this, and left that: but because it is time, to pass to the army, having armed these soldiers, according to the ancient and new use, let us see what exercises the Romans caused them make, before the men were brought to the battle. Although they be well chosen, and better armed, they ought with most great study be exercised, for that without this exercise, there was never any soldier good: these exercises ought to be divided into three parts, the one, 
The exercise of Soldiers, aught to be divided into three parts.  for to harden the body, and to make it apt to take pains, and to be more swifter and more readier, the other, to teach than, how to handle their weapons, the third, for to learn them to keep the orders in the army, as well in marching, as in fighting, and in the encamping: The which be three principal acts, that an army doth: for asmuch, as if an army march, encamp, & faight with order, and expertly, the captain loseth not his honour, although the battle should have no good end. Therefore, all thancient common weals, provided these exercises in manner, by custom, & by law, that there should not be left behind any part thereof. They exercised then their youth, 
What exercises the ancient common wealer used to exercise their youth in, & what commodity ensued thereby.  for to make them swift, in running, to make them ready, in leaping, for to make them strong, in throwing the bar, or in wrestling: and these three qualities, be as it were necessary in soldiers. For that swiftness, maketh them apt to possess places, before the enemy, and to come to them unlooked for, and at unwares to pursue them, when they are discomfaicted: the readiness, maketh them apt to avoid a blow, to leap over a ditch, to win a bank: strength, maketh them the better able to bear their armours, to encounter the enemy, to withstand a violence. And above all, to make the body the more apt to take pains, they used to bear great burdens, the which custom is necessary: for that in difficult expeditions, it is requisite many times, that the soldier beside his armours, bear vitualles for many days, and if he were not accustomed to this labour, he could not do it: and without this, there can neither be avoided a peril, nor a victory gotten with fame. Concerning to learn how to handle the weapons, 
How the antiquity, learned their young soldiers, to handle their weapon's.  they exercised them, in this manner: they would have the young men, to put on armour, which should way twice as moche, as their field armour, and in stead of a sword, they gave them a cudgel leaded, which in comparison of a very sword in deed, was most heavy: they made for every one of them, a post to be set up in the ground, which should be in height two yards and a quarter, and in such manner, and so strong, that the blows should not stur nor hurl it down, against the which post, the young man with a targaet, and with the cudgel, as against an enemy did exercise, and some whiles he struck, as though he would hurt the head, or the face, somewhile he retired back, an other while he made for●warde: and they had in this exercise, this advertisement, to make them apt to cover themselves, and to hurt the enemy: and having the counterfaight armours most heavy, their ordinary armours seemed after unto them more lighter. The Romans, would that their soldiers should hurt with the prick, and not with the cut, as well because the prick is more mortal, and hath less defence, as also to th'intent, that he that should hurt, might lie the less open, and be more apt to redouble it, then with cuts. Do not marvel that these ancient men, should think on these small things, for that where the incountering of men is reasoned of, you shall perceive, that every little vantage, is of great importance: and I remember you the same, which the writers of this declare, rather than I to teach you. 
What 〈…〉 mos●● 〈◊〉 in a common weal.  The antiquity esteemed nothing more happy, in a common weal, then to be in the same, many men exercised in arms: because not the shining of precious stones and of gold, maketh that the enemies submit themselves unto thee, but only the fear of the weapons: afterward, the errors which are made in other things, may sometimes be corrected, but those which are done in the war, the pain strait way coming on, cannot be amended. Besides that, the knowledge to faight, maketh men more bold, because no man feareth to do that thing, which he thinketh to have learned to do. The antiquity would therefore, that their citizens should exercise themselves, in all martial feats, and they made them to throw against the same post, darts much heavier than the ordinary: the which exercise, besides the making men expert in throwing, maketh also the arm more nimble, and much stronger. They taught them also to shoot in the long bow, to whorle with the sting: 
Monster Masters, for thexe●cisyng of young men unexpecte.  and to all these things, they appointed masters, in such manner, that after when they were chosen for to go to the war, they were now with mind and disposition, soldiers. Nor there remained them to learn other, then to go in the orders, and to maintain themselves in those, either marching, or fighting: The which most easily they learned, mingeling themselves with those, which had long time served, whereby they know how to stand in the orders.  Cosimo. 
What exercises would you cause them to make at this present?  Fabricio. 

The exercises that soldiers ought to make in these days.  A good many of those, which have been declared, as running, and wrestling, making them to leap, making them to labour in armours, much heavier than the ordinary, making them shoot with Cross bows, and long bows, whereunto I would join the harkabus, a new instrument (as you know) very necessary, & to these exercises I would use, all the youth of my state, but with greater industry, & more sollicitatenesse the same part, which I should have already appointed to serve, and always in the idle days, 
The exercise of swimming.  they should be exercised. I would also that they should learn to swim, the which is a thing very profitable: for that there be not always, bridges over rivers, hoates be not always ready: so that thy army not knowing how to swim, remaineth deprived of many commodities: and many occasions to work well, is taken away. The Romans for none other cause had ordained, that the young men should exercise themselves in Campus Martius, then only, for that having Tiber at hand, 
Tiber, is a ●i● r cunning through Rome the water whereof will never corrupt.  they might, being wearied with the exercise on land, refresh themselves in the water, and partly in swimming, to exercise themselves. I would make also, as the antiquity, those which should serve on horseback to exercise, the which is most necessary, for that beside to know how to ride, they must know how on horseback, 
Thexercise of dauting, and the commodity thereof.  they may prevail of themselves. And for this they had ordained horses of wood, upon the which they practised, to leap up armed, and unarmed, without any help, and on every hand: the which made, that at once, and at a b●ck of a captain, the horsemen were on foot, and likewise at a token, they mounted on horseback. And such exercises, both on foot and on horseback, as they were then easy to be done, so now they should not be difficult to the same common weal, or to the same prince, which would cause them to be put in practice of their young men. As by experience is seen, in certain cities of the West country, where is kept a live like manners with this order. 
An order that is taken in certain countries, concerning exercises of war.  They divide all their inhabiters into divers parts: and every part they name of the kind of those weapons, that they use in the war. And for that they use Pikes, halberds, Bows, and Harkebuses, they call them Pike men, Halberdiers, Harkebutters, and Archars: Therefore, it is meet for all the inhabiters to declare, in what orders they will be appointed in. And for that all men, either for age, or for other impediments, be not fit for the war, every order maketh a choice of men, and they call them the sworn, whom in idle days, be bound to exercise themselves in those weapons, whereof they be named: and every man hath his place appointed him of the commonalty, where such exercise aught to be made: and those which be of the same order, but not of the sworn, are contributaries with their money, to the same expenses, which in such exercises be necessary: therefore the same that they do, we may do. But our small prudence doth not suffer us, to take any good way. Of these exercises there grew, that the antiquity had good souldious, and that now those of the West, be better men than ours: for as much as the antiquity exercised them, either at home (as those common weals do) or in the armies, as those Emperors did, for th'occasions aforesaid: but we, at home will not exercise them, in Camp we cannot, because they are not our subjects, and for that we are not able to bind them to other exercises than they themselves list to do: the which occasion hath made, that first the armies be neglected, and after, the orders, and that the kingdoms, and the common weals, in especially Italians, live in such debility. But let us turn to our order, and following this matter of exercises, I say, how it sufficeth not to make good armies, for having hardened the men, made them strong, swift, and handsome, where it is needful also, 
What knowledge a Soldier ought to have.  that they learn to stand in the orders, to obey to signs, to sounds, and to the voice of the captain: to know, standing, to retire themselves, going forwards, both fighting, and marching to maintain those: because without this knowledge, withal serious diligence observed, and practised, there was never army good: and without doubt, the fierce and disordered men, be moche more weaker, than the fearful that are ordered, for that thorder driveth away from men fear, the disorder abateth fierceness. And to the intent you may the better perceive that, which here following shallbe declared, you have to understand, how every nation, in the ordering of their men to the war, have made in their host, or in their army, a principal member, the which though they have varied with the name, they have little varied with the number of the men: for that they all have made it, between six and eight M. men. This number of men was called of the Romans, a Legion, of Greeks a Fallange, of frenchmen Caterna: this very same in our time of the swizzers, whom only of the ancient warfare, keep some shadow, is called in their tongue that, which in ours signifieth the main battle. True it is, that every one of them, hath after divided it, according to their purposes. Therefore me thinks best, that we ground our talk, upon this name most known, and after, according to the ancient, and to the orders now adays, the best that is possible to ordain it: and because the Romans divided their Legion, 
A Co●●●●e 〈◊〉 hand c●m●●.  which was made between five and six thousand men, in ten Cohortes, I will that we divide our main battle, into ten battles, 
Of what ●●oe● & of what ●an● of armou●● & weapons, ● main battle ought to be, and the distributing and appointing of the same.  and that we make it of six thousand men on foot, and we will give to every battle. CCCCl. men, of which shall be. CCCC. armed with heavy armour, and. L. with light armour: the heavy armed, shall be. CCC. Targets with swords, and shallbe called Target men: and. C. with Pikes, which shallbe called ordinary Pikes: the light armed shallbe. L. men armed with Harkabuses, Cross bows, and Partisans, and small Targaettes, and these by an ancient name, were called ordinary Veliti: all the ten battles therefore, 
Veliti are lig●● armed men.  comes to have three thousand Targaet men, a thousand ordinary Pikes. CCCC. ordinary Veliti, all which make the number of four thousand and five hundred men. And we said, that we would make the main battle of six thousand: therefore there must be added an other thousand, five hundred men, of the which I will appoint a thousand with Pikes, whom I will call extraordinary Pikes, and five hundred light armed, whom I will call extraordinary Veliti: and thus my men should come (as a little before I have said) to be made half of Targaetes, and half of Pikes and other weapons. I would appoint to every battle, or band of men, a Constable, 
The captains that are appointed to every hand of 〈◊〉.  four Centurions, and forty peticapitaines, and moreover a head to the ordinary Veliti, with five peticapitaines: I would give to the thousand extraordinary Pikes, three Conestabelles, ten Centurions, and a hundred peticapitaines: to thextraordinary Veliti, two Conestabelles, v. Centurions, and l peticapitaines: I would then appoint a general head, over all the main battle: I would that every Constable should have an Ansigne, and a Drum. Thus there should be made a main battle of ten battles, of three thousand Targaet men, of a thousand ordinary Pikes, of a thousand extraordinary, of five hundred ordinary Veliti, of five hundred extraordinary, so there should come to be six thousand men, amongst the which there should be M.D. peticapitaines, & moreover xu Constable's, with xu Drums, and xu Ansignes, lv. Centurions, x. heads of the ordinary Veliti, and a captain over all the main battle, with his Ansigne and Drum: and I have of purpose repeated this order the oftener, to the intent, that after when I shall show you, the manners of ordering the battles, and th'armies, you should not be confounded: I say therefore, how that, that king, or that common weal, which intendeth to ordain their subjects to arms, aught to appoint them with these armours and weapons, and with these parts, and to make in their country so many main battles, as it were able: and when they should have ordained them, according to the foresaid distribution, minding to exercise them in the orders, it should suffice to exercise every battle by itself: and although the number of the men, of every one of them: cannot by itself, make the fashion of a just army, notwithstanding, every man may learn to do the same, which particularly appertaineth unto him: 
Two orders observed in an army.  for that in the armies, two orders is observed, the one, the same that the men ought to do in every battle, and the other that, which the battle ought to do after, when it is with the other in an army. And those men, which do well the first, most easily may observe the second: But without knowing the same, they can never come to the knowledge of the second. Then (as I have said) every one of these battles, may by themselves, learn to keep the orders of the arains, in every quality of moving, and of place, and after learn to put themselves togethers, to understand the sounds, by means whereof in the faight they are commanded, to learn to know by that, as the Galleys by the whistle, what ought to be done, either to stand still, or to turn forward, or to turn backward, or which way to turn the weapons, and the face: so that knowing how to keep well the array, after such sort, that neither place nor moving may disorder them, understanding well the commandments of their heads, by means of the sound, and knowing quickly, how to return into their place, these battles may after easily (as I have said) being brought many together, learn to do that, which all the body together, with the other battles in a just army, is bound to do. And because such universal practice, is also not to be esteemed a little, once or twice a year, when there is peace, all the main battle may be brought together, to give it the fashion of an whole army, some days exercising them, as though they should faight a field, setting the front, and the sides with their succours in their places. And because a captain ordaineth his host to the field, either for count of the enemy he seeth, or for that, of which without seeing he doubteth, he ought to exercise his army in the one manner, and in the other, and to instruct them in such sort, 
How a captain must inst●●●● his soldiers how they ought to govern themselves in 〈◊〉 battle.  that they may know how to march, & to faight, when need should require, showing to his soldiers, how they should govern themselves, when they should happen to be assaulted of this, or of that side: and where he ought to instruct them how to faight against the enemy, whom they should see, he must show them also, how the fight is begun, & where they ought to retire: being overthrown, who hath to succeed in their places, to what signs, to what sounds, to what voices, they ought to obey, and to practise them in such wise in the battle, and with feigned assaults, that they may desire the very thing in deed. For that an army is not made courageous, because in the same be hardy men, but by reason the orders thereof be well appointed: For as much as if I be one of the first faighters, & do know, being overcome, where I may retire, and who hath to succeed in my place, I shall always faight with boldness, seeing my succour at hand. If I shall be one of the second faighters, the first being driven back, and overthrown, I shall not be afraid, for that I shall have presuposed that I may be, and I shall have desire to be the same, which may give the victory to my master, and not to be any of the other. These exercises be most necessary, where an army is made of new, and where the old army is, they be also necessary▪ for that it is also seen, how the Romans knew from their infancy, thorder of their armies, notwithstanding, those captains before they should come to th'enemy, continually did exercise them in those. And josephus in his history saith, that the continual exercises of the Roman armies, made that all the same multitude, which follow the camp for gain, was in the day of battle profitable: because they all knew, how to stand in the orders, and to faight keeping the same: but in the armies of new men, whether thou have put them together, to fight strait way, or that thou make a power to faight, when need requires, without these exercises, as well of the battles severally by themselves, as of all the army, is made nothing: wherefore the orders being necessary, it is convenient with double industry and labour, to show them unto such as knoweth them not, and for to teach it, many excellent captains have travailed, without any respect.  Cosimo. 
My thinks that this reasoning, hath somewhat transported you: for asmuch, as having not yet declared the ways, with the which the battles be exercised, you have reasoned of the whole army, and of the day of battle.  Fabricio. 
You say truth, but surely th'occasion hath been the affection, which I bear to these orders, and the grief that I feel, seeing they be not put in ure: notwithstanding, doubt not but that I will turn to the purpose: as I have said, 
The chief importance in the exercising of bands of m●n  the chief importance that is in th'exercise of the battles, is to know how to keep well the arrays: and because I told you that one of these battles, aught to be made of four hundred men heavy armed, I will stay myself upon this number. They ought then to be brought into lxxx ranks, and five to a rank: afterward going fast, or softly, to knit them together, and to lose them: the which how it is done, may be showed better with deeds, then with words. Which needeth not greatly to be taught, for that every man, whom is practised in service of war, knoweth how this order proceedeth, which is good for no other, then to use the soldiers to keep the ray: but let us come to put together one of these battles, I say, 
Three principal fashions for thordering of men into battle ●a●e.  that there is given them three fashions principally, the first, and the most profitablest is, to make all massive, & to give it the fashion of two squares, the second is, to make it square with the front horned, the third is, to make it with a void space in the midst: the manner to put men together in the first fashion, may be of two sorts, th'one is to double the ranks, 
The manner how to bring a hand of m●n into batta●l●●e●e after 〈◊〉 square f●c●●●●.  that is, to make the second rank enter into the first, the four into the third, the sixth into the fift, & so forth, so that where there was lxxx ranks, five ●o a rank, they may become xl ranks ten to a rank. Afterward cause them to double ones more in the same manner, setting the one rank into an other, and so there shall remain twenty ranks, twenty men to a rank: this maketh two squares about, for as much as albeit that there be as many men the one way, as in the other, notwithstanding towards the head, they join together, that the one side toucheth the other: but by the other way, they be distant the one from the other, at least a yard and a half, after such sort, that the square is moche longer, from the back to the front, then from the one side to tother: and because we have at this present, to speak often of the parts afore, of behind, and of the sides of these battles, and of all the army together, know you, that when I say either head or front, I mean the part afore, when I shall say back, the part behind, when I shall say flanks, the parts on the sides. The fifty ordinary veliti of the battle, must not mingle with the other ranks, but so soon as the battle is fashioned, they shallbe set a long by the flanks thereof. The other way to set together the battle is this, and because it is better than the first, I will set it before your eyes just, how it ought to be ordained. I believe that you remember of what number of men, of what heads it is made, and of what armours they are armed: 
The better way for the ordering of a band of men in battle ra●e, after the first fashion.  then the fashion, that this battle ought to have, is (as I have said) of twenty ranks, twenty men to a rank, five ranks of Pikes in the front, and fifteen ranks of Targaettes on the back, two Centurions standing in the front, two behind on the back, who shall execute the office of those, which the antiquity called Tergiductori. The Constable with the Ansigne, and with the Drum, shall stand in the same space, that is between the five ranks of the Pikes, and the fifteen of the Targaettes. Of the Peticapitaines, there shall stand one upon every side of the ranks, so that every one, may have on his side his men, those peticapitaines, which shallbe on the left hand, to have their men on the right hand, those Peticapitaines, which shall be on the right hand, to have their men on the left hand: The fifty Veliti, must stand a long the flanks, and on the back of the battle. To mind now, that this battle may be set together in this fashion, the men going ordinarily, it is convenient to order them thus. Make the men to be brought into lxxx ranks, five to a rank, as a little afore we have said, leaving the Veliti either at the head, or at the tail, so that they stand out of this order: and it ought to be ordained, that every Centurion have behind his back twenty ranks, and to be next behind every Centurion, five ranks of Pikes, and the rest Targaettes. The Constable shall stand with the Drum, and the Ansigne, in the same space, which is between the Pikes, and the Targaettes of the second Centurion, and to occupy the places of three Targaette men. Of the Peticapitaines, twenty shall stand on the sides of the ranks, of the first Centurion, on the left hand, and twenty shall stand on the sides of the ranks, of the last Centurion on the right hand. And you must understand, that the Peticapitaine, which hath to lead the Pikes, aught to have a Pike, and those that lead the Targaettes, aught to have like weapons. Then the ranks being brought into this order, and minding in marching, to bring them into battle, for to make the head, the first Centurion must be caused to stand still, with the first twenty ranks, and the second to proceed marching, and turning on the right hand, he must go a long the sides of the twenty ranks that stand still, till he come to be even with the other Centurion, where he must also stand still, and the third Centurion to proceed marching, likewise turning on the right hand▪ and a long the sides of the ranks that stand still, must go so far, that he be even with the other two Centurions, and he also standing still, the other Centurion must follow with his ranks, likewise turning on the right hand, a long the sides of the ranks that stand still, so far that be come to the head of the other, and then to stand still, and strait way two Centurions only, shall departed from the front, and go to the back of the battle, the which cometh to be made in the same manner, and with the same order just, as a little afore I have showed you. The Veliti must stand along, by the flanks of the same, according as is disposed in the ●●r● way, which way is called redoubling by right line, this is called redoubling by flank: the first way is more easy, this is with better order, and cometh better to pass, and you may better correct it, after your own manner, for that in redoubling by right line, you must be ruled by the number, because five maketh ten, ten twenty, twenty forty, so that with redoubling by right line, you cannot make a head of fifteen, nor of five and twenty, nor of thirty, nor of five and thirty, but you must go where the same number will lead you. And yet it happeneth every day in particular affairs, that it is convenient to make the forward with six hundred, or eight hundred men, so that to redouble by right line, should disorder you: therefore this liketh me better: that difficulty that is, ought most with practice, & with exercise to be made easy. Therefore I say unto you, how it importeth more than any thing, to have the soldiers to know how to set themselves in array quickly, and it is necessary to keep them in this battle, to exercise them therein, and to make them to go apace, either forward or backward, to pass through difficult places, without troubling thorder: for asmuch as the soldiers, which can do this well, be expect soldiers, and although they have never seen enemies in the face, they may be called old soldiers, and contrariwise, those which cannot keep these orders, though they have been in a thousand wars, they ought always to be reputed new soldiers. This is, concerning setting them together, when they are marching in small ranks: but being set, and after being broken by some accident or chance, which groweth either of the situation, or of the enemy, to make that in a sudden, they may come into order again, this is the importance and the difficulty, and where is needful moche exercise, and moche practise, and wherein the antiquity bestowed moche study. Therefore, it is necessary to do two things, first to have this battle full of countersignes, the other, to keep always this order, 
how to exercise men, & to take such order, whereby a band of men that were by what soever chance disordered may straight wai be b●ought into order again.  that those same men may stand always in the rank, which they were first placed in: as for ensample, if one have begun to stand in the second, that he stand after alway in that, and not only in that self same rank, but in that self same place: for the observing whereof (as I have said) be necessary many countersignes. In especially it is requisite, that the Ansigne be after such sort countersigned, that companing with the other battles, it may be known from them, according as the Constable, and the Centurions have plumes of feathers in their heads different, and easy to be known, and that which importeth most, is to ordain that the peticapitaines he known. Whereunto the antiquity had so moche care, that they would have nothing else written in their head pieces, but the number that they were named by, calling them first, second, third, and fourth. etc. And yet they were not contented with this, but made every soldier to have written in his Targaet, the number of the rank, and the number of the place, in which rank he was appointed. Then the men being countersigned thus, and used to stand between these limits, it is an easy thing, they being disordered, to fettt them all again quickly into order: considering, that the Ansigne standing still, the Centurions, and the Peticapitaines may guess their places by the eye, and being brought the left of the left, the right of the right, with their accustomed distance, the soldiers led by their rule, and by the differences of the cognisances, may be quickly in their proper places, no otherwise, then as if the boards of a tun should be taken a sunder, which being first marked, most easily may be set together again, where the same being not countersigned, were impossible to bring into order any more. These things, with diligence and with exercise, are quickly taught, and quickly learned, and being learned, with difficulty are forgotten: for that the new men, be led of the old, and with time, a Province with these exercises, may become thoroughly practised in the war. It is also necessary to teach them, to turn themselves all at ones, and when need requires, to make of the flanks, and of the back, the front, and of the front, flanks, or back, which is most easy: because it sufficeth that every man do turn his body, towards the same part that he is commanded, and where they turn their faces, there the front cometh to be. True it is, that when they turn to any of the flanks, the orders turn out of their proportion: for that from the breast to the back, there is little difference, and from the one flank to the other, there is very moche distance, the which is all contrary to the ordinary order of the battle: therefore it is convenient, that practice, and discretion, do place them as they ought to be: but this is small disorder, for that most easily by themselves, they may remedy it. But that which importeth more, and where is requisite more practice, is when a battle would turn all at ones, as though it were a whole body, here is meet to have great practice, and great discretion: because minding to turn, 
What advertisement ought to be used in turning about a whole band of men, after such sort, as though it were but one body.  as for ensample on the left hand, the left corner must stand still, and those that be next to him that standeth still, must march so softly, that they that be in the right corner, need not to run: otherwise all thing should be confounded. But because it happeneth always, when an army marcheth from place to place, that the battles, which are not placed in the front, shall be driven to fight not by head, but either by flanck●, or by back, so that a battle must in a sudden make of flank, or of back, head: and minding that like battles in such race, may have their Proportion, as above is declared, it is necessary, that they have the Pikes on the same flank, that aught to be h●dde, and the Pe●icapitaines, Centurions, and Constable's, to resort accordingly to their places. Therefore to mind to do this, 
How to o●●er a band ordonne after soc●● 〈◊〉 that 〈…〉 make the● 〈◊〉 against 〈…〉 of which flank theorist.  in plasing them together, you must ordain the fowerskore ranks, of fine in a rank, thus: Set all the Pikes in the first twenty ranks, and place the Peticapitaines thereof, five in the first places, and five in the last: the other three score ranks, which come after, be all of Targaettes, which come to be three Centuries. Therefore, the first and the last rank of every Centurion, would be Peticapitaines', the Constable with the Ansigne, and with the Drum, must stand in the midst of the first century of Targaettes, & the Centurions in the head of every century. The band thus ordained, when you would have the Pikes to come on the left flank, you must redouble century by century, on the right flank: if you would have them to come on the right flank, you must redouble them on the left. And so this battle turneth with the Pikes upon a flank, and the Constable in the midst: the which fashion it hath marching: but the enemy coming, and the time that it would make of flank head, it needeth not but to make every m●n to turn his face, towards the same flank, where the Pikes be, and then the battle turneth with the ranks, and with the heads in the same manner, as is aforesaid: for that every man is in his place, except the Centurions, and the Centurions strait way, and without difficulty, place themselves: 
How a band of men ought to be order●●, when in marching they should be constrained to faight on their backs.  But when they in marching, should be driven to faight on the back, it is convenient to ordain the ranks after such sort, that setting them in battle, the Pikes may come behind, and to do this, there is to be kept no other order, then where in ordering the battle, by the ordinary, every century hath five ranks of Pikes before, to cause that they may have them behind, and in all the other parts to observe thorder, which I declared first.  Cosimo. 
You have told (if I do well remember me) that this manner of exercise, is to be able to bring these battles together into an army, and that this practice, serveth to be able to order themselves in the same: But if it should happen, that these. CCCCLS. men, should have to do an act separate, how would you order them?  Fabricio. 
He that leadeth them, ought then to judge, where he will place the Pikes, and there to put them, the which doth not repugn in any part to the order above written: for that also, though the same be the manner, that is observed to fight a field, together with tother battles, notwithstanding it is a rule, which serveth to all those ways, wherein a band of men should happen to have to do: but in showing you the other two ways of me propounded, of ordering the battles▪ I shall also satisfy you more to your question: for that either they are never used, or they are used when a battle is alone, and not in company of other, and to come to the way of ordering them, with two horns, 
How a battle to made with two horns.  I say, that thou oughtest to order the lxxx. ranks, five to a rank, in this manner. Place in the midst, one Centurion, and after him xxv ranks, which must be with two Pikes on the left hand, and with three Targaettes on the right, and after the first five, there must be put in the twenty following, twenty Peticapitaines, all between the pikes, and the Targaettes, except those which bear the Pike, whom may stand with the Pikes: after these xxv. ranks thus ordered, there is to be placed an other Centurion, and behind him fifteen ranks of Targaettes: after these, the Constable between the Drun and the Ansigne, who also must have after him, other fifteen ranks of Targaettes: after this, the third Centurion must be placed, and behind him, xxv. ranks, in every one of which, ought to be three Targaettes on the left flank, and two Pikes on the right, and after the five first ranks, there must be twenty Peticapitaines' placed between the Pikes, and the Targaettes: after these ranks, the towerth Centurion must follow. Intending therefore, of these ranks thus ordered, to make a battle with two horns, the first Centurion must stand still, with the xxv ranks which be behind him, after the second Centurion must move, with the fifteen ranks of Targaettes, that be behind him, and to turn on the right hand, and up by the right flank of the xxv ranks, to go so far, that he arrive to the xu rank, and there to stand still: after, the Constable must move, with the fifteen ranks of Targaettes, which be behind him, and turning likewise on the right hand, up by the right flank of the fifteen ranks, that were first moved, must march so far, that he come to their heads, and there to stand still: after, the third Centurion must move with the xxv. ranks, and with the fourth Centurion, which was behind, and turning up strait, must go a long by the right flank of the fifteen last ranks of the Targaettes, and not to stand still when he is at the heads of them, but to follow marching so far, that the last rank of the xxv may come to be even with the ranks behind. And this done, the Centurion, which was bed of the first fifteen ranks of Targaettes, must go away from thence where he stood, and go to the back in the left corner: and thus a battle shall be made of xxv ranks, after twenty men to a rank, with two horns, upon every side of the front, one horn, and every one, shall have ten ranks, five to a rank, and there shall remain a space between the two horns, as much as containeth ten men, which turn their sides, the one to tother. Between the two horns, the captain shall stand, and on every point of a horn, a Centurion: There shall be also behind, on every corner, a Centurion: there shallbe two ranks of Pikes, and twenty Peticapitaines' on every flank. These two horns, serve to keep between them the artillery, when this battle should have any with it, and the carriages: The Veliti must stand along the flanks, 
T●e ordering 〈…〉 battle 〈◊〉 a void sp●●● in the middest●.  under the Pikes. But minding to bring this horned battle, with a void space in the midst, there ought no other to be done, then of fifteen ranks, of twenty to a rank, to take eight ranks, and to place them on the points of the two horns, which then of horns, become back of the void space. In this place, the carriages are kept, the captain standeth, and the Ansigne, but never the Artillery, the which is placed either in the front, or a long the flanks. These be the ways, that a battle may use when it is constrained to pass alone through suspected places: notwithstanding, the massive battle without horns, and without any such void place is better, yet purposing to assure the disarmed, the same horned battle is necessary. The Suizzers make also many fashions of battles, among which, they make one like unto a cross: because in the spaces that is between the arms thereof, they keep safe their Harkebuters from the danger of the enemies: but because such battles be good to faight by themselves, and my intent is to show, how many battles united, do faight with th'enemy, I will not labour further in describing them.  Cosimo. 
My thinks I have very well comprehended the way, that aught to be kept to exercise the men in these battles: But (if I remember me well) you have said, how that besides the ten battles, you join to the main battle, a thousand extraordinary Pikes, and five hundred extraordinary Veliti: will you not appoint these to be exercised.  Fabritio. 
I would have them to be exercised, and that with most great diligence: & the Pikes I would exercise, at least Ansigne after Ansigne, in the orders of the battles, as the other: For as much as these should do me more service, 
To what purpose the Pikes and Velite extraordinary must se●●e.  than the ordinary battles, in all particular affairs: as to make guides, to get b●●ties, and to do like things: but the Veliti, I would exercise at home, without bringing them together, for that their office being to fight a sunder, it is not m●te, that they should company with other in the common exercises: for that it shall suffice, to exercise them well in the particular exercises. They ought then (as I first told you, nor now me thinks no labour to rehearse it again) to cause their men to exercise themselves in these battles, whereby they may know how to keep the ray, to know their places, to turn quickly, when either enemy, or situation troubleth them: for that, wh●n they know how to do this, the place is after easily learned, which a battle hath to keep, and what is the office thereof in the army: and when a Prince, or a common weal, will take the pain, and will use their diligence in these orders, and in these exercising, it shall always happen, that in their country, there shall be good soldiers, and they to be superiors to their neighbours, and shallbe those, which shall give, and not receive the laws of other men: but (as I have said) the disorder wherein they live, maketh that they neclect, and do not esteem those things, and therefore our armies be not good: and yet though there were either head, or member naturally virtuous, they cannot show it.  Cosimo. 
What carriages would you, that every one of these battles should have? 
Neither Centurion nor P●ticapitaine, ought not to ride. What carriages the Captains ought to have, and the member of cottages requi●●e to every band● of m●●ne.   Fabritio. 
first, I would that neither Centurion, nor Peticapitain, should be suffered to ride: and if the Constable would needs ride, I would that he should have a Mule, and not a horse, I would allow him two carriages, & one to every Centurion, and two to every three Peticapitaines, for that so many we lodge in a lodging, as in the place thereof we shall tell you: So that every battle will come to have xxxvi carriages, the which I would should carry of necessity the tents, the vessels to seethe meat, axes, bars of Iron, sufficient to make the lodynges, and then if they can carry any other thing, they may do it at their pleasure.  Cosimo. 
I believe that the heads of you, ordained in every one of these battles, be necessary: albeit, I would doubt, 〈◊〉 that so many commanders, should confound all.  Fabritio. 
That should be, when it were not referred to one man, but referring it, they cause order, ye and without them, it is impossible to govern an army: 
Without many captains, an army cannot be governed.  for that a wall, which ●n every part inclineth, requireth rather to have many props, and thick, although not so strong, than few, though they were strong: b●cause the virtue of one alone, doth not remedy the ●uin● a far of. And therefore in th'armies, and among every ten men, it is convenient that there be o●e, of more 〈◊〉, of more heart, or at least wise of more authority, who with stomach, with words, and with example, may keep them constant, and disposed to faight, and these things of me declared, be necessary in an army, as the Heads, the Ansignes, and the Drums, is seen that we have them all in our armies, but none doth his office. First to mind that the Peticapitaines do the same, for which they are ordained, it is necessary (as I have said) that there 〈◊〉 different, between every one of them and their men, and that they long together, doing their duties, standing in thorder with them: for that they placed in their places, be a rule and a temperance, to maintain the rays strait and steady, and it is impossible that th●● disorder, or disordering, do not r●duc● themselves quickly into their places. But we now adays, do not use them to other purpose, then to give them more wages, then to other men, and to cause that they do some particular feat: The very same happeneth of the Ansigne bearers, for that they are kept rather to make a fair muster, then for any other warlike use: but the antiquity used them for guides, 
To what purpose Ansignes ought to ser●●.  and to bring themselves again into order: for that every man, so soon as the Ansigne stood still, knew the place, that be kept near to his Ansigne, whereunto he returned always: they knew also, how that the same moving, or standing, they should stay, or move: therefore it is necessary in an army, that there be many bodies, and every band of men to have his Ansigne, and his guide: wherefore having this, it is meet that they have stomachs enough, and by consequence life enough. Then the men ought to march, according to the Ansigne: and the Ansigne to move, according to the Drum, 
For what purpose Drums ought to be used.  the which Drum well ordered, commandeth to the army, the which going with paces, that answereth the time of the same, will come to keep easily th'orders: for which cause the antiquity had Shawms, Flutes, and sounds perfectly tymed: For as much as like as he that danceth, proceedeth with the time of the Music, and going with the same doth not err, even so an army obeying, in moving itself to the same sound, doth not disorder: and therefore, they varied the sound, according as they would vary the motion, and according as they would inflame, or quiet, or stay the minds of men: and like as the sounds were divers, so diversly they named them: the sound Dorico, 
The property that sounds of instruments have in men● minds.  engendered constancy, the sound Frigio, fury: whereby they say, that Alexander being at the Table, and one sounding the sound Frigio, it kendled so much his mind, that he laid hand on his weapons. All these manners should be necessary to find again: and when this should be difficult, at least there would not be left behind those that teach the Soldier to obey, the which every man may vary, and ordain after his own fashion, so that with practice, he accustom the ears of his soldiers to know it: But now adays of this sound, there is no other fruit taken for the most part, then to make a rumour.  Cosimo. 
I would desire to understand of you, if ever with yourself you have discourced, whereof groweth so moche vileness, and so much disorder, and so much negligence in these days of this exercise?  Fabritio. 

A notable discourse of the author, declaring whereof groweth so moche vileness disorder & negligence in these days, concerning the exercises of war.  With a good will I will tell you the same, that I think. You know how that of the excellent men of war, there hath been named many in Europe, few in Africa, and less in Asia: this grew, for that these two last parts of the world, have had not pass one kingdom, or two, and few common weals, but Europe only, hath had many kingdoms, and infinite common weals, where men became excellent, and did show their virtue, according as they were set a work, and brought before their Prince, or common weal, or king that he be: it followeth therefore, that where be many dominions, there rise many valiant men, and where be few, few. In Asia is found Ninus, Cirus, Artasereses, Mithridates: and very few other, that to these may be compared. In afric, is named (letting stand the same ancient Egypt) Massinissa, jugurta, and those Captains, which of the carthaginians common weal were nourished, whom also in respect to those of Europe, are moste fewer because in Europe, be excellent men without number, and so many more should be, if together with those should be named the other, that be through the malignity of time extinct: for that the world hath been mo●●e virtuous, where hath been most states, which have favoured virtue of necessity, or for other humane passion. There rose therefore in Asia, few excellent men: because the same Province, was all under one kingdom, in the which for the greatness thereof, the same standing for the most part of time well, th●re could not grew men in doings excellent. To Africa there happened the very same, yet there were nourished more than in Asia, by reason of the Carthaginens common weal: for that in common weals, there grow more excellent men, then in kingdoms: because in common weals for he most part, virtue is honoured, in Kingdoms it is held back: whereby groweth, that in th'one, virtuous men are nourished, in the other they are extinct. Therefore he that shall consider the parts of Europe, shall find it to have been full of common weals, and of princedoms, the which for fear, that the one had of the other, they were constrained to keep lively the warlike orders, and to honour them, which in those most prevailed: for that in Grece, besides the kingdom of the Macedonians, there were many common weals, and in every one of them, were bred most excellent men. In Italy, were the Romans, the Sannites, the tuscans, the Galley Cisalpini▪ France, and Almainie, were full of common weals and princedoms. Spain likewise: and although in comparison of the Romans, there are named few other, it groweth through the malignity of the writers, whom follow fortune, and to them for the most part it sufficed, to honour the conquerors▪ but it standeth not with reason, that between the Sannites, and the tuscans, whom fought. CL. years with the Roman people, before they were overcome, there should not grow exceeding many excellent men. And so likewise in France, and in Spain: but that virtue, which the writers did not celebrate in particular men, they celebrated generally in the people, where they exalt to the stars, the obstinateness that was in them, to defend their liberty. Being then true, that where be most dominions, there riseth most valiant men, it followeth of necessity, that extinguishing those, virtue is extinct straight way, the occasion decaying, which maketh men virtuous. Therefore, the Roman Empire being after increased, and having extingushed all the common weals, and Princedoms of Europe, and of Africa, and for the most part those of Asia, it left not any way to virtue, except Rome: whereby grew, that virtuous men began to be as few in Europe, as in Asia: the which virtue, came after to the last cast: For as much, as all the virtue being reduced to Room, so soon as the same was corrupted, almost all the world came to be corrupted: and the Scythian people, were able to come to spoil the same Empire, the which had extinglished the virtue of other, and knew not how to maintain their own: and after, although through the inundation of those barbarous nations, the same Empire was divided into many parts, this virtue is not renewed: The one cause is, 
The causes why the ancient orders are neglected.  for that it grieveth them moche, to take again the orders when they are marred, the other, because the manner of living now adays, having respect to the Christian religion, commandeth not the same necessity to men, to defend themselves, which in old time was: for that then, the men overcome in war, either were killed, or remained perpetual slaves, where they led their lives most miserably: The towns overcome, either were razed, or the inhabiters thereof driven out, their goods taken away, sent dispersed through the world: so that the vanquished in war, suffered all extreme misery: of this fear, men being made afraid, they were driven to keep lively the warlike exercises, and they honoured such as were excellent in them: But now adays, this fear for the most part is not regarded: of those that are overcome, few be killed, none is kept long in prison: for that with facelitie, they are set at liberty: the cities also, which a thousand times have rebelled, are not destroyed, the men whereof, are let alone with their goods, so that the greatest hurt that is feared, is but a task: in so moche, that men will not submit them selves to the orders of war, and to abide always under those, to avoid the perils whereof they are little afraid: again these Provinces of Europe, be under a very few heads, in respect as it hath been in times past: for that all France, obeyeth one king, all Spain, an other: Italy is in few parts, so that the weak cities, are defended with leaning to him that overcometh, and the strong states, for the causes aforesaid, fear no such extreme ruin.  Cosimo. 
Yet there hath been seen many towns that have been sacked within this xxv years, and lost their dominions, whose ensample, aught to teach other how to live, and to take again some of those old orders.  Fabricio. 
You say true: but if you note what towns have gone to sack, you shall not find that they have been the heads of states, but of the members: as was seen sacked Tortona, and not Milan: Capua, and not Napelles, Brescia, and not Venice, Ravenna, and not Room: the which ensamples maketh those that govern, not to change their purposes, but rather maketh them to stand more in their opinion, to be able to redeem again all things with tasks, and for this, they will not submit themselves to the troubles of thexercises of war, seeming unto them partly not necessary, partly, an intrinsicate matter, which they understand not: Those other, which be subjects to them, whom such insamples aught to make afraid, have no power to remedy it: and those Princes, that have once lost their estates, are no more able, & those which as yet keep them, know not, nor will not. Because they will without any disease rain by fortune, and not by their virtue: for that in the world being but little virtue, they see fortune governeth all things. And they will have it to rule them, not they to rule it. And to prove this that I have discoursed to be tr●●, consider Almain, in the which, because there is many Princedoms, and common weals, there is moche virtue, and all the same, which in the present service of war is good, dependeth of the ensamples of those people: who being all gellious of their states, fearing servitude, the which in other places is not feared, they all maintain themselves Lords, and honourable: this that I have said, shall suffice to show the occasions of the present utility, according to my opinion: I cannot tell, whether it seem the same unto you, or whether there be grown in you any doubting.  Cosimo. 
None, but rather I understand all very well: only I desire turning to our principal matter, to understand of you, how you would ordain the horses with these battles, and how many, and how they should be governed, and how armed.  Fabritio. 
You think peradventure, that I have left it behind: whereat do not marvel, for that I purpose for two causes, to speak thereof little, the one is, for that the strength, and the importance of an army, is the footmen, the other is, because this part of service of war, is less corrupted, then the same of footmen. For that though it be not stronger than the old, yet it may compare with the same, nevertheless there hath been spoken a little afore, of the manner of exercising them. 
The arming of horsemen.  And concerning tharming them, I would arm them as they do at this present, as well the light horsemen, as the men of arms: but the light horsemen, 
The weapons that light horseman should have.  I would that they should be all crossbow suitors, with some Harkebutters among them: the which though in the other affairs of war, they be little profitable, they be for this most profitable, to make afraid the country men, and to drive them from a passage, that were kept of them: because a Harkebutter, shall fear them more, than twenty other armed. But coming to the number, 
The number of horsemen requisite for a main battle of six thousand men.  I say, that having taken in hand, to imitate the service of war of the Romans, I would not ordain more than three hundred horse, profitable for every main battle, of which I would that there were. CL. men of arms, and. CL. light horsemen, and I would give to every one of these parts, a head, making after among them fifteen peticapitaines for a band, giving to every one of them a Trumpet, and a standard: 
The number of carrages that men of arms and light horsemen ought to have.  I would that every ten men of arms, should have five carriages, and every ten light horsemen two, the which as those of the footmen, should carry the tents, the vessels, and the ears, and the stakes, and the rest of their other harnets. Nor believe not but that it is disorder, where the men of arms have to their service four horse, because such a thing is a corrupt use: for that the men of arms in Almain, are seen to be with their horse alone, every twenty of them, having only a cart, that carrieth after them their necessary things. The Roman horsemen, were likewise alone: true it is, that the Triarij lodged near them, which were bound to minister help unto them, in the keeping of their horses: the which may easily be imitated of us, as in the distributing of the lodgings, I shall show you. Thesame then that the Romans did, and that which the Duchmen do now a days, we may do also, ye, not doing it, we err. These horses ordained and appointed together with a main battle, may sometimes be put together, when the battles be assembled, and to cause that between them be made some fight of assault, the which should be more to make than acquainted together, then for any other necessity. But now of this part, there hath been spoken sufficiently, wherefore let us fashion the army, to be able to come into the field against the enemy, and hope to win it: which thing is the end, for which the exercise of war is ordained, and so much study therein bestowed.   

The third Book of the art of war, of Nicholas Machiavelli, Citezeine and Secretary of Florence, unto Laurence Philip Strozze.  Cosimo. 
seeing that we change reasoning, I will that the demander be changed: because I would not be thought presumptuous, the which I have always blamed in other: therefore, I resign the Dictatorship, and give this authority to him that will have it, of these my other friends.  Zanobi. 
We would be most glad, that you should proceed, but seeing that you will not, yet tell at least, which of us shall succeed in your place.  Cosimo. 
I will give this charge to signior Fabricio.  Fabritio. 
I am content to take it, and I will that we follow the Venetian custom, that is, that the youngest speak first: because this being an exercise for young men, I persuade myself, that young men, be most apt to reason thereof, as they be most ready to execute it.  Cosimo. 
Then it falleth to you Luigi: & as I have pleasure of such a successor, so you shall satisfy yourself of such a demander: therefore I pray you, let us turn to the matter, and let us lose no more tyme.  Fabritio. 
I am certain, that to mind to show well, how an army is prepared, to faight a field, it should be necessary to declare, how the Greeks, and the Romans ordained the bands of their armies: notwithstanding, you yourselves, being able to read, and to consider these things, by means of the ancient writers, I will pass over many particulars: and I will only bring in those things, which I think necessary to imitate, minding at this time, to give to our exercise of war, some part of perfection: The which shall make, that in one instant, I shall show you, how an army is prepared to the field, and how it doth encounter in the very fight, and how it may be exercised in the feigned. The greatest disorder, 
The greatest disorder that is used now a days in pitching of a field.  that they make, which ordain an army to the field, is in giving them only one front, and to bind them to one brunt, and to one fortune: the which groweth, of having lost the way, that the antiquity used to receive one band within an other: because without this way, they can neither secure the foremost, nor defend them, nor succeed in the fight in their steed: the which of the Romans, was most excellently well observed. Therefore, 
The order how a Roman Legion was appointed to faight.  purposing to show this way, I say, how that the Romans divided into three parts every Legion, in Hastati, Prencipi, and Triarij, of which, the Hastati were placed in the first front, or forward of the army, with th'orders thick & sure, behind whom were the Prencipi, but placed with their orders more thin: after these, they set the Triarij, & with so moche thinness of orders, that they might, if need were, receive between them the Prencipi, and the Hastati. They had beside these, the Slingers, and Crosbowshoters, and the other light armed, the which stood not in these orders, but they placed them in the head of th'army, between the horses and the other bands of footmen: therefore these light armed, began the fight, if they overcame (which happened seldom times) they followed the victory: if they were repulsed, they retired by the flanks of the army, or by the spaces ordained for such purposes, and they brought themselves among the unarmed: after the departure of whom, the Hastati encountered with the enemy, the which if they saw themselves to be overcome, they retired by a little and little, by the rareness of th'orders between the Prencipi, and together with those, they renewed the fight: if these also were repulsed, they retired all in the rareness of the orders of the Triarij, and all together on a heap, began again the fight: and then, if they were overcome, there was no more remedy, because there remained no more ways to renew them again. The horses stood on the corners of the army, to the likeness of two wings to a body, & somewhiles they fought with the enemy's horses, an other while, they rescued the fotmen, according as need required. This way of renewing themselves three times, is almost impossible to overcome: for that, fortume must three times forsake thee, and the enemy to have so moche strength, that three times he may overcome thee. The Greeks, had not in their Falangi, this manner of renewing themselves, and although in those were many heads, and many orders, notwithstanding, they made one body, 
The manner that the Greeks used in their Falangi, when they fought against their enemies.  or else one head: the manner that they kept in rescuing the one the other was, not to retire the one order within the other, as the Romans, but to enter the one man into the place of the other: the which they did in this manner. Their Falange brought into ranks, and admit, that they put in a rank fifty men, coming after with their head against the enemy, of all the ranks the foremost six, might faight: Because their Lances, the which they called Sarisse, were so long, that the sixth rank, passed with the head of their Lances, out of the first rank: then in fighting, if any of the first, either through death, or through wounds fell, strait way there entered into his place, the same man, that was behind in the second rank, and in the place that remained void of the second, the same man entered, which was behind him in the third, and thus successively, in a sudden the ranks behind, restored the faults of those afore, so that the ranks always remained whole, and no place of the faighters was void, except the last ranks, the which came to consume, having not men behind their backs, whom might restore them: So that the hurt that the first ranks suffered, consumed the last, and the first remained always whole: and thus these Falangi by their order, might sooner be consumed, then broken, for that the gross body, made it more immovable. The Romans used at the beginning the Falangi, & did set in order their Legions like unto them: after, this order pleased them not, and they divided the Legions into many bodies, that is, in bands and companies: Because they judged (as a little afore I said) that the same body, should have need of many captains, and that it should be made of sundry parts, so that every one by itself, might be governed. The main battles of the swizzers, 
The order that the swizzers use in their main batta●les when they fight  use at this present, all the manners of the Falangi, as well in ordering it gross, and whole, as in rescuing the one the other: and in pitching the field, they set the main battles, th'one to the sides of the other: and though they set them the one behind the other, they have no way, that the first retiring itself, may be received of the second, but they use this order, to the intent to be able to secure the one tother, where they put a main battle before, and an other behind the same on the right hand: so that if the first have need of help, that then the other may make forward, and secure it: the third main battle, they put behind these, but distant from them, a Harkebus' shot: this they do, for that the said two main battles being repulsed, this may make forward, and have space for themselves, and for the repulsed, and the same that marcheth forward, to avoid the justling of the one the other: for asmuch as a gross multitude, cannot be received as a little body; and therefore, the little bodies being destincts, which were in a Roman Legion, might be placed in such wise, that they might receive between them, and rescue the one the other. And to prove this order of the swizzers not to be so good, as the ancient Romans, many ensamples of the Roman Legions do declare, when they fought with the Greeks Falangi, where always they were consumed of them: for that the kind of their weapons (as I have said afore) and this way of renewing themselves, could do more, than the massivenesse of the Falangi. Having therefore, with these ensamples to ordain an army, I have thought good, partly to retain the manner of arming and the orders of the Greeks Falangi, and partly of the Roman Legions: 
How to appoint a main battle with armour & weapons, and to order the same after the Greek & Roman manner  and therefore I have said, that I would have in a main battle, two thousand pikes, which be the weapons of the Macedonicall Falangi, and three thousand Targaettes with swords, which be the Roman weapons: I have divided the main battle, into ten battles, as the Romans their Legion into ten Cohortes: I have ordained the Veliti, that is the light armed to begin the fight, as the Romans used: and like as the weapons being mingled, do participate of th'one and of the other nation, so the orders also do participate: I have ordained, that every battle shall have v. ranks of Pikes in the front, and the rest of Targaettes, to be able with the front, to withstand the horses, and to enter easily into the battle of the enemies on foot, having in the first front, or vawarde, Pikes, as well as the enemy, the which shall suffice me to withstand them, the Targaettes after to overcome them. And if you note the virtue of this order, you shall see all these weapons, to do fully their office, for that the Pikes, be profitable against the horses, & when they come against the footmen, they do their office well, before the fight throng together, because so soon as they press together, they become unprofitable: wherefore, the swizzers to avoid this inconvenience, put after every three ranks of Pikes, a rank of Halberds, the which they do to make room to the Pikes, which is not yet so much as sufficeth. Then putting our pikes afore, and the Targaettes behind, they come to with stand the horses, and in the beginning of the fight, they opon the rays, and molest the footmen: But when the fight is thrust together, and that they become unprofitable, the Targaettes and swords succeed, which may in every narrow place be handled.  Luigi. 
We look now with desire to understand, how you would ordain the army to faight the field, with these weapons, and with these order.  Fabricio. 
And I will not now show you other, than this: you have to understand, how that in an ordinary Roman army, which they call a Consul army, 
The number of men that was in a consuls army.  there were no more, than two Legions of Roman citizens, which were six hundred horse, and about a leaven thousand footmen: they had beside as many more footmen and horsemen, which were sent them from their friends and confederates, whom they divided into two parts, & called the one, the right horn and the other the left horn: nor they never permitted, that these aiding footmen, should pass the number of the footmen of their Legions, they were well contented, that the number of those horse, should be more than theirs: with this army, which was of xxij thousand footmen, and about two thousand good horse, a Consul executed all affairs, and went to all enterprises: yet when it was needful to set against a greater force, two consuls joined together with two armies. You ought also to note in especially, that in all the three principal acts, which an army doth, that is, to march, to encamp, and to faight, 
How the Romainies pl●●● their Legions in the field.  the Romans used to put their Legions in the midst, for that they would, that the same power, wherein they most trusted, should be most untied, as in the reasoning of these three acts, shall be showed you: those aiding footmen, through the practice they had with the Legion Souldious, were as profitable, as they, because they were instructed, according as the soldiers of the Legions were, and therefore, in like manner in pitching the field, they pitched. Then, he that knoweth how the Romans disposed a Legion in their army, to faight a field, knoweth how they disposed all: therefore, having told you, how they divided a Legion into three bands, and how the one band received the other, I have then told you, how all th'army in a field, was ordained. Wherefore, I minding to ordain a field like unto the Romans, as they had two Legions, I will take two main battles, & these being disposed, the disposition of all an army shallbe understood thereby: because in joining more men, there is no other to be done, then to engross th'orders: I think I need not to rehearse how many men a main battle hath, and how it hath ten battles, and what heads be in a battle, and what weapons they have, and which be the ordinary Pikes and Veliti, and which the extraordinary: for that a little afore I told you it destinctly, and I willed you to keep it in memory, as a necessary thing to purpose, to understand all the other orders: 
How to order an army in the field to faight a battle, according to the mind of the author.  and therefore I will come to the demonstration of the order, without repeating it any more: methinks good, that the ten battles of one main battle, be set on the left flank, and the ten other, of the other main battle, on the right: these that are placed on the left flank, be ordained in this manner, there is put five battle, the one to the side of the other in the front, after such sort, that between the one and the other, there remain a space of three yards, which come to occupy for largeness. Cvi. yards of ground, and for length thirty: behind these five battles, I would put three other, distant by right line from the first, thirty yards: two of the which, should come behind by right line, to the uttermost of the five, and the other should keep the space in the midst, and so these three, shall come to occupy for breadth and length, as much space, as the five doth. But where the five have between the one, and the other, a distance of three yards, these shall have a distance of xxv yards. After these, I would place the two last battles, in like manner behind the three by right line, and distant from those three, thirty yards, and I would place each of them, behind the uttermost part of the three, so that the space, which should remain between the one and the other, should be lxviij yards: then all these battles thus ordered, will take in breadth. Cvi. yards, and in length. CL. Thextraordinarie Pikes, 
How the extraordinary pikes be placed in the set battle.  I would destende a long the flanks of these battles, on the left side, distant from them fifteen yards, making. Cxliij. ranks, seven to a rank, after such sort, that they may empale with their length, all the left side of the ten battles in the same wise, declared of me to be ordained: and there shall remain forty ranks to keep the carriages, and the unarmed, which ought to remain in the tail of the army, distributing the Peticapitaines, and the Centurions, in their places: and of the three Constable's, I would place one in the head, the other in the midst, the third in the last rank, the which should execute the office of a Tergiductore, whom the antiquity so called him, that was appointed to the back of the army. But returning to the head of the army, 
The place where thextraordinary archars and hackbutters, and the men of arms and light● horsemen ought to stand when the field is pitched, and goeth to fight the battle.  I say how that I would place near to the extraordinary pikes, the Veliti extraordinary, which you know to be five hundred, and I would give them a space of xxx yards: on the side of these likewise on the left hand, I would place the men of arms, and I would they should have a space of a. Cxij. yards: after these, the light horsemen, to whom I would appoint as much ground to stand in, as the men of arms have: the ordinary veliti, 
The ordinary a●chars & harkebutters are placed about their own battles.  I would leave about their own battles, who should stand in those spaces, which I appoint between th'one battle & tother: whom should be as their ministers, if sometime I thought not good to place them under the extraordinary Pikes: in doing or not doing whereof, I would proceed, according as should turn best to my purpose. 
The place where the general head of a main battle must stand, when the same power of men is appointed to faight.  The general head of all the main battle, I would place in the same space, that were between the first and the second order of the battles, or else in the head, and in the same space, that is between the last battle of the first five, and the extraordinary Pikes, according as best should serve my purpose, with thirty or forty chosen men about him, 
What men a general captain of a main battle ought to have about him.  that knew by prudence, how to execute a commission, and by force, to withstand a violence, and they to be also between the Drum and the Ansigne: this is thorder, with the which I would dispose a main battle, which should be the disposing of half the army, and it should take in breadth three hundred fourscore and two yards, & in length as much as above is said, not accounting the space, that the same part of the extraordinary Pikes will take, which must make a defence for the unarmed, which will be about .lxxv. yards: the other main battle, I would dispose on the right side, after the same manner just, as I have disposed that on the left, leaving between the one main battle, and tother, a space of xxij yards: in the head of which space, I would set some little carriages of artillery, 
The place where a general captain of all the army must stand when the battle is ready to be fought and what number of chosen men ought to be about him.  behind the which, should stand the general captain of all the army, and should have about him with the Trumpet, and with the captain standard, two hundred men at least, chosen to be on foot the most part, amongst which there should be ten or more, meet to execute all commandments, and should be in such wise a horseback, and armed, that they might be on horseback, and on foot, according as needs should require. The artillery of the army, 
How many canons is requisite for an army and of what ●se they ought to be.  sufficeth ten Cannons, for the winning of Towns, whose shot should not pass fifty pound: the which in the field, should serve me more for defence of the camp, then for to faight the battle: The other artillery, should be rather of ten, then of fifteen pound the shot: 
Where the artillery ought● to be placed, when th'army is ready to faight.  this I would place afore on the front of all the army, if sometime the country should not stand in such wise, that I might place it by the flank in a sure place, where it might not of the enemy be in danger: this fashion of an army thus ordered, 
An army that were ordered an above is declared, may in fighting, use the Greeks manner, and the Roman fashion.  may in faighting, use the order of the Falangi, and the order of the Roman Legions: for that in the front, be Pikes, all the men be set in the ranks, after such sort, that incountering with the enemy, & withstanding him, may after the use of the Falangi, restore the first ranks, with those behind: on the other part, if they be charged so sore, that they be constrained to break the orders, and to retire themselves, they may enter into the void places of the second battles, which they have behind them, and unite their selves with them, and making a new force, withstand the enemy, and overcome him: and when this sufficeth not, they may in the very same manner, retire themselves the second time, and the third fight: so that in this order, concerning to fight, there is to renew themselves, both according to the Greek manner, and according to the Roman: concerning the strength of th'army, there cannot be ordained a more stronger: for as much, as the one and the other horn thereof, is exceedingly well replenished, both with heads and weapons, nor there remaineth weak, other than the part behind of the unarmed, and the same also, hath the flanks impaled with the extraordinary Pikes: nor the enemy cannot of any part assault it, where he shall not find it well appointed, and the hinder part cannot be assaulted: Because there cannot be an enemy, that hath so moche puissance, whom equally may assault thee on every side: for that he having so great a power, thou oughtest not then to match thyself in the field with him: but when he were three times more than thou, and as well appointed as thou, he doth weaken himself in assaulting thee in divers places, one part that thou breakest, will cause all the rest go to nought: concerning horses, although he chance to have more than thine, thou needest not to fear: for that the orders of the Pikes, which empale thee, defend thee from all violence of them, although thy horses were repulsed. The heads besides this, be disposed in such place, that they may easily command, and obey: the spaces that be between the one battle, 
To what purpose the spaces that be between every band of men do serve.  and the other, and between the one order, and the other, not only serve to be able to receive the one the other, but also to give place to the messengers, which should go and come by order of the captain. And as I told you first, how the Romans had for an army, about four and twenty thousand men, even so this aught to be: and as the other soldiers took ensample of the Legions, for the manner of fighting, and the fashion of th'army, so those soldiers, which you should join to our two main battles, aught to take the form and order of them: whereof having put you an ensample, it is an easy matter to imitate it, for that increasing, either two other main battles unto the army, or as many other soldiers, as they be, there is no other to be done, then to double the orders, and where was put ten battles on the left part, to put twenty, either engrossing, or distending the orders, according as the place, or the enemy should compel thee.  Luigi. 
Surely sir I imagine in such wise of this army, that me thinks I now see it, and I burn with a desire to see it encounter, and I would for nothing in the world, that you should become Fabius Maximus intending to keep the enemy at a bay, and to defer the day of battle: because I would say worse of you, than the Roman people said of him.  Fabritio. 
Doubt not: 
The description of a battle that is a fighting.  Do you not hear the artillery? Ours have already shot, but little hurt the enemy: and thextraordinary Veliti, issuing out of their places together with the light horsemen, most speedyly, and with most marvelous fury, and greatest cry that may be, they assault the enemy: whose artillery hath discharged once, and hath passed over the heads of our footmen, without doing them any hurt, and because it cannot shoot the second time, the Veliti, and our horsemen, have now gotten it, and the enemies for to defend it, are come forward, so that neither our ordinance, nor thenemies, can any more do their office. See with how much virtue, stengthe and agility our men faighteth, and with how moche knowledge through the exercise, which hath made them to abide, and by the confidence, that they have in the army, the which, see, how with the pace thereof, and with the men of arms on the sides, it marcheth in good order, to give the charge on the adversary: See our artillery, which to give them place, and to leave them the space free, is retired by the same space, from whence the Veliti issued: See how the captain encourageth them, showeth them the victory certain: See how the Veliti and light horsemen be enlarged, and returned on the flanks of th'army, to seek and view, if they may by the flank, do any injury to the adversaries: behold how the armies be affronted. See with how much valiantness they have withstood the violence of thenemies, & with how much silence, and how the captain commandeth the men of arms, that they sustain, and not charge, and that they break not from the order of the footmen: see how our light horsemen be gone, to give the charge on a band of the enemy's Harkebutters, which would have hurt our men by flank, and how the enemy's horse have succoured them, so that turned between the one and the other horse, they cannot shoot, but are feign to retire behind their own battle: see with what fury our Pikes do also affront, and how the footmen be now so near together the one to the other, that the Pikes can no more be occupied: so that according to the knowledge learned of us, our pikes do retire a little & a little between the targaettes. See how in this while a great band of men of arms of the enemies, have charged our men of arms on the left side, and how ours, according to knowledge, be retired under the extraordinary Pikes, and with the help of those, giving again a fresh charge, have repulsed the adversaries, & slain a good part of them: in so moche, that thordinary pikes of the first battles, be hidden between the rays of the Targaettes, they having left the fight to the Targaet men: whom you may see, with how much virtue, security, and leisure, they kill the enemy: see you not how moche by fighting, the orders be thrust together? That they can seize weld their swords? Behold with how much fury the enemies move: because being armed with the pike, and with the sword unprofitable (the one for being to long, the other for finding th'enemy to well armed) in part they fall hurt or dead, in part they fly. See, they fly on the right corner, they fly also on the left: behold, the victory is ours. Have not we won a field most happily? But with more happiness it should be won, if it were granted me to put it in act. And see, how there needed not the help of the second, nor of the third order, for our first front hath sufficed to overcome them: in this part, I have no other to say unto you, then to resolve if any doubt be grown you.  Luigi. 
You have with so moche fury won this field, that I so moche marvel and am so astonished, that I believe that I am not able to express, if any doubt remain in my mind: yet trusting in your prudence; I will be so bold to tell the same that I understand. Tell me first, why made you not your ordinance to shoot more than once? 
Questions concerning the shooting of ordinance.  And why straight way you made them to retire into th'army, nor after made no mension of them? Me thought also, that you leveled the artillery of the enemy high, & appointed it after your own devise: the which might very well be, yet when it should happen, as I believe it chanceth often, that they strike the ranks, what remedy have you? And seeing that I have begun of the artillery, I will finish all this question, to the intent I need not to reason thereof any more. I have heard many dispraise the armours, and the orders of the ancient armies, arguing, how now a days, they can do little, but rather should be altogether unprofitable, having respect to the fury of the artillery: because, this breaketh the orders, and passeth the armours in such wise, that it seemeth unto them a foolishness to make an order, which cannot be kept, and to take pain to bear a harness, that cannot defend a man.  Fabricio. 
This question of yours (because it hath many heads) hath need of a long answer. It is true, 
An answer to the questions that we●e demanded, concerning the shooting of ordinance.  that I made not th'artillery to shoot more than once, and also of the same ones, I stood in doubt: the occasion was, for asmuch as it importeth more, for one to take heed not to be stricken, than it importeth to strike the enemy. You have to understand, that to purpose that a piece of ordinance hurt you not, it is necessary either to stand where it cannot reach you, or to get behind a wall, or behind a bankt: other thing there is not that can withhold it: and it is needful also, that the one and the other be most strong. Those captains which come to faight a field, cannot stand behind a wall, or behind banks, nor where they may not be reached: therefore it is meet for them, seeing they cannot find away to defend them, to find some mean, by the which they may be least hurt: nor they cannot find any other way, then to prevent it quickly: the way to prevent it, is to go to find it out of hand, and hastily, not at leisure and in a heap: for that through speed, the blow is not suffered to be redoubled, and by the thinness, less number of men may be hurt. This, a band of men ordered, cannot do: because if the same march hastily, it goweth out of order: if it go scattered, the enemy shall have no pain to break it, for that it breaketh by itself: and therefore, I ordered the army after such sort, that it might do the one thing and the other: for as much as having set in the corners thereof, a thousand Veliti, I appointed that after that our ordinance had shot, they should issue out together with the light horsemen, to get the enemy's artillery: and therefore, I made not my ordinance to shoot again, to the intent, to give no time to the enemy to shoot: Because space could not be given to me, and taken from other men, and for the same occasion, where I made my ordinance not to shoot the second time, was for that I would not have suffered the enemy to have shot at all, 
The best remedy to avoid the hurt that the enemy in the field may do with his ordinance.  if I had could: seeing that to mind that the enemy's artillery be unprofitable, there is no other remedy, but to assault it speedily: for as much as if the enemies forsake it, thou takest it, if they will defend it, it is requisite that they leave it behind, so that being possessed of enemies, and of friends, it cannot shoot. I would believe, that with out insamples these reasons should suffice you, yet being able to show old ensamples, to prove my sayings true, I will. Ventidio coming to fight a field with the Parthians, 
A policy against bows and darts.  whose strength for the most part, consisted in bows and arrows, he suffered them almost to come hard to his camp, before he drew out his army, the which only he did, to be able quickly to prevent them: and not to give them space to shoot. Cesar when he was in France, maketh mention, that in faighting a battle with the enemies, he was with so moche fury assaulted of them, that his men had no time to whorle their Darts, according to the custom of the Romans: wherefore it is seen, that to intend, that a thing that shooteth far of, being in the field, do not hurt thee, there is no other remedy, then with as much celerity as may be, to prevent it. another cause moved me to proceed, without shooting the ordinance, whereat peradventure you will laugh: yet I judge not that it is to be dispraised. 
Nothing causeth greater confusion in an army, than to hinder men's sights.  There is nothing that causeth greater confusion in an army, then to hinder men's sights: whereby many most puisaunte armies have been broken, by means their sight hath been letted, either with dust, or with the Sun: yet there is nothing, 
Nothing more blindeth the sight of men in an army, than the smoke o● ordinance.  that more letteth the sight, than the smoke that the artillery maketh in shooting: therefore, I would think that it were more wisdom, to suffer the enemy to blind himself, then to purpose (thou being blind) to go to find him: for this cause, either I would not shoot, or (for that this should not be proved, considering the reputation that the artillery hath) I would place it on the corners of the army, so that shooting, it should not with the smoke thereof, blind the front of the same, which is the importance of my men. 
A policy to trouble the enemy's sight.  And to prove that it is a profitable thing, to let the sight of the enemy, there may be brought for ensample Epaminondas, whom to blind the enemy's army, which came to faight with him, he caused his light horsemen, to run before the front of the enemies, to raise up the dust, and to let their sight, whereby he got the victory. And where it seemeth unto you, that I have guided the shot of the artillery, after my own devise, 
The shot of great ordinance in the field, is not much to be feared of footmen.  making it to pass over the heads of my men, I answer you, that most often times, and without comparison, the great ordinance miss the footmen, moche sooner than hit them: for that the footmen are so low, and those so difficult to shoot, that every little that thou raisest them, they pass over the heads of men: and if they be leveled never so little to low, they strike in the earth, and the blow cometh not to them: also the unevenness of the ground saveth them, for that every little hillock, or high place that is, between the men and th'ordinance, letteth the shot thereof. 
Because men of arms stand closer together than light horsemen, they ought to remain behind the army till the enemy's ordinance have done shooting.  And concerning horsemen, and in especially men of arms, because they ought to stand more close together, than the light horsemen, and for that they are much higher, may the better be strooken, they may, until the artillery have shot, be kept in the tail of the army. True it is, that the Harkebutters do much more hurt, and the field pieces, than the great ordinance, for the which, the greatest remedy is, to come to hand strokes quickly: and if in the first assault, there be slain some, always there shall be slain: but a good captain, and a good army, ought not to make a count of a hurt, that is particular, but of a general, and to imitate the swizzers, whom never eschew to faight, being made afraid of the artillery: but rather punish with death those, which for fear thereof, either should go out of the rank, or should make with his body any sign of fear. I made them (so soon as they had shot) to be retired into the army, that they might leave the way free for the battle: I made no more mention of them, as of a thing unprofitable, the faight being begun. You have also said, that considering the violence of this instrument, many judge the armours, and the ancient orders to be to no purpose, and it seemeth by this your talk, that men now a days, have found orders and armours, which are able to defend them against the artillery: if you know this, I would be glad that you would teach it me: for that hitherto, I never saw any, nor I believe that there can any be found: so that I would understand of such men, for what cause the soldiers on foot in these days, wear the breastplate, or the corselet of steel, and they on horseback go all armed: because seeing that they blame the ancient arming of men as unprofitable, considering the artillery, they ought to despise also this? I would understand moreover, for what occasion the Suizzers, like unto the ancient orders, make a battle close together of six, or eight thousand men, and for what occasion all other have imitated them, this order bearing the very same peril, concerning the artillery, that those other should bear, which should imitate the antiquity. I believe they should not know what to answer: but if you should ask such Soldiers, as had some judgement, they would answer first, that they go armed, for that though the same armour defend them not from the artillery: it defendeth them from crossbows, from Pikes, from swords, from stones, and from all other hurt, that cometh from the enemies, they would answer also, that they went close together, like the Suizzers, to be able more easily to overthrow the footmen, to be able to withstand better the horse and to give more difficulty to the enemy to break than: so that it is seen, that the soldiers have to fear many other things besides the ordinance: from which things, with the armours, and with the orders, they are defended: whereof followeth, that the better that an army is armed, and the closer that it hath the orders, and stronger, so much the surer it is: so that he that is of the same opinion, that you say, it behoveth either that he be of small wisdom, or that in this thing, he hath studied very little: for as much as if we see, that so little a part of the ancient manner of arming, which is used now a days, that is the pike, and so little a part of those orders, as are the main battles of the swizzers, do us so much good, and cause our armies to be so strong, why ought not we to believe, that the other armours, and tother orders which are left, be profitable? Seeing that if we have no regard to the artillery, in putting ourselves close together, as the Suizzers, what other orders may make us more to fear the same? For as much as no order can cause us so much to fear the same, as those, which bring men together. Besides this, if the artillery of the enemies should not make me afraid, in besieging a Town, where it hurteth me with more safeguard, being defended of a wall, I being not able to prevent it, but only with time, with my artillery to let it, after such sort that it may double the blow as it list, why should I fear the same in the field, 
The artillery is no let, why the ancient orders of warfare ought not to be used in these days.  where I may quickly prevent it? So that I conclude thus, that the artillery, according to my opinion, doth not let, that the ancient manners cannot be used, and to show the ancient virtue: and if I had not talked already with you of this instrument, I would of the same, declare unto you more at length: but I will remit myself to that, which then I said.  Luigi. 
We may now understand very well, how much you have about the artillery discoursed: and in conclusion, my thinks you have showed, that the preventing it quickly, is the greatest remedy, that may be had for the same, being in the field, and having an army against you. Upon the which there groweth in me a doubt: because me thinks, that the enemy might place his ordinance in such wise, in his army, that it should hurt you, and should be after such sort guarded of the footmen, that it could not be prevented. You have (if you remember yourself well) in the ordering of your army to faight, made distances of three yards, between the one battle & the other, making those distances fifteen, which is from the battles, to thextraordinary pikes: if th'enemy, should order his army like unto yours, and should put the artillery a good way within those spaces, I believe that from thence, it should hurt you with their most great safeguard: because men can not enter into the force of their enemies to prevent it.  Fabricio. 
You doubt most prudently, and I will devise with myself, either to resolve you the doubt, or show you the remedy: I have told you, that continually these battles, either through going, or thorough fighting, are moving, and always naturally, they come to draw hard together, so that if you make the distances of a small breadth, where you set the artillery, in a little time they be shootte up, after such sort, that the artillery cannot any more shoot: if you make them large, to avoid this peril, you incur into a greater, where you through those distances, not only give commodity to the enemy, to take from you the artillery, but to break you: but you have to understand, that it is impossible to keep the artillery between the bands, and in especially those which go on carriages: For that the artillery goeth one way, and shooteth an other way: So that having to go and to shoot, it is necessary, before their shoot, that they turn, and for to turn them, they will have so moche space, that fifty carts of artillery, would disorder any army: therefore, it is meet to keep them out of the bands, where they may be overcome in the manner, as a little afore we have showed: but admit they might be kept, and that there might be found a way between both, & of such condition, that the presing together, of men should not hinder the artillery, and were not so open that it should give way to the enemy, I say, that it is remedied most easily, with making distances in thy army against it, which may give free passage to the shot of those, & so the violence thereof shall come to be vain, the which may be done most easily: for asmuch, as the enemy minding to have his artillery stand safe, it behoveth that he put them behind, in the furthest part of the distances, so that the shot of the same, be purposing that they hurt not his own men, aught to pass by right line, and by that very same always: and therefore with giving them place, easily they may be avoided: 
A general rule against such things as cannot be withstood.  for that this is a general rule, that to those things, which cannot be withstood, there must be given way, as the antiquity made to the elephants, and to the cars full of hooks. I believe, ye, I am more than certain, that it seemeth unto you, that I have ordered and won a battle after my own manner: notwithstanding, I answer unto you this, when so moche as I have said hitherto, should not suffice, that it should be impossible, that an army thus ordered, and armed, should not overcome at the first encounter, any other army that should be ordained, as their order the armies now adays, whom most often times, make not but one front, having no targaettes, and are in such wise unarmed, that they cannot defend themselves from the enemy at hand, and they order them after such sort, that if they set their battles by flank, the one to the other, they make the army thin: if they put the one behind the other, having no way to receive the one the other, they do it confusedly, and apt to be easily troubled: and although they give three names to their armies, and divide them into three companies, vaward, battle, and rearward, notwithstanding it serveth to no other purpose, then to march, and to distinguis the lodgings: but in the day of battle, they bind them all to the first brunt, and to the first fortune.  Luigi. 
I have noted also in the fighting of your field, how your horsemen were repulsed of the enemy's horsemen: for which cause they retired to the extraordinary Pikes: whereby grew, that with the aid of them, they withstood, and drove the enemies back? I believe that the Pikes may withstand the horses, as you say, but in a gross and thick main battle, as the swizzers make: but you in your army, have for the head five ranks of Pikes, and for the flank seven, so that I cannot tell how they may be able to withstand them.  Fabritio. 
Yet I have told you, how six ranks of pikes were occupied at ones, in the Macedonicall Falangi, albeit you ought to understand, 
A battle how ●●e●te so ●uer ●t be, cannot 〈◊〉 occupy above .v. raikes of y●r●●s.  that a main battle of swizzers, if it were made of a thousand ranks, it cannot occupy more than four, or at the most five: because the Pikes be six yards and three quarters long, one yard and half a quarter, is occupied of the hands, wherefore to the first rank, there remaineth free five yards and a half, and a half quarter of Pike: the second rank besides that, which is occupied with the hand, consumeth a yard and half a quarter in the space, which remaineth between the one rank and tother: so that there is not left of pike profitable, more than four yards and a half: to the third rank, by this very same reason, there remaineth three yards and a quarter and a half: to the fourth, two yards and a quarter: to the fift one yard and half a quarter: the other ranks, for to hurt, be unprofitable, but they serve to restore these first ranks, as we have declared, and to be a fortification to those .v. Then if five of their ranks can withstand the horse, why cannot five of ours withstand them? to the which also there lacketh not ranks behind, that doth sustain and make them the very same stay, although they have no pikes as the other. And when the ranks of thextraordinary pikes, which are placed on the flanks, should seem unto you thin, they may be brought into a quadrante, and put on the flank near the two battles, which I set in the last company of the army: From the which place, their may easily altogether secure the front, and the back of the army, and minister help to the horses, according as need shall require.  Luigi. 
Would you always use this form of order, when you would pitch a field.  Fabritio. 
No in no wise: for that you ought to vary the fashion of the army, according to the quality of the situation, and the condition and quantity of the enemy, as before this reasoning do end, shall be showed certain ensamples: but this form is given unto you, not so much as most strongest of all, where in deed it is very strong, as to the intent that thereby you may take a rule, and an order to learn to know the ways to ordain the other: for as much, as every science hath his generality, upon the which a good part of it is grounded. 
An advertisement concerning the pitching of a field.  One thing only I advise you, that you never order an army, after such sort, that those that faight afore, cannot be sucoured of them, which be set behind: because he that committeth this error, maketh the greatest part of his army to be unprofitable, and if it encounter any strength, it cannot overcome.  Luigi. 
There is grown in me, upon this part a doubt. I have seen that in the placing of the battles, you make the front of five on a side, the midst of three, and the last parts of two, and I believe, that it were better to ordain them contrariwise: for that I think, that an army should with more difficulty be broken, when he that should charge upon it, the more that he should entre into the same, so much the stronger he should find it: and the order devised of you, me thinks maketh, that the more it is entered into, so much the weaker it is found.  Fabricio. 
If you should remember how to the Triarij, whom were the third order of the Roman Legions, there were not assigned more than six hundred men, you would doubt less, having understood how they were placed in the last company: For that you should see, how I moved of this ensample, have placed in the last company two battles, which are nine hundred men, so that I come rather (following the ensample of the Roman people) to err, for having taken to many, then to few: and although this ensample should suffice, I will tell you the reason, the which is this. The first front of the army, 
How the fro●● of the army ought to be● made.  is made perfectly whole and thick, because it must withstand the brunt of the enemies, and it hath not to receive in it any of their fellows: and for this, it is fit that it be full of men: because a few men, should make it weak, either for thinness, or for lack of sufficient number: but the second company, for as much as it must first receive their friends, to sustain the enemy, 
How the middle part of the army ought to be ordered.  it is meet that it have great spaces, and for this it behoveth, that it be of less number than the first: for that if it were of greater number, or equal, it should be convenient, either not to leave the distances, the which should be disorder, or leaving them, to pass the bounds of those afore, the which should make the fashion of the army unperfect: and it is not true that you say, that the enemy, the more that he entereth into the main battle, so much the weaker he findeth it: for that the enemy, can never fight with the second order, except the first be joined with the same: so that he cometh to find the midst of the main battle more stronger, and not more weaker, having to fight with the first, and with the second order altogether: the very same happeneth, when the enemy should come to the third company: for that there, not with two battles, which is found fresh, but with all the main battle he must faight: 
The ordering of the hinder part of tha●●y  and for that this last part hath to receive most men, the spaces thereof is requisite to be greatest, and that which receiveth them, to be the lest number.  Luigi. 
It pleaseth me the same that you have told: but answer me also this: if the five first battles do retire between the three second battles, and after the eight between the two third, it seemeth not possible, that the eight being brought together, and then the ten together, may be received when they be eight, or when they be ten in the very same space, which received the five.  Fabricio. 
The first thing that I answer is, that it is not the very same space: For that the five have four spaces in the midst, which retiring between the three, or between the two, they occupy: then there remaineth the same space, that is between the one main battle and the other, and the same that is, between the battles, and the extraordinary Pikes, all the which spaces makes largeness: besides this, it is to be considered, that the battles keep other manner of spaces, when they be in the orders without being altered, then when they be altered: for that in the alteration: either they throng together, or they enlarge the orders: they enlarge them, when they fear so moche, that they fall to flying, they thrust them together, when they fear in such wise, that they seek to save them selves, not with running away, but with defence: So that in this case, they should come to be destingueshed, and not to be enlarged. 
The retire of the Pikes, to place the Targaet men.  Moreover, the five ranks of the Pikes, that are before, so soon as they have begun the fight, they ought between their battles to retire, into the tail of the army, for to give place to the Targaet men, that they may fight: and they going into the tail of the army, may do such service as the captain should judge, were good to occupy them about, where in the forward, the faight being mingled, they should otherwise be altogether unprofitable. And for this the spaces ordained, come to be for the remnant of the men, wide enough to receive them: yet when these spaces should not suffice, the flanks on the sides be men, and not walls, whom giving place, and enlarging themselves, may make the space to contain so moche, that it may be sufficient to receive them.  Luigi. 
The ranks of the extraordinary Pikes, which you place on the flanks of the army, when the first battles retire into the second, will you have them to stand still, and remain with two horns to the army? Or will you that they also retire together, with the battles? The which when they should do, I see not how they can, having no battles behind with distances that may receive them.  Fabritio. 
If the enemy overcome them not, 
How the pikes that are placed on the flanks of the army ought to govern them selves when the rest of the ●●ui●e is driven to retire.  when he enforceth the battles to retire, they may stand still in their order, and hurt the enemy on the flank, after that the first battles were retired: but if he should also overcome them, as seemeth reason, being so puisaunte, that he is able to repulce the other, they also ought to retire: which they may do excellently well, although they have not behind, any to receive them: because from the midst, they may redouble by right line, entering the one rank into the other, in the manner whereof we reasoned, when it was spoken of the order of redoubling: True it is, that to mind redoubling to retire back, it behoveth to take an other way, then the same that I showed you: for that I told you, that the second rank, aught to enter into the first, the fourth into the third, and so forth: in this case, they ought not to begin before, but behind, so that redoubling the ranks, they may come to retire backward, not to turn forward: but to answer to all the same, that upon this fought field by me showed, might of you be replied, I say unto you again, that I have ordained you this army, & showed this fought field for two causes, th'one, for to declare unto you how it is ordered, the other to show you how it is exercised: thorder, I believe you understand most well: and concerning the exersice, I say unto you, 
Thexercise of the army in general.  that they ought to be put together in this form, as often times as may be: for as much as the heads learn thereby, to keep their battles in these orders: for that to particular soldiers, it appertaineth to keep well the orders of every battle, to the heads of the battles, it appertaineth to keep them well in every order of the army, and that they know how to obey, at the commandment of the general captain: therefore, it is convenient that they know, how to join the one battle with tother, that they may know how to take their place at once: 
The number that is meet to be written in the Ansigne of every band of men.  and for this cause it is meet that thansigne of every battle, have written in some evident part, the number thereof: as well for to be able to command them, as also for that the captain, and the soldiers by the same number, may more easily know them again: also the main battles, aught to be numbered, and to have the number in their principal Ansigne: Therefore it is requisite, to know of what number the main battle shall be, that is placed on the left, or on the right horn, of what numbers the battles be, that are set in the front, and in the midst, and so forth of the other. The antiquity would also, that these numbers should be steps to degrees, 
The degrees of honours in an army, which such a man ought to rise by, as should be made a general captain  of honours of the armies: as for ensample, the first degree, is the Peticapitain, the second, the head of fifty ordinary Veliti, the third, the Centurion, the fourth, the head of the first battle, the fift, of the second, the sixth, of the third, and so forth, even to the tenth battle, the which must be honoured in the second place, next the general captain of a main battle: nor any aught to come to the same head, if first, he have not risen up by all these degrees. And because besides these heads, there be the three Constable's of the extraordinary Pikes, and two of the extraordinary Veliti, I would that they should be in the same degree of the Constable of the first battle: nor I would not care, that there were six men of like degree, to thintent, that every one of them might strive, who should do best, for to be promised to be head of the second battle. Then every one of these heads, knowing in what place his battle ought to be set in, of necessity it must follow, that at a sound of the Trumpet, so soon as the head standard shall be erected, all the army shall be in their places: and this is the first exercise, whereunto an army ought to be accustomed, that is to set them quickly together: and to do this, it is requisite every day, and divers times in one day, to set them in order, and to disorder them.  Luigi. 
What arms would you that thansignes of all the army, should have beside the number?  Fabritio. 
The standard of the general captain ought to have the arms of the Prince of the army, 
The arms that ought to be in the standard, and in the ansignes of an army.  all the other, may have the very same arms, and to vary with the fields, or to vary with the arms, as should seem best to the Lord of the army: Because this importeth little, so that the effect grow, that they be known the one from the other. But let us pass to the other exercise: the which is to make them to move, 
The second and third exercise of an army.  and with a convenient pace to march, and to see, that marching they keep the orders. The third exercise is, that they learn to handle themselves in the same manner, which they ought after to handle theimselues in the day of battle, to cause the artillery to shoot, and to be drawn out of the way, to make the extraordinary Veliti to issue out, after a likeness of an assault, to retire them: To make that the first battles, as though they were sore charged, retire into the spaces of the second: and after, all into the third, and from thence every one to return to his place: and in such wise to use them in this exercise, that to every man, all thing may be known, and familiar: the which with practice, & with familiarity, is brought to pass most quickly. The fourth exercise is, 
The fourth exercise of an army.  that they learn to know by mean of the sound, and of the Ansigne, the commandment of their captain: for as much as that, which shall be to them pronounced by voice, they without other commandment, may understand: and because the importance of this commandment, aught to grow of the sound, I shall tell you what sounds the antiquity used. Of the Lacedæmonians, according as Tucidido affirmeth, 
The sounds of the instruments of music, that the antiquity used in their armies  in their armies were used Flutes: for that they judged, that this armonie, was most meet to make their army to proceed with gravity, and with fury: the Carthaginens being moved by this very same reason, in the first assault, used the violone. Aliatte king of the Lydians, used in the war the violone, and the Flutes: but Alexander Magnus, and the Romans, used horns, and Trumpets, as they, that thought by virtue of such instruments, to be able to encourage more the minds of Soldiers, and make them to faight the more lustily: but as we have in arming the army, taken of the Greek manner, and of the Roman, so in distributing the sounds, we will keep the customs of the one, and of the other nation: therefore, near the general captain, I would make the Trumpets (to stand, as a sound not only apt to inflame the army, but apt to be heard in all the whole tumoult more, than any other sound: all the other sounds, which should be about the Constable's, and the heads of main battles I would, that they should be small Drums, and Flutes, sounded not as they sound them now, but as they use to sound them at feasts. The captain than with the Trumpet, 
What is signified by the sound of the Trumpet.  should show when they must stand still, and go forward, or turn backward, when the artillery must shoot, when the extraordinary Veliti must move, and with the variety or distinction of such sounds, to show unto the army all those motions, which generally may be showed, the which Trumpets, should be after followed of the Drums, and in this exercise, because it importeth moche, it behoveth moche to exercise the army. Concerning the horsemen, there would be used likewise Trumpets, but of a less sound, and of a divers voice from those of the captain. This is as much as is come into my remembrance, about the order of the army, and of the exercise of the same.  Luigi. 
I pray you let it not be grievous unto you to declare unto me an other thing, that is, for what cause you made the light horsemen, and the extraordinary Veliti, to go with cries, rumours, and fury, when they gave the charge? And after in the incountering of the rest of th'army, you showed, that the thing followed with a most great silence? And for that I understand not the occasion of this variety, I would desire that you would declare it unto me.  Fabritio. 
The opinion of ancient captains, hath been divers about the coming to hands, whether they ought with rumour to go a pace, or with silence to go fair and softly: this last way, serveth to keep the order more sure, and to understand better the commandments of the captain: the first, serveth to encourage more the minds of men: and for that I believe, that respect ought to be had to the one, and to the other of these two things, I made the one go with rumour, and tother with silence: nor me thinks not in any wise, that the continual rumours be to purpose: because they let the commandments, the which is a thing most pernicious: 
The cries and rumours, wherewith the first charge is give unto the enemies, and the silence that ought to be used ●fter, when the fight is once begun.  nor it standeth not with reason, that the Romans used, except at the first assault to make rumour: for that in their histories, is seen many times to have happened, that through the words, and comfortinge of the captain the soldiers that ran away, were made to stand to it, and in sundry wise by his commandment, to have varied the orders, the which should not have followed, if the rumors had been louder than his voice.   

The fourth book of the art of war, of Nicholas Machiavelli, Citezeine and Secretary of Florence, unto Laurence Philip Strozze.  Luigi. 
SEng that under my government, a field hath been won so honourably, I suppose that it is good, that I tempt not fortune any more, knowing how variable, and unstable she is: and therefore, I desire to give up my government, and that Zanobi do execute now this office of demanding, minding to follow the order, which concerneth the youngest: and I know he will not refuse this honour, or as we would say, this labour, as well for to do me pleasure, as also for being naturally of more stomach than I: nor it shall not make him afraid, to have to enter into these travails, where he may be as well overcome, as able to conquer.  Zanobi. 
I am ready to do what soever shall please you to appoint me, although that I desire more willingly to hear: for as much as hitherto, your questions have satisfied me more, than those should have pleased me, which in hearkening to your reasoning, hath chanced to come into my remembrance. But sir, I believe that it is good, that you lose no time, and that you have patience, if with these our Ceremonies we trouble you.  Fabricio. 
You do me rather pleasure, for that this variation of demaunders, maketh me to know the sundry wits, and sundry appetites of yours: But remaineth there any thing, which seemeth unto you good, to be joined to the matter, that already hath been reasoned of?  Zanobi. 
Two things I desire, before you pass to an other part: the one is, to have you to show, if in ordering armies, there needeth to be used any other fashion: the other, what respects a captain ought to have, before he conduct his men to the fight, and in the same any accident rising or growing, what remedy may be had.  Fabricio. 
I will enforce myself to satisfy you, I will not answer now distinctly to your questions: for that whilst I shall answer to one, many times it will come to pass, that I must answer to an other. I have told you, how I have showed you a fashion of an army, to the intent, that according to the same, there may be given all those fashions, that the enemy, and the situation requireth: For as much as in this case, both according to the power thereof, and according to the enemy, it proceedeth: but note this, 
To destende moche the front of an army, is most perilous  that there is not a more perilous fashion, then to destende moche the front of th'army, if then thou have not a most puissant, and most great host: otherwise, thou oughtest to make it rather gross, and of small largeness, then of moche largeness & thin: 
What is best for a captain to do, where his power is moche less than thenemies power.  for when thou hast few men in comparison to th'enemy, thou oughtest to seek other remedies, as is to ordain thine army in such a place, where thou mayest be fortified, either through rivers, or by means of fens, after such sort, that thou canst not be compassed about, or to enclose thyself on the flanks with ditches, as Cesar did in France. You have to take in this case, this general rule, 
A general rule.  to enlarge yourself, or to draw in yourself with the front, according to your number, & the same of the enemy. For thenemies being of less number, thou oughtest to seek large places, having in especially thy men well instructed: to the intent thou mayest, not only compass about the enemy, but to destende thy orders: for that in places rough and difficult, being not able to prevail of thy orders, thou commeste not to have any advantage, hereby grew, that the Romans almost always, sought the open fields, and avoided the straights. To the contrary, as I have said, thou oughtest to do, if thou hast few men, or ill instructed: for that then thou oughtest to seek places, either where the little number may be saved, and where the small experience do not hurt thee: 
The higher ground ought to be chosen.  Thou oughtest also to choose the higher ground, to be able more easily to infest them: notwithstanding, 
An advertisement not to place an army where the enemy may see what the same doth.  this advertisement ought to be had, not to ordain thy army, where the enemy may spy what thou dost, and in place near to the roots of the same, where the enemy's army may come: For that in this case, having respect unto the artillery, the higher place shall get thee disadvantage: Because that always and commodiously, thou mightest of the enemy's artillery be hurt, without being able to make any remedy, and thou couldst not commodiously hurt the same, being hindered by thine own men. Also, 
Respects for the Son and Wind.  he that prepareth an army to faight a battle, aught to have respect, both to the Sun, and to the Wind, that the one and the other, do not hurt the front, for that the one and the other, will let thee the sight, the one with the beams, and the other with the dust: and moreover, the Wind hindereth the weapons, which are strooken at the enemy, and maketh their blows more feeble: and concerning the Sun, it sufficeth not to have care, that at the first it shine not in the face, but it is requisite to consider, that increasing the day, it hurt thee not: and for this, it should be requsite in ordering the men, to have it all on the back, to the intent it should have to pass moche time, to come to lie on the front. This way was observed of Aniball at Can, and of Mario against the Cimbrians. If thou happen to be much inferior of horses, ordain thine army amongst Vines, and trees, and like impediments, as in our time the Spaniards did, when they overthrew the French men at Cirignuola. And it hath been seen many times, with all one Soldiers, 
The varying of ord●●● & p●●●ce may c●us● the conquered to be come vi●●or●●●  varying only the order, and the place, that they have become of losers victorers: as it happened to the Carthageners, whom having been overcome of Marcus Regolus divers times, were after by the counsel of Santippo, a Lacedaemonian, victorious: whom made th●m to go down into the plain, where by virtue of the horses, and of elephants, they were able to overcome the Romans. It seems unto me, according to the ancient ensamples, that almost all the excellent Captains, when they have known, that the enemy hath made strong one side of his battle, they have not set against it, the most strongest part, but the most weakest, & tother moste strongest, they have set against the most weakest: after in the beginning the fight, they have commanded to their strongest part, that only they sustain the enemy, and not to press upon him, and to the weaker, that they suffer themselves to be overcome, and to retire into the hindermost bands of the army. This breadeth two great disorders to the enemy: the first, that he findeth his strongest part compassed about, the second is, that seeming unto him to have the victory, seldom times it happeneth, that they disorder not themselves, whereof groweth his sudden loss. Cornelius Scipio being in Spain, 
A policy in the ordering of men and pitching of a field.  against Asdrubal of Carthage, and understanding how to Asdrubal it was known, that he in the ordering the army, placed his Legions in the midst, the which was the strongest part of his army, and for this how Asdrubal with like order ought to proceed: after when he came to fight the battle, he changed order, and put his Legions on the horns of the army, and in the midst, placed all his weakest men: then coming to the hands, in a sudden those men placed in the midst, he made to march softly, and the horns of the army, with celerity to make forward, so that only the horns of both the armies fought, and the bands in the midst, through being distant the one from the other, joined not together, and thus the strongest part of Scipio, came to faight with the weakest of Asdrubal, and overcame him. The which way was then profitable, but now having respect to the artillery, it cannot be used: because the same space, which should remain in the midst, between the one army and the other, should give time to the same to shoot: The which is most pernicious, as above is said: Therefore it is requisite to lay this way aside, and to use, as a little afore we said, making all the army to encounter, & the weakest part to give place. When a captain perceiveth, that he hath a greater army than his enemy, 
How to compass about the enemy's power  minding to compass him about, before he be aware, let him ordain his front equal, to the same of his adversaries, after, so soon as the fight is begun, let him make the front by a little and little to retire, and the flanks to destende, and always it shall happen, that the enemy shall find himself, 
How a captain may fight and be as it were sure, not to be overcome.  before he be aware compassed about. When a captain will faight, as it were sure not to be broken, let him ordain his army in place, where he hath refuge near, & safe, either between Fens, or between hills, or by some strong city: for that in this case, he cannot be followed of the enemy, where the enemy may be pursued of him: this point was used of Aniball, when fortune began to become his adversary, and that he doubted of the valiantness of Marcus Marcello. 
How to trouble the orders of the enemy.  Some to trouble the orders of the enemy, have commanded those that were light armed, to begin the fight, and that being begun, to retire between the orders: and when the armies were after buckled together, and that the front of either of them were occupied in fighting, they have made them to issue out by the flanks of the battle, and the same have troubled and broken. 
What a captain ought to do when he hath not so many horsemen as the enemy.  If any perceive himself to be inferior of horse, he may besides the ways that are already showed, place behind his horsemen a battle of Pikes, and in fighting take order, that they give way to the Pikes, and he shall remain always superior. 
A great ●ide for horsemen  Many have accustomed to use certain footmen light armed, to fight among horsemen, the which hath been to the chivalry most great help. Of all those, which have prepared armies to the field, be most praised Aniball and Scipio, when they fought in afric: 
The policies used between Aniball and Scipio.  and for that Aniball had his army made of Carthaginers, and of strangers of divers nations, he placed in the first front thereof lxxx Elephants, after he placed the strangers, behind whom he set his Carthaginers, in the hindermost place, he put the Italians, in whom he trusted little: the which thing he ordained so, for that the strangers having before them the enemy, and behind being enclosed of his men, could not ●lie: so that being constrained to faight they should overcome, or weary the Romans, supposing after with his fresh and valiant men, to be then able easily to overcome the Romans, being wearied. Against this order, Scipio set the Astati, the Prencipi, and the Triarij, in the accustomed manner, to be able to receive the one the other, and to rescue the one the other: he made the front of the army, full of void spaces, and because it should not be perceived but rather should seem united, he filled them full of veliti to whom he commanded, that so soon as the elephants came, they should avoid, and by the ordinary spaces, should enter between the Legins, and leave open the way to the Eliphauntes, and so it came to pass, that it made vain the violence of them, so that coming to hands, he was superior.  Zanobi. 
You have made me to remember▪ in alleging me this battle, how Scipio in faighting, made not the Astati to retire into th'orders of the Prencipi, but he divided them, and made them to retire in the horns of the army, to thintent they might give place to the Prencipi, when he would force forward: therefore I would you should tell me, what occasion moved him, not to observe the accustomed order.  Fabritio. 
I will tell you. Aniball had put all the strength of his army, in the second band: wherefore Scipio for to set against the same like strength, gathered the Prencipi and the Triarij together: So that the distances of the Prencipt, being occupied of the Triarij, there was no place to be able to receive the Astati: and therefore he made the Astati to divide, and to go in the horns of the army, and he drew them not between the Prencipi. But note, that this way of opening the first hand, for to give place to the second, cannot be used, but when a man is superior to his enemy: for that then there is commodity to be able to do it, as Scipio was able: but being under, and repulsed, it cannot be done, but with thy manifest ruin: and therefore it is convenient to have behind, orders that may receive thee, but let us turn to our reasoning. 
Cartes full of hooks made to destroy the enemies.  The ancient Asiaticans, amongst other things devised of them to hurt the enemies, used cars. The which had on the sides certain hooks, so that not only they served to open with their violence the bands, but also to kill with the hooks the adversaries: 
The remedy that was used against Cartes full o● hooks.  against the violence of those, in three manners they provided, either they sustained them with the thickness of the rays, or they received them between the bands, as the elephants were received, or else they made with art some strong resistance: As Silla a Roman made against Archelaus, whom had many of these carts, which they called hooked, who for to sustain them, drove many stakes into the ground, behind his first bands of men, whereby the carts being stopped, lost their violence. 
The strange manner that ●●●●a used in ordering his army against Archel●u●.  And the new manner that Silla used against him in ordering the army, is to be noted: for that he put the Veliti, and the horse, behind, and all the heavy armed afore, leaving many distances to be able to send before those behind, when necessity required: whereby the fight being begun, with the help of the horsemen, to the which he gave the way, he got the victory. 
How to trouble 〈◊〉 the fight the army of the enemies.  To intend to trouble in the fight the enemy's army, it is convenient to make some thing to grow, that may make them afraid, either with showing of new help that cometh, or with showing things, which may represent a terror unto them: after such sort, that the enemies beguiled of that sight, may be afraid, & being made afraid, they may easily be overcome: the which ways Minutio Rufo used, and Aecilio Glabrione Consults of Rome. 
A policy of Caius Sulpicius, to make his enemies afraid.  Caius Sulpitius also set a great many of sacks upon Mules, and other beasts unprofitable for the war, but in such wise ordained, that they seemed men of arms, and he commanded, that they should appear upon a hill, while he were a fighting with the frenchmen, whereby grew his victory. The very same did Marius, 
A policy of Marius against the Duchmennes.  when he fought against the Duchemen. Then the feigned assaults availing moche, whilst the fight continueth, it is convenient, that the very assaults in deed, do help moche: inespecially if at unwares in the midst of the fight, the enemy might be assaulted behind, or on the side: the which hardly may be done, if the country help thee not: for that when it is open, part of thy men cannot be hid, as is meet to be done in like enterprises: but in woddie or hill places, and for this apt for ambushes, part of thy men may be well hidden, to be able in a sudden, and contrary to thenemies opinion to assault him, which thing always shall be occasion to give thee the victory. It hath been sometime of great importance, 
A policy of great importance, while a battle is a fighting.  whilst the fight continueth, to sow voices, which do pronounce the captain of thenemies to be dead, or to have overcome on the other side of the army: the which many times to them that have used it, hath given the victory. The chivalry of the enemies may be easily troubled, 
How horsemen may be disordered.  either with sights, or with rumours, not used: as Creso did, whom put camels against the horses of the adversaries, and Pirrus set against the Roman horsemen elephants, the sight of which troubled and disordered them. 
How the turk gave the Sophy an overthrow.  In our time, the Turk discomfited the Sophi in Persia, and the sultan in Surria with no other, then with the noise of Harkabuses, the which in such wise, with their strange rumours, disturbed the horses of those, that the Turk might easily overcome them: 
How the Spaniards overcame the army of Amilcare.  The Spaniards to overcome the army of Amilcare, put in the first front Cartes full of tow drawn of oxen, and coming to hands, they kindled fire to the same, wherefore the oxen to fly from the fire, thrust into the army of Amilcar, and opened it. 
How to train the enemy, to his destruction  They are wont (as we have said) to beguile the enemy in the fight, drawing him into their ambushes, where the Country is commodious for the same purpose, but where it were open and large, many have used to make ditches, and after have covered them lightly with bows and earth, and left certain spaces whole, to be able between those to retire: after, so soon as the fight hath been begun, retiring by those, and the enemy following them, hath fallen in the pits. If in the fight there happen thee, any accident that may fear thy soldiers, it is a most prudent thing, to know how to dissemble it, and to pervert it to good, 
A policy of Tullo Hostilio and Lucius Silla in dissembling of a mischance.  as Tullo Hostilio did, and Lucius Silla: whom seeing while they fought, how a part of his men were gone to the enemy's side, and how the same thing had very moche made afraid his men, he made straight way throughout all the army to be undestoode, how all thing proceeded, according to his order: the which not only did not trouble the army, but it increased in them so much stomach, that he remained victorious. It happened also to Silla, that having sent certain soldiers to do some business, and they being slain he said, to the intent his army should not be made afraid thereby, that he had with craft sent them into the bands of the enemies, for that he had found them nothing faithful. 
Sertorius sine a man for telling him of the death of one of his captains  Sertorius fighting a battle in Spain, slew one, whom signified unto him the death of one of his captains, for fear that telling the very same to other, he should make them afraid. It is a most difficult thing, an army being now moved to fly, to stay it, and make it to faight. And you have to make this distinction: either that it is all moved, and then to be impossible to turn it, or there is moved a part thereof, and then there is some remedy. 
How certain captains have stayed their men that hath been running away  Many Roman captains, with making afore those which fled, have caused them to stay, making them ashamed of running away, as Lucius Silla did, where already part of his Legions being turned to flight, driven away by the men of Mithridates, he made afore them with a sword in his hand crying: if any ask you, where you left your captain, say, we have left him in Boecia, where he faighteth. 
attilius constrained his men that ran away to turn again and to faight.  attilius a consul set against those that ran away, them that ran not away, and made them to understand, that if they would not turn, they should be slain of their friends, and of their enemies. 
How Philip●●ing of Macedonia made his men afraid to run away.  Philip of Macedonia understanding how his men feared the Scythian Soldiers, placed behind his army, certain of his most trusty horsemen, and gave commission to them, that they should kill whom so ever fled: wherefore, his men minding rather to die fighting, then flying, overcame. Many Romans, not so much to stay a flight, as for to give occasion to their men, to make greater force, have whilst they have fought, taken an Ansigne out of their own men's hands, and thrown it amongst the enemies, and appointed rewards to him that could get it again. I do not believe that it is out of purpose, to join to this reasoning those things, which chance after the fight, in especially being brief things, and not to be left behind, and to this reasoning conformable enough. Therefore I say, how the field is lost, 
Victory ought with all celerity to be followed.  or else won: when it is won, the victory ought with all celerity to be followed, and in this case to imitate Cesar, and not Aniball, whom staying after that he had discomfited the Romans at Can, lost the Empire of Rome: The other never rested after the victory, but followed the enemy being broken, with greater violence and fury, then when he assaulted him whole: 
What a captain ought to do, when he should chance to receive an overthrow.  but when a captain doth lose, he ought to see, i●o● the loss there may grow any utility unto him, inespecially if there remain any residue of th'army. The commodity may grow of the small advertisement of the enemy, whom moste often times after the victory, becometh negligent, and giveth thee occasion to oppress him, 
How Martius overcame the army of the Carthaginers.  as Marcius a Roman oppressed the army of the Carthaginers, whom having slain the two Scipions, and broken their army, not esteeming the same remnant of men, which with Marcius remained alive, were of him assaulted and overthrown: for that it is seen, that there is no thing so much to be brought to pass, as the same, which the enemy thinketh, that thou canst not attempt: because for the most part, men be hurt most, where they doubt least: therefore a captain ought when he cannot do this, to devise at least with diligence, that the loss be less hurtful, to do this, it is necessary for thee to use means, that the enemy may not easily follow thee, or to give him occasion to make delay: in the first case, some after they have been sure to lose, have taken order with their heads, that in divers parts, and by divers ways they should fire, having appointed where they should after assemble together: the which made, that th'enemy (fearing to divide the army) was feign to let go safe either all, or the greatest part of them. In the second case, many have cast before the enemy, their dearest things, to the intent that he tarrying about the spoil, might give them more laisure to fly. 
A policy of Titus Dimius to hide a loss, which he had received in a fight.  Titus Dimius used no small policy to hide the loss, which he had received in the fight, for asmuch as having fought until night, with great loss of his men, he made in the night to be buried, the greatest part of them, wherefore in the morning, the enemies seeing so many slain of theirs, and so few of the Romans, believing that they had the disadvantage, ran away. I trust I have thus confusedly, as I said, satisfied in good part your demand: in deed about the fashions of the armies, there resteth me to tell you, how some time, by some Captains, it hath been used to make them with the front, like unto a wedge, judging to be able by such mean, more easily to open the enemy's army. Against this fashion, they have used to make a fashion like unto a pair of sheres, to be able between the same void place, to receive that wedge, and to compass it about, and to faight with it on every side: 
A general rule.  whereupon I will that you take this general rule, that the greatest remedy that is used against a devise of the enemy, is to do willingly the same, which he hath devised that thou shalt do perforce: because that doing it willingly, thou dost it with order, and with thy advantage, and his disaduauntage, if thou shouldest do it being enforced, it should be thy undoing: For the proving whereof, I care not to rehearse unto you, certain things already told. The adversary maketh the wedge to open thy bands: if thou gowest with them open, thou disorderest him, and he disordereth not thee. 
Aniball.  Aniball set the Elephants in the front of his army, to open with them the army of Scipio. Scipio went with it open, 
Scipio.  and it was the occasion of his victory, 
Asdrubal.  and of the ruin of him. Asdrubal placed his strongest men in the midst of the front of his army, to overthrow Scipio's men: Scipio commanded, that by themselves they should retire and he broke them: So that like devices when they are foreseen, be the causes of the victory of him, against whom they be prepared. There remaineth me also, if I remember myself well, to tell you what respects a captain ought to have, before he lead his men to faight: 
A captain ought not to faight without advantage, except he be constrained.  upon which I have to tell you first, how a captain ought never to fight a battle, except he have advantage, or be constrained. The vantage groweth of the situation, of the order, of having more, or better men: the necessity, groweth when thou seest how that not fighting, thou must in any wise lose, as should be for lacking of money, and for this, thy army to be ready all manner of ways to resolve, where famishement is ready to assault thee, where the enemy looketh to be engrossed with new men: in these cases, thou oughtest always to faight, although with thy disadvantage: for that it is much better to attempt fortune, where she may favour thee, than not attempting, to see thy certain ruin: and it is as grievous a fault in this case, in a captain not to faight, as to have had occasion to overcome, and not to have either known it through ignorance, or left it through vileness. 
How advantage may be taken of the enemies.  The advantages some times the enemy giveth thee, and some times thy prudence: Many in passing Rivers have been broken of their enemy, that hath been aware thereof, whom hath tarried, till the one half hath been of the one side, and the other half on the other, and then hath assaulted them: as Cesar did to the swizzers, where he destroyed the fourth part of them, through being half over a river. Some time thy enemy is found weary, for having followed thee to undescritely, so that finding thyself fresh and lusty, thou oughtest not to let pass such an occasion: besides this, if the enemy offer unto thee in the morning betimes to faight, thou mayest a good while defer to issue out of thy lodging, and when he hath stood long in armour, and that he hath lost that same first heat, with the which he came, thou mayest then faight with him. This way Scipio and Metellus used in Spain: the one against Asdrubal, the other against Sertorius. If the enemy be diminished of power, either for having divided the army, as the Scipions in Spain, or for some other occasion, thou oughtest to prove chance. The greatest part of prudent captains, rather receive the violence of the enemies, then go with violence to assault them: for that the fury is easily withstood of sure and steady men, and the fury being sustained, 
Fury withstood, converteth into vileness.  converteth lightly into vileness: Thus Fabius did against the Sannites, and against the Galls, and was victorious and his fellow Decius remained slain. Some fearing the power of their enemies, have begun the fight a little before night, to the intent that their men chaunsing to be overcome, might then by the help of the darkness thereof, save themselves. Some having known, how the enemy's army being taken of certain superstition, not to faight in such a time, have chosen the same time to fight, and overcome: The which Cesar observed in France, against Ariovistus, and Vespasian in Surrie, against the jews. The greatest and most importaunte advertisement, 
What manner of men a captain ought to have about him continually, to consult withal  that a captain ought to have, is to have about him faithful men, that are wise and most expert in the war, with whom he must continually consult and reason of his men, and of those of the enemies, which is the greater number, which is best armed, or best on horseback, or best exercised, which be most apt to suffer necessity, in whom he trusteth most, either in the footmen, or in the horsemen: after they ought to consider the place where they be, and whether it be more to the purpose for th'enemy, then for him: which of them hath victuals most commodious: whether it be good to defer the battle, or to faight it: what good might be given him, or taken away by time: for that many times, soldiers seeing the war to be delayed, are grieved, and being weary, in the pain and in the tediousness thereof, 
The conditions of the captain of the enemies, & of those that are about him is most requisite to be known.  will forsake thee. It importeth above all thing, to know the captain of the enemies, and whom he hath about him, whether he be rash, or politic, whether he be fearful, or hardy: to see how thou mayest trust upon the aiding soldiers. 
A timorous army is not to be conducted to faight.  And above all thing thou oughtest to take heed, not to conduct the army to faight when it feareth, or when in any wise it mistrusteth of the victory: for that the greatest sign to lose, is when they believe not to be able to win: 
How to avoid the fighting of a field.  and therefore in this case, thou oughtest to avoid the fighting of the field, either with doing as Fabius Maximus, whom encamping in strong places, gave no courage to Aniball, to go to find him, or when thou shouldest think, that the enemy also in strong places, would come to find thee, to depart out of the field, and to divide the men into thy towns, to th'intent that tediousness of winning them, may weary him.  Zanobi. 
Cannot the fighting of the battle be otherwise avoided, then in dividing the army in sundry parts, and placing the men in towns?  Fabritio. 
I believe that ones already, with some of you I have reasoned, how that he, that is in the field, cannot avoid to faight the battle, when he hath an enemy, which will faight with him in any wise, and he hath not, but one remedy, and that is, to place himself with his army distant fifty miles at least, from his adversary, to be able betimes to avoid him, when he should go to find him. 
Fabius Maximus.  For Fabius Maximus never avoided to fight the battle with Aniball, but he would have it with his advantage: and Aniball did not presume to be able to overcome him, going to find him in the places where he encamped: where if he had presupposed, to have been able to have overcome, it had been convenient for Fabius, to have fought the battles with him, or to have avoided.  
Philip King of Macedonia, 
Philip king of Macedonia, overcome by the Romans.  the same that was father to pierce, coming to war with the Romans, pitched his camp upon a very high hill, to the intent not to faight with them: but the Romans went to find him on the same hill, and discomfaited him. 
How Cingentorige avoided the faightying of the field with Cesar.  Cingentorige captain of the French men, for that he would not faight the field with Cesar, whom contrary to his opinion, had passed a river, got away many miles with his men. The Venetians in our time, 
The ignorance of the Venetians.  if they would not have come to have fought with the French king, they ought not to have tarried till the French army, had passed the River Addus, but to have gotten from them as Cingentorige, where they having tarried, knew not how to take in the passing of the men, the occasion to faight the battle, nor to avoid it: For that the French men being near unto them, as the Venetians went out of their Camp, assaulted them, and discomfited them: so it is, that the battle cannot be avoided, when the enemy in any wise will faight, nor let no man allege Fabius, for that so much in the same case, he did fly the day of battle, as Aniball. It happeneth many times, that thy soldiers be willing to faight, & thou knowest by the number, and by the situation, or for some other occasion to have disadvantage, and desirest to make them change from this desire: it happeneth also, that necessity, or occasion, constraineth thee to faight, and that thy soldiers are evil to be trusted, and smally disposed to faight: where it is necessary in th'one case, 
What is to be done where soldiers desire to faight, contrary to their captain's mind.  to make them afraid, and in the other to encourage them: In the first case, when persuasions sufficeth not, there is no better way, then to give in pray, a part of them unto th'enemy, to thintent those that have, and those that have not fought, may believe thee: & it may very well be done with art, the same which to Fabius Maximus happened by chunace. th'army of Fabius (as you know) desired to faight with Aniballs army: the very same desire had the master of his horses: to Fabius it seemed not good, to attempt the fight: so that through such contrary opinions, he was fain to divide the army: Fabius kept his men in the camp, the other fought, and coming into great peril, had been overthrown, if Fabius had not rescued him: by the which ensample the master of the horse, together with all the army, knew how it was a wise way to obey Fabius. 
How to encourage soldiers  Concerning to encourage them to faight, it should be well done, to make them to disdain the enemies, showing how they speak slanderous words of them, to declare to have intelligence with them, and to have corrupted part of them, to encamp in place, where they may see the enemies, and make some light skirmish with them, for that the thing that is daily seen, with more facility is despised: to show them to be unworthy, and with an oration for the purpose, to reprehend them of their cowardness, and for to make them ashamed, to tell them that you will fight alone, when they will not bear you company. And you ought above all thing to have this advertisement, 
An advertisement to make the soldier most obstinately to faight.  minding to make the Soldier obstinate to fight, not to permit, that they may send home any of their substance, or to leave it in any place, till the war be ended, that they may understand, that although flying save their life, yet it saveth not them their goods, the love whereof, is wont no less than the same, to make men obstinate in defence.  Zanobi. 
You have told, how the soldiers may be turned to faight, with speaking to them: do you mean by this, that all the army must be spoken unto, or to the heads thereof?  Fabricio. 
To persuade, or to dissuade a thing unto few, is very easy, for that if words suffice not, you may then use authority and force: but the difficulty is, to remove from a multitude an evil opinion, and that which is contrary either to the common profit, or to thy opinion, where cannot be used but words, the which is meet that they be heard of every man, minding to persuade them all. Wherefore, 
It is requisite for excelled Captains to be good orators.  it was requisite that the excellent Captains were orators: for that without knowing how to speak to all the army, with difficulty may be wrought any good thing: the which altogether in this our time is laid aside. Reed the life of Alexander Magnus, 
Alexander Magnus used openly to persw●dy his army.  and you shall see how many times it was necessary for him to persuade, and to speak publicly to his army: otherwise he should never have brought them, being become rich, and full of spoil, through the deserts of Arabia, and into India with so much his disease, and trouble: for that infinite times there grow things, whereby an army ruinateth, when the captain either knoweth not, or useth not to speak unto the same, 
The effecteousnes of speaking  for that this speaking taketh away fear, encourageth the minds, increaseth the obstinatenes to faight, discovereth the deceipts, promiseth rewards, showeth the perils, and the way to avoid them, reprehendeth, prayeth, threateneth, filleth full of hope, praise, shame, and doth all those things, by the which the humane passions are extinct, or kindled: wherefore, that prince, or common weal, which should appoint to make a new power, and cause reputation to their army, aught to accustom the Soldiers thereof, 
Soldiers ought to be accustomed to hear their captain speak.  to hear the captain to speak, and the captain to know how to speak unto them. In keeping disposed the soldiers in old time, to faight for their country, the religion availed moche, 
How in old time soldiers were threatened for their faltes  and the oaths which they gave them, when they led them to warfare: for as much as in all their faults, they threatened them not only with those punishments, which might be feared of men, but with those which of God might be looked for: 
Enterprises may the easeli●● be brought to pass by means of religion.  the which thing mingled with the other Religious manners, made many times easy to the ancient captains all enterprises, and will do always, where religion shall be feared, 
Sertorius.  and observed. Sertorius prevailed, by declaring that he spoke with a Stag, the which in God's part, promised him the victory. Silla said, 
A policy o● Silla.  he spoke with an Image, which he had taken out of the Temple of Apollo. Many have told how God hath appeared unto them in their sleep, whom hath admonished them to faight. In our father's time, Charles the seventh king of France, 
A policy of Charles the seventh king of France against the Englishmen  in the war which he made against the Englishmen, said, he counseled with a maid, sent from God, who was called every where the damosel of France, the which was occasion of his victory. 
How soldiers may be made to esteem little their enemies.  There may be also used means, that may make thy men to esteem little the enemy, as Agesilao a Spartaine used, whom showed to his souldious, certain Persians naked, to the intent that seeing their delicate members, they should not have cause to fear them. 
The surest wai to make soldiers most obstinate to fight  Some have constrained their men to faight through necessity, taking away from them all hope of saving themselves, saving in overcoming. The which is the strongest, and the best provision that is made, to purpose to make the soldier obstinate to faight: 
By what means obstinateness to fight is increased.  which obstinateness is increased by the confidence, and love of the captain, or of the country. Confidence is caused through the armour, the order, the late victory, and the opinion of the captain. The love of the country, is caused of nature: that of the Captain, through virtue, more than by any other benefit: the necessities may be many, but that is strongest, which constraineth thee, either to overcome, or to die.   

The fifth Book of the Art of war, of Nicholas Machiavelli, Citezeine and Secretary of Florence, unto Laurence Philip Strozze.  Fabritio. 
I Have showed you, how an armi, is ordained to fight a field with an other army, which is seen pitched against it, & have declared unto you, how the same is overcome, and after many circumstances, I have likewise showed you, what divers chances, may happen about the same, so that me thinks time to show you now, how an army is ordered, against the same enemy, which otherwise is not seen, but continually feared, that he assault thee: this happeneth when an army marcheth through the enemy's country, or through suspected places. first, 
How the Romans marched with their armies.  you must understand, how a Roman army, sent always ordinarily afore, certain bands of horsemen, as spies of the way: after followed the right horn, after this, came all the carriages, which to the same appertained, after this, came a Legion, after it, the carriages thereof, after that, an other legion, and next to it, their carriages, after which, came the left horn, with the carriages thereof at their back, and in the last part, followed the remnant of the chivalry: this was in effect the manner, with which ordinarily they marched: and if it happened that the army were assaulted in the way on the front, 
How the Romans ordered their army when it happened to be assaulted on the way  or on the back, they made strait way all the carriages to be drawn, either on the right, or on the left side, according as chanced, or as they could best, having respect to the situation: and all the men together free from their impediments, made head on that part, where the enemy came. If they were assaulted on the flank, they drew the carriages towards the same part that was safe, and of the other, they made head. This way being well and prudently governed, I have thought meet to imitate, sending afore the light horsemen, as exploratours of the Country: Then having four main battles, 
How the main battles ought to march.  I would make them to march in array, and every one with their carriages following them. And for that there be two sorts of carriages, that is pertaining to particular soldiers, and pertaining to the public use of all the Camp, I would divide the public Carriages into four parts, and to every main battle, I would appoint his part, dividing also the artillery into four parts, and all the unarmed, so that every number of armed men, should equally have their impediments. But because it happeneth some times, that they march through the country, not only suspected, but so dangerous, that thou fearest every h● were to be assaulted, thou art constrained for to go more sure, to change the form of marching, and to go in such wise prepared, that neither the country men, nor any army, may hurt thee, finding thee in any part unprovided. In such case, the ancient captains were wont, to march with the army quadrante, which so they called this form, not for that it was altogether quadrant, but for that it was apt to faight of four parts, and they said, that they went prepared, both for the way, and for the fight: from which way, I will not digress, and I will ordain my two main battles, which I have taken for to make an army of, to this effect. Minding therefore, 
The ordering of an army after such sort, that it may ma●che safely through the enemy's country and be always in a readiness to faight.  to march safely through the enemy's Country, and to be able to answer him on every side, when at unwares the army might chance to be assaulted, and intending therefore, according to the antiquity, to bring the same into a square, I would devise to make a quadrant, that the room thereof should be of space on every part. Clix. yards, in this manner. First I would put the flanks, distant the one flank from the other, Clix. yards, and I would place five battles for a flank, in a ray in length, and distant the one from the other, two yards and a quarter: the which shall occupy with their spaces, every battle occupying thirty yards, Clix. yards. Then between the head and the tail of these two flanks, I would place the other ten battles, in every part five, ordering them after such sort, that four should join to the head of the right flank, and four to the tail of the left flank, leaving between every one of them, a distance of three yards: one should after join to the head of the left flank, & one to the tail of the right flank: and for that the space that is between the one flank and the other, is. Clix. yards, and these battles which are set the one to the side of the other by breadth, and not by length, will come to occupy with the distances one hundred yards and a half yard, there shall come between them four battles, placed in the front on the right flank, and the one placed in the same on the left, to remain a space of fifty and eight yards and a half, and the very same space will come to remain in the battles, placed in the hinder part: nor there shall be no difference, saving that the one space shall come on the part behind towards the right horn, & tother shall come on the part afore, towards the left horn. 
The place in the army 〈…〉 the bo●● 〈…〉 appointed  In the space of the lviij yards and a half before, I would place all the ordinary Veliti, in the same behind, the extraordinary, which will come to be a thousand for a space, and minding to have the space that ought to be within the army, to be every way. Clix. yards, it is meet that the five battles, which are placed in the head, and those which are placed in the tail, occupy not any part of the space, which the flanks keep: and therefore it shall be convenient, that the five battles behind, do touch with the front, the tail of their flanks, and those afore, with the tail to touch the head, after such sort, that upon every corner of the same army, there may remain a space, to receive an other battle: 
The place in the army wh●● thextraordinary Pikes are appointed.  and for that there be four spaces, I would take four bands of the extraordinary Pikes, and in every corner I would place one, and the two Ansignes of the foresaid Pikes, which shall remain overplus, I would set in the midst of the room of this army, 
The place in the army where the general captain must be.  in a square battle, on the head whereof, should stand the general captain, with his men about him. And for that these battles ordained thus, march all one way, but faight not all one way, in putting them together, th●se sides ought to be ordained to faight, which are not defended of tother battles. And therefore it ought to be considered, that the five battles that be in the front, have all their other parts defended, except the front: and therefore these aught to be put together in good order, and with the Pikes afore. The five battles which are behind, have all their sides defended, except the part behind, and therefore those aught to be put together in such wise, that the Pikes come behind, as in the place thereof we shall show. The five battles that be in the right flank, have all their sides defended, except the right flank. The five that be on the left flank, have all their parts defended, except the left flank: and therefore in ordering the battles, they ought to be made, that the Pikes may turn on the same flank, that lieth open: and the Peticapitaines to stand on the head, and on the tail, so that needing to faight, all the armour and weapons may be in their due places, the way to do this, is declared where we reasoned of the manner of ordering the battles. 
Where the artillery must be placed.  The artillery I would divide, and one part I would place without, on the left flank, and the other on the right. 
The light horseman must be sent before to discover the country and the men of arms to come behind that 〈◊〉  The light horsemen, I would send afore to discover the country, Of the men of arms, I would place part behind, on the right horn, and part on the left, distant about thirty yards from the battles: and concerning horse, you have to take this for a general rule in every condition, where you ordain an army, 
A general rule concerning horse.  that always they ought to be put, either behind, or on the flanks of the same: he that putteth them afore, over against the army, it behoveth him to do one of these two things, either that he put them so much afore, that being repulsed, they may have so moche space, that may give them time, to be able to go a side from thy footmen, and not to run upon them, or to order them in such wise, with so many spaces, that the horses by those may enter between them, without disordering them. Nor let no man esteem little this remembrance, for as much as many captains, whom having taken no heed thereof, have been ruinated, and by themselves have been disordered, and broken. 
Where the carriages and the unarmed are placed.  The carriages and the unarmed men are placed, in the room that remaineth within the army, and in such sort equally divided, that they may give the way easily, to whom so ever would go, either from the one corner to the other, or from the one head, to the other of the army. These battles without the artillery and the horse, occupy every way from the utter side, two hundred and eleven yards and a half of space: and because this quadrante is made of two main battles, it is convenient to distinguish, what part th'one main battle maketh, and what the other: and for that the main battles are called by the number, and every of them hath (as you know) ten battles, & a general head, I would cause that the first main battle, should set the first .v. battles thereof in the front, the other five, in the left flank, and the captain of the same should stand in the left corner of the front. The second main battle, should then put the first five battles thereof, in the right flank, and the other five in the tail, and the head captain of the same, should stand in the right corner, whom should come to do the office of the Tergiductor. The army ordained in this manner, aught to be made to move, and in the marching, to observe all this order, and without doubt, it is sure from all the tumults of the country men. Nor the captain ought not to make other provision, to the tumultuary assaults, then to give sometime Commission to some horse, or Anfigne of Veliti, that they set themselves in order: nor it shall never happen that these tumultuous people, will come to find thee at the drawing of the sword, or pikes point: for that men out of order, have fear of those that be in array: and always it shall be seen, that with cries and rumours, they will make a great assault, without otherwise coming near unto thee, like unto barking curs about a Masty. Aniball when he came to the hurt of the Romans into Italy, he passed through all France, and always of the French tumults, he took small regard. 
The way must be made plain where the army shall march in order.  Minding to march, it is convenient to have plainers and labourers afore, whom may make thee the way plain, which shall be guarded of those horsemen, that are sent afore to view the country: 
How many miles a day an army may march in battle day, to be able to encamp before sun set  an army in this order may march ten mile the day, and shall have time enough to encamp, and sup before Sun going down, for that ordinarily, an army may march twenty mile: if it hap that thou be assaulted, of an army set in order, this assault cannot grow suddenly: for that an army in order, cometh with his pace, so that thou mayest have time enough, to set thyself in order to faight the field, and reduce thy men quickly into the same fashion, or like to the same fashion of an army, which afore is showed thee. For that if thou be assaulted, 
The ordering of the army, when it is assaulted on the unwarde.  on the part afore, thou needeste not but to cause, that the artillery that be on the flanks, and the horse that be behind, to come before, and place theimselues in those places, and with those distances, as afore is declared. The thousand Veliti that be before, must go out of their place, and be divided into. CCCCC. for a part, and go into their place, between the horse and the bornes of th'army: then in the void place that they shall leave, the two Ansignes of the extraordinary Pikes must entre, which I did set in the midst of the quadrant of the army. The thousand Veliti, which I placed behind, must depart from the same place, and divide themselves in the flanks of the battles, to the fortification of those: and by the open place that they shall leave, all the carriages and unarmed men must go out, and place themselves on the back of the battle. Then the room in the midst being voided, and every man gone to his place: the five battles, which I placed behind on the army, must make forward in the void place, that is between the one and the other flank, and march towards the battles, that stand in the head, and three of them, must stand within thirty yards of those, with equal distances, between the one and the other, and the other two shall remain behind, distaunte other thirty yards: the which fashion may be ordained in a sudden, and cometh almost to be like, unto the first disposition, which of th'army afore we showed. And though it come straighter in the front, it cometh grosser in the flanks, which giveth it no less strength: but because the five battles, that be in the tail, have the Pikes on the hinder part, for the occasion that before we have declared, it is necessary to make them to come on the part afore, minding to have them to make a back to the front of th'army: & therefore it behoveth either to make them to turn battle after battle, as a whole body, or to make them quickly to enter between th'orders of targets, & conduct them afore, the which way is more speedy, & of less disorder, then to make than to turn all togethe: and so thou oughtest to do of all those, which remain behind in every condition of assault, 
The ordering of th'army when th'enemy comes to assault it behind.  as I shall show you. If it appear that th'enemy come on the part behind, the first thing that ought to be done, is to cause that every man turn his face, where his back stood, and strait way th'army cometh to have made of tail, head, & of head tail: then all those ways ought to be kept, in ordering the same front, as I told afore. If the enemy come to encounter the right flank, 
How the army is ordered when it is assaulted of any of the sides.  the face of thy army ought to be made to turn towards the same side: after, make all those things in fortification of the same head, which above is said, so that the horsemen, the Veliti, and the artillery, may be in places conformable to the head thereof: only you have this difference, that in varying the head of those, which are transposed, some have to go more, and some less. In deed making head of the right flank, the Veliti ought to enter in the spaces, that be between the horn of the army, and those horse, which were nearest to the left flank, in whose place ought to enter, the two Ansignes of the extraordinary Pikes, placed in the midst: But first the carriages and the unarmed, shall go out by the open place, avoiding the room in the midst, and retiring themselves behind the left flank, which shall come to be then the tail of the army: the other Veliti that were placed in the tail, according to the principal ordering of the army, in this case, shall not move: Because the same place should not remain open, which of tail shall come to be flank: all other thing ought to be done, as in ordering of the first head is said: this that is told about the making head of the right flank, must be understood to be told, having need to make it of the left flank: for that the very same order ought to be observed. If the enemy should come gross, 
What is to be b●●n when the army to assaulted on two sides.  and in order to assault thee on two sides, th●se two sides, which he cometh to assault thee on, aught to be made strong with the other two sides, that are not assaulted, doubling the orders in each of them, and dividing for both parts the artillery, the Veliti, and the horse. If he come on three or on four sides, it is necessary that either thou or he lack prudence: for that if thou shalt be wise, thou wilt never put thyself in place, that the enemy on three or four sides, with a great number of men, and in order, may assault thee: for that minding, safely to hurt thee, it is requisite, that he be so great, that on every side, he may assault thee, with as many men, as thou haste almost in all thy army: and if thou be so unwise, that thou put thyself in the danger and force of an enemy, whom hath three times more men ordained then thou, if thou catch hurt, thou canst blame no man but thyself: if it happen not through thy fault, but through some mischance, the hurt shall be without the shame, and it shall chance unto thee, as unto the Scipions in Spain, and to Asdrubal in Italy: but if the enemy have not many more men than thou, and intend for to disorder thee, to assault thee on divers sides, it shall be his foolishness, and thy good fortune: for as much as to do so, it is convenient, that he become so thin in such wise, that then easily thou mayst overthrow one band, and withstand an other, and in short time ruinated him: this manner of ordering an army against an enemy, which is not seen, but which is fe●red, is a necessary and a profitable thing, to accustom thy soldiers, to put themselves together, and to march with such order, and in marching, to order theimselues to faight, according to the first head, and after to return in the form, that they marched in, then to make head of the tail, after, of the flanks, from these, to return into the first fashion: the which exercises and uses be necessary, minding to have an army, thoroughly instructed & practised: in which thing the Princes and the captains, aught to take pain. Nor the discipline of war is no other, then to know how to command, and to execute these things. Nor an instructed army is no other, than an army that is well practised in these orders: nor it cannot be possible, that who so ever in this time, should use like discipline shall ever be broken. And if this quadrant form which I have showed you, is somewhat difficult, such difficultness is necessary, taking it for an exercise: for as much as knowing well, how to set themselves in order, and to maintain themselves in the same, they shall know after more easily, how to stand in those, which should not have so moche difficulty.  Zanobi. 
I believe as you say, that these orders be very necessary, and I for my part, know not what to add or take from it: true it is, that I desire to know of you two things, the one, if when you will make of the tail, or of the flank head, and would make them to turn, whether this be commanded by the voice, or with the ●ounde: th●ther, whether those that you send afore, to make plain the way, for the army to march, aught to be of the very same soldiers of your battles, or other vile men appointed, to like exercise.  Fabritio. 

Commandments of Captains being not well understood, may be the destruction of an army.  Your first question importeth moche: for that many times the commandments of Captains, being not ●el● understood, or evil interpreted, have disorder●● their army: therefore the voices, with the which the command in perils, aught to be clear, 
Respect that is to be had in commandments made with the found of the Trumpet.  and no●e. And if thou command with the found, it is convenient to make, that bewene the one way and the other, there be so moche difference, that the one cannot be changed for the other: and if thou commandest with the voice, 
In commandments made with the voice, what respect is to be had.  thou oughtest to take heed, that thou fly the general voices, and to use the particulares, & of the particulars, to fly those, which may be interpreted sinisterly. Many times the saying back, back, hath made to ruinated an army: therefore this voice ought not to be used, but in steed thereof to use, retire you. If you will make them to turn, for to change the head, either to flank, or to back, use never to say turn you, but say to the left, to the right, to the back, to the front: thus all the other voices ought to be simple, and neat, as thrust on, march, stand strong, forward, return you: and all those things, which may be done with the voice, they do, the other is done with the sound. 
Of P●anare.  Concerning those men, that must make the ways plain for the army to march, which is your second question, I would cause my own soldiers to do this office, as well because in the ancient warfare they did so, as also for that there should be in the army, lesser number of unarmed men, and less impediments: and I would choose out of every battle, the same number that should need, and I would make them to take the instruments, meet to plain the ground withal, and their weapons to leave with those ranks, that should be nearest them, who should carry them, and the enemy coming, they shall have no other to do, then to take than again, & to return into their array.  Zanobi. 
Who shall carry thinstruments to make the way plain withal?  Fabricio. 
The Cartes that are appointed to carry the like instruments.  Zanobi. 
I doubt whether you should ever bring these our soldiers, to labour with shovel or mattock, after such sort.  Fabritio. 
All these things shall be reasoned in the place thereof, but now I will let alone this part, and reason of the manner of the victualling of the army: for that me thinketh, having so much traivailed them, it is time to refresh them, and to comfort them with meat. You have to understand, that a Prince ought to ordain his army, as expedite as is possible, & take from the same all those things, which may cause any trouble or burden unto it, and make unto him any enterprise difficult. Amongst those things that causeth most difficulty, is to be constrained to keep the army provided of wine, and baked bread. The antiquity cared not for Wine, for that lacking it, they drank water, mingled with a little vinegar, to give it a taste: For which cause, among the munitions of victuals for the host, vinegar was one, & not wine. They baked not the bread in Ovens, as they use for cities, but they provided the Meal, and of the same, every Soldier after his own manner, satisfied himself, having for condiment lard and Baken, the which made the bread savoury, that they made, and maintained them strong, 
The victuals that th'antiquity made provision of, for their armies.  so that the provision of victuals for the army, was Meal, Vinegar, lard, and Bacon, and for the horses Barley. They had ordinarily herds of great beasts and small, which followed the army, the which having no need to be carried, caused not much impediment. Of this order there grew, that an army in old time, marched sometimes many days through solitary places, and difficult, without suffering disease of victuals: for that they lived of things, which easily they might convey after them. To the contrary it happeneth in the armies, that are now a days, which minding not to lack wine, and to eat baked bread in the same manner, as when they are at home, whereof being not able to make provision long, they remain often times famished, or though they be provided, it is done with disease, and with most great cost: therefore I would reduce my army to this manner of living: and I would not that they should eat other bread, then that, which by themselves they should bake. Concerning wine, I would not prohihite the drinking thereof, nor yet the coming of it into the army, but I would not use endeavour, nor any labour for to have it, & in the other provisions, I would govern myself altogether, like unto the antiquity: the which thing, if you consider well, you shall see how moche difficulty is taken away, and how much trouble and disease, an army and a captain is avoided of, and how much commodity shall be given, to what so ever enterprise is to be done.  Zanobi. 
We have overcome th'enemy in the field, marched afterward upon his country, reason would, that spoils be made, towns sacked, prisoners taken, therefore I would know, how the antiquity in these things, governed themselves.  Fabritio. 
Behold, I will satisfy you. I believe you have considered, for that once already with some of you I have reasoned, how these present wars, impoverish as well those lords that overcome, as those that lose: for that if the one lose his estate, the other loseth his money, and his movables: the which in old time was not, for that the conqueror of the war, waxed rich. 
The occasions why the wars made now adays, do impoverish the conquerors as well as the conquered.  This groweth of keeping no count in these days of the spoils, as in old time they did, but they leave it to the discreation of the soldiers. This manner maketh two moste great disorders: the one, that which I have told: the other that the soldier becometh more covetous to spoil, and less observeth the orders: and many times it hath been seen, how the covetousness of the pray, hath made those to lose, whom were victorious. 
The order that the Romans took, concerning the spoil and the booties that their soldiers got.  Therefore the Romans which were princes of armies, provided to the one and to the other of these inconuenienses, ordaining that all the spoil should appertain to the public, and that the public after should bestow it, as should be thought good: and therefore they had in th'army the questours, whom were as we would say, the chamberlains, to whose charge all the spoil and booties were committed: whereof the consul was served to give the ordinary pay to the soldiers, to secure the wounded, and the sick, and for the other business of the army. The consul might well, and he used it often, to grant a spoil to soldiers: but this granting, made no disorder: for that the army being broken, all the pray was put in the midst, and distributed by head, according to the quality of every man: the which manner they constituted, to th'intent, that the soldiers should attend to overcome, and not to rob: and the Roman Legions overcame the enemies, and followed them not, for that they never departed from their orders: only there followed them, the horsemennes with those that were light armed, and if there were any other soldiers than those of the legions, they likewise pursued the chase. Where if the spoil should have been his that got it, it had not been possible nor reasonable, to have kept the legions steady, and to withstand many perils: hereby grew therefore, that the common weal inritched, and every Consul● carried with his triumph into the treasury, much treasure, which all was of booties and spoils. 
An order that the antiquity took, concerning their soldiers wages.  another thing the antiquetie did upon good consideration, that of the wages, which they gave to every soldier, the third part they would should be laid up next to him, whom carried the ansigne of their band, which never gave it them again, before the war was ended: this they did, being moved of two reasons, the first was to th'intent, that the soldier should thrive by his wages, because the greatest part of them being young men, and careless, the more they have, so much the more without need they spend, the other cause was, for that knowing, that their mouab●lles were next to the ansigne, they should be constrained to have more care thereof, and with more obstinateness to defend it: and this made them strong and to hold together: all which things is necessary to observe, purposing to reduce the exercise of arms unto the entire perfection thereof.  Zanobi. 
I believe that it is not possible, that to an army that marcheth from place to place, there fall not perilous accidents, where the industry of the captain is needful, and the worthiness of the soldiers, minding to avoid them. Therefore I would be glad, that you remembering any, would show them.  Fabritio. 
I shall content you with a good will, being inespetially necessary, intending to make of this exercise a perfect science. 
captains ●ai incur the danger of ambushes two manner of ways.  The Captains ought above all other things, whilst they march with an army, to take heed of ambushes, wherein they incur danger two ways, either marching thou interest into them, or thorough craft of the enemy thou art trained in before thou art aware. 
How to avoid the peril of ambushes.  In the first case, minding to avoid such peril, it is necessary to send afore double ward, whom may discover the country, and so much the more diligence ought to be used, the more that the country is apt for ambushes, as be the woddie or hilly countries, for that always they be laid either in a wood, or behind a hill: and as the ambusshe not foreseen, doth ruin thee, so forcing the same, it cannot hurt thee. 
How ambushes have been perceived.  Many times birds or much dust have discovered the enemy: for that always where the enemy cometh to find thee, he shall make great dust, which shall signify unto thee his coming: so often times a captain seeing in the places where he ought to pass, Doves to rise, or other of those birds that fly in flocks, & to turn about and not to light, hath known by the same the ambusshe of the enemies to be there, and sending before his men, and sertainely understanding it, hath saved himself and hurt his enemy. Concerning the second case, to be trained in, (which these our men call to be drawn to the shot) you ought to take heed, not strait way to believe those things, which are nothing reasonable, that they be as they seem: as should be, if the enemy should set afore thee a pray, thou oughtest to believe that in the same is the hook, and that therein is hid the deceit. If many enemies be driven away by a few of thine, if a few enemies assault many of thine, if the enemies make a sudden flight, and not standing with reason, always thou oughtest in such cases to fear deceit, & oughtest never to believe that the enemy knoweth not how to do his business, 
How the captain of the enemies ought to be esteemed.  but rather intending that he may beguile thee the less, & minding to stand in less peril, the weaker that he is, & the less craftier that the enemy is, so much the more thou oughtest to esteem him: and thou must in this case use two sundry points, for that thou oughtest to fear him in thy mind and with the order, but with words, and with other outward demonstration, to seem to despise him: because this last way, maketh that thy soldiers hope the more to have the victory: the other maketh thee more wary, & less apt to be beguiled. 
Where men be in greatest peril.  And thou hast to understand, that when men march thorough the enemy's country, they are in much more, and greater perils, then in fayghting the field: and therefore the captain in marching, aught to use double diligence: 
The description of the country where an army must march, is most requiset for a captain to have.  and the first thing that he ought to do, is to get described, and payncted out all the country, through the which he must march, so that he may know the places, the number, the distances, the ways, the hills, the rivers, the fens, and all the quallites of them: and to cause this to be known, it is convenient to have with him diversly, & in sundry manners such men, as know the places, and to ask them with diligence, and to see whether their talk, agree and according to the agreeing thereof, to note: he ought also to send afore the horsemen, and with them prudent heads, not so much to discover the enemy, as to view the country, to see whether it agree with the description, and with the knowledge that they have of the same. Also the guides that are sent, aught to be kept with hope of reward, & fear of pain. 
A most profitable thing it is for a captain to be secret in all his affairs.  And above all things it ought to be provided, that the army know not to what business he leadeth them: for that there is nothing in the war more profitable, then to keep secret the things that is to be done: and to th'intent a sudden assault do not trouble thy soldiers, thou oughtest to see them to stand ready with their weapons, because the things that are provided for, offendlesse. Many for to avoid the confusion of marching, have placed under the standard, the carriages, and the unarmed, and have commanded them to follow the same, to the intent that in marching needing to stay, or to retire, they might do it more easily, which thing as profitable, I allow very much. Also in marching, 
An advertisement concerning the marching of an army.  advertisment ought to be had, that the one part of the army go not a sunder from the other, or that thorough some going fast, and some soft, the army become not slender: the which things, be occasion of dissorder: 
The marching of an army ought to be ruled by the stroke of the Drum.  therefore the heads must be placed in such wise, that they may maintain the pace even, causing to go soft those that go to fast, and to haste forward the other that go to slow, the which pace can not be better ruled, then by the stroke of the drum. The ways ought to be caused to be enlarged, so that always at least a band of four hundred men may march in order of battle. 
The condition of the enemy ought to be considered.  The custom and the quality of the enemy ought to be considered, & whether that he will assault thee either in the morning, or at none or in the evening, & whether he be more puisante with footmen or horsemen, & according as thou understandest, to ordain and to provide for thyself. But let us come to some particular accident. It happeneth sometime, that thou getting from the enemy, because thou judgest thyself inferior, and therefore minding not to faight with him, and he coming at thy back, thou arivest at the bank of a river, passing over the which, asketh time, so that the enemy is ready to overtake thee and to fayght with thee. Some, which chaunsing to be in such peril, have enclosed their army on the hinder part with a ditch, and filling the same full of tow, and firing it, have then passed with the army without being able to be letted of the enemy, he being by the same fire that was between them held back.  Zanobi. 
I am hard of belief, that this fire could stay them, in especially because I remember that I have hard, 
Annone of Carthage.  how Annone of Carthage, being besieged of enemies, enclosed himself on the same part, with wood, which he did set on fire where he purposed to make eruption. Wherefore the enemies being not intentive on the same part to look to him, he made his army to pass over the same flame, causing every man to hold his Target before his face for to defend them from the fire, and smoke.  Fabricio. 
You say well: but consider you how I have said, and how Annone did: for as much as I said that they made a ditch, and filled it with tow, so that he, that would pass over the same, should be constrained to contend with the ditch and with fire: Annone made the fire, without the ditch, and because he intended to pass over it, he made it not great, for the otherwise without the ditch, it should have letted him. Do you not know, 
Nabide a spartan.  that Nabide a Spartan being besieged in Sparta of the Romans, set fire on part of his town to let the way to the Romans, who already were entered in? And by mean of the same flame not only hindered their way, but drove them out: but let us turn to our matter. Quintus Luttatius a Roman, having at his back the Cimbri, and coming to a river, 
Quintus Luttatius po●●●c●● to pass over a river.  to th'intent the enemy should give him time to pass over, seemed to give time to them to faight with him: and therefore he feigned that he would lodge there, and caused trenches to be made, and certain pavilions to be erected, and sent certain horsemen into the country for forage: so that the Cimbrise believing, that he encamped, they also encamped, and divided themselves into sundry parts, to provide for victuals, whereof Luttatius being aware, passed the river they being not able to let him. Some for to pass a river having no bridge, 
How to pass a river without a bridge.  have divided it, and one part they have turned behind their backs, & the other then becoming shalower, with ease they have passed it: when the rivers be swift, purposing to have their footmen to pass safely, they place their strongest horses on the higher side, that they may sustain the water, and an other part be low that may secure the men, if any of the river in passing should be overcome with the water: They pass also rivers, that be very deep, with bridges, with boats, & with barrels: & therefore it is good to have in a readiness in an army wherewith to be able to make all these things. It fortuneth sometime that in passing a river, the enemy standing against thee on the other bank, doth let thee: to mind to overcome this difficulty, I know not a better ensample to follow, 
A policy of Cesar to ha●●● river, where his enemy being on the other side thereof sought to let him.  than the same of Cesar, whom having his army on the bank of a river in France, and his passage being letted of Vergintorige a French man, the which on the other side of the river had his men, marched many days a long the river, and the like did the enemy: wherefore Cesar encamping in a woddie place, apt to hide men, he took out of every legion three cohortes, and made them to tarry in the same place, commanding them that so soon as he was departed, they should cast over a bridge, and should fortify it, and he with his other men followed on the way: wherefore Vergintorige seeing the number of the legions, thinking that there was not left any part of them behind, followed also his way: but Cesar when he supposed that the bridge was made, turned backward, and finding all things in order, passed the river without difficulty.  Zanobi. 
Have ye any rule to know the fords?  Fabritio. 

How to know the Fords of a river.  Yea, we have: always the river, in that part, which is between the water, that is stillest, and the water that runneth fastest, there is least depth and it is a place more meet to be looked on, than any other where. For that always in the same place, the river is most shallowest. The which thing, because it hath been proved many times, is most true.  Zanobi. 
If it chance that the River have marred the Ford, so that the horses sink, what reamedy have you?  Fabricio. 
The remedy is to make hardels of rods which must be placed in the bottom of the river, & so to pass upon those: but let us follow our reasoning. If it hap that a captain be led with his army, between two hills, & that he have not but two ways to save himself, either that before, or that behind, & those being beset of thenemies, he hath for remedy to do the same, 
How to escape out of a strait where the same is beset with enemies.  which some have done heretofore: that which have made on their hinder part a great trench, difficult to pass over, and seemed to the enemy, to mind to keep him of, for to be able with all his power, without needing to fear behind, to make force that way, which before remaineth open. The which the enemies believing, have made themselves strong, towards the open part, and have forsaken the enclosed, and he then casting a bridge of wood over the Trench, for such an effect prepared, both on the same part, with out any impediment hath passed, and also delivered himself out of the hands of the enemy. 
How Lutius Minutius escaped out of a straight wherein he was enclosed of his enemies.  Lucius Minutus a Consul of Rome, was in Liguria with an army, and was of the enemies enclosed, between certain hills, whereby he could not go out: therefore he sent certain soldiers of Numidia on horseback, which he had in his army (whom were evil armed, and upon little lean horses) towards the places that were kept of the enemies, whom at the first sight made the enemies, to order themselves together, to defend the passage: but after that they saw those men ill appointed, & according to their fashion evil horsed, regarding them little, enlarged the orders of their ward, whereof so soon as the Numidians were a ware, giving the spurs to their horses, and running violently upon them, passed before they could provide any remedy, whom being passed, destroyed and spoiled the country after such sort, that they constrained the enemies, to leave the passage free to the army of Lucius. Some captain, 
How some Captains have suffered themselves to be compassed about of their enemies.  which hath perceived himself to be assaulted of a great multitude of enemies, hath drawn together his men, and hath given to the enemy commodity, to compass him all about, and then on the same part, which he hath perceived to be most weak, hath made force, and by the same way, hath caused to make way, and saved himself.  
Marcus Antonius retiring before the army of the Parthians, 
A policy of Marcus Antonius.  perceived how the enemies every day before Sun rising, when he removed, assaulted him, and all the way troubled him: in so much, that he determined not to depart the next day before None: so that the Parthians believing, that he would not remove that day, returned to their tents. Whereby Marcus Antonius might then all the rest of the day, march without any disquietness. 
A defence for the shot of arrows.  This self same man for to avoid the arrows of the Parthians, commanded his men, that when the Parthians came to wards them, they should kneel, and that the second rank of the battles, should cover with their Targaettes, the heads of the first, the third, the second, the fourth, the third, and so successively, that all the army came, to be as it were under a pentehouse, and defended from the shot of the enemies. This is as much as is come into my remembrance, to tell you, which may happen unto an army marching: therefore, if you remember not any thing else, I will pass to an other part.   

The sixth Book of the Art of war, of Nicholas Machiavelli, Citezeine and Secretary of Florence, unto Laurence Philip Strozze.  Zanobi. 
I Believe that it is good, seeing the reasoning must be changed, that baptist take his office, and I to resign mine, and we shall come in this case, to imitate the good Captains (according as I have now here understood of the gentleman) who place the best soldiers, before and behind the army, seeming unto them necessary to have before, soche as may lustily begin the fight, and such as behind may lustily sustain it. Now seeing Cosimus began this reasoning prudently, baptist prudently shall end it. As for Luigi and I, have in this midst entertained it, and as every one of us hath taken his part willingly, so I believe not, that baptist will refuse it.  baptist. 
I have let myself been governed hitherto, so I mind to do still. Therefore be content sir, to follow your reasoning, and if we interrupt you with this practice of ours, have us excused.  Fabritio. 
You do me, as all ready I have said, a most great pleasure: for this your interrupting me, taketh not away my fantasy, but rather refresheth me. But minding to follow our matter I say, how that it is now time, that we lodge this our army, for that you know every thing desireth rest and safety, because to rest, and not to rest safely, is no perfect rest: I doubt moche, whether it hath not been desired of you, that I should first have lodged them, after made them to march, and last of all to faight, and we have done the contrary: whereunto necessity hath brought us, for that intending to show, how an army in going, is reduced from the form of marching, to the same manner of fighting, it was necessary to have first showed, how they ordered it to faight. But turning to our matter, I say, that minding to have the Camp sure, it is requisite that it be strong, and in good order: the industry of the captain, maketh it in order, the situation, or the art, maketh it strong. The Greeks sought strong situations, 
How the Greeks encamped.  nor they would never place themselves, where had not been either cave, or bank of a river, or multitude of trees, or other natural fortification, that might defend them: but the Romans not so much encamped safe through the situation, 
How the Romans encamped.  as through art, nor they would never encamp in place, where they should not have been able to have ranged all their bands of men, according to their discipline. Hereby grew, that the Romans might keep always one form of encamping, for that they would, that the situation should be ruled by them, not they by the situation: the which the Greeks could not observe, for that being ruled by the situation, and varying the situation and form, it was convenient, that also they should vary the manner of encamping, and the fashion of their lodgings. Therefore the Romans, where the situation lacked strength they supplied the same with art, and with industry. And for that I in this my declaration, have willed to imitate the Romans, I will not depart from the manner of their encamping, yet not observing altogether their order, but taking the same part, which seemeth unto me, to be meet for this present tyme. I have told you many times, how the Romans had in their consul armies, two Legions of Roman men, which were about a leaven thousand footmen, and six hundred horsemen, and moreover they had an other leaven thousand footmen, sent from their friends in their aid: nor in their army they had never more soldiers that were strangers, than Romans, except horsemennes, whom they cared not, though they were more in number than theirs: and in all their doings, they did place their Legions in the midst, and the aiders, on the sides: the which manner, they observed also in encamping, as by yourself you may read, in those aucthoures, that writ of their acts: and therefore I purpose not to show you distinctly how they encamped, but to tell you only with what order, I at this present would encamp my army, whereby you shall then know, what part I have taken out of the Roman manners. You know, that in stead of two Roman Legions, I have taken two main battles of footmen, of six thousand footmen, and three hundred horsemen, profitable for a main battle, and into what battles, into what weapons, into what names I have divided them: you know how in ordering th'army to march, and to faight, I have not made mention of other men, but only have showed, how that doubling the men, they needed not but to double the orders: but minding at this present, to show you the manner of encamping, me thinketh good not to stand only with two main battles, but to bring together a just army, made like unto the Romans, of two main battles, and of as many more aiding men: the which I make, to the intent that the form of the encamping, may be the more perfect, by lodging a perfect army: which thing in the other demonstrations, hath not seemed unto me so necessary. Purposing then, to encamp a just army, 
The manner of the encamping of an army.  of xxiiij thousand footmen, & of two thousand good horsemennes, being divided into four main battles, two of our own men, and two of strangers, I would take this way. The situation being found, where I would encamp, I would erect the head standard, and about it, I would mark out a quadrant, which should have every side distant from it xxxvij yards and a half, of which every one of them should lie, towards one of the four regions of heaven, as east, West, south, and north: between the which space, 
The lodging for the general captain.  I would that the captain's lodging should be appointed. And because I believe that it is wisdom, to divide the armed from the unarmed, seeing that so, for the most part the Romans did, I would therefore separate the men, that were cumbered with any thing, from the uncombered. I would lodge all, or the greatest part of the armed, on the side towards the east, and the unarmed, and the cumbered, on the West side, making east the head, and West the back of the Camp, and south, and north, should be the flanks: and for to distinguish the lodgings of the armed, I would take this way. I would draw a line from the head standard, and lead it towards the east, the space of. CCCCC. x. yards and a half: I would after, make two other lines, that should place in the midst the same, and should be as long as that, but stistante each of them from it a leaven yards and a quarter: in the end whereof, I would have the east gate, and the space that is between the two uttermost lines, should make a way, that should go from the gate, to the captain's lodging, which shall come to be xxij yards and a half broad, and. CCCClxxij. yards and a half long, for the xxxvij yards and a half, the lodging of the captain will take up: and this shall be called the captain way. Then there shall be made an other way, from the south gate, to the north gate, and shall pass by the head of the captain way, and leave the captain's lodging towards theast, which way shallbe ix C.xxxvij. yards & a half long (for the length thereof willbe as moche as the breadth of all the lodgings) & shall likewise be xxij. yards & a half broad, and shallbe called the cross way. Then so soon as the captain's lodging, were appointed out, and these two ways, there shall be begun to be appointed out, the lodgings of our own two main battles, one of the which, I would lodge on the right hand of the captain's way, & the other, on the left: and therefore passing over the space, that the breadth of the cross way taketh, I would place xxxij. lodgynges, on the left side of the captain way, and xxxij on the right side, leaving between the xvi and the xvij lodging, a space of xxij yards & a half, the which should serve for a way overthwart, which should run overthwart, throughout all the lodgings of the main battles, as in the distributing of them shall be seen.  
Of these two orders of lodgings in the beginning of the head, 
The lodgingss for the men of arms, & their captain.  which shall come to join to the cross way, I would lodge the captain of the men of arms, in the xu lodgings, which on every side followeth next, their men of arms, where each main battle, having a. C.l. men of arms, it will come to ten men of arms for a longing. The spaces of the captain's lodgings, should be in breadth xxx and in length vij yards & a half. 
Note, which is breadth and which length in the square camp.  And note that when so ever I say breedeth, it signifieth the space of the midst from south to north, and saying length, that which is from west to east. Those of the men of arms, should be xi yards and a quarter in length, and xxii yards and a half in breedeth. In the other xv. lodgynges, that on every side should follow, 
The lodgings for the light horsemen, and their captain.  the which should have their beginning on the other side of the overthwart way, and which shall have the very same space, that those of the men of arms had, I would lodge the light horsemen: whereof being a hundred and fifty, it will come to ten horsemen for a lodging, and in the xuj that remaineth, I would lodge their captain, giving him the very same space, that is given to the Captain of the men of arms: and thus the lodgings of the horsemen of two main battles, will come to place in the midst the captain way, and give rule to the lodgings of the footmen, as I shall declare. You have noted how I have lodged the. CCC. horsemed of every main battle with their Captains, in xxxij lodgings placed on the Captain way, having begun from the cross way, and how from the xvi to the xvii there remaineth a space of xxij yards and a half, to make away overthwart. Minding therefore to lodge the xx. battles, which the two ordinary main battles have, 
The lodgings for the footmen of two ordinary main battles.  I would place the lodging of every two battles, behind the lodgings of the horsemen, eeverie one of which, should have in length xi yards and a quarter, and in breedeth xxii yards and a half, as those of the horsemen's, and should be joined on the hinder part, that they should touch the one the other. 
The lodgings for the constables.  And in every first lodging on every side which cometh to lie on the cross way, I would lodge the Counstable of a battle, which should come to stand even with the lodging of the captain of the men of arms, and this lodging shall have only of space for breedeth xu yards, and for length vij yards and a half. In the other xu lodgings, that on every side followeth after these, even unto the overthwart way, I would lodge on every part a battle of foot men, which being four hundred & fifty, there will come to a lodging xxx the other xu lodgings, 
The number of footmen appoicted to every lodging.  I would place continually on every side on those of the light horse men, with the very same spaces, where I would lodge on every part, an other battle of foot men, and in the last lodging, I would place on every part the Constable of the battle, which will come to join with the same of the captain of the light hosemen, with the space of vii yards and a half for length, and xu for breedeth: and so these two first orders of lodgings, shall be half of horsemen, and half of footmen. And for that I would (as in the place thereof I have told you) these horse men should be all profitable, and for this having no servants which in keeping the horses, or in other necessary things might help than, I would that these footmen, who lodge behind the horse, should be bound to help to provide, and to keep them for their masters: and for this to be exempted from the other doings of the Campe. The which manner, was observed of the Romans. Then leaving after these lodgings on every part, a space of xxii yards and a half, which should make away, that should be called the one, the first way on the right hand, and the other the first way on the left hand, I would pitch on every side an other order of xxxij double lodgings, which should turn their hinder parts the one against the other with the very same spaces, as those that I have told you of, and divided after the sixteenth in the very same manner for to make the overthwart way, where I would lodge on every side four battles of footmen, with their constables in both ends. Then leaving on every side an other space of xxij yards and a half, that should make a way, which should be called of the one side, the second way on the right hand, and on the other side, the second way on the left hand, I would place an other order on every side of xxxij double lodgings, with the very same distance and divisions, where I would lodge on every side, other four battles with their Constables: and thus the horesemennes and the bands of the two ordinary main battles, should come to be lodged in three orders of lodgings, on the one side of the captain way, and in three other orders of lodgings on the other side of the captain way. The two aiding main battles (for that I cause them to be made of the very same nation) I would lodge them on every part of these two ordinary main battles, with the very same orders of double lodgings, pitching first one order of lodgings, where should lodge half the horsemen, and half the foot men, distance xxii yards and a half from the other, for to make a way which should be called the one, the third way on the right hand, and the other the third way on the left hand. And after, I would make on every side, two other orders of lodgings, in the very same manner destinguesshed and ordained, as those were of the ordinary main battles, which shall make two other ways, and they all should be called of the numbered, & of the hand, where they should be placed: in such wise, that all this side of the army, should come to be lodged in xii orders of double lodgings, and in xiij ways, reckoning captain way, and cross way: I would there should remain a space from the lodgings to the Trench of .lxxv. yards round about: and if you reckon all these spaces, you shall see that from the midst of the captain's lodging to the east gate, there is. D.x. yards▪ Now there remaineth two spaces, whereof one is from the captain's lodging to the south gate, the other is from thence to the north gate: which come to be (either of them measuring them from the point in the midst). CCCC. lxxuj. yards. Then taking out of every one of these spaces xxxvij. yards and a half, which the Captains lodging occupieth, and xxxiiij yards every way for a market place, and xxij yards and a half for a way that divides every one of the said spaces in the midst, and .lxxv. yards, that is left on every part between the lodgings and the Trench, there remaineth on every side a space for lodgings of. CCC. yards broad, and .lxxv. yards long, measuring the length with the space that the Captains loading taketh up. dividing then in the midst the said length, there would be made on every hand of the captain xl lodgings xxxvij yards and a half long, and xu broad, which will come to be in all lxxx. lodgynges, 
The lodgings for the chief Captains of the main battles and for the treasurers, marshals and strangers.  wherein shall be lodged the heads of the main battles, the Treasurers, the marshals of the field, and all those that should have office in the army, leaving some void for strangers that should happen to come, and for those that shall serve for good will of the captain. On the part behind the captain's lodging, I would have a way from south to north xxiij yards large, and should be called the head way, which shall come to be placed a long by the lxxx lodgings aforesaid: for that this way, & the crosseway, shall come to place in the midst between them both the captain's lodging, and the lxxx lodgings that be on the sides thereof. From this head way, and from over against the captains lodging, I would make an other way, which should go from thence to the west gate, likewise broad xxij yards and a half, and should answer in situation and in length to the Captain way, and should be called the market way. These two ways being made, I would ordain the market place, where the market shall be kept, which I would place on the head of the market way over against the captain's lodging, & joined to the head way, and I would have it to be quadrant, and would assign lxxxx. yards and three quarters to a square: and on the right hand and left hand, of the said market place, I would make two orders of lodgings, where every order shall have eight double lodgings, which shall take up in length ix yards, and in breedeth xxij yards and a half, so that there shall come to be on every hand of the market place, xuj. lodgings that shall the place the same in the midst which shall be in all xxxij. wherein I would lodge those horsemen, 
Lodgings for the horsemen, of the extraordinary main battles.  which should remain to the aiding main battles: and when these should not suffice, I would assign them some of those lodgings that placeth between them the captains lodging, & in especially those, that lie towards the Trench. There resteth now to lodge the Pikes, 
The lodgings for the extraordinary Pikes and Veliti.  and extraordinari Veliti, that every main battle hath, which you know according to our order, how every one hath besides the ten battles. M. extraordinary Pikes, and five hundredth Veliti: so that the two chief main battles, have two thousand extraordinary Pikes, and a thousand extraordinary Veliti, and the aiders as many as those, so that yet there remaineth to be lodged uj M. men, whom I would lodge all on the west side, and a long the Trench. Then from the end of the head way, towards north, leaving the space of .lxxv. yards from them to the trench, I would place an order of .v. double lodgings, which in all should take up luj yards in length, and xxx in breedeth: so that the breedeth divided, there will come to every lodging xi yards and a quarter for length, & for breedeth two and twenty yards and a half. And because there shall be ten lodgings, I will lodge three hundred men, apoincting to every lodging xxx men: leaving then a space of three and twenty yards and a quarter, I would place in like wise, and with like spaces an other order of five double lodgings, and again an other, till there were five orders of five double lodgings: which will come to be fifty lodgings placed by right line on the north side, every one of them distant from the Trench .lxxv. yards, which will lodge fifteen hundred men. turning after on the left hand towards the west gate, I would pitch in all the same tract, which were from them to the said gate, five other orders of double lodgings, with the very same spaces, and with the very same manner: true it is, that from the one order to the other, there shall not be more than a xj yards and a quarter of space: wherein shall be lodged also fifteen hundred men: and thus from the north gate to the west, as the Trench turneth, in a hundred lodgings divided in ten rues of five double lodgings in a row, there will be lodged all the Pikes and extraordinary Veliti of the chief main battles. And so from the west gate to the south, as the Trench turneth even in the very same manner, in other ten rues of ten lodgings in a rue, there shall be lodged the pikes, and extraordinary Veliti of the aiding main battles. Their heads or their counstables may take those lodgings, that shall seem unto them most commodious, on the part towards the trench. The Artillery, 
How the Artillery must be placed in the Campe.  I would dispose throughout all the Camp, a long the bank of the Trench: and in all the other space that should remain towards west, I would lodge all the unarmed, 
lodgings for the unarmed men, and the places that are appointed for the impediments of the camp.  and place all the impediments of the Campe. And it is to be understood, that under this name of impediments (as you know) the antiquity mente all the same train, and all those things, which are necessary for an army, besides the soldiers: as are Carpenters, Smiths, Masons, Ingeners, Bombardiers, although that those might be counted in the numbered of the armed, herdsmen with their herds of motons & beeves which for victualling of the army, are requiset: and moreover masters of all sciences, together with public carriages of the public munition, which pertain as well to victualling, as to arming. Nor I would not distinguish these lodgings particularly, only I would mark out the ways which should not be occupied of them: then the other spaces, that between the ways shall remain, which shall be four, I would appoint them generally for all the said impediments, that is one for the herdsmen, the other for artificers and crafts men, the third for public carriages of victuals, the fourth for the munition of armour and weapons. The ways which I would should be left without ocupiing them, shall be the market way, the head way, and more over a way that should be called the mid way, which should go from north to south, and should pass thorough the midst of the market way, which from the west part, should serve for the same purpose that the overthwart way doth on th'east part. And besides this, a way which shall go about on the hinder part, along the lodgings of the Pikes and extraordinary Veliti, and all these ways shall be two and twenty yards and a half broad. And the Artillery, I would place a long the Trench of the Camp, round about the same.  Babtiste. 
I confess that I understand not, nor I believe that also to say so, is any shame unto me, this being not my exercise: notwithstanding, this order pleaseth me much: only I would that you should declare me these doubts: The one, why you make the way, and the spaces about so large. The other, that troubleth me more, is these spaces, which you apoincte out for the lodgings, how they ought to be used.  Fabritio. 
You must note, that I make all the ways, xxij. yards and a half braode, to the intent that thorough them, may go a battle of men in array, where if you remember well, I told you how every band of men, taketh in breadth between xviij and xxij yards of space to march or stand in. Now where the space that is between the trench, and the lodgings, is .lxxv. yards broad, the same is most necessary, to the intent they may there order the battles, and the artillery, both to conduct by the same the prays, and to have space to retire themselves with new trenches, and new fortification if need were: The lodgings also, stand better so far from the ditches, being the more out of danger of fires, and other things, which the enemy, might throw to hurt them. Concerning the second demand, my intent is not that every space, of me marked out, be covered with a pavilion only, but to be used, as turneth commodious to such as lodge there, either with more or with less Tents, so that they go not out of the bounds of the same. And for to mark out these longings, there ought to be most cunning men, and most excellent Architectours, whom, so soon as the captain hath chosen the place, may know how to give it the fashion, and to distribute it, distinguishing the ways, dividing the lodgings with Cords and staves, in such practised wise, that strait way, they may be ordained, and divided: 
The Camp ought to be all ways of one fashion.  and to mind that there grow no confusion, it is convenient to turn the Camp, always one way, to the intent that every man may know in what way, in what space he hath to find his lodging: and this aught to be observed in every time, in every place, and after such manner, that it seem a moving city, the which where so ever it goweth, carrieth with it the very same ways, the very same habitations, and the very same aspects, that it had at the first: The which thing they cannot observe, whom seeking strong situations, must change form, according to the variation of the ground: but the Romans in the plain, made strong the place where they encamped with trenches, and with Rampires, because they made a space about the camp, and before the same a ditch, ordinary broad four yards and a half, and deep about two yards and a quarter, the which spaces, they increased, according as they intended to tarry in a place, and according as they feared the enemy. I for my part at this present, would not make the lists, if I intend not to Winter in a place: yet I would make the Trench and the bank no less, than the foresaid, but greater, according to necessity. Also, considering the artellerie, I would entrench upon every corner of the Camp, a half circle of ground, from whence the artillery might flank, whom so ever should seek to come over the Trench. In this practice in knowing how to ordain a camp, the soldiers ought also to be exercised, & to make with them the officers expert, that are appointed to mark it out, and the Soldiers ready to know their places: nor nothing therein is difficult, as in the place thereof shall be declared: wherefore, I will go forward at this time to the ward of the camp, because without distribution of the watch, all the other pain that hath been taken, should be vain.  baptist. 
Before you pass to the watch, I desire that you would declare unto me, when one would pitch his camp near the enemy, what way is used: for that I know not, how a man may have time, to be able to ordain it without peril.  Fabricio. 
You shall understand this, that no captain will lie near the enemy, except he, that is disposed to fight the field, when so ever his adversary will: and when a captain is so disposed, there is no peril, but ordinary: for that the two parts of the army, stand always in a readiness, to faight the battle, & tother maketh the lodgings. The Romans in this case, gave this order of fortifying the Camp, unto the Triarij: & the Prencipj, & the Astatjs, stood in arms. This they did, for as much as the Triarij, being the last to faight, might have time enough, if the enemy came, to leave the work, & to take their weapons, & to get them into their places. Therefore, according unto the Romans manner, you ought to cause the Camp to be made of those battles, which you will set in the hinder part of the army, in the place of the Triarij. But let us turn to reason of the watch.  
I think I have not found, 
The antiquity used no Scouts.  amongst the antiquity, that for to ward the camp in the night, they have kept watch without the Trench, distant as they use now a days, whom they call Scouts: the which I believe they did, thinking that the army might easily be deceived, through the difficulty, that is in seeing them again, for that they might be either corrupted, or oppressed of the enemy: So that to trust either in part, or altogether on them, they judged it perilous. And therefore, all the strength of the watch, was with in the trench, which they did withal diligence keep, and with most great order, punished with death, whom so ever observed not the same order: the which how it was of them ordained, I will tell you no other wise, least I should be tedious unto you, being able by yourself to see it, if as yet you have not seen it: I shall only briefly tell that, which shall make for my purpose. I would cause to stand ordinately every night, 
The watch and ward of the Campe.  the third part of the army armed, and of the same, the fourth part always on foot, whom I would make to be distributed, throughout all the banks, and throughout all the places of the army, with double ward, placed in every quadrante of the same: Of which, part should stand still, part continually should go from the one corner of the Camp, to the other: and this order, I would observe also in the day, when I should have the enemy near.  
Concerning the giving of the watch word, and renewing the same every evening, and to do the other things, which in like watches is used, because they are things well enough known, I will speak no further of them: only I shall remember one thing, for that it is of great importance, and which causeth great saulfgarde observing it, and not observing it, moche harm: The which is, 
Diligence ought to be used, to know who lieth out of the Camp, and who they be that cometh of new.  that there be observed great diligence, to know at night, who lodgeth not in the Camp, and who cometh a new: and this is an easy thing to see who lodgeth, with the same order that we have appointed: for as much as every lodging having the determined number of men, it is an easy matter to see, if they lack, or if there be more men: and when they come to be absent without licence, to punish them as Fugetives, and if there be more, to understand what they be, what they make there, & of their other conditions. This diligence maketh that the enemy cannot but with difficulty, practise with thy captains, and have knowledge of thy counsels: which thing if of the Romans, had not been diligently observed, 
Claudius' Nero.  Claudius Nero could not, having Aniball near him, departed from his Camp, which he had in Lucania, and to go and to return from Marca, without Aniball should have first heard thereof some thing. But it sufficeth not to make these orders good, except they be caused to be observed, with a great severtie: for that there is nothing that would have more observation, then is requisite in an army: therefore the laws for the maintenance of the same, 
The justice that ought to be in a camp.  aught to be sharp and hard, and the executor thereof most hard. 
The fauts that the antiquity punished with ●eath.  The Romans punished with death him that lacked in the watch, he that forsook the place that was given him to faight in, he that carried any thing, hid out of the Camp, if any man should say, that he had done some worthy thing in the fight, and had not done it, if any had fought without the commandment of the captain, if any had for fear, cast away his weapons: and when it happened, that a cohort, or a whole Legion, had committed like fault, because they would not put to death all, they yet took all their names, and did put them in a bag, and then by lot, they drew out the tenth part, and so those were put to death: the which punishment, was in such wise made, that though every man did not feel it, every man notwithstanding feared it: and because where be great punishments, there ought to be also rewards, minding to have men at one instant, 
Where great punishments be, there ought likewise to be great rewards  to fear and to hope, they had appointed rewards to every worthy act: as he that fighting, saved the life of one of his citizens, to him that first leapt upon the wall of the enemies Tounc, to him that entered first into the Camp of the enemies, to him that had in fighting hurt, or slain the enemy, he that had strooken him from his horse: and so every virtuous act, was of the consuls known and rewarded, and openly of every man praised: and soche as obtained gifts, for any of these things, besides the glory and fame, which they got amongst the soldiers, after when they returned into their country, with solemn pomp, and with great demonstration among their friends and kinsfolks, they showed them. 
It was no marvel that the Romans became mighty Princes.  Therefore it was no marvel, though the same people got so moche dominion, having so moche observation in punishment, and reward towards them, whom either for their well doing, or for their ill doing, should deserve either praise or blame: Of which things it were convenient, to observe the greater part. Nor I think not good to keep secret, one manner of punishment of them observed, which was, that so soon as the offender, was before the Tribune, or Consulle convicted, he was of the same lightly strooken with a rod: after the which striking, it was lawful for the offender to fly, and to all the Soldiers to kill him: so that strait way, every man threw at him either stones, or darts, or with other weapons, struck him in such wise, that he went but little way a live, and most few escaped, and to those that so escaped, it was not lawful for them to return home, but with so many incommodities, and such great shame and ignomy, that it should have been much better for him to have died. This manner is seen to be almost observed of the swizzers, who make the condemned to be put to death openly, of tother soldiers, the which is well considered, 
A mean to punish and execute justice, without raising tumults.  and excellently done: for that intending, that one be not a defender of an evil doer, the greatest remedy that is found, is to make him punisher of the same: because otherwise, with other respect he favoureth him: where when he himself is made execucioner, with other desire, he desireth his punishment, then when the execution cometh to an other. Therefore minding, not to have one favoured in his fault of the people, a great remedy it is, to make that the people, may have him to judge. For the greater proof of this, 
Manlius Capitolinus.  th'ensample of Manlius Capitolinus might be brought, who being accused of the Scenate, was defended of the people, so long as they were not judge, but becoming arbitrators in his cause, they condemned him to death. This is then a way to punish, without raising tumults, and to make justice to be kept: and for as much as to bridle armed men, neither the fear of the Laws, nor of men suffice not, the antiquity joined thereunto the authority of God: 
Soldiers sworn to keep the discipline of war.  and therefore with most great Ceremonies, they made their soldiers to swear, to keep the discipline of war, so that doing contrariwise▪ they should not only have to fear the Laws, and men, but God: and they used all diligence, to fill them with Religion.  baptist. 
Did the Romans permit, that women might be in their armies, or that there might be used these idle plays, which they use now a days?  Fabritio. 

Women and idle games, were not suffered by the antiquity, to be in their armies.  They prohibited the one and tother, and this prohibition was not much difficult: For that there were so many exercises, in the which they kept every day the soldiers, some while particularly, somewhiles generally occupied, that they had no time to think, either on Venus, or on plays, nor on any other thing, which seditious and unprofitable soulours do.  baptist. 
I am herein satisfied, but tell me, when the army had to remove, what order kept they?  Fabricio. 
The chief Trumpet sounded three times, 
Ordre in the removing the army by the sounds of a Trumpet.  at the first sound, they took up the Tents, and made the packs, at the second, they jaded the carriage, at the third, they removed in the same manner aforsaied, with the impediments after every part of armed men, placing the Legions in the midst: and therefore you ought to cause after the same sort, an extraordinary main battle to remove: and after that, the particular impediments thereof, and with those, the fourth part of the public impediments, which should be all those, that were lodged in one of those parts, which a little afore we declared: and therefore it is convenient, to have every one of them, appointed to a main battle, to the intent that the army removing, every one might know his place in marching: and thus every main battle ought to go away, with their own impediments, and with the fourth part of the public impediments, following after in such manner, as we showed that the Romans marched.  baptist 
In pitching the Camp, had they other respects, than those you have told?  Fabricio. 
I tell you again, that the Romans when they encamped, would be able to keep the accustomed fashion of their manner, the which to observe, they had no other respect: but concerning for other considerations, they had two principal, the one, to encamp themselves in a wholesome place, the other, 
Respects to be had for encamping.  to place themselves, where th'enemy could not besiege them, nor take from them the way to the water, or victuals. Then for to avoid infirmity, they did ●ie from places fenny, or subject to hurtful winds: which they knew not so well, by the quality of the situation, as by the face of the inhabitors▪ for when they saw them evil coloured, or swollen, 
How to choose a place to encamp.  or full of other infection, they would not lodge there concerning tother respect to provide not to be besieged, it is requisite to consider the nature of the place, where the friends lie, and where thenemies, and of this to make a conjecture, if thou mayest be besieged or no: and therefore it is meet, that the captain be most expert, in the knowledge of situations of countries, and have about him divers men, that have the very same expertenes. They avoid also diseases, 
How to avoid diseases from the army.  and famishment, with causing the army to keep no misrule, for that to purpose to maintain it in health, it is needful to provide, that the soldiers may sleep under tents, that they may lodge where be Trees, that make shadow, where wood is for to dress their meat, that they go not in the heat, and therefore they must be drawn out of the camp, before day in Summer, and in Winter, to take heed, that they march not in the Snow, and in the Frost, without having commodity to make fire, and not to lack necessary apparel, nor to drink naughty water: those that fall sick by chance, make them to be cured of Physicians: because a captain hath no remedy, when he hath to faight with sickness, and with an enemy: but nothing is so profitable, to maintain the army in health, as is the exercise: and therefore the antiquity every day, made them to exercise: whereby is seen how much exercise availeth: 
The wonderful commodity of exercise.  for that in the Camp, it keepeth thee in health, and in the faight victorious. Concerning famishement, it is necessary to see, that the enemy hinder thee not of thy victuals, but to provide where thou majesty have it, and to see that the same which thou haste, be not lost: and therefore it is requisite, 
The provision of victuals that ought always to be in a readiness in an army.  that thou have always in provision with the army, sufficient victual for a month, and then removing into some strong place, thou must take order with thy next friends, that daily they may provide for thee, and above all things bestow the victual with diligence, giving every day to every man, a reasonable measure, and observe after such sort this point, that it disorder thee not: because all other thing in the war, may with time be overcome, this only with time overcometh thee: nor there shall never any enemy of thine, who may overcome thee with famishement, that will seek to overcome thee with iron. For that though the victory be not so honourable, yet it is more sure and more certain: Then, the same army cannot avoid famishement, that is not an observer of justice, which licentiously consumeth what it list: because the one disorder, maketh that the victuals cometh not unto you, the other, that such victual as cometh, is unprofitably consumed: therefore th'antiquity ordained, that they should spend the same, which they gave, and in the same time when they appointed: for that no soldier did eat, but when the captain did eat: The which how moche it is observed of the armies now adays, every man knoweth, and worthily they can not be called men of good order and sober, as the antiquity, but lasivious and drunkards.  baptist. 
You said in the beginning of ordering the Camp, that you would not stand only upon two main battles, but would take four, for to show how a just army encamped: therefore I would you should tell me two things, the one, when I should have more or less men, how I ought to encamp them, the other, what numbered of soldiers should suffice you to faight against what so ever enemy that were.  Fabritio. 
To the first question I answer you, 
How to lodge in the Campe● more or less men, than the ordinary.  that if the army be more or less, than four or six thousand soldiers, the orders of lodgings, may be taken away or joined, so many as sufficeth: and with this way a man may go in more, and in less, into infinite: notwithstanding the Romans, when they joined together two consul armies, they made two camps, and they turned the parts of the unarmed, th'one against tother. Concerning the second question, I say unto you, that the Romans ordinary army, was about xxiiij M. soldiers: but when they were driven to faight against the greatest power that might be, the most that they put together, were l M. With this number, they did set against two hundred thousand frenchmen, whom assaulted them after the first war, that they had with the Carthageners. With this very same numbered, they fought against Hannibal. And you must note, that the Romans, and the Greeks, have made war with few, fortifying themselves through order, and through art: the west, and the east, have made it with multitude: But the one of these nations, doth serve with natural fury, as do the men of the west parts, the other through the great obedience which those men have to their king. But in Grece, & in Italy, being no natural fury, nor the natural reverence towards their king, it hath been necessary for them to learn the discipline of war; the which is of so much force, that it hath made that a few, hath been able to overcome the fury, 
The number of men that an army ought to be made of, to be able to fight with the puisantest enemy that is.  and the natural obstinateness of many. Therefore I say, that minding to imitate the Romans, & the Greeks, the number of l M. soldiers, ought not to be passed, but rather to take less: because many make confusion, nor suffer not the discipline to be observed, and the orders learned, and Pirrus used to say, 
Pirrus.  that with xu thousand men he would assail the world: but let us pass to an other part. We have made this our army to win a field and showed the travails, that in the same fight may hap: we have made it to march, & declared of what impediments in marching it may be disturbed: and finally we have lodged it: where not only it ought to take a little rest of the labours passed, but also to think how the war ought to be ended: for that in the lodgings, is handled many things, inespecially thy enemies as yet remaining in the field, and in suspected towns, of whom it is good to be assured, and those that be enemies to overcome them: therefore it is necessary to come to this demonstration, & to pass this difficulty with the same glory, as hither to we have warred. 
How to cause men to do such a thing as should be profitable for thee, & hurtful to themselves.  Therefore coming to particular matters, I say that if it should happen, that thou wouldst have many men, or many people to do a thing, which were to thee profittable, and to them great hurt, as should be to break down the wall of their city, or to send into exile many of them, it is necessary for thee, either to beguile them in such wise that every one believe not that it toucheth him: so that succouring not the one the other, they may find themselves all to be oppressed without remedy, or else unto all to command the same, which they ought to do in one self day, to the intent that every man believing to be alone, to whom the commandment is made, may think to obey and not to remedy it: & so without tumult thy commandment to be of every man executed. If thou shouldest suspect the fidelity of any people, and would assure thee, 
How to evercome 〈…〉 vnwa●es.  and overcome them at unawares, for to colour thy intent more easily, thou canst not do better, then to counsel with them of some purpose of thine, desiring their aid, and to seem to intend to make an other enterprise, and to have thy mind far from thinking on them: the which will make, that they shall not think on their own defence, believing not that thou purposest to hurt them, and they shall give thee commodity, to be able easily to satisfiie thy desire. 
How to 〈◊〉 to commodity the doings of such, as use to advertise thy enemy of thy proceedings.  When thou shouldest perceive, that there were in thine army some, that used to advertise thy enemy of thy devices, thou canst not do better, minding to take commodity by their traitorous minds, then to comen with them of those things, that thou wilt not do, and those that thou wilt do, to keep secret, and to say to doubt of things, that thou doubtest not, & those of which thou doubtest, to hide: the which shall make th'enemy to take some enterprise in hand, believing to know thy devices, where by easily thou mayest beguile & oppress him. 
How to order the camp, that the enemy shall not perceive whether the same be demi●●shed, or increased.  If thou shouldest intend (as Claudius Nero did) to diminish thy army, sending help to some friend, and that the enemy should not be aware thereof, it is necessary not to diminish the lodgings, but to maintain the signs, and the orders whole, making the very same fires, & the very same wards throughout all the camp, as were wont to be afore. Likewise if with thy army there should join new men, and wouldst that the enemy should not know that thou wert engrossed, it is necessary not to increase the lodgings: Because keeping secret doings and devices, hath always been most profitable. 
A saying of Metellus.  Wherefore Metellus being with an army in Hispayne, to one, who asked him what he would do the next day, answered, that if his shirt knew thereof, 
Marcus Crassus.  he would bourn it. Marcus Craussus, unto one, whom asked him, when the army should remove, said believest thou to be alone not to here the trumpet? 
How to understand the secrets of thy enemy.  If thou shouldest desire to understand the secrets of thy enemy, and to know his orders, some have used to send ambassadors, and with them in servants apparel, most expertest men in war: whom having taken occasion to see the enemy's army, and to consider his strength and weakness, it hath given them opportunity to overcome him. Some have sent into exile one of their familiars, and by means of the same, hath known the devices of his adversary. Also like secrettes are understood of the enemies when for this effect there were taken any prisoners. Marius which in the war that he made with the Cimbrie, 
A policy of Marius, to understand how he might trust the Frenchmen.  for to know the faith of those Frenchmen, who then inhabited Lombardie, and were in league with the Roman people, sent them letters open, & sealed: and in the open he wrote, that they should not open the sealed, but at a certain time, and before the same time demanding them again, and finding them opened, knew thereby that their faith was not to be trusted. Some Captains, being invaded, 
What some Captains have done when their country have been invaded of enemies.  have not desired to go to meet the enemy, but have gone to assault his country, and constrained him to return to defend his own home: The which many times hath come well to pass, for that those soldiers beginning to fill themselves with booties, and confidence to overcome, shall soon make the enemy's soldiers to wax afraid, when they supposing themselves conquerors, shall understand to become losers: So that to him that hath made this diversion, many times it hath proved well. But only it may be done by him, which hath his country stronger than that of the enemies, because when it were otherwise, he should go to lose. 
To make the enemy negligent in his doings.  It hath been often a profitable thing to a captain, that hath been besieged in his lodgings by the enemy, to move an entreaty of agreement, and to make truce with him for certain days: the which is wont to make the enemies more negligent in all doings: so that avayling thee of their negligence, thou mayest easily have occasion to get thee out of their hands. 
Silla.  By this way Silla delivered himself twice from the enemies: and with this very same deceit, 
Asdrubal.  Asdrubal in Hispayne got out of the force of Claudious Nero, whom had besieged him. It helpeth also to deliver a man out of the danger of the enemy, to do some thing beside the foresaid, that may keep him at a bay: this is done in two manners, either to assault him with part of thy power, so that he being attentive to the same fight, may give commodity to the rest of thy men to be able to save themselves, or to cause to rise some new accident, which for the strayngenesse of the thing, may make him to marvel, and for this occasion to stand doubtful, 
The policy of Aniball, where by he escaped out of the danger of Fabius Maximus.  and still: as you know how Hannibal did, who being enclosed of Fabius Maximus, tied in the night small Bavens kindled between the horns of many Oxen, so that Fabius astonished at the strangeness of the same sight, thought not to let him at all the passage. 
A captain must devise how to divide the force of his enemies.  A captain ought among all other of his affairs, with all subtlety to devise to divide the force of the enemy, either with making him to suspect his own men, in whom he trusteth, or to give him occasion, that he may separate his men, and thereby to be come more weak. 
How to cause the enemy to have in suspect his most trusty men.  The first way is done with keeping safe the things of some of those which he hath about him, as to save in the war their men and their possessions, rendering them their children, or other their necessaries without ransom. You know that Hannibal having burned all the fields about Rome, 
Aniball.  he made only to be reserved safe those of Fabius Maximus. 
Coriolanus.  You know how Coriolanus coming with an army to Rome, preserved the possessions of the nobility, and those of the commonalty he bourned, 
Metellus against jugurte  and sacked. Metellus having an army against jugurte, all the orators, which of jugurte were sent him, were required of him, that they would give him jugurte prisoner, and after to the very same men writing letters of the very same matter, wrought in such wise, that in short time jugurte having in suspect all his counsellors, in diverse manners put them to death. 
A practice of the Roman orators, to bring Aniball out of Credit with Antiochus.  Hannibal being fled to Antiochus, the Roman orators practised with him so familiarly, that Antiochus being in susspecte of him, trusted not any more after to his counsels. Concerning to divide the enemy's men, there is no more certainer way, 
How to cause the enemy to divide his power.  then to cause their country to be assaulted, to the intent that being constrained to go to defend the same, they may forsake the war. This way Fabius used having against his army the power of the frenchmen, of the Tuscans, Vmbries and Sannites. 
How Titus Didius staie● his enemies that were going to encounter a legion of men that were coming in his aid.  Titus Didius having a few men in respect to those of the enemies, and looking for a legion from Rome, and the enemies purposing to go to encounter it, to the intentente that they should not go, caused to be noised through all his army, that he intended the next day to fight the field with the enemies: after he used means, that certain of the prisoners, that he had taken afore, had occasion to run away. Who declaring the order that the Consul had taken to fight the next day, by reason whereof the enemies being afraid to diminish their own strength, went not to encounter the same legion, and by this way they were conducted safe. The which means serveth not to divide the force of the enemies, but to augment a man's own. 
How some have caused the enemy to divide his force.  Some have used to divide the enemy's force, by letting him to enter into their country, and in proof have let him take many towns, to the intent that putting in the same garrisons, he might thereby diminish his power, and by this way having made him weak, have assaulted and overcomen him. 
A policy to win the enemy's country before he be aware.  Some other minding to go into one province, have made as though they would have invaded an other, and used so much diligence, that suddenly entering into the same, where it was not doubted that they would enter, they have first won it, before the enemy could have time to secure it: for that thy enemy being not sure, whether thou purposest to turn back, to the place first of thee threatened, is constrained not to forsake the one place, to secure the other, and so many times he defendeth neither the one nor the other. It importeth beside the said things to a captain, if there grow sedition or discord among the soldiers, to know with art how to extynguishe it: 
How to deform sedition and discord.  The best way is to chastise the heads of the faults, but it must be done in such wise, that thou mayest first have oppressed them, before they be able to be aware: The way is, if they be distant from thee, not only to call the offenders, but together with them all the other, to the intent that not believing, that it is for any cause to punish them, they become not contumelious, but give commodity to the execution of the punishment: when they be present, thou oughtest to make thyself strong with those that be not in fault, and by mean of their help to punish the other. When there happeneth discord among them, the best way is, 
The benefit that the reputation of the captain causeth, which is only gotten by virtue.  to bring them to the peril, the fear whereof is wont always to make them agree. But that, which above all other thing keepeth the army in unity, is the reputation of the captain, the which only groweth of his virtue: because neither blood, nor authority gave it ever without virtue. And the chief thing, 
The chief thing that a captain aught to do.  which of a Captain is looked for to be done, is, to keep his soldiers punished, and paid: for that when so ever the pay lacketh, it is convenient that the punishment lack: 
When pay wanteth, punishment is not to be executed.  because thou canst not correct a soldier, that robbeth, if thou dost not pay him, nor the same minding to live, cannot abstain from robbing: but if thou payest him and punisshest him not, he beecometh in every condition insolent: 
The inconvenience of not punishing.  For that thou becomest of small estimation, where thou chaunsest not to be able to maintain the dignity of thy degree, and not mainetaining it, there followeth of necessity tumult, & discord, which is the ruin of an army. Old Captains had a trouble, of the which the present be almost free, which was to interpret to their purpose the sinister auguries: because if there fell a thunderbolt in an army, if the sun were darkened or the Moon, if there came an erthequake, if the captain either in getting up, or in lighting of his horse fell, it was of the soldiers interpreted sinisterously: And it engendered in them so much fear, that coming to fight the field, easily they should have lost it: and therefore the ancient Captains so soon as a like accident grew, either they showed the cause of the same, and redused it to a natural cause, or they interpreted it to their purpose. Cesar falling in Africa, 
Cesar chancing to ●all▪ made the same to be supposed to signify good luck.  in coming of the sea said, Africa I have taken thee. Moreover many have declared the cause of the obscuring of the Moon, and of earthquakes: which thing in our time cannot happen, as well because our men be not so superstitious, 
Religion taketh away fantastical opinions.  as also for that our religion taketh away altogether such opinions: all be it when they should chance, the orders of the antiquity ought to be imitated. When either famishement, 
In what cases a C●pitaine ought not to faight with his enemy i● he may otherwise choose.  or other natural necessity, or humane passion, hath brought thy enemy to an utter desperation, and he driven of the same, cometh to faight with thee, thou oughtest to stand within thy camp, and as much as lieth in thy power, to fly the fight. So the Lacedæmonians did against the Masonians, so Cesar did against Afranio, and Petreio. Fuluius being Consul, 
A policy of Fuluius ●●●●by he got and and spoiled his enemy's Camp.  against the Cimbrians, made his horsemen many days continually to assault the enemies, and considered how they issued out of their camp for to follow them: wherefore he set an ambusshe behind the Camp of the Cimbrians, and made them to be assaulted of his horsemen, and the Cimbrians issuing ou●e of their camp for to follow them. Fulvio got it, and sacked it. 
A policy to 〈◊〉 order the enemy.  It hath been of great utility to a captain, having his army near to the enemy's army, to send his men with the enemy's ansignes to rob, and to burn his own country, whereby the enemies believing those to be men, which are come in their aid, have also run to help to make them the pray: and for this disordering themselves, hath thereby given opportunity to the adversary to overcome them. This way Alexander of Epirus used against the Illirans and Leptenus of Siracusa against the Carthaginers and both to the one and to the other, the devise came to pass most happily. 
A policy to overcome the enemy.  Many have overcome the enemy, giving him occasion to eat and to drink out of measure, feigning to have feared, and leaving their Camps full of wine & herds of cattle, whereof the enemy being filled above all natural use, have then assaulted him, and with his destruction overthrown him. So Tamirus did against Cirus, and Tiberius Graccus against the Spaniards. 
A policy.  Some have poisoned the wine, and other things to feed on, for to be able more easily to overcome them. I said a little afore how I found not, that the antiquetie kept in the night Scouts abroad, and supposed that they did it for to avoid the hurt, which might grow thereby: because it is found, that through no other mean then through the watch man, which was set in the day to watch the enemy, hath been cause of the ruin of him, that set him there: for that many times it hath happened, that he being taken, hath been made perforce to tell them the token, whereby they might call his fellows, who coming to the token, have been slain or taken. 
How to beguile the enemy.  It helpeth to beguile the enemy sometime to vary a custom of thine, whereupon he having grounded himself, remaineth ruinated: as a captain did once, whom using to cause to be made signs to his men for coming of the enemies in the night with fire, & in the day with smoke, commanded that without any intermission, they should make smoke and fire, and after coming upon them the enemy, they should rest, whom believing to come without being seen, perceiving no sign to be made of being discovered, caused (through going disordered) more easy the victory to his adversary. 
How Mennonus trained his enemies out of strong places to be the better able to overcome than  Mennonus a Rhodian minding to draw from strong places the enemy's army, sent one under colour of a fugitive, the which affirmed, how his army was in discord, and that the greater part of them went away: and for to make the thing to be credited, he caused to make in sport, certain tumults among the lodgings: whereby the enemy thinking thereby to be able to discomfaighte them, assaulting them, were overthrown.  
Besides the said things, 
The enemy ought not to be brought into extreme desperation.  regard ought to be had not to bring the enemy into extreme desperation: whereunto Cesar had regard, fighting with the Duchemen, who opened them the way, seeing, how they being not able to fly, necessity made them strong, and would rather take pain to follow them, when they fled, than the peril to overcome them, when they defended themselves.  
Lucullus seeing, 
How Lucullus constrained certain ●ē that ●all a●●ie from him to h●● enemies, to fayght whether they would or not.  how certain Macedonian horsemennes, which were with him, went to the enemy's part, strait way made to sound to battle, and commanded, that the other men should follow him: whereby the enemies believing, that Lucullus would begin the fight, went to encounter the same Macedonians, with such violence, that they were constrained to defend themselves: and so they became against their wills, of fugitives, faighters. It importeth also to know, how to be assured of a town, when thou doubteste of the fidelity thereof, so soon as thou haste won the field, or before, the which certain old ensamples may teach thee.  
Pompey doubting of the Catinensians, 
A policy whereby Pompey got a town.  prayed them that they would be content, to receive certain sick men, that he had in his army, and sending under the habit of sick persons, most lusty men, got the town. Publius Valerius, 
How Publius Valerius assured him se●● o● a town.  fearing the fidelity of the Epidannians, caused to come, as who saith, a Pardon to a church without the town, and when all the people were gone for Pardon, he shut the gates, receiving after none in, but those whom he trusted. Alexander Magnus, minding to go into Asia, 
A policy that Alexander Magnus used to be assured of all Tracia, which Philip king of Spain did practise to be a sured of England when he went to saint Quintens.  and to assure himself of Thracia, took with him all the principal of the same Province, giving them provision, and he set over the common people of Thracia, men of low degree: and so he made the Princes contented with paying them, and the people quiet, having no heads that should disquiet them: But among all the things, 
Examples for Captains to win the hearts of the people.  with the which the Captains, win the hearts of the people, be the ensamples of chastity and justice, as was the same of Scipio in Spain, when he rendered that young woman, most fair of parsonage to her father, and to her husband: the which made him more, then with force of arms to win Spain.  
Cesar having caused that wood to be paid for, which he had occupied for to make the Lists; about his army in France, got so much a name of justice, that he made easier the conquest of the same province. I cannot tell what remaineth me, to speak more upon these accidents, for that concerning this matter, there is not left any part, that hath not been of us disputed. Only there lacketh to tell, of the manner of winning, and defending a town: the which I am ready to do willingly, if you be not now weary.  baptist. 
Your humanity is so moche, that it maketh us to follow our desires, without being afraid to be reputed presumptuous, seeing that you liberally offer the same, which we should have been ashamed, to have asked you: Therefore, we say unto you only this, that to us you cannot do a greater, nor a more gratefuller benefit, then to finish this reasoning. But before that you pass to that other matter, declare us a doubt, whether it be better to continue the war, as well in the Winter, as they use now adays, or to make it only in the Summer, and to go home in the Winter, as the antiquity did.  Fabritio. 
See, that if the prudence of the demander were not, there had remained behind a special part, that deserveth consideration. I answer you again, that the antiquity did all things better, and with more prudence than we: and if we in other things commit some error, in the affairs of war, we commit all error. There is nothing more undescrete, 
War ought not to be made in Winter.  or more perilous to a captain, then to make war in the Winter, and much more peril beareth he, that maketh it, than he that abideth it: the reason is this. All the industry, that is used in the discipline of war, is used for to be prepared to fight a field with thy enemy, because this is the end, whereunto a captain ought to go or endeavour himself: For that the fought field, giveth thee the war won or lost: then he that knoweth best how to order it, and he that hath his army best instructed, hath most advantage in this, and may best hope to overcome. 
Wrought situations, cold a watery times, are enemies to the order of war.  On the other side, there is nothing more enemy to th'orders, than the rough situations, or the cold & watery time: for that the rough situations, suffereth thee not to destende thy hands, according to the discipline: the cold and watery times, suffereth thee not to keep thy men together, nor thou canst not bring them in good order to th'enemy: but it is convenient for thee, to lodge them a sunder of necessity, and without order, being constrained to obey to Castles, to boroughs, and to the Villages, that may receive thee, in manner that all thy labour of thee, used to instruct the army is vain. Nor marvel you not though now a days, they war in the Winter, because the armies being with out discipline, know not the hurt that it doth them, in lodging not together, for that it is no grief to them not to be able to keep those orders, & to observe that discipline, which they have not: yet they ought to see how moche harm, the camping in the Winter hath caused, and to remember, 
An overthrown caused by ●inter.  how the frenchmen in the year of our Lord God, a thousand five hundred and three, were broken at Gariliano of the Winter, and not of the Spaniards: For as much as I have said, he that assaulteth, hath more disadvantage, than he that defendeth: because the foul wether hurteth him not a little, being in the dominion of others and minding to make war. For that he is constrained, either to stand together with his men, and to sustain the incommodity of water and cold, or to avoid it, to divide his power: But he that defendeth, may choose the place as he listeth, & tarry him with his fresh men: and he in a sudden may set his men in array, and go to find a band of thenemies men, who cannot resist the violence of them. So the frenchmen were discomfited, and so they shall always be discomfited, which will assault in the Winter an enemy, who hath in him prudence. Then he that will that force, that orders, that discipline and virtue, in any condition avail him not, let him make war in the field in the winter: and because that the Romans would that all these things, in which they bestowed so much diligence, should avail them, fled no otherwise the Winter, than the high Alps, & difficult places, and what so ever other thing should let them, for being able to show their art and their virtue. So this sufficeth to your demand, wherefore we will come to entreat of the defending and besieging of Towns, and of their situations and edifications.   

The seventh book of the Art of war, of Nicholas Machiavelli, Citezeine and Secretary of Florence, unto Laurence Philip Strozze.  
YOU ought to know, 
Towns and Fortresses may be strong two ways.  how that towns and fortresses, may be strong either by nature, or by industry: by nature, those be strong, which be compassed about with rivers, or with Fens, as Mantua is and Ferrara, or which be builded upon a Rock, or upon a steep hill, as Monaco, and Sanleo: For that those that stand upon hills, that be not much difficulet to go up, be now a days, considering the artillery and the Caves, most weak. 
The place that now a days in most sought to fortify in.  And therefore most often times in building, they seek now a days a plain, for to make it strong with industry. The first industry is, to make the walls crooked, and full of tournynges, and of receipts: the which thing maketh, 
How a Tounwalle ought to be made.  that th'enemy cannot come near to it, because he may be hurt, not only on the front, but by flank. If the walls be made high, they be to much subject to the blows of the artillery: if they be made low, they be most easy to scale. If thou makest the ditches on the out side thereof, for to give difficulty to the Ladders, if it happen that the enemy, fill them up (which a great army may easily do) the wall remaineth taken of th'enemy. 
The wall of ● town aught to be high, and the ditch within, and not without.  Therefore purposing to provide to the one and tother foresaid inconveniences, I believe (saving always better judgement) that the wall ought to be made high, and the Diche within, and not without. This is the most strongest way of edification, that is made, for that it defendeth thee from the artillery, and from Ladders, and it giveth not facility to the enemy, 
The thickness that a Town wall ought to be of, and the distances between every flancker, and of what breadth & depth the ditch aught to be.  to fill up the ditch: Then the wall ought to be high, of that height as shall be though best, and no less thick, than two yards and a quarter, for to make it more difficult to ruinated. Moreover it ought to have the towers placed, with distances of. Cl. yards between th'one & tother: the ditch within, aught to be at least two and twenty yards and a half broad, and nine deep, and all the earth that is digged out, for to make the ditch, must be thrown towards the city, and kept up of a wall, that must be raised from the bottom of the ditch, and go so high over the town, that a man may be covered behind the same, the which thing shall make the depth of the ditch the greater. In the bottom of the ditch, within every hundred and l yards, there would be a slaughter house, which with the ordinance, may hurt whom so ever should go down into the same: 
How the ordinance is planted, for the defence of a town.  the great artillery that defend the city, are planted behind the wall, that shutteth the ditch, because for to defend the utter wall, being high, there cannot be occupied commodiously, other than small or mean peeses. If the enemy come to scale, the height of the first wall most easily defendeth thee: if he come with ordinance, it is convenient for him to batter the utter wall: but it being battered, 
The nature of the battery.  for that the nature of the battery is, to make the wall to fall, towards the part battered, the ruin of the wall cometh, finding no ditch that receiveth and hideth it, to redouble the profundity of the same ditch: after such sort, that to pass any further, it is not possible, finding a ruin that with holdeth thee, a ditch that letteth thee, and the enemy's ordinance, that from the wall of the ditch, most safely killeth ●hee. Only there is this remedy, to fill the ditch: the which is most difficult to do, as well because the capacity thereof is great, as also for the difficulty, that is in coming near it, the wall being strong and concaved, between the which, by the reasons aforesaid, with difficulty may be entered, having after to go up a breach through a ruin, which giveth thee most great difficulty, so that I suppose a city thus builded, to be altogether invincible.  baptist 
When there should be made besides the ditch within, a ditch also without, should it not be stronger?  Fabricio. 
It should be without doubt, but minding to make one ditch only, mine opinion is, that it standeth better within then without.  baptist. 
Would you, that water should be in the ditches, or would you have them dry?  Fabricio. 
The opinion of men herein be divers, because the ditches full of water, saveth thee from mines under ground, the ditches without water, 
A dry diche 〈◊〉 most su●es●e  maketh more difficult the filling of them: but I having considered all, would make them without water, for that they be more sure: For ditches with water, have been seen in the Winter to be frozen, and to make easy the winning of a city, as it happened to Mirandola, when Pope julie besieged it: and for to save me from mines, I would make it so deep, that he that would dig lower, should find water.  
The Fortresses also, I would build concerning the ditches and the walls in like manner, to the intent they should have the like difficulty to be won. 
An advertisement for the building and defending of a Town o● Fortress.  One thing I will earnestly advise him, that defendeth a city: and that is, that he make no Bulwarks without distant from the wall of the same: and an other to him that buildeth the Fortress, and this is, that he make not any refuge place in them, in which he that is within, the first wall being lost, may retire: That which maketh me to give the first counsel is, that no man ought to make any thing, by mean whereof, he may be driven without remedy to lose his first reputation, the which losing, causeth to be esteemed less his other doings, & maketh afraid them, whom have taken upon them his defence, and always it shall chance him this, which I say, when there are made Bulwarks out of the Town, that is to be defended, 
Small fortresses cannot be defended.  because always he shall lose them, little things now a days, being not able to be defended, when they be subject to the fury of ordinance, in such wise that losing them, they be beginning and cause of his ruin. When Genua rebelled against king Leus of France, it made certain Bulwarks aloft on those hills, which be about it, the which so soon as they were lost, which was suddenly, made also the city to be lost. 
A town of war or Fortress, ought not to have in them any retiring places  Concerning the second counsel, I affirm nothing to be to a Fortress more perilous, then to be in the same refuge places, to be able to retire: Because the hope that men have thereby, maketh that they lose the utter ward, when it is assaulted: and that lost, maketh to be lost after, all the Fortress. For ensample there is fresh in remembrance, the loss of the Fortress of Furly, when Catherine the Countess defended it against Cesar Borgia, 
Cesar Borgia.  son to Pope Alexander the uj who had conducted thither the army of the king of France: the same Fortress, was all full of places, to retire out of one into an other: for that there was first the keep, from the same to the Fortress, was a ditch after such sort, that they passed over it by a draw bridge: the fortress was divided into three parts, and every part was divided from the other with ditches, and with water, and by Bridges, they passed from the one place to the other: wherefore the Duke battered with his artillery, one of the parts of the fortress, and opened part of the wall: For which cause Master John Casale, which was appointed to that Ward, thought not good to defend that breach, but abandoned it for to retire hymsef into the other places: so that the Duke's men having entered into that part without encounter, in a sudden they got it all: For that the Duke's men became lords of the bridges, which went from one place to an other. They lost then this Fortress, 
The causes of the loss of the Fortress of Furlie, that 〈◊〉 thought invincible.  which was thought invincible, through two defaults, the one for having so many retiring places, the other, because every retiring place, was not Lord of the bridge thereof. Therefore, the naughty builded Fortress, and the little wisdom of them that defended it, caused shame to the noble enterprise of the countess, who had thought to have abidden an army, which neither the king of Naples, nor the Duke of Milan would have abidden: and although his inforcementes had no good end, yet notwithstanding he got that honour, which his valiantness had deserved: The which was testified of many Epigrams, made in those days in his praise. Therefore, if I should have to build a Fortress, I would make the walls strong, and the ditches in the manner as we have reasoned, nor I would not make therein other, 
How the houses that are in a town of 〈◊〉 or Fortress ought to be builded.  than houses to inhabit, and those I would make weak and low, after such sort that they should not let him that should stand in the midst of the Market place, the sight of all the wall, to the intent that the Captain might see with the eye, where he may secure: and that every man should understand, that the wall and the ditch being lost, the fortress were lost. And yet when I should make any retiring places, I would make the bridges divided in such wise, that every part should be Lord of the bridges of his side, ordaining, that they should fall upon posts, in the midst of the diche.  baptist. 
You have said that little things now a days can not be defended, and it seemed unto me to have understood the contrary, that the lesser that a thing were, the better it might be defended.  Fabritio. 
You have not understood well, because that place cannot be now a days called strong, where he that defendeth it, hath not space to retire with new ditches, and with new fortifications, for that the force of the ordinance is so much, that he that trusteth upon the ward of one wall and of one fortification only, is deceived: and because the Bulwarks (minding that they pass not their ordinary measure, for that then they should be towns and Castles) be not made, in such wise that men may have space within them to retire, they are lost strait way. Therefore it is wisdom to let alone those Bulwarks without, 
The fortifying of the entrance of a Town.  and to fortify th'entrance of the town, and to cover the gates of the same with turnyngs after such sort, that men cannot go in nor out of the gate by right line: and from the tournynges to the gate, to make a ditch with a bridge. Also they fortify the gate, with a Portcullis, for to be able to put therein their men, when they be issued out to faight, and happening that the enemies pursue them, to avoid, that in the mingeling together, they enter not in with them: and therefore these be used, the which the antiquity called Cattarratte, the which being let fall, exclude thenemies, and save the friends, for that in such a case, men can do no good neither by bridges nor by a gate, the one and the other being occupied with press of men.  Babtiste. 
I have seen these Percullese that you speak of, made in Almaigne of little quarters of wood after the fashion of a grate of Iron, and these percullises of overs, be made of planks all massive: I would desire to understand whereof groweth this difference, and which be the strongest.  Fabricio. 
I tell you again, that the manners and orders of the war, through out all the world, in respect to those of the antiquity, be extinguesshed, and in Italy they be all together lost, for if there be a thing somewhat stronger than the ordinary, it groweth of the ensample of other countries. You might have understood, and these other may remember, with how much debility before, that king Charles of France in the year of our salvation a thousand CCCC. xciiii. had passed into Italy, they made the batelmentes not half a yard thick, the loops, and the flankers were made with a little opening without, and much within, and with many other faults which not to be tedious, I will let pass: for that easily from thin battelmentes the defence is taken a way, the flankers builded in the same manner, most easily are opened: 
Battelment●● ought to be large and thick and the flankers large within.  Now of the French men is learned to make the battelment large and thick, and the flankers to be large on the part within, and to draw together in the midst of the wall, and then again to wax wider unto the uttermost part without: this maketh that the ordinance hardly can take away the defence. Therefore the French men have, many other devices like these, the which because they have not been seen of our men, they have not been considered. Among which, is this kind of perculles made like unto a grate, the which is a great deal better than ours: for that if you have for defence of a gate a massive parculles as ours, letting it fall, you shut in your men, and you can not through the same hurt the enemy, so that he with axes, and with fire, may break it down safely: but if it be made like a grate, you may it being let down, through those holes, & through those open places, defend it with pikes, with crossbows, and with all other kind of weapons.  baptist. 
I have seen in Italy an other use after the outelandishe fashion, and this is, to make the carriage of the artillery with the spokes of the wheel crooked towards the axle-tree. I would know why they make them so: seeming unto me that they be stronger when they are made strait as th●se of our wheels.  Fabritio. 
Never believe that the things that differ from the ordinary ways, be made by chance: and if you should believe that they make them so, to show fairer, you are deceived: because where strength is necessary, there is made no count of fairness: but all groweth, for that they be much surer and much stronger than ours. The reason is this: the cart when it is laden, either goeth even, or leaning upon the right, or upon the left side: when it goeth even, the wheels equally sustain the weight, the which being equally divided between them, doth not burden much, but leaning, it cometh to have all the poise of the carriage on the back of that wheel upon the which it leaneth. If the spokes of the same be strait they will soon break: for that the wheel leaning, the spokes come also to lean, and not to sustain the poise by the straightness of them: and so when the cart goeth even, and when they are least burdened, they come to be strongest: when the cart goeth awry, and that they come to have most poise, they be weakest. Even the contrary happeneth to the crooked spokes of the French carts, for that when the cart leaning upon one side poincteth upon them, because they be ordinary crooked, they come then to be strait, and to be able to sustain strongly all the poise, where when the cart goeth even, and that they be crooked, they sustain it half: but let us turn to our city & Fortress. The frenchmen use also for more safeguard of the gates of their towns, & for to be able in sieges more easily to convey and set out men of them, besides the said things, an other devise, of which I have not seen yet in italy any ensample: and this is, where they raise on the out side from the end of the draw bridge two posts, and upon either of them they join a beam, in such wise that the one half of them comes over the bridge, the other half without: then all the same part that cometh without, they join together with small quarters of wood, the which they set thick from one beam to an other like unto a grate, and on the part within, they fasten to th'end of either of the beams a chain: then when they will shut the bridge on the out side, they slack the chains, and let down all the same part like unto a grate, the which coming down, shutteth the bridge, and when they will open it, they draw the chains, and the same cometh to rise up, and they may raise it up so much that a man may pass under it, and not a horse, and so much that there may pass horse and man, and shut it again atonse, for that it falleth and riseth as a window of a battelment. This devise is more sure than the Parculles, because hardly it may be of the enemy let in such wise, that it fall not down, falling not by a right line as the parculles, which easily may be underpropped. Therefore they which will make a city, ought to cause to be ordained all the said things: 
Neither free, ditch, wall, tillage, nor any kind of edification, aught to be within a mile of a tongue of war.  & moreover about the wall, there would not be suffered any ground to be tilled, within a mile thereof, nor any wall made, but should be all champain, where should be neither ditch nor bank, neither tree nor house, which might let the sight, and make defence for the enemy that incampeth.  
And note, that a town, 
Note.  which hath the ditches without, with the banks higher than the ground, is most weak: for as much as they make defence to the enemy, which assaulteth thee, and letteth him not to hurt thee, because easily they may be opened, and give place to his artillery: but let us pass into the town. I will not lose so much time in showing you how that besides the foresaid things, it is requisite to have provision of victuals, & wherewith to faight, for that they be things that every man understandeth, and without them, all other provision is vain: 
The provision that is meet to be made for the defence of a town.  and generally two things ought to be done, to provide, and to take the commodity from the enemy that he avail not by the things of thy country: therefore the straw, the beasts, the grain, which thou canst not receive into house, aught to be destroyed. Also he that defendeth a town, aught to provide that nothing be done tumultiously and disordinately, and to take such order, that in all accidents every man may know what he hath to do.  
The order that ought to be taken is thus, that the women, the old folks, the children, and the impotent, be made to keep within doors, that the town may be left free, to young & lusty men, whom being armed, must be distributed for the defence of the same, appointing part of them to the wall, part to the gates, part to the principal places of the City, for to remedy those inconveniences, that might grow within: an other part must not be bound to any place, but be ready to secure all, need requiring: & the thing being ordained thus, with difficulty tumult can grow, which may disorder thee. Also I will that you note this, in the besieging & defending of a City, that nothing giveth so much hope to the adverto be able to win a town, as when he knoweth that the same, 
What encourageth the enemy most that besigeth a town  is not accustomed to see the enemy: for that many times for fear only with out other experience of force, Cities have been lost: Therefore a man aught, 
What he that besiegeth and he that defendeth aught to do.  when he assaulteth a like City, to make all his ostentations terribell. On the other part he that is assaulted, ought to apoincte to the same part, which the enemy faighteth against, strong men & such as opinion maketh not afraid, but weapons only: for that if the first proof turn vain, it increaseth boldness to the besieged, and then the enemy is constrained to overcome them within, with virtue and reputation. The instruments wherewith the antiquity defended towns, where many: as balistes, onagris, scorpions, Arcubalistes, Fustibals, slings: and also those were many with which they gave assaults. As Arrieti, Towets', Musculi, Plutei, Viney, Falci, testudeni, in steed of which things be now a days the ordinance, the which serve him that bessegeth, and him that defendeth: and therefore I will speak no further of them: But let us return to our reasoning, and let us come to particular offences. 
Advertisements for a besieged town  They ought to have care not to be taken by famine, and not to be overcome through assaults: concerning famine, it hath been told, that it is requiset before the siege come, to be well provided of vitualles. But when a town through long sige, lacketh victuals, some times hath been seen used certain extraordinary ways to be provided of their friends, whom would save them: inespecial if through the midst of the besieged City there run a river, 
How the Romans vit●le● Casalino besieged of Aniball.  as the Romans vittelled their castle called Casalino besieged of Anibal, whom being not able by the river to send them other victual than Nuts, whereof casting in the same great quantity, the which carried of the river, without being abel to be letted, fed long time the Casalinians. Some besieged, 
A policy for the besieged.  for to show unto the enemy, that they have grain more then enough and for to make him to despair, that he cannot, by famine overcome them, have cast bread out of the gates, or given a Bullock grain to eat, and after have suffered the same to be taken, to the intent that killed and found full of grain, might show that abundance, which they had not. On the other part excellent Captains have used sundry ways to weary the enemy.  
Fabius suffered them whom he besieged, 
A po●●c●● 〈…〉 ●●●●ging of 〈◊〉.  to sow their fields, to the intent that they should lack the same corn, which they sowed.  

A policy of Dionysius in besieging of a town.  Dionysius being in Camp at Regio, feigned to mind to make an agreement with them, and during the practice thereof, he caused himself to be provided of their victuales, and then when he had by this mean got from them their grain, he kept them strait and famished them.  

How Alexander wan Leucadia.  Alexander Magnus minding to win Leucadia overcame all the Castles about it, & by that means driving into the same city a great multitude, of their own country men famished them.  

The besieged aught to take heed of the first 〈◊〉.  Concerning the assaults, there hath been told that chiefly they ought to beware of the first brunt, with which the Romans got often times many towns, assaulting them suddenly, and on every side: and they called it, Aggredi v●bem corona. As Scipio did, when he wan new Carthage in Hispayne: the which brunt if of a town it be withstood, with difficulty after will be overcome: and yet though it should happen that the enemy were entered into the city, by overcoming the wall, yet the towns men have some remedy, so they forsake it not: for as much as many armies through entering into a town, have been repulsed or slain: 
The remedy that towns men have, when the enemy's a● entered into the town.  the remedy is, that the towns men do keep themselves in high places, and from the houses, and from the towers to faight with them: the which thing, they that have entered into the city, have devised to overcome in two manners: 
How to make the towns men yield.  the one with opening the gates of the city, and to make the way for the towns men, that they might safely fly: the other with sending forth a proclamation, that signifieth, that none shall be hurt but the armed, and to them that cast their weapons on the ground, pardon shall be granted: the which thing hath made easy the victory of many cities.  
Besides this, the cities are easy to be won, if thou come upon them unawares: 
How towns or cities are easily won.  which is done being with thy army far of, after such sort, that it be not believed, either that thou wilt assault them, or that thou canst do it, without coming openly, because of the distance of the place: wherefore, if thou secretly and speedily assault them, almost always it shall follow, that thou shalt get the victory. I reason unwillingly of the things succeeded in our time, for that to me and to mine, it should be a burden, and to reason of other, I cannot tell what to say: notwithstanding, I cannot to this purpose but declare, the ensample of Cesar Borgia, called duke Valentine, 
How duke Valentine got the city of Urbine  who being at Nocera with his men, under colour of going to besiege Camerino, turned towards the state of Urbin, and got a state in a day, and without any pain, the which an other with moche time and cost, should scant have gotten. 
The besieged aught to take heed of the decipt●s ●nd policies of the enemy.  It is convenient also to those, that be besieged, to take heed of the deceipts, and of the policies of the enemy, and therefore the besieged, ought not to trust to any thing, which they see the enemy do continually, but let them believe always, that it is under deceit, and that he can to their hurt vary it. 
How Domitio Caluino 〈◊〉 a town.  Domitio Caluino besieging a town, used for a custom to compass about every day, with a good part of his men, the wall of the same: whereby the Towns men, believing that he did it for exercise, slacked the Ward: whereof Domicius being aware, assaulted and overcame them.  
Certain captain's understanding, 
A policy to get a town.  that there should come aid to the besieged, have appareled their Soldiers, under the Ansigne of those, that should come, and being let in, have got the Town.  
Simon of Athens, set fire in a night on a Temple, 
How Simon of Athens won a town.  which was out of the town, wherefore, the towns men going to secure it, left the town in pray to the enemy. Some have slain those, 
A policy to get a town.  which from the besieged Castle, have gone a foraging, and have apparelled their soldiers, with the apparel of the foragers, whom after have got the town. The ancient Captains, have also used divers ways, to destroy the Garrison of the Town, which they have sought to take. 
How Scipio g●●te centaine ce●●elo in Africa.  Scipio being in Africa, and desiring to get certain Castles, in which were put the Garrisons of Carthage, he made many times, as though he would assault them, albeit, he feigned after, not only to abstain, but to go away from them for fear: the which Aniball believing to be true, for to pursue him with greater force, and for to be able more easily to oppress him, drew out all the garrisons of them: The which Scipio knowing, sent Massinissa his captain to overcome them.  

How Pirrus won the chief City of Sclauonie.  Pirrus making war in Sclauonie, to the chief city of the same country, where were brought many men in Garrison, feigned to despair to be able to win it, and turning to other places, made that the same for to secure them, emptied itself of the ward, and became easy to be won. 
A policy to get a town.  Many have corrupted the water, and have turned the rivers an other way to take Towns. 
How the besieged are made to yield.  Also the besieged, are easily made to yield themselves, making them afraid, with signifying unto them a victory gotten, or with new aids, which come in their disfavour. The old Captains have sought to get Towns by treason, corrupting some within, but they have used divers means. Sum have sent a man of theirs, 
How to get a town by treason.  which under the name of a fugetive, might take authority and trust with the enemies, who after have used it to their profit. Some by this means, have understood the manner of the watch, and by means of the same knowledge, have taken the Town. Some with a Cart, or with Beams under some colour, have letted the gate, that it could not be shut, and with this way, made the entry easy to the enemy. 
A policy of An●ball for the ●●●●yng of a Castle.  Aniball persuaded one, to give him a castle of the Romans, and that he should fain to go a hunting in the night, making as though he could not go by day, for fear of the enemies, and turning after with the Venison, should put in with him certain of his men, and so killing the watchmen, should give him the gate. 
How the besieged may be beguiled.  Also the besieged are beguiled, with drawing them out of the Town, and going away from them, feigning to fly when they assault thee. And many (among whom was Anibal) have for no other intent, let their Camp to be taken, but to have occasion to get between them and home, and to take their Town. Also, 
How Form●on overcame the Calcidensians.  they are beguiled with feigning to depart from them, as Formion of Athens did, who having spoiled the country of the Calcidensians, received after their ambassadors, filling their Cites with fair promises, & hope of safety, under the which as simple men, they were a little after of Formione oppressed. The besieged aught to beware of the men, 
What the besieged must take heed of.  which they have in suspect among them: but some times they are wont, as well to assure themselves with desert, as with punishment. 
Liberality maketh enemies friends.  Marcellus knowing how Lucius Bancius a Nolane, was turned to favour Aniball, so moche humanity and liberality, he used towards him, that of an enemy, he made him most friendly. The besieged aught to use more diligence in the ward, 
The diligences that the besieged aught to use in their watch & ward  when the enemy is gone from them, than when he is at hand. And they ought to ward those places, which they think, that may be hurt least: for that many towns have been lost, when th'enemy assaulteth it on the same part, where they believe not possible to be assaulted. And this deceit groweth of two causes, either for the place being strong, and to believe, that it is invincible, or through craft being used of the enemy, in assalting them on one side with feigned laroms, and on the other without noise, and with very assaults in deed: and therefore the besieged, aught to have great advertisement, and above all things at all times, and in especially in the night to make good watch to be kept on the walls, and not only to appoint men, but Dogs, and such fiearse Mastiffs, and lively, the which by their scent may descry the enemy, and with barking discover him: and not Dogs only, but Ge●se have been seen to have saved a city, as it happened to Room, when the frenchmen besieged the Capitol.  

An order of Alcibiades for the ●ew keeping of watch & ward  Alcibiades for to see, whether the ward watched, Athense being besieged of the Spartaines, ordained that when in the night, he should lift up a light, all the ward should lift up likewise, constituting punishment to him that observed it not.  
Isicrates of Athens killed a watchman, which slept, saying, that he left him as he found him. Those that have been besieged, have used divers means, to send advise to their friends: and minding not to send their message by mouth, they have written letters in Cifers, and hidden them in sundry wise: the Cifers be according, as pleaseth him that ordaineth them, the manner of hiding them is divers. 
The secret conveying of Letters.  Some have written within the scabbard of a sword: Other have put the Letters in an unbaked loaf, and after have baked the same, and given it for meat to him that carried them. Certain have hidden them, in the secretest place of their bodies: other have hidden them in the colour of a Dog, that is familiar with him, which carrieth them: Some have written in a letter ordinary things, & after between th'one line and tother, have also written with water, that witting it or warning it after, the letters should appear. This way hath been most politicly observed in our time: where some minding to signify to their friends inhabiting within a town, things to be kept secret, and minding not to trust any person, have sent common matters written, according to the common use and interlined it, as I have said above, and the same have made to be hanged on the gates of the Temples, the which by countersignes being known of those, unto whom they have been sent, were taken of and red: the which way is most politic, because he that carrieth them may be beguiled, and there shall happen him no peril. There be most infinite other ways, which every man may by himself read and find: but with more facility, the besieged may be written unto, than the besieged to their friends without, for that such letters cannot be sent, but by one, under colour of a fugetive, that cometh out of a town: the which is a dangerous and perilous thing, when th'enemy is any whit crafty: But those that send in, he that is sent, may under many colours, go into the Camp that besiegeth, and from thence taking convenient occasion, may leap into the town: but let us come to speak of the present winning of towns. I say that if it happen, that thou be besieged in thy city, which is no● ordained with ditches within, as a little before we showed, to mind that th'enemy shall not enter through the breach of the wall, which the artillery maketh: because there is no remedy to let the same from making of a breach, it is therefore necessary for thee, 
T● defence against a breach  whilst the ordinance battereth, to cast a ditch within the wall which is battered, and that it be in breadth at least two and twenty yards and a half, and to throw all the same that is digged towards the town, which may make a bank, and the ditch more deeper: and it is convenient for thee, to sollicitate this work in such wise, that when the wall falleth, the Diche may be digged at least, four or five yards in depth: the which ditch is necessary, while it is a digging, to shut it on every side with a slaughter house: and when the wall is so strong, that it giveth thee time to make the ditch, and the slaughter houses, that battered part, cometh to be moche stronger, than the rest of the city: for that such fortification, cometh to have the form, of the ditches which we devised within: but when the wall is weak, and that it giveth thee not time, to make like fortifications, than strength and valiantness must be showed, setting against the enemy's armed men, with all thy force. This manner of fortification was observed of the Pisans, when you besieged them, and they might do it, because they had strong walls, which gave them time, the earth being soft and most meet to raise up banks, and to make fortifications: where if they had lacked this commodity, they should have lost the town. Therefore it shall be always prudently done, to provide afore hand, making ditches within the city, & through out all the circuit thereof, as a little before we devised: for that in this case, the enemy may safely be tarried for at laisure, the fortifications being ready made. The antiquity many times got towns, 
How the antiquity got towns by muining under ground.  with muining under ground in two manners, eithei they made a way under ground secretly, which risse in the town, and by the same entered, in which manner the Romans took the city of Veienti, or with the muining, they overthrew a wall, and made it ruinated: this last way is now a days most strong, and maketh, that the cities placed high, be most weak, because they may better be under muined: & putting after in a Cave of this Gun powder, which in a moment kindling, not only ruinateth a wall, but it openeth the hills, and utterly dissolveth the strength of them.  

The remedy against Caves or undermuinynges.  The remedy for this, is to build in the plain, and to make the ditch that compasseth thy city, so deep, that the enemy may not dig lower then the same, where he shall not find water, which only is enemy to the caves: for if thou be in a town, which thou defendest on a high ground, thou canst not remedy it otherwise, then to make within thy walls many deep Welles, the which be as drouners to the same Caves, that the enemy is able to ordain against thee. another remedy there is, to make a cave against it, when thou shouldst be aware where he muineth, the which way easily hindereth him, but difficultly it is foreseen, being besieged of a crafty enemy. He that is besieged, aught above all things to have care, 
What cate the besieged aught to have.  not to be oppressed in the time of rest: as is after a battle fought, after the watch made, which is in the Morning at break of day, and in the Evening between day and night, and above all, at meal times: in which time many towns have been won, and armies have been of them within ruinated: therefore it is requisite with diligence on all parts, to stand always guarded, and in a good part armed. 
What maketh a city or camp difficult to be defended.  I will not lack to tell you, how that, which maketh a city or a camp difficult to be defended, is to be driven to keep sundered all the force, that thou haste in them, for that the enemy being able to assault thee at his pleasure altogether, it is convenient for thee on every side, to guard every place, and so be assaulteth thee with all his force, and thou with part of thine defendest thee. Also, the besieged may be overcome altogether, he without cannot be, but repulsed: wherefore many, whom have been besieged, either in a Camp, or in a Town, although they have been inferior of power, have issued out with their men at a sudden, and have overcome the enemy. This Marcellus of Nola did: this did Cesar in France, where his Camp being assaulted of a most great number of Frenchmen, and seeing himself not able to defend it, being constrained to divide his force into many parts, and not to be able standing within the Lists, with violence to repulce th'enemy: he opened the camp on th'one side, and turning towards the same part with all his power, made so moche violence against them, and with so moche valiantness, that he vanquished & overcame them. The constancy also of the besieged, 
By what 〈◊〉 they t●●t besiege 〈…〉.  causeth many times displeasure, and maketh afraid them that do besiege. Pompey being against Cesar, and Caesar's army being in great distress through famine, there was brought of his bred to Pompey, whom seeing it made of grass, commanded, that it should not be showed unto his army, lest it should make them afraid, 
Honour got by constancy.  seeing what enemies they had against them. Nothing caused so much honour to the Romans in the war of Aniball, as their constancy: for as much as in what so ever envious, and adverse fortune they were troubled, they never demanded peace, they never made any sign of fear, but rather when Aniball was about Rome, they sold those fields, where he had pitched his camp, dearer than ordinary in other times should have been sold: and they stood in so much obstinacy in their enterprises, that for to defend Rome, they would not raise their camp from Capua, the which in the very same time that Room was besieged, the Romans did besiege.  
I know that I have told you of many things, the which by yourself you might have understood, and considered, notwithstanding I have done it (as to day also I have told you) for to be able to show you better by mean thereof, the quality of this army, and also for to satisfy th●se, if there be any, whom have not had the same commodity to understand them as you. Nor me thinks that there resteth other to tell you, then certain general rules, the which you shall have most familiar, which be these.  

Ge●all rules of war.  The same that helpeth the enemy, hurteth thee: and the same that helpeth thee, hurteth the enemy.  
He that shall be in the war most vigilant to observe the devices of the enemy, and shall take most pain to exercise his army, shall iucurre least perils and may hope most of the victory.  
Never conductte thy men to faight the field, if first thou hast not confirmed their minds & knowest them to be without fear, and to be in good order: for thou oughtest never to enterprise any dangerous thing with thy soldiers, but when thou seest, that they hope to overcome.  
It is better to conquer the enemy with faminne, then with iron: in the victory of which, fortune may do much more than valiantness.  
No purpose is better than that, which is hid from the enemy until thou have executed it.  
To know in the war how to understand occasion, and to take it, helpeth more than any other thing.  
Nature breedeth few strong men, the industry and the exercise maketh many.  
Discipline may do more in war, than fury.  
When any depart from the enemy's side for to come to serve thee, when they be faithful, they shallbe unto thee always great gains: for that the power of th'adversaries are more deminisshed with the loss of them, that run away, then of those that be slain, although that the name of a fugetive be to new friends suspected, to old odious.  
Better it is in pitching the field, to reserve behind the first front aid enough, then to make the front bigger to disperse the soldiers.  
He is difficultely overcome, which can know his own power and the same of the enemy.  
The valiantenesse of the soldiers availeth more than the multitude.  
Some times the situation helpeth more than the valiantenesse.  
New and sudden things, make armies afraid.  
Slow and accustomed things, be little regarded of them. Therefore make thy army to pactise and to know with small faightes a new enemy, before thou come to faight the field with him.  
He that with disorder followeth the enemy after that he is broken, will do no other, then to become of a conqueror a loser.  
He that prepareth not necessary victuals to live upon, is overcome without iron.  
He that trusteth more in horsemen then in foetemen, or more in footmen then in horsemen, must accommodate himself with the situation.  
When thou wilt see if in the day there be comen any spy into the Camp, cause every man to go to his lodging.  
Change purpose, when thou perceivest that the enemy hath foreseen it.  

How to consult.  Consult with many of those things, which thou oughtest to do: the same that thou wilt after do, confer with few.  
Soldiers when they abide at home, are maintained with fear and punishment, after when they are led to the war, with hope and with reward.  
Good Captains come never to fight the field, except necessity constrain them, and occasion call them.  
'Cause that thenemies know not, how thou wilt order thy army to faight, and in what so ever manner that thou ordainest it, make that the first band may be received of the second and of the third.  
In the fight never occupy a battle to any other thing, then to the same, for which thou haste appointed it, if thou wilt make no disorder.  
The sudden accidents, with difficulty are reamedied: those that are thought upon, with facility.  

What things are the strength of the war.  Men, iron, money, and bread, be the strength of the war, but of these four, the first two be moste necessary: because men and iron, find money and bread: but bread and money find not men & iron.  
The unarmed rich man, is a booty to the poor soldier.  
Accustom thy soldiers to despise delicate living and lacivius apparel.  
This is as much as happeneth me generally to remember you, and I know that there might have been said many other things in all this my reasoning: as should be, how and in how many kind of ways the antiquity ordered their bands, how they apparelled them, and how in many other things they exercised them, and to have joined hereunto many other particulars, the which I have not judged necessary to show, as well for that you yourself may see them, as also for that my intent hath not been to show just how the old servis of war was appointed, but how in these days a servis of war might be ordained, which should have more virtue than the same that is used. Wherefore I have not thought good of the ancient things to reason other, then that, which I have judged to such introduction necessary. I know also that I might have delated more upon the service on horseback, and after have reasoned of the war on the Sea: for as much as he that destinguissheth the servis of war, saith, how there is an army on the sea, and of the land, on foot, and on horseback. Of that on the sea, I will not presume to speak, for that I have no knowledge thereof: but I will let the Genoves, and the Venetians speak thereof, whom with like studies have heretofore done great things.  
Also of horses, I will speak no other, then as afore I have said, this part being (as I have declared) lest corrupted. Besides this, the footmen being well ordained, which is the puissance of the army, good horses of necessity will come to be made.  
Only I counsel him that would ordain the exercise of arms in his own country, 
Provisions that may be made to fill a Realm full of good horse.  & desireth to fill the same with good horses, that he make two provisions: the one is, that he distribute Mares of a good race through his dominion, and accustom his men to make choice of colts, as you in this country make of Calves & Mules: the other is, that to th'intent the excepted might find a bier, I would prohibet that no man should keep a Mule except he would keep a horse: so that he that would keep but one beast to ride on, should be constrained to keep a horse: and moreover that no man should wear fine clothe except he which doth keep a horse: this order I under stand hath been devised of certain princes in our t●●e, whom in short space have thereby, brought into their country an excellent numbered of good horses. About the other things, as much as might be looked for concerning horse, I remit to as much as I have said to day, and to that which they use. Peradventure also you would desire to understand what conditions a captain ought to have: whereof I shall satisfy you most briefly: 
The knowledge that a captain ought to have.  for that I cannot tell how to choose any other man then the same, who should know how to do all those things which this day hath been reasoned of by us: the which also should not suffice, when he should not know how to devise of himself: for that no man without invention, was ever excellent in any science: and if invention causeth honour in other things, in this about all, it maketh a man honourable: for every invention is seen, although it were but simple, to be of writers celebrated: as it is seen, where Alexander Magnus is praised, who for to remove his Camp most secretly, gave not warning with the trumpet, but with a hat upon a Lance. And was praised also for having taken order that his soldiers in buckeling with the enemies, should kneel with the left leg, to be able more strongly to withstand their violence: the which having given him the victory, it got him also so much praise, that all the Images, which were erected in his honour, stood after the same fashion. But because it is time to finish this reasoning, I will turn again to my first purpose. & partly I shall avoid the same reproach, wherein they use to condemn in this town, such as knoweth not when to make an end.  

The auctor returneth to his first purpose & maketh a little discorse to make an end of his reasoning.  If you remember Cosimus you told me, that I being of one side an exalter of the antiquity, and a dispraiser of those, which in weighty matters imitated them not, and of the other side, I having not in the affairs of war, wherein I have taken pain, imitated them, you could not perceive the occasion: whereunto I answered, how that men which will do any thing, must first prepare to know how to do it, for to be able, after to use it, when occasion permitteth: whether I do know how to bring the servis of war to the ancient manners or no, I will be judged by you, which have heard me upon this matter long dispute: whereby you may know, how much time I have consumed in these studies: and also I believe that you may imagen, how much desire is in me to bring it to effect: the which whether I have been able to have done, or that ever occasion hath been given me, most easily you may conjecture: yet for to make you more certain and for my better justification, I will also allege the occasions: and as much as I have promised, I will partly perform, to show you the difficulty and the facelitie, which be at this present in such imitations.  
Therefore I say, 
A prince may easily b●ynge to incised perfection the se●uis of war.  how that no deed that is done now a days among men, is more easy to be reduced into the ancient manners, than the service of War: but by them only that be Princes of so much state, who can at least gather together of their own subjects, xv. or twenty thousand young men: otherwise, no thing is more difficult, than this, to them which have not such commodity: and for that you may the better understand this part, you have to know, how that there be of two conditions, Captains to be praised: The one are those, 
Two sorts of Captains worthy to be● praised.  that with an army ordained through the natural discipline thereof, have done great things: as were the greater part of the Roman citizens, and such as have led armies, the which have had no other pain, then to maintain them good, and to see them guided safely: the other are they, which not only have had to overcome the enemy, but before they come to the same, have been constrained to make good and well ordered their army: who without doubt deserve much more praise, than those have deserved, which with old armies, & good, have valiantely wrought. Of these, such were Pelopida, and Epaminonda, Tullus Hostillius, Philip of Macedony father of Alexander, Cirus king of the Percians, Graccus a Roman: they all were driven first to make their armies good, and after to fight with them: they all could do it, as well through their prudence, as also for having subjects whom they might in like exercises instruct: nor it should never have been otherwise possible, that any of them, though they had been never so good & full of all excellency, should have been able in a strange country, full of men corrupted, not used to any honest obedience, to have brought to pass any laudable work. It sufficeth not then in Italy, to know how to govern an army made, but first it is necessary to know how to make it & after to know how to command it: & to do these thin-it is requisite they be those princes, whom having much dominion, & subjects enough, may have commodity to do it: of which I can not be, who never commanded, nor cannot command, but to armies of strangers, and to men bound to other, and not to me: in which if it be possible, or no, to introduce any of those things that this day of me hath been reasoned, I will leave it to your judgement.  
Albeit when could I make one of these soldiers which now a days practice, to wear more armur than the ordinary, and besides the armour, to bear their own meat for two or three days, with a mattock? When could I make them to dig, or keep them every day many hours armed, in feigned exercises, for to be able after in the very thing in deed to prevail? When would they abstain from play, from lasciviousness, from swearing, from the insolence, which every day they commit? when would they be reduced into so much dissepline, into so much obedience and reverence, that a tree full of apples in the midst of their Camp, should be found there and left untouched? As is red, that in the ancient armies many times happened. What thing may I promise them, by mean whereof they may have me in reverence to love, or to fear, when the war being ended, they have not any more to do with me? where of may I make them ashamed, which be borne and brought up without shame? why should they be ruled by me who know me not? By what God or by what saints may I make them to swear? By those that they worship, or by those that they blaspheme? Who they worship I know not any: but I know well they blaspheme all. How should I believe that they will keep their promise to them, whom every hour they despise? How can they, that despise God, reverence men? Then what good fashion should that be, which might be impressed in this matter? And if you should allege unto me that Suyzzers and Spaniards be good soldiers, I would confess unto you, how they be far better than the Italians: but if you note my reasoning, and the manner of proceeding of both, you shall see, how they lack many things to join to the perfection of the antiquetie. And how the Suyzzers be made good of one of their natural uses caused of that, which to day I told you: those other are made good by mean of a necessity: for that serving in a strange country, and seeming unto them to be constrained either to die, or to overcome, they perceiving to have no place to fly, do become good: but it is a goodness in many parts fawtie: for that in the same there is no other good, but that they be accustomed to tarry the enemy at the Pike and sweardes' point: nor that, which they lack, no man should be meet to teach them, and so much the less, he that could not speak their language.  
But let us turn to the Italians, who for having not had wise Princes, have not taken any good order: and for having not had the same necessity, which the Spaniards have had, they have not taken it of themselves, so that they remain the shame of the world: 
The Auctor excuseth the people of Italy to the great reproach of their princes for their ignorance in the affairs of war.  and the people be not to blame, but only their princes, who have been chastised, and for their ignorance have been justly punished, leesinge most shamefully their states, without showing any virtuous ensample. And if you will see whether this, that I say be true: consider how many wars have been in Italy since the departure of king Charles to this day, where the war being wont to make men warlike & of reputation, these the greater & fierser that they have been, so much the more they have made the reputation of the members and of the heads thereof to be lost. This proveth that it groweth, that the accustomed orders were not nor be not good, and of the new orders, there is not any which have known how to take them. Nor never believe that reputation will be gotten, by the Italians weapons, but by the same way that I have showed, & by means of them, that have great states in Italy: for that this form may be impressed, in simple rude men, of their own, and not in malicious, ill brought up, and strangers. Nor there shall never be found any good mason, which will believe to be able to make a fair image of a piece of Marble ill hewed, but very well of a rude piece.  

A description of the foolishness of the I●●lion princes.  Our Italian Princes believed, before they tasted the blows of the outlandish war, that it should suffice a Prince to know by writings, how to make a subtle answer, to write a goodly letter, to show in faiynges, and in words, wit and promptenesse, to know how to canvas a fraud, to deck themselves with precious stones and gold, to sleep & to eat with greater glory than other: To keep many lascivious persons about them, to govern themselves with their subjects, covetously and proudly: To rot in idleness, to give the degrees of the exercise of war, for good will, to despise if any should have showed them any laudable way, minding that their words should be answers of oracles: nor the silly wretches were not aware, that they prepared themselves to be a pray, to whom so ever should assault them. Hereby grew then in the thousand four hundred ninety and four year, the great fears, the sudden flight's, & the marvelous losses: & so three most mighty states which were in Italy, have been divers times sacked & destroyed. But that which is worse, is where those that remain, continue in the very same error, & live in the very same disorder, & consider not, that those, who in old time would keep their states, caused to be done these things, which of me hath been reasoned, & that their studies were, to prepare the body to diseases, and the mind not to fear perils. 
Cesar and Alexander, were the foremost in but tell.  Whereby grew that Cesar, Alexander, and all those men and excellent Princes in old time, were the foremost amongst the faighters, going armed on foot: and if they lost their state, they would lose their life, so that they lived and died virtuously. And if in them, or in part of them, there might be condemned to much ambition to reason of: yet there shall never be found, that in them is condemned any tenderness, or any thing that maketh men delicate and feeble: the which thing, if of these Princes were red and believed, it should be impossible, that they should not change their form of living, and their provinces not to change fortune. And for that you in the beginning of this our reasoning, lamented your ordinances, I say unto you, that if you had ordained it, as I afore have reasoned, & it had given of itself no good experience, you might with reason have been grieved therewith: but if it be not so ordained, and exercised, as I have said, it may be grieved with you, who have made a counterfeit thereof, 
The Venetians and the duke of Ferare began to have reduced the warfare to the Ancient manners.  and no perfect figure. The Venetians also, and the Duke of Ferare, began it, and followed it not, the which hath been through their fault, not through their men. And therefore I assure you, that who so ever of those, which at this day have states in Italy, shall enter first into this way, shall be first, before any other, Lord of this Province, and it shall happen to his state, as to the kingdom of the Macedonians, the which coming under Philip, who had learned the manner of setting armies in order of Epaminondas a Theban, became with this order, and with these exercises (whilst the rest of Grece stood in idleness, and attended to risite comedes) so puissant, that he was able in few years to possess it all, and to leave such foundation to his son, that he was able to make himself, 
He that despiseth the servis of war, despiseth his own wealth.  prince of all the world. He than that despiseth these studies, if he be a Prince, despiseth his Princedom: if he be a Citizen, his city. Wherefore, I lament me of nature, the which either ought not to have made me a knower of this, or it ought to have given me power, to have been able to have executed it: For now being old, I cannot hope to have any occasion, to be able so to do: In consideration whereof, I have been liberal with you, who being grave young men, may (when the things said of me shall please you) at due times in favour of your Princes, help them and counsa●le them, wherein I would have you not to be afraid, or mistrustful, because this Province seems to be altogether given, to raise up again the things dead, as is seen by the perfection that poesy, painting, and writing, is now brought unto: Albeit, as much as is looked for of me, being strooken in years, I do mistrust. Where surely, if Fortune had heretofore granted me so much state, as sufficeth for a like enterprise, I would not have doubted, but in most short time, to have showed to the world, how moche the ancient orders avail: and without peradventure, either I would have increased it with glory, or lost it without shame.  
¶ The end of the seventh and last book of the art of war, of Nicholas Machiavelli, Citizen and Secretary of Florence, translated out of Italian into English: By Peter Whitehorne, fellow of Graise Inn.   

Nicholas Machiavelli, citizen and Secretary of Florence, to the Readers.  
TO th'intent that such as read this book may without difficulty understand the order of the battles, or bands of men, and of the armies, and lodgings in the Camp, according as they in the description of them are appointed, I think it necessary to show you the figure of every one of them: wherefore it is requiset first, to declare unto you, by what points & letters, the footmen, the horsemen, and every other particular member are set forth.  
Know therefore that 

. Target men.  
‘ Pike men.  
a captain of ten men.  
v Veliti ordinary. which at those men that shoot with harquebuses or bows.  
r Veliti extraordinari which at those men that shoot with harquebuses or bows.  
C a Centutrion or captain of a hundred men. which are those men that shoot with harquebuses or bows.  
k Singnifieth a Constable or a captain of a band of four hundred and fifty men.  
H Singnifieth The head captain of a main battle.  
G Singnifieth The general Captain of the whole army.  
t The Trumpet.  
d The Drum.  
b The Ansigne.  
s The standard.  
m Men of Arms.  
l Light horsemen.  
A Artillery or ordinance.    
In the first figure next following, is described the form of an ordinary battle or band of four hundred and fifty men, & in what manner it is redoubled by flank. And also how with the very same order of lxxx. ranks, by changing only to the hinder part the five ranks of Pikes which were the foremost of every century, they may likewise in bringing them in battle ray, come to be placed behind: which may be done, when in marching, the enemies should come to assault them at their backs: according as the ordering thereof is before declared. Fol. xxxij. fol. xxxv.  
In the second figure, is showed how a battle or band of men is ordered, which in marching should be driven to faight on the flank: according as in the book is declared. fol. xxxv.  
In the third figure, is showed how a battle or band of men, is ordered with two horns, Fol. xxxv. and after is showed how the same may be made with a void place in the midst: according as the ordering thereof, in the book most plainly is declared, fol. xxxuj.  
In the fourth figure, is showed the form or fashion of an army appointed to fight the battle with the enemies: and for the better understanding thereof, the very same is plainlier set forth in the figure next unto it, whereby the other two figures next following may the easier be understood: according as in the book is expressed. Fol. xliiij.  
In the fiifte figure, is showed the form of a four square army: as in the book is described. Fol. lxvij.  
In the sixth figure, is showed how an Army is brought from a foursquare fashion, to the ordinary form, to faight a field: according as afore is declared. Fol. lxix.  
In the seventh figure, is described the manner of encamping: according as the same in the book is declared. Fol. lxxviij.  
The first Figure.  
This is the manner of ordering of CCCC men, into lxxx ranks, five to a rank, to bring them into a iiii square battle with the Pikes on the front, as after followeth.  
This is the foresaid lxxx ranks. of four C. men brought into a four square battle with the Pikes on the front. And the fifty Veliti on the sides & on the back.  
The second Figure.  
This is the manner of ordering of CCCC men, into lxxx ranks, five to a rank, to bring them into a iiii square battle wi●● the Pikes on the side, as after followeth.  
This is the foresaid lxxx ranks. of four C. men brought into a four square battle with the Pikes on the side.  
The third figure.  
These are the numbers of ranks appointed to make the horned battle of, & the square battle with the void space in the midst, as a●●er followeth.   map of military camp 
The seventh figure.  


captain way.  
Overthwart way.  
The Market place.  
Market way.  
The mid way.  
Provision of Victuals.  
Provision of Armour.  
Private and public Artificers.  
A place for cattle.     

¶ The table of certain principal things, contained in this work of Machiavelli.  

In the first book.  
WHy a good man ought not to exercise warfare as his art. Fol. vi.  
Deeds of arms ought to be used privately in time of peace for exercise & in time of war for necessity and renown. Fol. viii.  
The strength of an army is the footmen. Fol. ix.  
The Romans renewed their Legions and had men in the flower of their age. Fol. ix.  
Whether men of arms ought to be kept. Fol. x.  
What is requisete for the preparing of an army. Fol. xi.  
Out of what country soldiers ought to be chose. Fol. xi. xii.  
soldiers ought to be chosen, by th'authority of the Prince, of such men as be his own subjects. Fol. xii.  
The difference of ages, that is to be taken in the choosing of soldiers for the restoring of an old power and for the making of a new. Fol. xii  
The weapons or power that is prepared, of the natural subjects, of a common weal bringeth profit and not hurt. Fol. xiiii.  
What cause letted the Venetians, that they made not a Monarchi of the world. Fol. xiiii.  
How an army may be prepared in the country, where were no exercise of war. Fol. xv.  
The custom that the Romans used, in the choosing of their soldiers. Fol. xvi.  
The greater number of men is best. Fol. xvii.  
Whether the multitude of armed men are occasion of confusion and of dissorder. Fol. xviii.  
How to prohibit, that the Captains make no descension. Fol. nineteen.   

In the second book.  
WHat armour the antiquetie used. Fol. xx.  
The occasion of the boldness of the duchemen. Fol. xxij.  
Which manner of arming men is better either the Duche or Roman fashion. Fol. xxij.  
diverse examples of late days. Fol. twenty-three.  
An example of Tigran. Fol. xxv.  
Whether the footmen or the horsemen ought to be esteemed most. Fol. xxv.  
The cause why the Romans were overcome of the parthians. Fol. xxvi.  
What order, or what virtue maketh, that footmen overcum horsemen. Fol. xxvi.  
How the antiquity exersised their men to learn them to handle their weapons. Fol. xxvij.  
What the antiquity esteemed most happy in a common weal Fol. xxviij.  
The manner, of maintaining the order. Fol. xxix  
What a legion is, of Greeks called a Falange, and of frenchmen Catterua. Fol. xxix.  
The division of a legion, and the divers names of orders. Fol. thirty.  
The order of batellraye, and the manner of appoincting the battles. Fol. xxxij.  
How to order. CCCC. L. men to do some several feat. Fol. xxxv.  
The fashion of a battle that the Suisers make like a cross. Fol. xxxvi.  
What carriages the Captains ought to have, and the number of carriages requisite to every band of men. Fol. xxxvij.  
diverse effects caused of diverse sounds. Fol. xxxviij.  
Whereof cometh the utility, and the dissorder of the armies that are now a days. Fol. xxxviii.  
The manner of arming men. Fol. xl.  
The number of carriages that men of arms and light horsemen ought to have. Fol. xli.   

In the third book.  
THe greatest dissorder that is used now a days in the ordering of an army. Fol. xlij.  
How the Romans divided their army in Hastati, Principi and Triarij. Fol. xlij.  
The manner that the Romans used to order themselves again in the overthrow. Fol. xlij.  
The custom of the Greeks. Fol. xlij.  
A main battle of Suissers. Fol. xliij.  
How many legions of Roman Citesens was in an ordinary army. Fol. xliiij.  
The manner how to pitch a field to fight a battle. Fol. xliiij.  
Of what number of fighting men an army ought to be. Fol. xlvi.  
The description of a battle that is a fighting. Fol. xlvij.  
An example of Ventidio faighting against the Parthians. Fol. xlviij.  
An example of Epaminondas. Fol. xlix.  
How the Artillery is unprofitable. Fol. xlix.  
How that a main battle of Suissers cannot ocupie more than four pikes. Fol. lij.  
How the battles when they come to be eight or ten, may be received in the very same space, that received the five. Fol. liiij.  
The arms that the Standard of all th'army aught to have. Fol. lv.  
divers examples of the antiquetie. Fol. lv.   

In the fourth book.  
WHether the front of the army ought to be made large. Fol. lvij.  
To how many things respect ought to be had, in the ordringe of an army. Fol. lvij.  
An example of Scipio. Fol. lviij.  
In what place a Captain may order his army with safeguard not to be clean overthorwen. Fol. lviij.  
Aniball and Scipio praised for the ordering of their armies. Fol. lix.  
Cartes used of the Asiaticans. Fol. lix.  
diverse examples of the antiquity. Fol. lx.  
The prudence which the captain ought to use, in the accidence that chance in faightinge. Fol. lx.  
What a captain ought to do, that is the conqueror, or that is conquered. Fol. lxi.  
A captain ought not to fight the battle, but with advantage, except he be constrained. Fol. lxij.  
How to avoid the faightinge of the field. Fol. lxiij.  
Aduertismentes that the captain ought to have. Fol. lxiiij.  
Speaking to soldiers helpeth much to make them to be curagious and bold. Fol. lxiiij.  
Whether all the army ought to be spoken unto, or only to the heads thereof. Fol. lxv.   

In the five book.  
THe manner how to lead an army gowinge through suspected places, or to encounter the enemy. Fol. lxvij.  
An example of Aniball. Fol. lxviij.  
Weather any thing ought to be commanded with the voice or with the trumpet. Fol. lxx.  
The occasions why the wars made now a days, do impoverish the conquerors as well as the conquered. Fol. lxxij.  
Credit ought not to be given to things which stand nothing with reason. Fol. lxxiij.  
The army ought not to know what the captain purposeth to do. Fol. lxxiiij,  
diverse examples. Fol. lxxv.   

In the sixth book.  
THe manner how to encamp an army. Fol. lxxviij.  
How broad the spaces and the ways ought to be within the camp. Fol. lxxxij.  
What way ought to be used when it is requiset to encamp near the enemy. Fol. lxxxiij.  
How the watch and ward ought to be appointed in the camp, and what punishment they ought to have that do not their duty. Fol. lxxxiiij.  
How the Romans prohibited women to be in their armies and idle games to be used. Fol. lxxxv.  
How to encamp according to the number of men, and what number of men may suffice against, what so ever enemy that were. Fol. lxxxvij.  
How to do to be assured, of the fideletie of those that are had in suspicion. Fol. lxxxviij.  
What a captain ought to do being besieged of his enemies. Fol. lxxxix.  
Example of Coriliano and others. Fol. lxxxix.  
It is requiset chief for a Captain to keep his soldiers punished and paid. Fol. xc.  
Of aguries. Fol. xc.  
Most excellent advertisements and policies. Fol. xcj  
The occasion of the overthrow of the Frenchmen at Garigliano. Fol. xciij.   

In the seventh book.  
City's are strong, either by nature or by industry. Fol. xciiij.  
The manner of fortification. Fol. xciiij.  
Bulwarks ought not to be made out of a town distant from the same. Fol. xcv.  
Example of Genoa. Fol. xcv.  
Of the Countess Catherine. Fol. xcv.  
The fashion of percullesies used in Almain. Fol. xcvi.  
How the battelmentes of walls were made at the first, and how they are made now adays. Fol. xcvij  
The provisions that is meet to be made, for the defence of a town. Fol. xcviij.  
divers policies, for the beseginge and defending of a town or fortress. Fol. xcix.  
secret conveing of letters. Fol. Cj.  
The defence against a breach. Fol. cij.  
General rules of war. Fol. ciij   
The end.   


ARMIPOTENTI ANGLIAE    

Certain ways for the ordering of Soldiers in battelray, & setting of battles after divers fashions, with their manner of marching: And also Figures of certain new plats for fortification of Towns: And more over, how to make Saltpetre, gunpowder, and divers sorts of Fireworks or wild Fire, with other things a pertaining to the wars. Gathered and set forth by Peter Whitehorne.   

A PERFECT RULE TO BRING men into a square battle, of what number so ever they be. Cap. 1.  
FOr to make a square Battle of a number of men, or of an Army, the foursquare root or quadrant number of them, must be taken, and so many as the same root contains, so many aught to be set in array. As for example in a little number, for the better understanding thereof: Admit there be a .100. men, the foursquare root of a .100. aught to be taken out, which is ten: Then putting ten of these men in a rank, there will be ten ranks, ten to a rank. Which ten ranks placing them ordinarily, the one behind the other, so that all the distances that shallbe between man and man, as well on the sides, as before and behind be equal, such .100. men will make a foversquare battle, as by the figure here following appeareth.  


Head.  
Flank  
Flank    
But for that, men ordered in battelraye, stand not, nor march not, as above is supposed, I mean in equal distance, for that every man (as Vegetius affirmeth) would have for largeness three foot, that is from shoulder to shoulder, and for length seven foot, that is three foot before him, and three foot behind him, and one foot that his own person will occupy, for which cause the above written order, men standing according to the said ordinare distance, shall not be a just foursquare, but the length thereof shallbe .70. foot, and the bredthe .30. foot, as appeareth by the figure following.  


Flank  
Head  
Flank    
And where some number of men cometh not after such sort to be foursquare, as .200. the root whereof is .14. although there be .4. overplus: in this case there ought to be put fourteen in a rank, and the said battle will come nevertheless to be foursquare: That is, it shallbe of .14. ranks of men .14. to a rank, and as for those four men that are overplus out of the array, the Sergante may place either in the tail thereof, or else where seems him best out of that order.  
Likewise after this manner, an army of men how great a number so ever it be, may be brought into a foursquare, as for example, admit there were an army of .35000. of these .35000. men, the foursquare root is to be taken out, according to the order that I have declared before, and the same shallbe found to be .187. and .31. men remaining overplus, so that placing .187. men in a rank, such an army will be infation foursquare, that is, it will amount unto 187. ranks .187. men for a rank. And as for the .31. odd men, the captain may apoincte where he shall think good.   

To know how many men may march in a rank, and at a sudden to bring them into a foursquare battle, so that their Ansigne, may come to be in the midst. Cap. 2.  
FOr to do this thing with speed, the foursquare root of what number of men so ever it be, is strait way to be taken: and if the same root be so that it may be equally divided into three, so many as shall be the third part of that root, so many of the said men for a rank ought to march by the way. As for example, if the men that are to be conducted, be .81. the root of those .81. must be taken, the which is .9. And for as much as the root of this may equally be divided into .3. and the third part thereof being .3. the said .81. men must therefore be made to march in iorneing three in a rank, & they shall make in all .27. ranks, as here under appeareth.  


Tail  
Head    
And when need is that they must be brought into a foursquare battle, all these .27. ranks would be divided into three equal parts, as is declared by ab and cd. So that to every part there come to remain 9 ranks, three men in a rank, and afterward the first part that is in the Front must be caused to stay, and the other twain to proceed forward, the one on the right hand, and the other on the left hand of the first (now standing still) until the head or Front of either of the said two parts do unite or come to be even with the head of the first, and there to stay. As by the figure following may be understood.  


Front    
The which three parts thus brought and ordered, shall make a foursquare battle, as appeareth by this figure following: and to cause that the Ansigne do fall in the midst of such a battle, always it ought to be placed in the midst of the first part, as before appeareth in the point. A.  


Head    
But to know how to divide the said .27. ranks into three equal portions without standing to tell .9. ranks, considering that if it were a great number of men, it should be a thing very long so to do: therefore seeing that to every number of men, there is commonly placed a rank of hackbutters or Bowemen in the forward, and an other in the rearward, in this figure above written of four score men and one, there would be .18. hackbutters: that is .9. in the forward, and .9. in the Rearward: and setting two ranks of hackbutters in the places where the divisions are to be made, as hereafter appeareth in figure, understanding the hackbutters by this letter H.  
By those hackbutters you may always understand where the divisions are to be made of the said 27. ranks, and likewise in every other greater number. And when such a root cannot be divided into three equal parts, of necessity there must remain over one or two. Now let us first take for example this, where remaineth over one, as it should be if it were a hundred men, the root whereof is ten, which ten divided into three, cometh to three times three, & one remaining overplus. Wherefore there must be made .10. ranks to march .3. and .3. (that is so many ranks as the number of the root is of) and other .10 ranks .4. and .4. together, and the last .10. ranks also three and three together: as here following appeareth with their .20. hackbutters or Bowemen, besides the said hundred men.  


Fronte    
And these three parts when it is needful to bring them into a foursquare battle, must be ordered as above is rehearsed, or else causing the first part in the forward to stay, and to make the second part to proceed onward until the head or front of the second part come to be even with the head of the first, & so the said second part standing still, to cause also the third part to proceed forward after the same manner, the which thing being done, such a battle shallbe brought into fashion foursquare, with their hackbutters or Bowemen before and behind: as appeareth by this figure.  


Head  
Back    
But when in dividing the said root there shall happen to remain .2. overplus, as should be when there were .121. the root whereof is .11. which .11. parting into .3. comes to .3. times .3. and two remaining overplus (as I have said) in this case and in other like, I would make a .11. ranks to march (that is, as many as the root contains) .4. men in a rank, and an other .11. ranks .3. men together in a rank, and the other .11. ranks also .4. men to a rank: As hereafter appeareth in figure, with their .22. hackbutters, beside the said .121. men.  
The which men always, when they would be brought into a foursquare battle, must be ordered as before is declared.  
And this rule may serve likewise in what little or great number so ever it be, as well quadrant as not quadrant. As for example only in words: put the case that there be .3969. whereof being minded to know how many men in a rank should be caused to march togethers by the way, so that commodiously they may at a sodden be brought into a foursquare battle, there must be taken the quadrant root of this number of men (by the same way that I have taught) which shall be found to be .63. so that on every side of the square battle shall be .63. ranks of men, and for as much as this root (which is .63.) may be divided into .3. equal parts, the third part thereof is to be taken (for a general rule) that is .21. & therefore .21. men in a rank would be made to march togethers by the way. And always there shall be as many ranks in all after .21. to a rank, as are three times so many as the root is of, which is, three times 63. which comes to .189. so the .189. ranks of men shall be the number thereof after .21. to a rank. And by the root that is .63. you may understand that such division is to be made between .63. and .63. so that the first part shallbe as well .63. as also the second and the third. In which divisions the two double ranks of hackbutters are to be placed for the readier knowledge to bring them into a square battle. But if in dividing the root into three, there should remain .1. overplus, as should happen if the presuposed men were .5776. the root whereof being .76. which root divided into .3. shall come unto .25. and one to remain overplus. Now I say, that all the ranks that riseth of these men, shall be not withstanding three times so many as the root, that is three times .76. which makes .228. And for as much as all these orders of ranks, are divided ●uermore into .3. parts (as before hath been declared) .76. ranks to a part (that is so many as the root is of) therefore it is to be understand, that the first and the last of these three parts must be made to march .25. men in a rank, which is as much as is the third part of the root, and for that there remaineth one overplus (as above appeareth) I say that the same one must be put always in the second part, which is in the midst. I mean causing those of the said second part, to march .26. men in a rank, so that the first & the last part of the great rewe of ranks, be .25. men in a rank, & the second part to be .26. men in a rank, and the very same aught to be done of every other root that may be divided into three, where only remaineth overplus one, but when there remaineth overplus .2. it followeth clean contrary: For that the first and the last part, would be of one man more, than the same that the third part of the root is of. As for example if the said men were .2809, the root whereof is .53. which divided into there, comes to .71. and .2. remaining overplus: therefore of so many men, there shall be made .159. ranks (that is three times .53.) which .159. ranks dividing them also into three parts, cometh unto .53. to a part, that is the number of the root. And the first and third part would be of one man more than the third part of the root, that is, it would be of .18. men to a rank, and the second part, which is the part in the midst, would be the very third part of the root: that is, 17. men to a rank, so that of all the .159. ranks, as well the first .53. ranks, as likewise the last .53. ranks, aught to be of .18. men to a rank, & the .53. ranks in the midst would be only of .17. men to a rank. And, wherein parting the root into .3. there remaineth overplus only one, it goeth clean contrary to this. For that the first and the third part of the said great rew of ranks, will always be of as many men to a rank as shallbe the whole third part of the root, and the middle part, which is the second, will be of one man more than the third part of the root. And for as much, as there can never remain overplus above one or two in dividing the root into .3. therefore this foresaid rule shall serve in what number of men so ever it be, as well quadrant as not Quadrant, for that like as before is said in numbers not quadrant, always there is taken the root which goeth nearest to such a number, and therewith to do accordingly, as above hath been said. And as for the residue of the men that cometh to be overplus of the quadrant of such a root, may be placed some other where as shall be thought most best. For example if there were .4000. men, which number is not quadrant, yet notwithstanding of the same number there ought to be taken out the nearest root thereof, which is .63. so that there shall remain overplus .31. men, whom minding in a sudden to bring into a foursquare battle, there ought to be put in a rank .63. men, and such a battle shall come to be foursquare, as in the beginning hath been said: and where there remains overplus those .31. men, the Sergeant may place them as he shall think good. Likewise minding to cause those .4000. men to march, there ought also to be taken the nearest root thereof, which as aforesaid, is .63. which dividing into three, comes unto three times .21. and nothing remaining overplus. And therefore the said men ought to be caused to march .21. in a rank, and the said rank to be divided into three parts .63. to a rank according to the foresaid rule, in such sort that the last part shall be .64. ranks, and also .10. men more, because of those .31. men that were overplus in the beginning, the which as hath been said remained out of the array: And after the same manner, it is to be done when the root of such a number that is not quadrant, doth not agree with the perfect division by three, which is, if there be overplus one, to proceed as above hath been declared, I mean to put a man more in a rank to the middle part, and to the other two parts, the first, and the third, to put only so many men in a rank, as the third part of the root shall contain, and when there remaineth over plus two, to proceed clean contrary: that is, to put a man more in a rank to the first, and to the third part, and to the second, to put only so many men in a rank, as the third part of the root shall be of, and those men that are remaining overplus, in taking out the root in the beginning, to place them as above I have said.   

How to ordain a number of men or an army into a battle, like unto a wedge, or three square, so that it may be apt to march with the point thereof toward the enemies. Cap. 3.  
THis fashion of battle, is made after this manner, first placing one man, and after three, and next five, and after seven, and then .9. after a .11. and so to increase always two men more, till such time as there be no more men to place. Albeit there may be such a number of men, that at the last they can not, or there shall not be sufficient to make up the last rank, which happening, those men may be left out of the array to serve where their Captain shall think most meet, for that the like happeneth often times, and in every manner of ordering men, that always there resteth some man out of the array. And for the better understanding hereof: admit for example that the men that is to be brought into a three square battle be a .100. I say that first one is to be placed, after .3. after .5. after .7. after .9. after .11 and so to proceed: adding always two men more in a rank, until they be all placed, as here following appeareth in figure. Where the last rank in this case, shall come to be .19. men, not remaining any man overplus: and this is, for that the number of men, (which is .100.) is a quadrant number: and like wise in every other number that is quadrant, the said Triangle battle shall be made without any man remaining overplus.  


Head    
But if the said number of men be not a quadrant number always there shall remain overplus so many men, as the said number of men shall be more than the great quadrant number contained of the same: as for example, if the presuposed men to make the three square battle were .120. I say that there shall remain overplus .20. men out of the array of the three square, that is so many as the .120. exceedeth .100. (being the greater quadrante number contained in the same) which also shall be .20. but if the said men were .123. there should remain overplus only two men, for as much as the greatest quadrant number that can be taken of .123. shall be .121. and .123 is more than the said .121. by the said two, and the very same is to be understand in every great number.   

To make the battle called the shears, which in old time they used to set against the Triangell. Cap. 4.  
THe shears are made with two Triangels joined togethers for to receive between them the said battle, made like a wedge or Triangell. The example whereof I will make also with .100. men, as the Triangell or wedge was made, so that thereby may be judged if there were two armies of equal numbers of men, and that the one of them were pitched like a Triangell, and the other like a shears, which of them should have the advantage. Wherefore minding of .100. men to make the battle called the shears, they ought to be divided into two equal parts and of every one of these parts being 50. to make a Triangell according to the manner above declared, and to join them together, as here following appeareth in figure with their points towards the enemies: I mean towards the wedge, to receive it between them: And it is to be noted how in making of these two Triangels, there shall remain overplus one man of every one of them out of the array, for that the number of .50. is no Quadrant number, and it is more than the quadrant number contained of the same (which is .49. by a man only, so that between them both, there shall remain overplus two men, as here appeareth in figure.  



Head  
Head  
Head      

What advantage it is to order men in a Triangell battle against the enemy that knoweth not how to make the battle called the shears to set against it, inespecially where there is as many men of the one part as of the other. cap. 5.  
WHen the contrary part would come against a threesquare battle, with a battle that were foursquare, as now a days is used, by all reason it shallbe broken & overthrown. As admit for example that there be .100. in a threesquare battle, and a .100 other men in a foursquare battle, pitched against the threesquare, as here following appeareth in figure.  
And for that the order of the Triangell in fighting, is after such sort, that all those which shoot with any kind of weapon, as pieces of Ordinance, Harkabuses, Darts, Bows, or Crossbows, ought all to direct their shot, and to strike only in the same place, where the point of the Triangell seeks to enter, I mean in the point A. whereby the men that are in the same place, shall either be slain or else constrained to give place to the point of the said Triangell through the great multitude of shot striking in that place. So that the point of the said Triangell entering therein, may continually penetrate all the said array clean through. For as much as all the hackbutters, and Archers which remain without, must not cease to shoot in the very same place, and no other where else: which thing doing it is impossible but that way shall be given for the said Triangell to enter in, and once entered, such an army is overthrown without any remedy. For all the force and strength of such a Triangell being made in that place only, it is not possible that men in such a place may be able to withstand, although there were many more in such Quadrant array, than those that be in the said Triangell, because the place of A cannot be succoured of any of those of the same battle, considering that if those which are placed towards B. or else towards C. would come to succour the place where the violence and force is made, it must needs be, that they must disorder themselves: and being once disordered, they run into the very same mischief, after such sort, that they shall remain altogether broken: & remaining in their places, their strength or power, resteth of none effect: for as much as none of them can be able to do any thing, how valiant soever he be. Whereby may be understood of what importance this triangell battle is against the enemy, that knoweth not the medesin or remedy thereof.   

To bring a number of men or an army, into a battle, which in old time was called a Saw. Cap. 6.  
THis fashion of battle according to the quality of the name, aught to be made as it were with teeth, like unto a Saw which they use to saw timber with all. And therefore minding to bring a number of men, or an army into such a fashion, there must be considered two things, the one, how many teeth this saw is to be made of, and whether besides those teeth, there would be any other rays to sustain such teeth or no. As for example, admit that the men of whom must be made those only teeth of this foresaid Saw, be .100. now these .100. men ought to be divided into the number of the teeth that this Saw shall have, and of every one of those parts, to fashion a Triangell, by the rule declared in the third Chapter: and those Triangels to join close together, according as was done of those two that made the shears: As put ease that of the said hundred men there would be made four teeth of a Saw, than the said .100. men must be divided in to four parts, in which divisions it will come to 25. for a part. Now of every one of these parts, there ought to be fashioned a Triangell, according to the order given in the foresaid third Chapter. And these .4. Triangles to join them strait together, as here following appeareth in figure: and this is in as much as in making the teeth only: but if peradventure there would be put an other order behind the said four teeth, it is needful first to determine of how many men such a ray is to be made, and those to take out by themselves, and of the rest to make the teeth, and behind the said teeth to please those number of men which first were taken out, and to ordain them so many men in a rank, as shall be found directly in length in all the hinder parts of the teeth that are made, as for example, admit there be 244. men, and that with a hundred men thereof, there must he made four teeth of a Saw, and the other 144. to be made certain ranks to sustain the said four teeth: Therefore the hundred men being brought into four te●th, as above is declared, consequently behind those, there ought to be placed those .144. men, 36. men to a rank: for as much as in all the four lower parts of the said four teeth there be .36. men, as in the figure next following appeareth. And after this manner and order, if there were a hundred thousand men, they might be set in a ray, placing them, as above is done with that little number.  



Front.      

To fashion a battle of a number of men or an army like unto two Triangels joined together, so that they may be apt to march with a corner thereof toward the enemies. Cap. 7.  
WIth the rule whereby the single Triangle is made, with the very same almost this fashion battle is also made: for as much as dividing all those men, or that Army wherewith this fashion battle is to be made into two equal parts, and of the one half thereof to make a Triangell and that done, upon the very last side of the same, there ought to be placed the other half number of men in ranks, which continually go decresing by two men less, I mean clean contrary to that was done at the beginning with one, where beginning to make the point of the Triangell, the ranks were continually increased with two men more. But it is to be understand, that if in making the first Triangell, there happen to remain overplus any men, that are not sufficient to make up an other rank, yet the very same rank ought to be finished up with some of the other half number of men, for that one of these two Triangels joined together, cometh to be of one rank more than the other. As for example, admit the men, wherewith this fashion battle is to be made, be .320. which must be divided into two equal parts, so that by such division there will be .160. men for a part, and of the one of these parts, there would be made a Triangle, according to the order declared in the third Chapter, which done, there shallbe found to remain overplus .16. (by the reason alleged in the said third Chapter) so that there shall lack .9. men to finish the said last rank of the first Triangell: Therefore the said rank must be made up, with the men of the other half, as taking those .19. men which lacks, so that in the said first Triangel may be .169. men, and in the other part only .151. men, wherewith the other Triangel ought to be made upon the last rank of the first, which last rank shall be of .25. men: wherefore upon the same, there must be placed an other rank of two men less, that is .23. and upon the same said .23. men, to place an other of .21. men, and upon the .21. men, to place an other of .19. men, and upon those .19. men, to place an other of .17. men, and so to proceed always with two men less, till such time as it cometh to the rank of one man only, as here following appeareth in figure: true it is, that there shall be found in the end, to remain overplus .7. men, the which the Sergeant may place where he shall think good. And thus with this manner of order, there may be brought into like array, any army how great so ever it be, & they may turn themselves, and in marching, make of the rearward, the Forward, and likewise of what so ever side they list.  



Front  
The overplus.      

What is best to be done where the ordinance of the enemies being shot into the Army hath slain many men. Cap. 8.  
AN army of men that happeneth to have certain ranks thereof to be stricken down and killed with the enemy's ordinance, and marching after such sort, leaving void the places of those men which are slain with the Artillery, or else drawing themselves close together, to fill such empty places, the one of these ways is very evil, & the other much worse: for as much as leaving those places after such sort open, inespecially in the Forward, there is given thereby great faciletie unto the enemies to enter into the said rays, and to overthrow them: And likewise causing after such misfortune the said rays to draw together, to fill the said places, those rays must needs altogether be disordered, and shall be brought almost into confusion: for that it is to be thought that the said artillery, doth not destroy any rank of men wholly from on end to an an other in length, but only a part of some, and a part of other, & some to remain untouched, or unhurt. In which case being minded to cause them to draw together, to fill up the said void places, it must needs follow that the whole rank do disorder in lengthing those that lack so that some of the ranks shall remain with a greater number of ranks of men (in length) in the rearward, then in the Forward, whereby if such a battle would march, of necessity it will immediately run into confusion, because of those ranks that are unperfect in length. Wherefore that captain, is to be praised, which instructeth his men that in like chances, they never remain without a companion before them, except it be in the Front, as to advertise every one of them, that if it fortune to happen any of them to lack the same man, which was wont to march before them, or else more, that then incontinente, and with seleretie they do march forward, until they find an other companion in the accustomed distance before them, and where it fortuneth no man to be found, to advertise them, how they should then proceed till they come to the head or Front and in such place to stand still, or else to march according as the other ranks in the head or in the Front shall do. And this being a general rule that every man must take the measure of his marching softly or fast of his companions that goeth before him, and not of any that be of their sides. All those men therefore that shall be found in the very same rank behind such a man that doth lack his companion or companions before him, shall be constrained to run, or go apace according as that man shall march, which shall be next before him: which thing being observed of every man in the battle, always the Forward or Fronte thereof, shall come thereby to be whole and sound, and those empty places of the dead to be transformed into the rearward, in which places there shall not almost be any peril. As for example, admit, that in a battle of 144. men in fashion foursquare, the enemies hath slain .12. men, as by the void places in the figure following appeareth, I say that having advertised every man to do as much as before I have declared, which is, that every time that he lacketh his fellow (or more men) that marched before him, he do strait way make haste, and with all speed possible not to cease going forward, till he find an other companion in the accustomed distance that goth before him. 


Front    And if it fortune in such a rank that in the end he find no man, yet he ought to proceed so much till he come to the last rank in the Front, & there to stand still, or else to march according to the order of the said rank. And likewise every man ought to take heed that in his marching fast or softly, he do● rule himself by his companion that goeth before him, & not of any of those that be on his sides: which thing being observed, as in the figured rays above 


Front.    written, the same battles, shall be transformed in this other manner, like unto the last figure, that is, those .12. void places shallbe transelated into the rearward, as plainly may be seen.   

How to change with speed an Army, that is, in battle ray fowersquare, into a triangell fashion, without dissordering the first ranks, and without peril of confusion. Cap. 19  
LIke as the Captain with sound of the trompete, or with voice shall cause the soldiers to be advertised and taught to know how to turn that way, which is between the front and the right side, or the left, and likewise that way that is between the right, or left side, and the back, and after that they shall be well informed therein, even so I would also have them to be well advertised of the same, that was declared in the last chapter, which is to show & teach every man, that always when he shall be caused to turn towards any of the foresaid sides, and shall not find to have his fellow in the accustomed distance before him, that then the same man with all speed do proceed, or march so far right forth, till he find a companion before him in the accustomed distance. Of which thing every soudier being well informed and instructed, with the twinkling of an eye an Army that is in fashion four square, may be transeformed into a triangle. As for example, minding to make the right corner the point of the said triangell, with sound of Trumpet, or with voice, causing every man in the army to turn themselves with their faces that way, which is between the front and the right flank, and incontinente, so soon as they are turned, every man observing the foresaid order, that is, that all those, which shall perceive not to have his fellow before him in the accustomed distance, do proceed straight forth until he have one, which done the said foursquare fashion, shall be found to be changed into a triangell fashion, and the point of the same triangell figure, shall come to be the right corner of the front of the first figure. Which thing, is as easy to be done as is possible: for the trial whereof, let there be for example .25. men standing in fashion four square, as hereafter appeareth in figure, and to cause it to be better understand, I have thought good to make this figure with the 25. letters of the abc. Now minding to change this four square figure, into a triangell figure, it is needful to cause them all to turn 


Front.    with their faces that way, which is between the head & the same side, where I have thought good to make the poinctt of the wedge or triangle: as for example purposing to make the corner. E. the point & head of the triangle, I shall cause that every man do turn with his face that way, between the front & the right flank, towards the corner. E. which thing done, the foresaid figure shall come to stand as here appeareth: in which figure may be seen many men, that hath no fellow in the acustome distance before him, although they have a fellow straight before him, much more farther 


Frnot.    of then the ordinary, which is double so much as the ordinary, as appeareth by. F. who hath right before him. B. but the distance that is between the said. F. and the said. B. is double so much as the ordinary distance, wherefore if. F. shall obcerue the precepts above declared, immediately so soon as he shall have turned his face that way, he should incontinent go, to come nearer to the said. B. in the accustomed distance, which doing, he shall bring himself between A. and G. Albeit the said. G. shall not remain in his first place, but shall go nearer unto. C. to the accoustomed distance, and in the place where. G. was first L. must cume. So that. F. shall stand between. A. and L. and likewise if all the other shall proceed forward, according to the said order, until every man find a fellow in the accustomed distance before him. H. shall go nearer unto. D. and M. shall follow the said. H, and Q. shall follow after the said. M. every one of them, until they come to their accustomed distance. And in like manner. I. shall go nearer unto. E. and N. shall follow. I. and R. shall follow. N. and. X. shall follow the said. R. every one of them until they come to their accustomed distance. Likewise. O. shall go nearer to. K. and S. shall follow. O. and. Y. shall follow. S. also to the ordinary distance: and likewise. &. shall also go nearer to. V to the accustomed distance, which thing being observed, such a four square battle shall be transformed into a triangle battle, as here following appeareth in figure, the point whereof shall come to be the corner. E. & with this order a captain may change an army, with turning of a hand, though it were of .100000. men from the fashion of a four square to the fashion of threesquare. So that 


Front.    the said men be advertised and taught, as afore hath been declared, both as well to know how they ought 〈…〉 to turn as to march. Which is of wonderful importance: for as much, as at a sudden to reduse an army after this sort into a triangell fashion, it is almost impossibell that the enemies shallbe able, or shall know how to make their army like the shears to ●et against it, whereby shall come great advantage as by the .5. chapter above is plainelis proved: for that it seems unto me that a triangle battle, may be alway sufficient able to break all manner of foursquare battles as is used now a days, although it had half so many more men, so long as those of the triangell battle be well instructed of the manner of their faightinge declared in the 5. chapter.   

Of the perfect form or fashion of strong places.  
THe form which unto the circular fation doth most resemble, of expert and skilful soldiers, is above all other with most reason praised, so that the Curtain or walls thereof, be made strait, & of such length, that of the bulwarks they may be flanked: which fashion being made with many corners, is very meet and necessary if in a sufficient great place it be erected: for where in small rooms the just length of the curtyne is shortened, it is convenient to build them with few corners, because if otherwise they should be shortened with a number of corners, the shorter of necessity the spaces between those must be, so that beside that the one bulwark may hurt the other, they shallbe moreover to no purpose, but rather an occasion of infinite cost, their curtines needing as is requiset to be defended of platforms and the corners thereof shall come to be less blunt, and much sharper than they ought to be, by reason of the little distance between them & the platforms. Therefore the more that they be made distant from those bulwarks (the due length of the curtin being kept) so much the blunter the corners will come to be, which by them must be defended, and the more of those corners that there are in the same fashion, so much the blunter they shall also come to be. So that where the fashion of the places that are built be sufficient great to contain all the foresaid particulars, which for a sure fortress is requisett to be made, all thing commodiously will come to pass: and the greater that they shallbe, the more men they may have to defend than and more commodious space within, for to retire with great and strong fortification, & the platforms may be made much further in, & have the corners of their bulwarks blunt, and with a large back, meet for defence, and in an assault, much surer than the sharp, because the sharp poincted bulwark, being battered defendeth th'enemy from the platforms, so that under the same, being covered, he may almost out of danger, make an assault. Where against a town or fortress, that were built after the fation of these plats following, in what so ever part of such places, the enemy should approach marching towards them to encamp, or in battle ray to assault them, or with trenches, and artillery to batter them, either high or low or by the curtin within, or otherwise, he shall always from many of those flankers of the same place, be greatly hurt and repulsed, and of the platforms in especially, more than from any other where, because they be most near, and stand higher than all the other, and they shall also hurt him more, when he shall be somewhat far of, than near hand, as may be seen by the plain plat that hath the number .1. and in the same that is raised up, that hath the number .2. The which with two other are also here after pictured, to the end that thereby may be considered of such as shall see them, the sundry good and notable effects that be in them, the which although it be not possible so easily with writing to be expressed, yet by their help they may be better understand and comprehended, and moreover by them shallbe gotten this knowledge, whereby every man commodiously may understand, where the enemy gowinge about with his power, may best devise to assail them, and how they within may provide to defend and withstand the same with their men, taking them from those places where they may best be spared, so that building the fashion of fortresses, in the said manner, there shall in no place happen any such incommodities, as in other that are ignorantly made, after the ordinary fashion with less corners, as also by these figures, here following is more plainly declared.  
There ought also to be noted, that these and the other plats, in this treatise set forth, being drawn in a little space, could not be fasioned with their due proportion: albeit to the end that the same which is reasoned about them, might partly be understand, they are not left out or omitted: for without their help it should have been impossible for any man, to have comprehended that, which I seek to declare, concerning fortification, although they were expert soldiers: as by the foresaid plats of the number of .1. and .2. may manifestly be seen, how well the courteines of such a town, is by the bulwarks thereof defended, and how the dishes of the platforms, and of both of them are flanked and scoured, besides other things, which by the lines that are drawn be declared, where otherwise it could not be showed after such sort, as it might be understand, and the like happeneth in the other.  
1  
2   

The strongest and perfectes fashion of all other for the building of the cortin or wall of a Town or fortress.  
BEfore being showed concerning the perfection that for the fashion of fortresses is requisette, how they ought to be builded with a number of corners proportioned nevertheless, with a just length of the cortin, and a sufficient distance between every bulwark, so that the more that with like conditions to the circular fashion it resembleth, so much the more it becometh perfect. There now remaineth to be considered, what fashion is to be judged of most perfection, either the same which without any edification placed in the midst of the curtin thereof, shallbe builded, or that which shall have either cavaliers, or platforms, or what so ever other manner of edification or figure, that for to defend the curtains of the bulwarks may be placed: or whether it be of those fatinos, which unto this present hath been used of other in building, or some new manner that might be devised. Therefore in this part leaving to reason of those, that shall have cavaliers or platforms as also of those bulwarks that the cortines shall have, which from the one to the other most straightly without other edification placed in the midst do shoot, for this time I shall only show a new fashion, the which I judge to be the most perfectest, that is possible to be imagined, as may be seen by the lines that are drawn from the plain plat of the number of .3. and by the plat that is raised up of the number of .4. here under figured, which resemblyng so near the circular figure, as the due length of the curtin will suffer, they shall have this difference from the other which directly are distended, that the cortin being made back a convenient distance, that spase may be left meet to make from the one and the other point of the same retire, a flanker, as two like flankers may be seen, in the plain plat of the number of .3. by the letters E. and F. and in the plat that is raised up of the number of .4. by the letters. A. and C. they shall have comodetie to direct their ordinance to flank, as well high as low, like unto those that are commonly built now adays: whereby, not only the same space of the curtin, that is between the one and the other of them shallbe perfectly defended, as may be perceived by the plat of the number of .3. by the line drawn from the letter. E. to the letter. F. but also that which lieth between them and the bulwarks, as in the said plat, by the lines that describeth the manner of the shot the one from the letter. E. to the letter. S. the other from the letter. F. to the letter. R. may be understand, and likewise the curtains of those bulwarks, as also in the very same, by the line that is drawn from the letter. F. to the letter. Q. is showed, with a better manner than in other fashion of building that is used can be defended, so that all the parts of them shall not only be made to be able to shoot by flank, but also thereby to shoot by right line, as in the plat of the number of .4. by the line that passeth from the letter. C. to the letter. D. and from the letter A to the letter. B. may be perceived. And whereas they may be builded with less cost than otherwise, they have also commodity to make their gates equally distant the one from the other, from the next bulwarks: where they are placed most safely and commodiously with great strength, and those gates be as well, as all the rest of the wall, and greatlier in that part, much surer from the assailing of the enemies, then in what so ever other manner of fashion might be devised: for as much as the platforms, and cavaliers be nothing so strong, but more easy to be overthrown, in respect to this manner of building, which is most sure from such danger, and exceedingly well defended from the force of the enemy: to the which, the nearer that the enemy shall approach, so much the more he shall of those within be hurt, contrary to that, which in the platforms happeneth. Moreover there may be certain slaughter houses built in the ditch, as in the plat of the number of .4. by the letters E.H. is showed, which the enemies with great difficulty must first seek to win, before they can come near the walls. And those being won, shall be but small prejudice to the town or fortress: wherefore without comparison, this fashion is greatlier to be praised, than the same with platforms, for that the nearer the Wall, the enemy shall come, so much more from the bulwarks by flank, and all most on the back, and from other places, both by flank, and by front in one instant, he shallbe hurt and strooken. Where also in such a kind of fashion with many corners, the greatness and room of the town within, is somewhat diminished, in respect to those that are made with platforms. Therefore I conclude, for the considerations a foresaid, these to be the most perfectest fations that any strong fortress, is possible to be made.  

5   

6   

3   

4    

An example of the quadrant form to prove that it causeth debilletie and weakness. Cap. xxii.  
THe towns and fortresses that are builded after a four cornered fation, in what so ever manner they be made, are subject to most great inconveniences: for that the sharp corners of their bulwarks which of necessity the same fashion will cause them to have, may very easily be battered, and under the ruin thereof, the assaults of the enemies defended, as in the plat following of the number of 7. by the bulwark C. battered of the artillery D. is seen. Whereby also may be perceived how the ordinance may be planted to make a breach, and to take away their flankers after such sort, that the enemies may safely approach to any place, either marching in battle ray to encamp, or assault, or with pianers to work, or for any other purpose, as by the four flankers of the three bulwarks. L. E. C. may be understand, the which of the artillery. H. ●. K.G. not only are battered, but also two of them that have the letters. L. C. as is seen, may of the artillery. K.G. be beaten through their flankers, and the back of the bulwark. E. nearest to them, which is on both sides of the flanks battered, the which for having in such place less thickness than any where else, and great height, may be the more easilier ruynated, as is to be seen in the said bulwark E. battered with the artillery F. and H. and also by the breach of the battery, which in the cortin is made of the ordinance B. as is seen where the artillery G. by the cortin doth beat through the same in the breach of the battery A. as manifestly appeareth: and moreover when they within would do any thing, they shallbe beaten with the artillery over the wall within the cortin N. from the cavalier M. without, so that no man shallbe able to stand behind the same to defend. And not only in this sort, but in sundry wise, and in diverse manners, what so ever town or fortress is builded after such fashion, may easily be battered and sune made sautable, whereby without further declaration it is plainly to be understand, how much the foresaid plats of the other fashion eccel this.  

7    

Of the nature of Saltpetre, and the manner how to make and refine it. Cap. xxiii.  
Saltpetre is a mixture of many substances, gotten out with fire and water of dry and dirty ground, or of that flower, that groweth out of new walls, in selars, or of that ground which is found lose within tombs, or desolate caves, where rain cannot come in: in the which ground (according to my judgement) the same is engendered of an airy moistness drunk up, and gotten of the yerthie dryness: whose nature (by the effect thereof) considering, I cannot tell how to be resolved, to say what thing properly it is. The well learned and most wise Physicians (besides medisinall experience) by the taste (finding it salt, and with exceeding sottill sharpness, and considering the great biting thereof) suppose verily that it is of nature hot and dry: on the other part, seeing it to be a thing engendered of air, and touched of fire to fall in a flame, and vapore, and rise with a terrible violence (as the same compounded, is seen by gunpowder most manifestly declared) seemeth to be of an airy nature, hot and moist: and again seeing it with shining and glittering whiteness, as a thing to the nature of water conformable, it seemeth that it may be said, that it is of a watery nature, finding it heavy: to which may be joined the experience of the taste, and of the exceeding coldness that in sumer it cawseth the water to be of, wherein it is put to keep wine cold, as they use in Italy, and by the brittelnes thereof, it may be thought to be of the nature of earth: and so much the more, where burning it with as much brimstone, it will turn into a hard white stone: so that to conclude, it seemeth that it hath the sovereignty & quality of every element. Now this of ancient writers, was called nitro: and Pliny in his natural history in the xxxi book sayeth, that it differeth not much from salt: whose nature seems also that unto Physicians hath not been hid: and it is found in many places, but the best is found in Macedonia: Albeit the late writers, specially they of our parts, say that Pliny, & the other writers believed that it was minerable: & peradventure they are deceived: for that there is of the artificial, which hath the very same virtue, & as sum think, more stronger of nature: & is found for the very same medicinal effect, better than the natural. Now this (as I have said) is drawn forth from the said dirty earth, so that the yearthie dryness by rain hath not been extinct: but the most excellentest of all other, is made of the dung of beasts, converted into earth, in stabells or in dunghills, of long time not used: and above all other, of the same that cumeth of hogs, the most and best is gotten: what so ever dung it be of, it is requiset that by continuance of time it be well resolved into earth, and the humidity thereof dried: yea and it is needful that the same earth be as it were dusty. To mind to have a say to know whether it be good, by the taste of the tongue it may be felt if it be biting, and how much: and finding it strong, so that you determine to work of it (making a great quantity) it is necessary to provide many Cauldrons, fornese, barrills or tub: and likewise wood, white lime, and ashes of old oak: but chiefly must be provided a great barn, or other walled house near to the water (whereof it is needful to have enough, as also of earth, both commodious for the place, & likewise every other thing.) But first the fornese must be made for the cawldrons, and they must be placed thereon, as those be that the dyer's use: then there must be prepared joists as long as the house, & so brodde, that commodiuslie above ground may stand butts with their heads knocked out, square chests, barrels or tub to the number of .50. or .60. or .100. (according to the caulderns, and the capacetie of the place) and between every two of those vecells, there must be set a half tub to receive the water that shall run out: or there would be placed a channel of wood that may go along under the holes of the veselles that are set above ground, so that it may convey all the water that cometh from them, into a great tub or two sufficient to hold all the water full of substance of saltpetre: and the butts that have their heads knocked out, or barrels or tub, in the bottom of every of them there must be made a hole on the one side, with an Awgar, or else three or four little holes made with a good big perser: and upon them must be laid a little thin linen cloth or else the end of a broom, or sum straw, to the intent that it may keep the earth up and strain the water that shallbe put amongst the same earth which is to be wroghte, when it is tasted with the mouth so that it be certain, that it containeth Saltepeter. Then there must be made thereof, in the midst of the house where it is to be wrought, a great hill, next unto which must be made an other half so big, which must be made with two parts of o●slaked lime, and three of oak ashes, or other ashes, which in taste are very strong & sharp: and then the one hill must be well mingled with the other, and with the same composition, the tub must be filled that are set aloft upon the joists, within a span of the mouth, or else (minding not to mingel with the yerath the ashes & the lime together) you may put first a span thickenes of earth in the bottom of the tub, and then three fingers thickness of the foresaid lime and ashes: and upon the same after, an other spanne thickness of earth, and on that likewise, an other three or four fingers thickness of lime and ashes: and so putting one rue of one thing, and an other of an other, you shall fill all the butts and tub, or other vecells that you have placed, even as above I have said, within a span of the mouths of them: and the rest that is then empty, which you left, you must fill with water: the which running through all the yerathe, by a little & a little, you must let it drop in the tub that stand under to receive it, or in the gutter or channel or where you list, so that it be conveyed into one or into sundry tub, or where you think good: and so you must see well that you gether all the water that you powered upon the earth, after it is passed through the holes of the bottom of the tub, in such wise, that it bring with it all the substance and virtue of the saltpetre that was in the said earth: whereof by putting sum of it on your tongue, you may taste: and finding it biting and very salt, it is a token that it is good & that you have done well: if not, power it again upon the very same earth, or upon sum other new: but finding the first earth full of substance as much as sufficeth, you may again power upon it more water, to wash better the remnant of the earth: albeit this second water would be saved in an other vecell, and after this, the earth may likewise be washed the third time, to th'intent that all the substance thereof, may perfectly be gotten: but this second nor the third, ought not to be mingled with the first, if it happen not to come of the very same taste: the which I believe that it will not: but it must be put by itself, in other vecells, for that it is good to power upon the change of the next earth, and so you may proceed, gathering a good quantity of such water, taking heed nevertheless, that it be full of the substance of saltpeter: the which if it seem unto you, not of the same perfection, as you would have it, you may power it again upon the very same earth, or upon other new, till such time as it satisfy you, and that you know, that it be full of the substance of Saltpetre. Besides this, there must be made a furnes with one or ij. cauldrons of brass walled thereon, which must be as great as those that the Dyer's use, and these cauldrons must then be filled, with the foresaid Saltpetre water: the which (as already I have told) ought to be as full of substance as may be, so that it have about the two third parts, and make it fair and softly to boil so much till it come to one third part, or there abouts: and after take it of, and put it to settle in a great vessel, covered, which must be well bound aboutel, with hoops of iron, and sure & close in the joining thereof, to the intent it spill not: and thus when the same water is settled and well clarefied, and from the yearthie and gross matter, which in it remained, diligently purged, it must be taken out and boiled again of new in the same cauldron, or in sum other: and for as much as every time that it boileth, if it be not taken heed of, it turneth into scum, and sometimes swelleth so much, that often times running over it spilleth, and carrieth away therewith much of the good: the which minding to remedy, you must take three parts of Oak ashes, and one of lime, and moreover, in every hundredth pound weight of water, there must be dissolved four pound of roche Alum: and when the cawldron boileth, take of the said water with a pot, and power into it once or twice, and specially when you see the saltpetre water rise in scum, which in a little while you shall see it allay, both clear and fair, and of an azure colour: and it must be boiled so long, till all the thin watrines be vapored away, and the substance of the saltpetre thickened: so that it being taken out, and put in chests or tub and cooled, may congeal: the which is best done, when the water is brought to least quantity, taking it out and putting it into a less cauldron, wherein it will sooner congeal: the which water being tasted, and seen to be brought to such pass, to be ready to congeal, you may take it out, and put it in vecelles of wood, or of earth that are rough within, with certain sticks of wood, to congeal, and so you shall let it cool, and rest three or iiij. days, so as it may drop, and be strained through some little hole, in the bottom of the vessel: and all the water that is not then congealed, you must take out and save for to seethe again: and the saltpetre that is in any quantity congealed, you shall find to be, according to the virtue that was in the water, or in the earth: but the clearness and fairness thereof, will come of the master virtue of the water, that is put into it in the boiling, which hath strength to purgeit, and make it come, as it were refined in the first seething: now this being taken from the sides of the vessel, where it congealed, and in the water thereof washed, you must lay it upon a table to dry thoroughly: & the same seeming unto you to have need, or nevertheless minding to have it above the common use, for some purpose, more purefied, & without yerthie grossness, & altogether without fatness and saltness, which for to make exceeding fine powder, or aqua fortis, is must requised so to be: to be short, for what so ever cause it ought to be refined, I council you, to do it after one of these two ways, which here following, I shall teach you: The first, which I like best, is with water: and the second is with fire, with water it is refined in this manner, taking of the foresaid mixture made of lime, ashes, and alum desolved: & then for every harrill of water that you have put in the cauldron, for to dissolve the saltpetre, you must put into it six potfulls of the foresaid strong water: and in the same quantity of water so prepared, put so much saltpetre as you think may well be dissolved: and with boiling make it to resolve very well, and seeing it in boiling to have cast up scum, you shall then take it out of the cauldron, and put it into a tub, in the bottom whereof, you must first have put four fingers thickness of fine sand clean washed, and that must be covered with a linen cloth: and by a little hole made in the bottom of the tub, you shall suffer it to drop by little & little into sum other vecel set under to receive it: & so this water thus strained, you must after put in the very same or in an other cauldron to boil again, & to make the greater part of the same water, that you put into it seeth away: finally make it boil so much, until you see it ready to thicken, powering now and than, in making it, a little of the foresaid strong water, and specially when it swelleth and casteth up scum: and this thing (being so handled) you must take out of the cawldron, and put it in chests or other vecells of wood, to congeal: which, being a great quantity, in three or four days, you shall find all that congealed, which will congeall: which, being taken out, you must order as you used afore the other: and the same water that is not congealed, must be boiled again: and so you shall do from time to time as it gathereth together and congealeth: and after this sort you shall make the saltpetre most white and fair, and much better than at the first seathinge.  
Also saltpetre is refined in an other manner, which is with fire, but in a little quantity minding to do it well: & although it be a ready way, yet few use it: albeit it serveth to get out the fatness of saltpetre, for that it sendeth into the bottom very much yearthenes, not withstanding I like better the foresaid way in purging it with water, than this with fire: But to do this, take a salet, or sum other iron or brazen vecell, and fill it with saltpetre, and cover it with a cover of iron, brass, or earth, so that it be made bighe enough, meet to be taken of and put on when you list, that the vessel may be well covered: & than it must be set in the midst of a good fire of coals, and so the saltpetre will melt: which is son perceived of the expert artifecer: but when you think that it is molte, look upon it: and if it be not well melted, cover it again and let it melt well: than it being well melted, take brimstone most finely beaten in powder, and straw sum thereon: and if of itself it take not fire, do you kendel it: and being kindled let it burn till such time as the brimstone be all consumed, so that nothing else be burnt, but the upper part, and certain gross unctiousnes of the saltpetre, the which when it is burned, will leave the rest fair and clear: and then it must be taken from the fire letting it cool, where in the vessel you shall find it (when it shallbe could) all in one piece white like unto a piece of marble: and all the yearthienes thereof remaining in the bottom: which shallbe good saltpetre to make powder withal, but not very commendable to any other use: and about saltpetre the wit of men have so much imagined, that means are found to cause it to grow in the ground, and in places, that never had any before, by disoluinge saltpetre in water: for with the same water weating the ground, and letting it stand so a certain space of time, saltpetre willbe engendered, so that the same that was put there, will multeplie wonderfully: and it is a most certain thing, that in making saltpetre, the earth that hath been occupied, heaped up in a place that is covered, so that the rain do not wash it, within the space of five or six years, may again be laboured, and saltpetre shallbe found to be engendered, and yield much more, than it did the first time: and this that I have declared in this chapter, is as much as I can say of saltpetre.   

The manner how to make all sorts of gunpowder. Chapter xxiiii  
GVnne powder, is made of three simples only: that is, salt peter, Brimstone and Coals: and some proporcioneth it after one fashion, and some after an other, and also according to the Guns, and purposes, wherewith they will occupy it. For that one sort is occupied for great ordinance, and an other sort for less pieces: and this is known to every Bombardier: In Harkabuses, and hand guns, is not occupied common powder, but about certain fire works: and therefore to every of the said purposes, the ponders is proportioned accordynglie. For that if Serpentine powder, should be occupied in hand guns, or Harkebuses, it would scant be able to drive their pellettes a quoits cast, from their mouths: and if hand gun powder should be used in pieces of ordinance, without great discretion, it would quickly break or mar them: and to mind to have all sort of powders good, three things is requiset to be observed, in making thereof. The first is to see, that the substance, wherewith it is made, have no yearthy grossness. The second, that it be finely beaten: the third, that it be very well dried, from all humidity or moistenesse, and this done, you shall have strong and excellent good powder. And it is to be understand, that the chief thing that is in powder, is Salt peter: for that of it (by the same that is seen) dependeth all the force. And therefore provision is to be made, to have a good quantity thereof, and that it be clean and neat: the which by burning, may well be known, for that in all sorts of powder, it is needful, that the Saltpetre be good.  
Now, for to make common powder, for great pieces of artillery, there must be taken three parts, of refined Saltpetre, two of Willow coals, and one of Brimstone, and grinding every thing: all must be well mingled together, & all the moistness thereof dried up, as I have said. To make powder for small pieces of artillery, there must be taken five parts, of refined Saltpetre, and one and a half of Coals, and one of Brimstone, and grinding it moste finely, and mingling it well together, it must be corned, and then dried. The manner of corning all sorts of powder, is with a sieve made, with a thick skin of Parchment, full of little round holes, into the which seve the powder must be put, while it is dank, and also a little bowl, that when you sift, may roll up and down, upon the clots of powder, to break them, that it may corn, and run through the holes of the sieve.  
To make Harkebuse and hand Gun powder, there must be taken ten parts of refined Saltpetre, and one of young basel coals of a year old made clean, and one part of brimstone, and beating all in a mortar or grinding it exceedingly well that it may be mingled together and so fine as is possible, than it must be corned and thoroughly dried. And note that if it be not marvelusly well beaten, it will never be good. But because making of powder, which are of things that will easily kindle, cannot be without peril of him that maketh it, except it be remedied with weating: therefore it behoveth to take heed that it be not beaten dry, as well to avoid such peril, as also for that it willbe beaten better: for which causes it must be wet with common water to a certain degree of moistness, so that taken up in one's hand it may clingh together. Sum moist it with vinegar: and sum, for to make it more stronger, with camphored aqua vitae. When I have caused gunpowder to be made, I have used comun water, and therefore I am able to say which of those things is best: and to tell my opinion, I doubt whether vinegar or aqua vitae causeth the gunpowder to be any better than the common water: for as much as they vaporinge away, as they do, and as of necessity they must, I believe that little of their substance remaineth. There be sum which in making coal (besides wellowe) make them of hazel: and sum of vine sticks: and sum of bay sticks: sum of reeds: sum of kecses: and to be short, all the coals that are made of soft wood, are of wood which have much pith: but it is requiset that they be small, young, and tender, and without hardness of knots: otherwise they be not good: albeit they be made in diverse manners: but in making of any great quantity of powder, the ordinary coal is to be taken: 
How to make coal where with gumpoulder is made.  and making a little, they use to take young hazel of a year old, cut in short peses, & then putting them into a great yerthen pot, or other vecell of iron, or brass, they shut it & cover it close, and lute it or daub it very well about, so that it cannot breath: and then they make fire round about it and upon it, till such time as it may be thought that the heat is well entered in through all, & that the wood that is within is very well fired: & without firebrands, or flame, burned only through such heat: and then they take the fire from the pot and let it cool, and so they find the same wood becum coal. I happening onse to have need of coals (to th'intent to make sum quickly, took as many dry hazel sticks that had their rinds scraped of, as I thought sufficient to serve my purpose: and breaking them in peses and laying them close together on a heap, I set them on fire and burned them all well, and then sprinkled water upon them with a broume, and with the same wet brume quenched the fire: & so scattered abroad the coals hear and there, always sprinckelinge water upon them till I quenched them: and thus I have served my purpose without so much difficulty.  
Moreover it is a very profitable thing, yea and a necessary, that I declare the manner & faciletie of beating it, for to be able safely to make a great quantity thereof. In old time they were wont to grind gumpoulder with certain handemilles, as they use to grind corn, but (besides the pain) it is away very perrillus: for that such a composition ground together with stones, will catch heat in such wise, that it will soon engender fire, inespetialy every thing being a matter disposed to fire: as also by rubbing together with violence a couple of bay sticks, you shall straight way kendell fire. Sum grind powder in such mills as they use to grind crabs or apells to make vargis or cider: and sum hath it stamped in mortars with a water mill or a horsemill, which way is the best of all other, and most surest and also it is beaten finelier, and with less labour and pain. Sum (that hath not the comodetie of water) make a great wheel, devised after such sort, that with the cogs thereof it may raise up many heavy pestells, which falling, beat in divers mortars of wood made in a beam of oak, of the which there be sum have the bottoms of brass.  
Sum stamp with their arms, with a great pestle tied to the end of a pole with a cord, right over, a mortar of wood or brass, and so they beat the easilier: other some beat it in a stone mortar, with the mouth somewhat large, with a wooden pestle, with the handle thereof made like unto a hamner or a mall. And these, and other, that may be made, is as much as about the devise of beating and making gunpowder is needful.  
They have used heretofore to weigh every matter by itself, and then they have gone mingling and beating all together. There have been after, sum that have devised to beat every thing severally by itself, and then mingelld altogether and made it. But finally the best and most readiest way, is to take a a quantity of saltpetre, wherewith you will make your powder, & put it into a cauldron with so much water (as being set upon the fire) may be thought sufficient to dissolve it: which so soon as it is resolved, must be taken of and set on the ground in a cold place: and the quantity of beaten coals that is sufficient, must be put into it, and so slurringe it about, must be mingled well with the saltpetre desolved: and then taking your brimstone finely beaten in powder, and with a staff stirring about the coals and the saltpetre, you must straw it finely upon the same, as well as you can, with continual stirring and mingling them together, which composition thus made, you must then dry somewhat in the sun: and then to have it excellently well made, there needeth no other to be done, but to beat it all together, to the intent that it may incorporate most finely, which done, you must dry it with most great diligence: and then sift it very well through a seve, and moisting it again with water or vinegar, stirring it somewhat together in a seve, you may corn it as already hath been declared: and then again for to occupy it about your business you must dry it well: and so being dried, put it into dry vecells of wood to keep: and set it in the highest places of your house, where few cometh for divers respects: and though it were for no other, at least to keep it dry. They that are expert, know good powder in this manner, by the colour: for that if it be very black, it is a sign that it is made with very much coals: or that it is moist: and when you rub it upon a piece of paper it will black it more than it ought to do: and drawing it with your finger, you may see whether it be finely beaten or no: for it must be so much beaten that nothing, neither of saltpetre nor of Brimstone be diserned in any wise: for with reason they ought not to be seen: they take also for a trial, three or four corns of powder, and lay them upon a white Paper, distaunte three fingers, the one from the other, and fire one of them: and if the powder be good, you shall see them all to fire at tones: so that there shall be no residence remaining, neither grossness of Brimstone, nor of saltpetre, nor of any other thing, and the paper not burnt. And if it be not so found, they know that it is evil made, or not good, but full of yearthenes of saltpetre: or that it is moist, so that it is naught for shooting of ordinance, besides the peril that it putteth them in. And undoubtedly naughty powder, is a cost half cast away: and it is a great fault in him that maketh it, or that causeth it to be made: for that in time of need, it is of no effect, & causeth much shame to the Gunners, which occupy it: and therefore diligence ought to be used and, good heed taken that it be made according as I have taught. There are many which bring up lies, saying: that they can tell how to make powder that shooting it in guns shall make no noise, the which is impossible, the fire and the air violently incountering together, where beside that they are not able to do the same they say, with a piece of ordinance, they are less able to do it with one of those potgunnes of elder that boys use to shoot paper and slows in, by the noise of which, may well be perceived, that all proceedeth of breaking of the air. Also there be many that say, that they can make white powder, that shall not black onhis hands, by putting in a certain thing in the stead of coals: sum other, red, with dried red flowers: and other blue, with blue flowers: sum other say that to make the powder of more force and strength, that it is very good to put to every pound of brimstone an ounce of mercury, the brimstone being first put in by a little, & a little. moreover there are sum other that say, that for to make the like, there ought to be put to every pound of saltpetre, a quarter of an ounce of salt armoniac: sum other there be also, which say that in the stead of coals, it is better to take linen cloth and to burn it to tinder, and therewith to make powder, which is more excellenter than any other coal that is possible to be used, about such a purpose. And although that in my judgement I have declared already the best receipt, that is for the making of all sorts of gunpowder, yet to the intent that it may be understand how much men have travailed and imagined to bring the same to all perfection, I have thought good to show herefollowing divers more receipts both good and bad, which for the making of powder hath been experiensed of sundry men.  

The first invention and oldest manner in making of sarpentine powder, or powder for ordinance.  
1 saltpetre 
i. part.  Brimstone 
i. part.  Coals 
i part.   

The next practice of making powder for ordinance.  2 saltpetre 
iij. parts.  Brimstone 
ij. parts.  Coals 
ij. parts.   

Powder for ordinance of a newer making.  3 saltpetre 
x. parts.  Brimstone 
iij. parts.  Coals 
iij. parts.   

Powder for ordinance not so old.  4 saltpetre 
xii. parts.  Brimstone 
iij. parts.  Coals 
ij. parts.   

Powder for ordinance not very old.  5 saltpetre 
ix. parts.  Brimstone 
ij. parts.  Coals 
iij. parts.   

Powder used of late days for handgunnes.  6 saltpetre 
iiij. parts.  Brimstone 
i. part.  Coals 
i part.   

Powder for ordinance used not so long agone.  7 saltpetre 
xx. parts.  Brimstone 
iij. parts.  Coals 
x. parts.   

Powder for ordinance used of later days.  8 saltpetre 
c. parts.  Brimstone 
x. parts.  Coals 
xxxvi. parts.   

Grose powder of a newer sort.  9 saltpetre 
c. parts.  Brimstone 
xx. parts.  Coals 
xxxvij. parts.   

Fine powder of a making not very old.  10 saltpetre 
ix. parts.  Brimstone 
iij. parts.  Coals 
vi. parts.   

Grose powder of a newer making.  11 saltpetre 
ij. parts.  Brimstone 
i. part.  Coals 
i part.   

Harkabus powder of a newer making.  12 saltpetre 
iij. parts.  Brimstone 
i. part.  Coals of wilowe sticks 
i part.   

Fine powder of a newer making.  13 saltpetre often refined. 
v. parts.  Brimstone 
i. part.  Coals of young hazel sticks. 
i. part.   

Gross powder of a newer making.  14 saltpetre refined 
iij. parts.  Brimstone 
i. part.  Wilow coals. 
ij. parts.   

Powder of a newer making.  15 saltpetre 
x. parts.  Brimstone 
ij. parts.  Wilowe coals. 
iij. parts.   

Harkabus powder used now adays.  16 saltpetre very often refined 
x. parts.  Brimstone 
i. part.  Coals made of hazel twigs with the bark peeled 
i. part.   

Handgun powder of a newer making.  17 saltpetre refined 
xxvij. parts.  Brimstone 
iij. parts.  Coals of hazel having their rinds peeled of 
iiij. par.   

Handegun powder of a stronger and of a newer making.  18 saltpetre refined 
seven. parts.  Brimstone 
i. part.  Coals of young hazel 
i. part.   

Finer and stronger handegun powder.  19 saltpetre divers times refined 
viii. parts.  Brimstone 
i. part.  Coals of young hazel twigghes having their rinds peeled of 
i. part.   

Gross powder used now adays.  20 saltpetre 
iiij. parts.  Brimstone 
i. part.  Wilow coals 
i part.   

Gross powder used now adays.  21 saltpetre 
xx. parts.  Brimstone 
iiij. parts.  Wilow coals 
v. parts.   

Handegun powder used now adays.  22 saltpetre refined dry 
xlviij. parts.  Brimstone cetrine 
seven. parts.  Hasell coals 
viii. parts.   

Handegun powder used now adays.  23 saltpetre refined. 
xviij. parts.  Brimstone 
ij. parts.  Hasell coals 
iij. parts.     

The manner that is used of charging and shooting of ordinance. Cap. xxv.  
FOr as much as if Gunners should chance to be slain or otherwise lacking, to the intent that every soldier in time of need may know how to serve in one of their steeds, I have thought good and necessary, to show & declare the manner of charching and shooting of peses of ordinance. Wherefore it ought to be understood, how much powder is occupied atonse in charging of every piece, which most commonly, is two third parts, of that which the shot or bullet thereof weigheth: as for example if the boolet of a piece of ordinance wayghe xxj pound, than there must be taken xiiij pound of powder for the just charge of the same piece. And then with a long staff that hath at the one end a bob as big as the boolet of the piece, & at the other end a ladle made for the same purpose that will take so much powder up at twice or thrice, as is aforesaid, the piece must be charged, after this sort. Take the ladle full of powder, and thrust it into the Gun so far as it will go, and then turn your hand with the ladle that the powder may fall out and remain there behind when you pull out your ladle: which done, you must with the bob end thereof, thrust the powder home fair and softly: and so with the ladle taking up the rest of the powder you must do likewise, and thrust after at the last a wisp of hay or of something else, to sweep all the powder together, and then the bullet which must be of a fit biggnes for the peses: And also an other wisp to stay the bollet for rolling out: & putting sum powder in the touchehole & about the touchhole, the Gun is then charged. Now to level it, a man must stand directly behind it, and with a lever, turn it this way, or that way till such time as it be brought to lie just, as a man will have it, so that looking straight from the brieche or hinder part of the piece as low as may be upon the upper part thereof, he may see the mouth of the piece to lie even with the mark and as it were to cover it: which done, if the ground whereon it standeth, be even, as it is requiset to be, & that the one wheel stand not higher than the other, giving fire to it with a lint stock which is a match fastened to the end of a staff of a yard or two yards long, you shall see the shot to strike the same thing that you shot at, if it be within any reasonable distance. And for more speedy shooting of ordinance, the just charge in powder of every piece may aforhande be prepared in a readiness, and put in bags of linen or in great papers made for the same purpose, which in a sudden may be chopped into the mouth of a peses with the boollet or shot thereof thrust after, as far as they will gowe, and then thrusting a long wire into the touch hole that may pierce through the bag or paper wherein the charge of powder lieth within the piece, filling the same toochehoole with corn powder so soon as it is leveled, it may incontinente be shot of: which manner of charging is done most quickly and a great deal sooner than any other way, and when haste requires, very needful.   

How to get out quickly the nails that should happen by treason, or otherwise to be driven into the toucheholes of ordinance. Cap. xxvi.  
IF it should fortune at some sudden assault, the touch holes of the artillery to be nailed up, after such sort as they cannot be discharged, of shot of, the spediest way to unnaile them, is first to charge again all such peses of artillery, with smaller bullets than their ordinary: and when they are so charged, to level them toward those places where need requires, even as they should have been, if they had not been nailed: and then there must be made a train of powder, along the bottom of the canes, from the mouths to the bollettes of every peses of ordinance: and to the intent not to shoot them in vain, you may tarry for occasion, and occasion serving to shoot them, you may give fire at their mouths, where beside that they shall do their ordinary effects, they shall all in the discharging, be unayled, blowing out the same nails or pings of iron, wherewith their tocheholes were stopped: and so doing, of such naling there shall hap no great harm. But if sum of them for being beaten in harder than other, should chance at the first not to be driven out, than the remedy is, to charge them again, and to shoot them of, after the said manner, putting on the toucheholes a little oil made very hot, heating also first the place that is nailed, with a burning coal, making moreover with clay, upon the peses, a little cup about the hole, that may hold the hot oil that is poured upon it, after such sort, that through the heat thereof, it may soak into the hole with the iron in it, whereby the same iron shall then be made so slippery, that at the next discharging of the peses, the fury of the fire most easily shall blou it out.   

How much the artillery ought to be esteemed of the armies now adays, and whether the same opinion of them which is had universally, be true. Cap. xxvij.  
COnsidering how many battles and deeds of arms, were made of the Romans at sundry times, there is cum unto me in consideration, the universal opinion of many men, which is, that if in those times there had been ordinance, the Romans should not have been able to have conquered, nor so easily have won the countries, & made the people their tributaries, as they did, nor they should not have in any manner made so mighty conquests. They say also, that by mean of this instrument of fire, men cannot use, nor show their strength and virtue, as they might in old time. And they add a third thing, that they come with more difficulty to fight a field than they came in those days, nor there cannot be kept in them the orders of those times, so that at length the war shallbe brought to consist altogether in artillery. And minding to write, whether such opinion be true, and how much the artillery hath increased, or demineshed the strength of armies, and whether it taketh away, or giveth occasion to good Captains to do valiantly, I will begin to speak concerning their first opinion, that the ancient Roman armies should not have made the conquests which they did, if the ordinance had been in those days. To which answering I say, how that war is made either to defend, or to offend. Where first it is to be examened, to whom these two manner of wars causeth most profit, or most hurt. And albeit there is what to say of either part, notwithstanding I believe, that without comparison, they do more harm to him that defendeth, than to him that invadeth. The reason is, that he that defendeth, is either in a town, or in a camp within a trench. If he be within a town, this town is either little, as the most part of fortresses are, or it is great. In the first case, he that defendeth, is altogether lost: for that the violence of the artillery is such, that there is no wall, how great so ever it be, which in feu days it battereth not doum. And if he that is within, have not space enough to retire, both with ditches, and with rampires, he is over cum, because he is not able to withstand the violence of the enemy, who through the breach of the wall, will after enter: nor in this case, the artillery which he should have, shall not help him: for that this is a general rule, that where men in a throng, & with violence may go, the artillery cannot withhold them. Therefore in the defence of a town, the fury of the enemies cannot be withstand. Though the assaults the which are not thronged, but scattered, which be called scirmushes be easily withstood. And they which go with this disorder, and coldness to a breach of a wall, where artillery is, do go to a manifest death, and against them the artillery prevaileth: but those, which assault a breach in a throng hard together, so that the one thrusteth forward the other if they be not holden out of dyches, or of rampires, they enter in every place, and the artillery keepeth them not back, and though sum be slain, they cannot be so many, that they shall let the victory. This is known to be true, by many expugnations of towns made in Italy, and in especially in the same of Brescia: for as much as the same town being rebelled from the frenchemen, and yet the fortress being kept for the King of France, the Venetians for to withstand the violence, which from the same might come into the town, had laid all the street full of Artillery, which descended from the fortress to the City, & they planted them on the front, and in the flanks, and in every other fit place. Of the which monsieur de Fois made no other coumpte, but with his squadrons, coming down on foot passing through the midst of them, got the city: nor it was not known that he received by those any notabel hurt. So that he that defendeth himself within a little town (as hath been said) and findeth the wall on the ground, and hath not space to retire with rampires, and with ditches, and is constrained to trust upon the artillery, is overcum strait way. If thou defendest a great town, & where thou hast commodity to retire, yet not withstanding without comparison, the artillery is more proffittabell to him which is without, then to him that is within. first, to mind to have a piece of Artillery hurt those without, thou art constrained to get the up with it from the plain ground of the town: because standing upon the plain ground, every little bank and rampire that the enemy may make, shall cause him to remain safe, and thou canst not hurt him, so that being driven to stand aloft on the top of the wall, or in what so ever other manner on high, thou drawest after the two difficulties. The first is, that thou canst not bring up so great and mighty peses of artillery, as he without may shoot, being not able in little spaces to handle great things. The other is, that although thou couldst bring them, thou canst not make such strong & sure defence for to save the said artillery from dismounting, as they without may do, being on the ground, & having that commodity and that room, that they themselves list. So that it is impossible for him that defendeth a town, to keep the artillery on high places, when they which are without have great ordinance enough. And if they be driven to come with them on low places, they becum for the most part unprofittable, as hath been said. So that the defence of the city, is brought to be defended with arms, as in old time they did, and with small artillery. Of which if there be gotten a little profit (having respect to the same small artillery) there is gotten so much incomoditie, as counterpeaseth the commodity of the artillery: for as much as having respect to the same, they make the walls of towns low, and as it were under ground in ditches, so that so soon as they come to the battle at hand, either because the walls are battered, or because the dyches are filled up, he that is within, hath much more dissaduamtage, than he should have had in times pass. And therefore (as afore is said) those instruments helpeth much more him that besigeth a town, than he that is besieged. Concerning the third thing, to lie in camp within a trench, to the intent not to fight the field but at thy commodity, or advantage, I say, that in this part thou hast no more remedy ordinarily to defend thee from faighting, than they had in old time. And sometimes, considering the artillery, thou haste greater disadvantage: for that if the enemy meet with thee, and have a little advantage of the country, as may easily chance, and find himself higher than thou, or that in his coming thou hast not yet made thy banks or rampires, and covered thee well with those, straight way, and before thou haste any remedy, he unlodgeth thee, and thou art constrained to issue out of thy fortress, & come to fight: the which happened to the Spaniards in the battle of Ravenna, who being fortified between the river of Ronco, and a bank, because they lay not so high as sufficed, and for that the Frenchmen had a little the advantage of the ground, they were constrained of the artillery to issue out of their fortress, and cum to faight. But admit that the place, which thou hast taken with the camp, were much higher, than the other against it (as for the most part it ought to be) & that the banks or rampires were good and sure, so that by means of the situation, and thy other preparations, the enemy durst not assault thee, it shall come in this case to those manners, which in old time it came, when one was with his army in place not possible to be hurt: the which are to overun the country, to take, or besiege the towns that are thy friends, to stop thee thy vitualls, so that thou shalt be constrained of sum necessity to unlodge, and cum to fayghte the field, where the artillery (as hereafter shallbe said) doth not much hurt. Considering then what kind of wars the Romans made, & seeing how they made almost all their war to invade other men, and not for to defended themselves, it shallbe seen (when the things said afore be true) how they should have had more advantage, and much souner should have made their conquests, if ordinance had been in those days. Concerning the second thing, that men cannot show their strength, as they might in old time, because of the artillery, I say, that it is true, that where men scattered do show it, they stand in more peril, then in those days, when they had to scale a town, or to make like assaults, where men not thronged together, but severally the one from the other did appear. It is also true that the Captains, and heads of armies, stand more subject to the peril of death, them in those times, because they may be reached with artillery in all places, nor it helpeth not them to be in the rerewardes, guarded with most strong men. Notwithstanding it is seen, that the one and the other of these two perils, do seldom times extraordinary hurts, for that the towns well appointed and furneshed with munition are not scaled, nor they go not with weak assaults to assault them: but minding to win them, the matter is brought to a siege, as in old time they did. And in those, which nevertheless are won by assault, the perils are not much greater than they were in those days: for that also in those times, they which defended a town, lacked not things to throw and shoot, the which (though they were not so furious) they did concerning the kill of men the like effect. Concerning the death of Captains and conductor, there hath been in xxiiij years that the war was of late days in Italy, less examples, than there was in x. years with the antiquetie: for that except Count Lodovic of Mirandola, who died at Ferare, when the Venetians, a few years agone, assaulted the same state, and the Duke of Nemors, which died a Cirignuola, there hath not happened of the artillery enie to be slain: for as much as monsieur de Fois at Ravenna, died of iron, and not of fire. So that if men show not particularly their strenghthes, it groweth not of the artillery, but of the naughthie orders, and of the weakness of the armies, the which altogether lacking strength, cannot show it in part. Concerning the third thing said of them, that men cannot come to hand strokes, & that the war shallbe brought to stand altogether upon artillery, I say, that this opinion is altogether false: and so always shallbe taken of those, who according to the ancient virtue will occupy their armies: for that he that will make a good army, it behoveth him with exersises, either feigned, or true, to accustom his men to give the charge on the enemy, and to come to the swords point with him, and to the graspine by the bosom: & he ought to ground himself more upon the footmen, then upon the horsemen. And when he shall ground himself upon the footmen, and upon the foresaid manners, the artillery becometh altogether unproffittable. For that with more facelety, the footmen in aproching near the enemy, may avoid the shot of the artillery, than they were able in old time to avoid the violence of Elifantes, of carts full of hooks, and of other strange encounters, which the Roman footmen encountered withal, against which, always they found the remedy, and so much more easily they should have found against this, the shorter that the time is, in the which the artillery may hurt thee, than the same was, in the which the elifantes & the carts were able to hurt: for as much as they in the midst of the fight disordered men, these only before the fayghte do trouble men: the which impediment the footmen easily avoid, either with gowing covered by the nature of the situation, or with falling down upon the ground, when they shoot: the which also by experience hath been seen not to be needful, in especially to be defended from great ordinance, the which cannot in such wise be leveled, because if they gowe high, they touch thee not, and if they go low, they will not come near thee. Then the armies being come to handestrokes, this is more clear, than the light, that neither the great, nor the little can after hurt thee: for that if the same, which hath the artillery, be before, it becumeth thy prisoner, if it behind, it hurteth the friend before thee. Again on the back it cannot hurt thee after such sort, that thou art not able to go to win it, and it cumeth to follow the said effect. Nor this need not much disputation: for that there hath been seen the example of the Suizers, who at navara in the year of our lord 1513. without artillery, and without horse, went to encounter the French army furnesshed with artillery within their fortress, and they overthrew them without having any impediment thereby: and the reason is (besides the things told afore) that the artillery minding to have it work hath need to be guarded either of a wall, or of dyches, or of banks. And when it lacketh on of these guards, it is taken, or becumeth unprofitabell, as it happeneth when it is defended with men, for where they chaunse to be in a battle, and in the fight on the land, they cannot be occupied by flank, but in the same manner, that the antiquetie occupied the instruments to shoot, which they placed out of the squadrons, for that they should faight out of the orders, & always when either of horsemen, or of other they were charged upon, their refuge was behind the legions: he that otherwise maketh account of them, hath no skill, & trusteth upon a thing, which easily may deceive him. And though the Turk by means of artillery, against the Sophi & the Sultan, hath had victory, it hath not happened through other means, than through the fear that the horsemen were put in by the strange rumour thereof. Therefore to make an end of this discoorse, I conclude, that the artillery is proffittable in an army, when the ancient virtue is mingled therewith, but without the same, against a puisante army, it is most unproffittabell.   

Of Muynes and placing of powder under ground, wherewith invincible fortresses, by fire may be ruignated, when ordinance cannot be brought unto them. Cap. xxviij.  
THe better and greater quantety of powder which is put in a Cave that is made to overthrow a fort or Castle, the greater undoubtedly shallbe the effect thereof: which cave is best to be made a good way within the ground, and in a hard place, to the intent that when the same is shut and well walled up, the fire be not able easily to have any other way out, then in overthrowing the thing that is to be ruined. for as much as if the air, and the fire in the rheum of that enclosed place, may have means to breath out, the force thereof willbe of no effect. Also it would be taken heed of, that the cave be not by no other means marred, so that the fire may break out: for which cause, it ought to be made, with the beginning thereof somewhat distant from the place, that you mind to overthrow: to the intent that in making thereof, the men of the same place do not issue out to let you, nor perceive the certain place of the hurt, to be able to provide for it, and to make countermuynes to let the fire breathe out and pass without enie effect, whereby all your cost and labour, may becum vain. Moreover they make these muynes, the most naroweste and most crookedest that may be, and in especially near the very place that is appointed to be overthrown, and therefore under such a place there must be digged a hole that may be at least three yards high or more, and two yards brodde, and that the entry unto it be underground in the manner, as by this present figure you may see described.  
THE FOUNDATION OF THE MVINE DISCOVERED  
THE PLACE OF GREATEST EFFECT.  
And in this to put barrels with their heads knocked out full of good strong powder, between which you must also straw powder enough upon the boards whereon they stand, laying to it a good great match made of cotton, boiled in vinegar, brimstone, and saltpetre, which must be well rolled in good serpentine powder well dried in the son: and having laid it to the place, you must make a train of powder upon it, even to the gowinge out, so that it may be covered therewith: placing it in pipes of earth or trunks of wood in the place of the entry thereof: and that done, you must wall it up most strongly, laying overthwart great blocks of oaks or other wood: so that with those and with the wall, it may be strong to resist the fury of the fire, as much as is possible: & the entry in such manner made up and fortified, when you shall think it time to bring the effect to pass, to destroy the adversaries, or to make a ruin, you may cause the train to be set on fire, where you shall see a maruelus and horrible effect follow. More about this matter I need not to declare saving that if it should chance the muyne to be made in a stony place, where the stones will fall down, that then the best is to underprop them with pipes of wood filled full of powder.   

The manner how to make trombes or trunks of fire, as well to assault as to defend a breach, or gate, and to set a fire a town or Camp or any thing else. Cap. xixx.  
first cause a cane of good wood to be made at the torners as big as a man's thigh & the length of an ell, after such sort that the hole thereof be as wide that a man may thrust in his naked arm, & cause that the bottom of the said trunk be made in such wise with a little hole, that the staff of a partesan may enter into it and so to be made fast thereunto, binding the said trunk with iron wire at both ends, & in the midst for more surety that it break not, through the fury of the fire. Then fill it with this mixture here following. Take serpentin powder four pound, rosin i pound, camphor house a pound, beaten glass four ounses, and mingell every thing together, then begin to fill and put in the trumbe a handful of serpentine powder unmixed, next a handful of the foresaid mixture, after a little powder, than a stoppel of cotton wet in oil of gineper, and put in upon the said cotton as you have done at the first, that is to say powder, and then mixture etc. And thus you must do till you have filled it full, stamping in the stuff always lightly, and if for lack of gineper oil you wet the cotton in aqua vitae, it is very good putting after every quantety of powder a little quicksilver, then when it is full, put in the mouth sum good powder, making it a singell cover of parchement bound about with packthread, and with a little hole in the midst of the parchment, wherein you must put a match made with gunpowder, the which easily and quickly with your common match may kendell the fire, being cum to the face of the enemy: which is an excellent thing for the fight on the sea, or for to dissorder a a band of horsemen.  
  

How to make bottells or pots of fire work to throw into ships or among men that are in battaylraye. Cap. thirty.  
such yearthen bottells or pots as is commonly used to keep vinegar or oil and such like, is best for this purpose, which must be filled with this composition: serpentine powder ij. parts, rosin one part, pitch one part, beating most fynele, all these things together in a mortar, then take turpentine, and a little gineper oil, or linsede oil, and mingell them therewith in a cauldron upon the fire with a a stick of a yard long, and fill the bottells half full of this foresaid receit, that done, take serpentine powder one part, rosin one part, brimstone half a part, pitch half a part, and of this last mixtur the bottells or pots must be filled up: then in the mouths of them there must be put sum good powder, to the intent that with the match it may quickly kendell the fire: which bottells or pots serve well to throw into a town or out of a town among enemies, for that the fire of them breaking out, flieth all abroad and burneth most horribly where it lighteth, but good heed must be taken that it be first well kindled before it be thrown, in especially if it be cast from above.   

another composition of fire work. Cap. xxix.  
cause as many yerthen bottells or pots to be made as you list to have, which must be as it were but half baked, then fill them with this mixture following, serpentine powder three parts, saltpetre one part, turpentine half a part, pitch haufe a part, brimstone one part, bay salt half a part, and when you will throw them set them on fire and see that they be well kindled.   

Balls of metal to throw among men in battelraye or otherwise, which breaking shall do wonderful hurt. Cap. xxxii.  
TO dissorder and to make the enemies to give place, there may also be provided, certain hollow balls of metal as big as small bowls, and a quarter of an inch thick, cast in moulds and made of three parts of brass and one of tin: but the brass ought to be molte before the tin be put to it, which balls filled half full of fine corens powder, and the other half full, of serpentine powder, mingled with rosin beaten into powder, so that for three parts of serpentine powder there be one part of rosin: and then putting in the mouths of the holes of them a little fine corn powder to make the rest to fire the suner, and after being fired and thrown, they will break and fly into a thousand pieces, and both hurt and kill whom so ever is near or about them. Wherefore they are very good to throw over the walls into a town or fortress, or into a camp, to hurt and to give a terror to those that are within: but these balls after they are fired and well kindled, and having blown a little, must be quickly thrown, least they hurt such as would hurl them: and therefore the experience of one, ought first to be made in a close place, to see how long it will tarry before it break, and the holes that it will make in divers places, whereby the other may the better be known how to be used.  〈…〉  

The manner how to prepare pots and bales of fyreworke to throw with hand. Cap. xxxiii.  
IN the world there hath been always men of such prengnante wits, that have eccelled in sundry and infinite inventions, as well for the safeguard of humane bodies as also for the destruction of the like. By whose help there have been Captains, which imitating their councils, have caused their footmen to carry in their hands, certain earthen pots and balls, filled full of a certain composition of powder, or sum unctius liquor, apt to take fire quickly: with the which incounteringe the enemies in battle at hand, have vigorusly whorled those among them, for to prove, whether with such means they might be able not only to dissorder them, but also to make them give place, and to overthrow them: for as much as such fyreworkes will maruelusly hurt the enemies not only with the smoke of them, but also a great deal and much more with the horrible & unquenchable burning of them, so that thereby such men have always had most happy success, with most glorious laud and praise. These fyreworkes are made in this wise: Take as many earthen pots or bottelles as you list, caused to be made for this purpose, either baked or unbaked which maketh no matter, so that the moistness of the earth be dried up: and these must be filled half full of serpentine powder, and somewhat more: and the same powder must be mingled with pitch and brimstone beaten to powder to the quamtety of the third part thereof: then there must be put upon it a finger thickness of hogs grease, to the intent that it may make the fire to dure the lengher and it being in this manner ordered, there must be made a hole into it and a piece of gunpouldred match put therein, with a little good powder, and fyringe it, and holding it so long till it be well kendled, you shall then throw it. Also there is made a liquid composition in a cauldron, wherein is put hogs grease, oil of stones, brimstone, saltpetre twice refined, aqua vite, pitch, turpentine and sum serpentine powder: and the pitch, the brimstone and the saltpetre being liquid, putting thereto the grease, the turpentine, the oil, and the powder over the fire, all must be stirred and mingled together very well in an earthen pot, or sum other thing prepared for the same purpose with a stick, to the intent that it may the better incorporate: and then it must be covered about with good powder, that it may fire the easilier when you will have it. And that done, you may ocupie it when you will, & whorle it either with a slinghe, or with a cord tied unto it, or otherwise with the hand as you shall think best: also of this composition their may be filled certain little purses of linen cloth, which being bound about with a cord willbe fationed like a ball: and these may be whorled or shot out of trunks of fire, or otherwise as shall please him that maketh them. Also with this composition may be anointed what so ever a man would have quickly burnt, as Gates of towns, bridges of wood, carts, monitions, and such like, for that it is a matter that will soon kendell and set a fire enie thing, and also able to maintain it: moreover little balls thereof may be tied to the heads of darts to throw among the enemies, or where one would have any thing fired.  
  

How to make balls of wild fire, to shoot in ordinance or to throw with hands. Cap. xxxiiii.  
TAke serpentin powder five parts, saltpetre refined iij. parts, brimstone two parts, Rasapina one part, Camphor half a part, turpentine half a part, half a part of glass grossly beaten, bay salt half a part half a part of oil of stones, & oil of lint said, as much of the one as of the other, Aqua vite haulf a part, & all these things being mingled together very well, take them a peses of canvas as big as you will make the ball, and make it like unto a purse, and fill it with the said mixture, and then make two or three holes therein with a round iron somewhat bigger than a bodkin, and put in every hole a little stick.  
And it is to be understand that this foresaid mixture may be also made upon the fire in a cauldron and the balls that are made thereof must be rolled in serpentine powder, and then in the mixture, often times keveringe them with toe, well plastered on, of a good thickness, then when they shallbe a little dried, take the said sticks out of the holes, and fill them half full of serpentine powder, and the other half with coren powder, and giving fire to the said balls, and throwing them among the enemies, they will do maruelus and wonderful hurt. For that the said balls will burn within the water, so that falling upon the armour of sowdiers, water cannot quench them nor any thing else, except abundance of mire or dirt. And adding to the said mixture that is unsod haulf a part of beaten glass and half a part of bay salt, you may fill a trumbe therewith after the manner as I have taught a little afore.   

To trim Targets with fyreworke to assault, or to defend a breach. Cap. xxxv.  
GEt pipes of bras as many as you list, and nail them upon a target, either six eight or ten, and fill the said pipes full of the foresaid mixture unsod, and order the pipes after such sort that they fire not altogether, but one after an other, so that when one is almost burned out, the same may give fire to an other by a little pipe as small as onhis finger, that must gowe from the bottom thereof to the mouth of an other, and so successively to all, which shall continue a long time, but the said target must be covered with black buckram that the fyreworke be not perceived and the giving of fire the one to the other.   

To make an other kind of fyreworke. Cap. xxxvi.  
TAke willow rolls, saltpetre, aqua vite, brimstone, pitch, resapina, Camphor, oil of stones, vernice liquid, turpentine, as much of the one as of the other, mingling every thing together, & then take a little purse of cannas, and fill it full of serpentine powder, and cover the purse all over with the foresaid mixture of a good thickness, & with as much toe as you shall think good, and then make a hole that may gowe to the midst of the hall, which must be filled full of powder, so that thereby all the composition thereof with a match may be set on fire when you list.   

How to make a mixture in stone that shall kendell fire with water or spittle. Cap. xxxvii.  
THis stone is very necessary for a Captain to give fire to his gunner's, when through foul wether, all their matches should happen to gowe out, and where they cannot kindle them again because of the rain. first take unslaked lime one part, Tutia alessandrina unprepared one part, saltpetre very well refined one part, quick brimstone two parts, Camphor two parts, calamity stone one part: All these things must be well beaten and sifted, and bound hard together with a peses of new linen cloth, and put into a copell of year them cups, such as goldsmiths use to melt in, the mouths of which must be joined together & fast bound with iron wire, and daubed over with lutum sapientia, that it breath not out, and then dried a little, till it becum yellow, that done, put it into a fornes where they burn brick or earthen vesells, and let it tarry therein as long as the brick or yearthen vessels be a baking, and then taking it out, you shall see it made like unto a brickstone.   

To make an other kind of stone to kendell fire with water or spittle. Cap. xxxviii.  
TAke Camphor three parts, saltpetre well refined two parts, unflaked lime two parts, brimstone two parts, all these things (being well beaten together, and put into a copell of goldsmiths melting cups well stopped with lutum sapientia) must then be baked in a fornes, and when the earthen vessels be taken out, this shall also be made.   

How to make lutum sapientia. Cap. xxxix.  
TAke of the best white potters earth that you can get, for in one place there is better than in an other, that is to say, of that which can best endure the fire, as such as they make pots of in Padua, and likewise in Germany: for it is of such perfection, that the pots which be made of it, and wherein they dress their meat, may also serve to found metals in. Take then of the best, and specially if it must serve for a thing that hath need to be long upon a great fire, otherwise, take such as you can get. There is found of it, that is of a grey colour, as the common sort is, and also there is white, that men use in some place of Vicence, which is like loaves of Gispum, or plaster, and is called of the Italians Florette de Chio. We here in England upon the use thereof, may give it what name we will. Potter's use of it in Venise, for to whit the dishes, and other things, before they varnish or polish them. There is also found of it that is red, as in Apulia, where there is great quamtety, and that they call Boale, and is the very same that some apothecaries do sell for Boale Armenick, and the Venetians use of it, for to paint red the forefrontes of their houses with lime, brick, and vermilion, covering it afterward with Oil of line. This red earth is the fattest, and the clammiest of all the rest, & therefore it cleaveth soonest by the fire, if it be not tempered with some other substance. And because that all the said earths Bee to fat, the one mor than the other, therefore men put to them some lean substance. Now, if you take of that of ash colour, which is most comen, and the lest fatty, you may compose & make it in this manner. Take of the said earth four parts, of clothmakers floxe or shearing, one part, ashes that have served in a buck, or other, half a part, dry horse dung, or the dung of an Ass, one part. If you will make it parfiter, put to it a few stamped bricks, and sparks of iron: let all these things be well stamped, and sifted, that is to say: the earth the ashes, the horse dung, the bricks, and the sparks of iron: than mingle all together, and make it into earth, and make a bed thereof, upon the which you shall cast by little and little, the floxe, as equally as you can. This done, power to it water, stirring it well first with a stick, and than with a pallet broad at the end. And when all is well incorporated together as you would have it, lay it upon some great board, and beat it well, and that a good space with some great staff or other instrument of iron, mingling and steering it well, for the longer you beat it, the better it is. By this mean you shall have a very good clay for to lute or clay, and join viols, flagons of glass to still with, and bottells of gourds for stilling, and other great things, as furnesses and such like. But he that will make it with more ease, let him put the earth only, the flox, and the horse dung, with a few ashes. Some put no horse dung to it, & some no floxe, according to the purpose that they make it for. For to stop and close up the mouths of skilling glasses, or viols, to th'intent they take no vent on the fire, the said clay will be very good: nevertheless men put to it two parts of quick lime, & the whites of Eggs, & then it will be surer to let nothing vent out but the glass itself. All kind of clay or earth would be kept moist, & ready dressed for him that will occupy it continually, but it must not be kept to watery, nor yet left to dry, for than it would serve for nothing, seeing that after it is once hardened, a man can not dress it any more to do any good withal. And when you put water to it, it is mollified by little and little above, and is as it were a sauce, but within remaineth hard, and if you put to much water to it, you mar it utterly. Therefore, when you see that it beginneth to wax dry, feed it a new little and little with water, stirring it till it be well, and so shall you make it perfect.   

How to make certain fyreworke to tie at the points of pikes or horsemenstaves. Cap. xl.  
FOr to assault or to defend a breach, and also to work sum policy in the night against the enemies, it is sometimes good to tie at the points of pikes or lances, certain canes like unto squibbes made of paper upon a form of wood as long as the breddeth of a sheet of paper, filled full of serpentine powder, amongst the which must be mingled little pieces or crumbs of pitch, of brimstone, grains of bay salt, filings of iron, and beaten glass, arsinic, crystal beaten to peses, and such like, and after they are closed up, and tied fast at one of the ends, this composition must be well beaten into them, with there own forms or moulds: unto every one of which there must be put a good match sod in saltpetre & gunpowder, and then well dried, and fastening them to staves, after such sort that the ysue of the fire be turned towards the adversaries, when you think good, you or sum other may fire them: where you shall then see the fire blow out two yards long, which in the night will seem terrible: but in a calm wether, or at least when the wind is in the faces of the enemies they are best to be used. And moreover for the fight on the sea, they are most excellent.  
  

How to make diverse compositions of fyreworkes. Cap. xli.  
EVery thing that will quickly burn, and that by sum proper virtue is apt to multeplie fire, and maintain it, may be put in fiery compositions: for that in effect of such things they are made: of which things there are sum that are mineral, as brimstone, and the oil thereof, and saltpetre, and sum other substances, hot, dry, and thin, and sum unctius, as grease, and all sorts of oils: sum very dry, as pitch or wood: & of these there be sum natural, and sum artefitiall: But now leaving to seek such difference of their compositions, among as many things as well old as new that I know, I have found only these: out of which I have chosen sum of the notablest, spetiallie these, that for to make them, there must be taken Rosen, Alchitrean, quick brimstone, tartar, sarcocolla, saltpetre, and oil of stones, and of every one sum part, but double so much of unslaked lime: and all must be compounded with the oil of eggs: and put into a vessel of glass or of earth that is leaded, and covered very well: putting it after under hot dung for a month: then taking it from thence and setting it over a soft fire, the vecell being well stopped, it must be melted: which done, the liquor thereof may be put into hollow staves, or in earthen bottelles, or other vecelles made of purpose: unto every one of which, must be put a piece of a gunpouldered match, in the midst with sum gunpowder also, to the intent that they may the easilier fire.  
Also there may be made an other sort of fyreworke after this manner: taking brimstone, or oil of brimstone if it may be had, oil of stones, or of the same stony oil of juniper, saltpetre very well refined: and for every portion of such things five of aspallto: and moreover goose grease, pure pitch, vernis, powder of pigeon's dung, and so much aqua vite, that may thoroughly moist all the foresaid things: which then must be put into a vessel of glass, and the mowthe thereof well stopped with wax, and then put under a hot dunghyl xxv. or thirty. days: and after to make it the better incorporate, it would be set over a soft fire: and that done, this composition may be put into hollow staves, or earthen pots or like vessels to be thrown with the hand: also there may be taken a bullet of stone with a ring fastened therein, whereunto would be tied a cord of a yard long: and about the same stone putting Toe embrewed with the foresaid composition, or else pieces of linen cloth all to rayed therewith, which fyringe, when it is well kindled, may then be thrown. Also balls of this composition may be shot in pieces of ordinance, or a stone that hath a ring of iron fastened in it, to the which ring may be tied a piece of a rope steeped and sod in the foresaid composition, or else a little bag full thereof, which may be shot or thrown as one list. Moreover balls of this, being made with linen cloth as afore is showed, may be cast with all sorts of slings which way one will.  
Also there is made an other composition in this manner, with vernice liquid, oil of quick brimstone, & oil of the yolks of eggs, turpentine oil, juniper oil, linseed oil, and olium saxum or oil of stones, and half as much of aqua vite as all the said compositions: and also as much powder of bays finely beaten as will suffice to thicken all, with as much more saltpetre: and all these things must be put together in a vessel of glass, or sum vessel of earth leaded with a little mouth, which with wax must be so stopped that it vent not: and this must be kept after three months in hot dung, to putrefy, removing it every month four of five times, and shaking it together every time: and this matter being brought in such wise, when you will ocupie it, it is requisite that you anoinct the same thing that you will use, or to put thereof into that vessel, where you will have the fire to work: for that the same fire is such, that putting thereto sum gunpowder, or a gunpouldred match, it will straight way kendell: and it is so unquenchiable, that it burneth till he, or the thing that it lighteth on, be altogether consumed: & if this composition fired chance to be thrown and light upon armour, it will make it so glowing red in such sort, that he that hath it on his back, shallbe constrained to put it of, if he will not be burnt to death.  
Also there is made an other sort: and it is a most thin liquor apt to fire, with the which if in the canicular days a peses of wood, or other thing apt to burn be anoincted, the heat of the sun is then able to set it on fire, and to burn it: and so soon as it is touched with fire, it kendeleth incontinente, and is unquenchable: except it be choked up with sand, or wet with very stolen urine, or most strong vinegar: also it will burn in the water: the making, whereof is in this wise: there must be taken Camphire, oil of quick brimstone, oil of turpentine, oil of dung, oil of iuneper, oil of stones, oil of lyntesede, alchitrean, colofonia, most finely beaten, oil of eggs, pitch, goose grease, saltpetre, & as much aqua vite as all the rest of the composition, and as much arsinic, tartar, and armoniac salt, as the eight part of altogether. Which thing must be put into a glass or pot well stopped, and then set to putrefy in a hot dunhgill for the space of two months: & after all the foresaid things must be distilled with a gentle fire: where within eight hours, there will come of those things a most suttill liquor, into the which putting then so much oxedunge dried in an oven and most finely beaten to powder, as may make it so thick as soap or somewhat thinner: & after minding to ocupie it, the thing that is to be burnt, must be anointed therewith: & this also the Son will set on fire, and burn what so ever is near it.  
Also there is an other composition of fire, that any thing that is anoincted therewith, will maruelusly burn and fire with wetinge of rain, or otherwise: which to make, there must be taken new whitelyme made of flint, calamity made to powder by fire, vitriol gross beaten the two & thirteth part, saltpetre refined eight parts: and as much camphor as all the foresaid things: oil of quick brimstone: oil of turpentine, salt armoniac, by weight as much as the vitriol, and as much tartar and bay salt: salt of urine, aqua vite made of strong wine as much as all the rest of the composition: the which things compounded together, must be put like as the other were, into a great glass well stopped that it breath not out: and then it must be set in a hot dounghill for two or three months, removing the glass & changing the dung at least every ten days, to th'intent that the same matter may ripen well, and be like unto a liquor all of one thing: the which after aught to be boiled so much upon a soft fire, that all the oily humidetie, and other moistness that is in it, may vapour away, & the rest to becum dry and stony: and when it is dry and stony, breaking the glass and taking it out, it must be ground to powder: the which when it is to be occupied, must be strawed upon the place that is dressed for the same purpose, so that it being rained upon, or enimaner of ways wet, will kendell and fall on a fire.   

How to make a girdle for Soldiers or fishers whereby they may go in the water and pass over a river without either bridge or boat. Cap. xlii.  
THis girdle ought to be made according to the fashion of the figure next following, and of such leather that must be dressed in like sort, as the same is where with footebals are made: whereunto a pipe must be fastened like unto a baggepype, so that the girdle, when it is girt about a Soudier upon his armour, may be blown full of wind: by help whereof, he may then safely pass over a river, going through the same, how deep so ever it be, where he shall not sink in the water, further than from the girdle stead downward: which for men of war, is very commodius and a most necessary thing.  
  

How to write, and cause the same that is written to be red a far of without sending any message. Cap. xliii.  
WHen a capitain were so be seged of enemies in a town or fortress that no man could come unto him, or be sent from him with letters, whereby his mind, or the distress and inconvenience that he is in, might of his friends be understand. Yet his mind being written, may of them notwithstanding in the night be red, as far of as a light can then be seen, and by day, as far as a burning glass can cast the sun, or a hat or any other such like mark may perfectly be discerned, so that the order therein be first known & agreed upon between both parties. The manner in doing it in the night, is thus: he that giveth the advise, must hold his letter in the one hand wherein his mind is ready written, and one light or two lights in the other hand, and the other that should reed & copy the same, aught to have paper, and pen and ink with this a b c, etc. herefollowinge, and understand: a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t v w this part of letters with i light, & this part with two lights. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10  
And for the plainer understanding hereof, it is to be noted that the first part of the letters are showed with one light, and the second part beginning at, M, are signified with ij. lights, and every letter of the a b c must be understand and known by the number or often shewing and hiding of the light or lights: As for example, if this word, Man, were to be written, because M is the first letter standing in the second part, M must be signified by two lights showed onse, and then hidden, and stayed so long as may be thought that he that doth copy after the light so severally showed, and the number diligently marked, may have convenient time to write M: then one light being showed onse, & so hid and stayed, a must be written: for that a is the first letrer in the first part: & again two lights being showed twice & stayed, n, aught to be written, because n is the second letter in the second part: which done, there shallbe written man.. And thus by marking well the number of showing, hiding and staing of the light or lights, the letter that thereby is signified, may most easily be understand and perceived. So that after this sort, there may be expressed and written what so ever a man list.   

To the readers.  
WHen the Britons the ancient inhabitants of this isle (for lack of skilful men of war of their own; being afraid of the Franki, & Burgundi, which were certain Barbarous nations, who at the time overran, spoiled, & possessed France) caused the German people called Angly to come to aid & defend them, by whose procurement the Angly under Vortiger their King, taking upon them the same enterprise, after they had ones defended them, did then incontinence drive them out of this island, remainnig here themselves to inhabit: & after their name called it England: even as also of later days, the like chance happened to the Greeks, by calling in the Turks to help them against their enemies. Which examples, with innumerable like being well considered, do most manifestly show, how dangerous and pernitius it is for a Prince & his Realm, to be driven to trust to the servis of strangers for lack of sufficient skilful men of their own for their defence. wherefore sithence my intent in setting fourth this book of Martial affairs, hath been only to the end to declare my good will, to have my natural countrymen not to be inferior to any in warlike knowledge, but rather to excel in the same, whereby without aid or help of any foreign nation, we may always be most renowned and famous, I shall beseech all gentle readers, for this my labour done for their comodeties, to judge & report thereof accordingly. And although my doings herein, be not correspondente to my desire, nor to the satisfaction of every man's mind (which were impossible) yet my trust is, the some nevertheless by diligent reading thereof, & imitating the example of Lucullus, (who chiefly by study of like books, in very short space, became one of the valiantest & worthiest warrior of all the Romans,) may if they list, take commodity and profit, whereby the knowledge in wars, may of such as never have been trained in them, be the more easily gotten and attained. For which cause, my endeavour and travail taken herein, for to profit this our common weal, deserveth not utterly to be despised, seeing that the most virtuous life, and government of Alexander Severus Emperor of Rome, with many other Princes, and Common weals, could not, being negligent in this kind of study and practice thereof, save or defend themselves, from most shameful ends, and miserable deaths: wherein fortune was not to be blamed, but only their folly and ignorance, for having never thought in time of tranquillity and pease, that it could change in to adversity and trouble: the which is a common fault of men, not to make accompre in fair weather, of the tempest to come.   


A Perfect rule to bring men into a square battle, of what number so ever they be. Fol. ij.  
To know how many men may march in a rank, and at a sudden to bring them into a foursquare battle, so that their Ansigne, may come to be in the midst. Fol. iij.  
How to ordain a number of men or an army into a battle, like unto a wedge, or three square, so that it may be apt to march with the point thereof toward the enemies. Fol. vi.  
To make the battle called the shears, which in old time they used to set against the Triangell. Fol. seven.  
What advantage it is to order men in a triangell battle against the enemy, that knoweth not how to make the battle called the shears to set against it, inespecially where there is as many men of the one part as of the other Fol. viii.  
To bring a number of men or an army, into a battle, which in old time was called a Saw. Fol. ix.  
To fashion a battle of a number of men or an army like unto two Triangels joined together, so that they may be apt to march with a corner there of toward the enemies. Fol. x.  
What is best to be done where the ordinance of the enemies being shot into the Army hath slain many men. Fol. xi.  
How to change with speed an Army, that is, in battellraye foursquare, into a triangel fashion, without dissordering the first ranks, and without peril of confusion. Fol. xiii.  
Of the perfect form or fashion of strong places. Fol. xvi.  
The strongest and perfectes fashion of all other for the building of the cortin or wall of a town or fortress. Fol. xviij  
An example of the quadrant form to prove that it causeth debilletie and wealines. Fol. xxij.  
Of the nature of Saltpetre, and the manner how to make and refine it. Fol. twenty-three.  
The manner how to make all sorts of gunpowder. Fol. xxvij.  
The manner that is used of charging and shooting of ordinance. Fol. xxxiij.  
How to get out quickly the nails that should happen by treason, or otherwise to be driven into the toucheholes of ordinance. Fol. xxxiiij.  
How much the artillery ought to be esteemed of the armies now adays, and whether the same opinion of them which is had universally, be true. Fol. xxxiiij.  
Of Muynes and placing of powder underground, wherewith invincible fortresses, by fire may be ruignated, when ordinance cannot be brought unto them. Fol. xxxviij.  
The manner how to make trombes or trunks of fire, as well to assault as to defend a breach, or gate, and to set a fire a town or Camp, or any thing else. Fol. xxxix  
How to make bottells or pots of fyrworke to throw into ships, or among men that are in battellray. Fol. xl.  
another composition of fire work. Fol. xl.  
Balls of metal to throw among men in battelraye or otherwise, which breaking shall do wonderful hurt. Fol. xli.  
The manner how to prepare pots and balls of fire work to throw with hand. Fol. xli.  
How to make balls of wild fire, to shoot in ordinance or to throw with hands. Fol. xlij.  
To trim Targets with fyreworke to assault, or to defend a breach. Fol. xliij.  
To make an other kyude of fyreworke. Fol. xliij.  
How to make a mixture in stone that shall kendell fire with water or spittle. Fol. xliij.  
To make an other kind of stone, to kendell fire with water or spittle. Fol. xliiij.  
How to make lutum sapientia. Fol. xliiij.  
How to make certain fireworke, to tie at the points of pikes or horsemenstaves. Fol. xlv.  
How to make diverse compositions of fyreworkes.  
How to make a girdle for Soldiers or fishers whereby they may go in the water and pass over a river without either bridge or boat. Fol. xlviij.  
How to write, and cause the same that is written to be red a far of, without sending any message. Fol. xlviij.   
The End.   

¶ Imprinted at London, By John Kingston: for Nicolas England.  
Anno salutis, M.D.LXII. Mense. Aprilis.