NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL'S PRINCE.  
ALSO, The life of Castruccio Castracani of Lucca.  
AND The means Duke Valentine used to put to death Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto of Fermo, Paul, and the Duke of Gravina.  
Translated out of Italian into English; By E. D.  
With some Animadversions noting and taxing his errors.  
LONDON, Printed by R. Bishop, for Wil: Hils, and are to be sold by Daniel Pakeman at the sign of the Rainbow near the Inner Temple gate. 1640.   

To the most noble and Illustrious, JAMES Duke of Lenox, Earl of March, Baron of Setrington, Darnly, Terbanten, and Methuen, Lord Great Chamberlain & Admiral of Scotland, Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter, and one of his Majesty's most honourable Privy Counsel in both kingdoms.  
Poisons are not all of that malignant and noxious quality, that, as destructives of Nature, they are utterly to be abhorred; but we find many, nay most of them have their medicinal uses. This book carries its poison and malice in it; yet me thinks the judicious peruser may honestly make use of it in the actions of his life, with advantage. The Lamprey, they say, hath a venomous string runs all along the back of it; take that out, and it is served in for a choice dish to dainty palates. Epictetus' the Philosopher says, Every thing hath two handles, as the firebrand, it may be taken up at one end in the bare hand without hurt: the other being laid hold on, will cleave to the very flesh, and the smart of it will pierce even to the heart. Sin hath the condition of the fiery end, the touch of it is wounding with grief unto the soul: nay it is worse; one sin goes not alone, but hath many consequences. Your Grace may find the truth of this in your perusal of this Author: your judgement shall easily direct you in finding out the good uses of him: I have pointed at his chiefest errors with my best endeavours, and have devoted them to your Grace's service: which if you shall accept and protect, I shall remain  
Your Grace's humble and devoted servant EDWARD DACRES.   

The Epistle to the Reader.  
Questionless some men will blame me for making this Author speak in our vulgar tongue. For his maxims and tenants are condemned of all, as pernicious to all Christian States, and hurtful to all humane Societies. Herein I shall answer for myself with the Comedian, Placere studeo bonis quam plurimis, & minimè multos laedere: I endeavour to give content to the most I can of those that are well disposed, and no scandal to any. I grant, I find him blamed and condemned: I do no less myself. Reader, either do thou read him with a prejudicated opinion, & out of thy own judgement tax his errors; or at least, if thou canst stoop so low, make use of my pains to help thee. I will promise thee this reward for thy labour: if thou consider well the actions of the world, thou shalt find him much practised by those that condemn him; who willingly would walk as thiefs do with close lanterns in the night, that they being undescried, and yet seeing all, might surprise the unwary in the dark. Surely this book will infect no man: out of the wicked treasure of a man's own wicked heart, he draws his malice and mischief. From the same flower the Bee sucks honey, from whence the Spider hath his poison. And he that means well, shall be here warned, where the deceitful man learns to set his snares. A judge who hath often used to examine thiefs, becomes the more expert to sift out their tricks. If mischief come hereupon, blame not me, nor blame my Author: lay the saddle on the right horse: but Hony soit qui mal y pense: let shame light on him that hatched the mischief.   

Nicholas Machiavelli, to the Magnificent Laurence, son to Peter of Medicis, health.  
THey, that desire to ingratiate themselves with a Prince, commonly use to offer themselves to his view, with things of that nature, as such persons take most pleasure and delight in: whereupon we see they are many times presented with Horses and Arms, cloth of gold, precious stones, and such like ornaments, worthy of their greatness. Having then a mind to offer myself to your Magnificence, with some testimony of my service to you, I found nothing in my whole Inventory, that I think better of, or more esteem, than the knowledge of great men's actions, which I have learnt by a long experience of modern affairs, and a continual reading of those of the Ancients. Which, now that I have with great diligence long work● it out, and throughly sifted, I commend to your Magnificence. And however I may well think this work unworthy of your view; yet such is your humanity, that I doubt not but it shall find acceptance, considering, that for my part I am not able to tender a greater gift, than to present you with the means, whereby in a very short time you may be able to understand all that, which I, in the space of many years, and with many sufferances and dangers, have made proof and gained the knowledge of. And this work I have not set forth either with elegancy of discourse or stile, nor with any other ornament whereby to captivate the reader, as others use, because I would not have it gain its esteem from elsewhere, than from the truth of the matter, and the ●ravity of the subject. Nor can ●his be thought presumption; if a man of humble and low condition ●enture to dilate and discourse ●pon the governments of Princes; for even as they that with their pencils design out countries', get themselves into the plains below to consider the nature of the mountains, and other high palces a●ove; and again to consider the plains below, they get up to the ●ops of the mountains; in like man●er to understand the nature of the people, it is f●t to be a Prince, and to know well the dispositions of Princes, suits best with the understanding of a subject. Your Magnificence then may b● pleased, to receive this small present, with the same mind that I send it; which if you shall throughly peruse and consider, you shall perceive therein that I exceedingly wish, that you may attain to that greatness, which your own Fortune, and your excellent endowments promise you: and if your Magnificence from the very point of your Highness shall sometime cast your eyes upon these inferior places, you shall see how undeservedly I undergo an extreme and continual despite of Fortune.   

THE PRINCE; Written by Nicholas Machiavelli, Secretary and Citizen of Florence.  

CHAP. I. How many sorts of Principalities there are, and how many ways they are attained to.  
ALl States, all Dominions that have had, or now have rule over men, have been, and are, either republics, or Principalities. principalities are either herdita●y, whereof they of the blood of ●he Lord thereof have long time been Princes; or else they a● new; and those that are new, a● either all new, as was the Duchy of Milan to Francis Sforce; or a● as members adjoined to the hereditary State of the Prince tha● gains it; as the kingdom of Naples is to the King of Spain. These Dominions so gotten, are accustomed either to live under ● Prince, or to enjoy their liberty and are made conquest of, either with others forces, or ones own either by fortune, or by valour.   

CHAP. II. Of Hereditary Principalities.  
I Will not here discourse of Republics, because I have other● where treated of them at large I will apply myself only to a Principality, and proceed, whil● I wove this web, by arguing thereupon, how these Principalities can be governed and maintained. I say then that in State of inheritance, and accustomed to the blood of their Princes, there ●re far fewer difficulties to keep ●●em, than in the new: for it suffices only not to transgress the ●ourse his Ancestors took, and so ●fterwards to temporize with ●hose accidents that can happen; ●hat if such a Prince be but of ordinary industry, he shall always ●e able to maintain himself in ●is State, unless by some extraordinary or excessive power he be deprived thereof; and when he hath lost it, upon the least sinister chance that befalls the usurper, he recovers it again. We have in Ita●● the Duke of Ferrara for example thereof, who was of ability to resist the Venetians, in the year 84, ●nd to withstand Pope Julius in ●he tenth for no other reason, than because he had of old continued in that rule; for the natural Prince hath fewer occasions, and less heed to give offence, whereupon of necessity he must ●e more beloved; and unless it ●e that some extravagant vices of his bring him into hatred, it● agreeable to reason, that naturally he should be well beloved b● his own subjects: and in the antiquity and continuation of th● Dominion, the remembrance and occasions of innovations a● quite extinguished: for evermo● one change leaves a kind o● breach or dent, to fasten the building of another.   

CHAP. III. Of mixed Principalities.  
BUt the difficulties consist i● the new Principality; an● first, if it be not all new, but as member, so that it may be term● altogether as mixed; and the v●riations thereof proceed in th● first place, from a natural difficulty, which we commonly find● in all new Principalities; for me● do willingly change their Lor● believing to better their condition; and this belief causes the● to take arms against him th●● rules over them, whereby they de●●ive themselves; because they ●●nde after by experience, they ●ave made it worse: which de●ends upon another natural and ordinary necessity, forcing him ●wayes to offend those, whose ●rince he newly becomes, as well ●y his soldiers he is put to entertain upon them, as by many other injuries, which a new conquest ●aws along with it; in such man●er as thou findest all those thine enemy's, whom thou hast endamaged in the seizing of that Principality, and afterwards canst ●ot keep them thy friends that have seated thee in it, for not being able to satisfy them according to their expectations, nor put 〈◊〉 practise strong remedies against ●●em, being obliged to them. For however one be very well provided with strong armies, yet hath 〈◊〉 always need of the favour of ●e inhabitants in the country, 〈◊〉 enter thereinto. For these rea●●ns, Lewis the twelfth, King of France, suddenly took Milan▪ and as soon lost it; and the firs● time Lodowick his own forces served well enough to wrest it out o● his hands; for those people tha● had opened him the gates, finding themselves deceived of thei● opinion, and of that future goo● which they had promised themselves, could not endure the distastes the new Prince gave them▪ True it is, that countries' tha● have rebelled again the secon● time, being recovered, are hard● lost; for their Lord taking occasion from their rebellion, is less● respective of persons, but car● only to secure himself, by punishing delinquents, to clear all suspicions, and to provide for himself where he thinks he is weakest: s● that if to make France lose Milan the first time, it was enough for Duke Lodowick to make som● small stir only upon the confines yet afterwards, before they coul● make him lose it the second tim● they had need of the who●● world together against him, and ●●at all his armies should be wasted ●nd driven out of Italy; which proceeded from the forenamed cause's: however though, both ●he first and second time it was ●aken from him. The general ●auses of the first we have treated ●f; it remains now that we see ●hose of the second, and set down ●he remedies that he had, or any ●ne else can have, that should chance to be in those terms he was, whereby he might be able ●o maintain himself better in his conquest, than the King of France did. I say therefore, that these States which by conquest are annexed to the ancient states of their Conqueror, are either of the ●●me Province, and the same language, or otherwise; and when ●hey are, it is very easy to hold ●hem, especially when they are ●ot used to live free: and to enjoy ●hem securely, it is enough to have extinguished the Prince's line who ruled over them: For in other matters, allowing them their ancient conditions, and there being not much difference of manners betwixt them, men ordinarily live quiet enough; as we have seen that Burgundy did, Britain, Gascony, and Normandy, which so long time continued with France: for however there be some difference of language between them, yet can they easily comport one with another; and whosoever makes the conquest of them; meaning to hold them, must have two regards; the first, that the race of their former Prince be quite extinguished; the other, that he change nothing, neither in their laws nor taxes▪ so that in a very short t●me they become one entire body with their ancient Principality. But when any States are gained in a Province disagreeing in language, manners, and orders, here are the difficulties, and here is there need of good fortune, and great industry to maintain them; and it would be one of the best ●nd liveliest remedies, for the Conqueror to go in person and dwell there; this would make the possession hereof more secure and durable; as the Turk hath done in Greece, who among all the other courses taken by him for to hold that State, had he not gone thither himself in person to dwell, it had never been possible for him to have kept it: for abiding there, he sees the disorders growing in their beginnings, and forthwith can remedy them; whereas, being not there present, ●hey are heard of when they are grown to some height, and then ●s there no help for them. Moreover, the Province is not pillaged by the officers thou sendest thither: the subjects are much satisfied, of having recourse to the Prince near at hand, whereupon have they more reason to love him, if they mean to be good; ●nd intending to do otherwise, ●o fear him: and foreign Princes will be well ware how they invade that State; insomuch, that making his abode there, he can very hardly lose it. Another remedy, which is also a better, is to send Colonies into one or two places, which may be as it were the keys of that State; for it is necessary either to do this, or to maintain there many horse and foot. In these colonies the Prince makes no great expense, and either without his charge, or at a very small rate, he may both send and maintain them; & gives offence only to them from whom he takes their fields and houses, to bestow them on those new inhabitants, who are but a very small part of that State; and those that he offends, remaining dispersed and poor, can never hurt him: and all the rest on one part, have no offence given them, and therefore a small matter keeps them in quiet: on the other side, they are wary not to err, for fear it befalls not them, as it did those that were despoiled. I conclude then, ●●at those colonies that are not chargeable, are the more trusty, ●●ve the less offence; and they that ●re offended, being but poor and ●●attered, can do but little harm, 〈◊〉 I have said; for it is to be no●●d, that men must either be dalli●● and flattered withal, or else be ●ite crushed; for they revenge themselves of small damages; ●t of great ones they are not ●de; so that when wrong is done 〈◊〉 any man, it ought so to be ●one, that it need fear no return 〈◊〉 revenge again. But in lieu of ●●lonies, by maintaining souldi●●s there, the expense is great; for ●e whole revenues of that State ●e to be spent in the keeping of 〈◊〉; so the conquest proves but a ●sse to him that hath got it, and ●dāmmages him rather; for it ●urts that whole State, to remove ●e arm from place to place, of ●hich annoyance, every one hath 〈◊〉 feeling, and so becomes enemy 〈◊〉 thee; as they are enemies, I wis, who are outraged by thee in their own houses, whensoever they are able to do thee mischief. Every way than is this guard unprofitable, a● that of the colonies is profitable. Besides, he that is in a different Province, (as it is said) should make himself Head and defender of his less powerful neighbours, and devise all ways to weaken those that are more mighty therein, and take care, that upon no chance there enter not any foreigner as mighty as himself; for it will always come to pass, that they shall be brought in by those, that are discontented, either upon ambition, or fear; as th● Etolians brought the Romans into Greece; and they were brought into every country they came▪ by the Natives; and the course o● that matter is, that so soon as a powerful Stranger enters a country, all those that are the less powerful there, cleave to him▪ provoked by an envy they bear● him that is more mighty tha● they: so that, for these of the weaker sort, he may easily gain them without any pains: for presently all of them together very willingly make one lump with that he hath gotten: He hath only to beware that these increase not their strengths, nor their authorities, and so he shall easily be able by his own forces, and their assistances, to take down those that are mighty, and remain himself absolute arbitre of that country. And he that playe● not well this part, shall quickly lose what he hath gotten; and while he holds it, shall find therein a great many troubles and vexations. The Romans in the Provinces they seized on, observed well these points, sent colonies thither, entertained the weaker sort, without augmenting any thing their power, abated the forces of those that were mighty, and permitted not any powerful foreigner to gain too much reputation there. And I will content myself only with the country of Greece for example hereof. The achaians and Etolians were entertained by them, the Macedons kingdom was brought low, Antiochus was driven thence, nor ever did the achaians or Etolians deserts prevail so fare for them, that they would ever promise to enlarge their State, nor the persuasions of Philip induce them ever to be his friends, without bringing him lower: nor yet could Antiochus his power make them ever consent that he should hold any state in that country: for the Romans did in these cases that, which all judicious Princes ought to do, who are not only to have regard unto all present mischiefs, but also to the future, and to provide for those with all industry; for by taking order for those when they are afar off, it is easy to prevent them; but by delaying till they come near hand to thee, the remedy comes too late: for this malignity is grown incurable, and it befalls this, as the physicians say of the Hectic fever, that in the beginning it is easily cured, but hard●y known: but in the course of ●ime, not having been known in ●he beginning, nor cured, it becomes easy to know, but hard to ●ure. Even so falls it out in mat●ers of State; for by knowing it aloof off (which is given only to 〈◊〉 wise man to do) the mischiefs ●●at then spring up, are quickly ●elped; but when, for not having ●een perceived, they are suffered 〈◊〉 increase, so that every one sees ●hem; there is then no cure for ●hem: therefore the Romans, see●●g these inconvenients afar off, always prevented them, and ●ever suffered them to follow, ●or to escape a war; because they knew that a war is not undertaken, but deferred for another's advantage; therefore would they rather make war with Philip, and Antiochus in Greece, to the end it should not afterwards be made with them in Italy, though for that time they were able to avoid both the one and the other, which they thought not good to do: nor did they approve of that saying that is ordinarily in the mouths of the Sages of our days, to enjoy the benefits of the present time; but that rather, to take the benefit of their valour and wisdom; for time drives forward every thing, and may bring with it as well good as evil, and evil as good. But let us return to France, and examine if any of the things prescribed have been done by them: and we will speak of Lewis, and not of Charles, as of whom by reason of the long possession he held in Italy we better knew the ways he went: and you shall see he did the clean contrary to what should have been done by him that would maintain a State of different Language and conditions. King Lewis was brought into Italy by the Venetians ambition, who would have gotten for their shares half the State of Lombardy: I will not blame his coming, or the course he took, because he had a mind to begin to set a foot in Italy; but having not any friends in the country, all gates being barred against him, by reason of King Charles his carriage there; he was constrained to join friendship with those he could; and this consideration well taken, would have proved lucky to him, when in the rest of his courses he had not committed any error. The King then having conquered Lombardy, recovered presently all that reputation, that Charles had lost him; Genua yielded to him, the Florentines became friends with him; the marquis of Mantua the Duke of Ferrara, the Bentivoliis, the Lady of Furli, the Lord of Faenza, Pesaro, Rimino, Camerino, and Piombino, the Luccheses', Pisans, and Sieneses, every one came and offered him friendship: then might the Venetians consider the rashness of the course they had taken, who, only to get into their hands two Towns in Lombardy, made the King Lord of two thirds in Italy. Let any man now consider with how small difficulty could the King have maintained his reputation in Italy, if he had followed these afornamed rules, and secured & defended those his friends; who because their number was great, and they weak and fearful, some of the Church, and others of the Venetians, were always forced to hold with him, and by their means he might easily have been able to secure himself against those that were mightiest: but he wa● no sooner got into Milan, than he took a quite wrong course, by giving aid to Pope Alexander, to seize upon Romania, and perceived not that, by this resolution he weakened himself, ruining his own friends, and those that had cast themselves into his bosom, making the Church puissant, by adding to their Spiritual power, whereby they gained their authority, and so much temporal estate. And having once got out of the way, he was constrained to go on forward; insomuch as to stop Alexander's ambition, and that he should not become Lord of all Tuscany, of force he was to come into Italy: and this sufficed him not, to have made the Church mighty, and taken away his own friends; but for the desire he had to get the kingdom of Naples, he divided it with the King of Spain: and where before he was the sole arbitre of Italy; he brought in a competitour, to the end that all the ambitious persons of that country, and all that were ill-affected to him, might have otherwhere to make their recourse: and whereas he might have left in that Kingdom some Vice-King of his own, he took him from thence, to place another there, that might afterward chase him thence. It is a thing indeed very natural and ordinary, to desire to be of the getting hand: and always when men undertake it, if they can effect it, they shall be praised for't, or at least not blamed▪ but when they are not able, and yet will undertake it, here lies the blame, here is the error committed. If France then was able with her own power to assail the Kingdom of Naples: she might well have done it; but not being able, she should not have divided it: and if the division she made of Lombardy with the Venetians, deserved some excuse, thereby to set one foot in Italy; yet this merits blame, for not being excused by that necessity. Lewis then committed these five faults; extinguish● the feebler ones, augmented the State of another that was already powerful in Italy, brought thereinto a very puissant forreinner, came not thither himself to dwell there, nor planted any colonies there: which faults while he lived, he could not but be the worse for; yet all could not have gone so ill, had he not committed the sixth, ●o take from the Venetians their state; for if he had not enlarged ●he Churches territories, nor ●rought the Spaniard into Italy, ●t had been necessary to take them ●ower; but having first taken ●hose other courses, he should ne●er have given way to their destruction; for while they had been strong, they would always have ●●ept the others off from venturing ●n the conquest of Lombardy. For ●he Venetians would never have ●iven their consents thereto, un●esse they should have been made ●ords of it themselves; and the others would never have taken it ●rom France, to give it them & then ●hey would never have dared to go and set upon them both together. And if any one should say, that King Lewis yielded Roma●ia to Alexander, and the Kingdom of Naples to Spain, to avoid a war; I answer with the ●easons above alleged, that one should never suffer any disorder to follow, for avoding of a war▪ for that war is not saved, but put off to thy disadvantage. And if any others argue, that the King had given his word to the Pope, to do that exploit for him, for dissolving of his marriage, and for giving the Cardinal's Cap to him of Rouen, I answer with that, which hereafter I shall say, touching Princes words, how they ought to be kept. King Lewi● then lost Lombardy, for not having observed some of those terms which others used, who have possessed themselves of countries, and desired to keep them. Nor is this any strange thing, but very ordinary and reasonable: and to this purpose I spoke at Nantes with that French Cardinal, when Valentine (for so ordinarily was Caesar Borgia Pope Alexander's son called) made himself master of Romania; for when the Cardinal said to me, that the Italians understood not the feats of war, I answered, the Frenchmen understood not matter of state: for had they been well versed ●erein, they would never have offered the Church to have grown 〈◊〉 that greatness. And by expe●●ence we have seen it, that the ●ower hereof in Italy, and that of ●pain also, was caused by France, ●nd their own ruin proceeded ●●om themselves. From whence 〈◊〉 general rule may be taken, ●hich never, or very seldom fails: ●hat he that gives the means to ●●other to become powerful, ru●es himself; for that power is ●●us'd by him either with his industry, or with his force; and as well the one as the other of these too is suspected, by him that is ●rown puissant.   

CHAP. IU. Wherefore Darius his Kingdom taken by Alexander, rebelled not against Alexander's Successors after his death.  
THe difficulties being considered, which a man hath in the maintaining of a State n● gotten, some might marvel ho● it came to pass, that Alexand●● the Great subdued all Asia in 〈◊〉 few years; and having hardly possessed himself of it, died▪ whereupon it seemed probable th● all that State should have rebelled nevertheless his Successors kep● the possession of it, nor found the● other difficulty in holding it, tha● what arose among themselves through their own ambition. 〈◊〉 answer, that all the Principalities, whereof we have memory left us, have been governed in tw● several manners; either by 〈◊〉 Prince, and all the rest Vassall● who as ministers by his favou● and allowance, do help to govern that Kingdom; or by a Prince and by Barons, who not by thei● Prince's favour, but by the antiquity of blood hold that degree▪ And these kinds of Baron's hav● both states of their own, and Vassals who acknowledge them fo● their Lords; and bear them a tru● natural affection. Those States ●t are governed by a Prince and 〈◊〉 Vassals, have their Prince ru●●●g over them with more autho●●●●: for in all his country, there ●one acknowledged for superi●●, but himself: and if they ●d obedience to any one else, 〈◊〉 but as to his minister and of●er, nor bear they him any particular good will. The examples ●hese two different Goverments ●w in our days, are, the Turk, 〈◊〉 the King of France. The Turks ●ole Monarchy is governed by 〈◊〉 Lord, and the rest are all his vassals; and deviding his whole kingdom into divers Sangiacques 〈◊〉 Governments, he sends several ●ther: and those he chaps and ●nges, as he pleases. But the ●ng of France is seated in the ●●dst of a multitude of Lords, ●o of old have been acknowledged for such by their subjects, ●d being beloved by them, enjoy ●●eir preeminencies; nor can the ●●ng take their States from them without danger. He then that considers the one and the other of these two States, shall find difficulty in the conquest of the Turks State; but when once it is subdued, great facility to hold it. The reasons of these difficulties in taking of the Turks Kingdom from him, are, because the Invader cannot be called in by the Princes of that Kingdom, nor hope by the rebellion of those which he hath about him, to be able to facilitate his enterprise: which proceeds from the reasons aforesaid; for they being all his slaves, and obliged to him, can more hardly be corrupted; and put case they were corrupted, little profit could he get by it, they not being able to draw after them any people, for the reasons we have showed: whereupon he that assails the Turk, must think to find him united; and must rather rely upon his own forces, than in the others disorders: but when once he is overcome and broken in the field, so that he cannot repair his armies, there is nothing else to be doubted, than the Royal blood, which being once quite out, there is none else left to be feared, none of the others having any credit with the people. And as the conqueror before the victory could not hope in them; so after it, ought he not to fear them. The contrary falls out in Kingdoms governed as is that of France: for ●t is easy to be entered, by the gaining of any Baron in the Kingdom; for there are always some malcontents to be found, and those that are glad of innovation. Those for the reasons alleged are able ●o open thee a way into that State, ●nd to further thy victory, which ●fterwards to make good to thee, draws with it exceeding many difficulties, as well with those ●hat have aided thee, as those ●hou hast suppressed. Nor is it enough for thee to root out the Prince's race: for there remain ●till those Lords who quickly will be the ringleaders of new changes; and in case thou art not able to content these, nor extinguish them, thou losest that State, whensoever the occasion is offered. Now if thou shalt consider what sort of government that of Darius was, thou shalt find it like to the Turks dominions, and therefore Alexander was necessitated first to defeat him utterly, and drive him out of the field; after which victory, Darius being dead, that State was left secure to Alexander, for the reasons we treated of before: and his successors had they continued in amity, might have enjoyed it at ease: nor ever arose there in that Kingdom other tumults, than those they themselves stirred up. But of the States that are ordered and grounded as that of France, it is impossible to become master at such ease: and from hence grew the frequent rebellions of Spain, France, and Gree●● against the Romans, by reason of the many Principalities those States had: whereof while the memory lasted, the Romans were always doubtful of the possession of them; but the memory of them being quite wiped out, by the power and continuance of the Empire, at length they enjoyed it securely; and they also were able afterwards fight one with another, each one of them to draw after them the greater part of those provinces, according as their authority had gained them credit therein: and that because the blood of their ancient Lord was quite spent, they acknowledged no other but the Romans. By the consideration then of these things, no man will marvel that Alexander had so little trouble to keep together the State of Asia; and that others have had such great difficulties to maintain their conquest, as Pyrrhus, and many others; which proceeds not from the small or great valour of the conqueror, but from the difference of the subject.   

CHAP. V In what manner Cities and Principalities are to be governed, which, before they were conquer d, lived under their own Laws.  
WHen those States, that are conquered, as it is said, have been accustomed to live under their own Laws, and in liberty, there are three ways for a man to hold them. The first is to demolish all their strong places; the other, personally to go and dwell there; the third, to suffer them to live under their own Laws, drawing from them some tribute, and creating therein an Oligarchy, that may continue it in thy service▪ for that State being created by that Prince, knows it cannot consist, without his aid and force, who is like to do all he can to maintain it; and with more facility is a City kept by means of her own Citizens, which hath been used before to live free, than by any other way of keeping. We have for example the Spartans'; and the Romans; the Spartans' held Athens and Thebes, creating there an Oligarchy: yet they lost it. The Romans to be sure of Capua, Carthage, and Numantia, dismantelled them quite, and so lost them not: they would have kept Greece as the Spartans' had held them, leaving them free, & letting them enjoy their own Laws; and it prospered not with them: so that they were forced to deface many Cities of that province to hold it. For in truth there is not a surer way to keep them under, than by demolishments; and whoever becomes master of a City used to live free, and dismantells it not; let him look himself to be ruined by it: for it always in time of rebellion takes the name of liberty for refuge, and the ancient orders it had; which neither by length of time, nor for any favours afforded them, are ever forgotten; and for any thing that can be done, or ordered, unless the inhabitants be disunited and dispersed, that name is never forgotten, nor those customs: but presently in every chance recourse is thither made: as Pisa did after so many years, that she had been subdued by the Florentines. But when the Cities or the Provinces are accustomed to live under a Prince, and that whole race is quite extirpated; on one part being used to obey; on the the other, not having their old Prince; they agree not to make one from among themselves: they know not how to live in liberty; in such manner that they are much slower to take arms, and with more facility may a Prince gain them, and secure himself of them. But in Republics there is more life in them, more violent hatred, more earnest desire of revenge; nor does the remembrance of the ancient liberty ever leave them, or suffer them to rest: so that the safest way, is, either to ruin them, or dwell among them.   

CHAP. VI Of new Principalities, that are conquered by ones own arms, and valour.  
LEt no man marvel, if in the discourse I shall make of new Principalities, both touching a Prince, and touching a State, I shall allege very famous examples: for seeing men almost always walk in the paths beaten by others, and proceed in their actions by imitation, and being that others ways cannot be exactly followed, nor their virtues, whose pattern thou setst before thee, attained unto; a wise man ought always to tread the footsteps of the worthiest persons, and imitate those that have been the most excellent: to the end that if his virtue arrive not thereto▪ at lest it may yield some savour thereof, and do as good Archers use, who thinking the place they intent to hit, too fare distant, & knowing how far the strength of their bow will carry, they lay their aim a great deal higher than the mark; not for to hit so high with their arrow, but to be able with the help of so high an aim to reach the place they shoot at. I say, that in Principalities wholly new, where there is a new Prince; there is more and less difficulty in maintaining them, as the virtue of their Conqueror is greater or lesser. And because this success, to become a Prince of a private man, presupposes either virtue, or fortune; me thinks the one and the other of these two things in part should mitigate many difficulties; however he that hath less stood upon fortune, hath maintained himself the better. Moreover it some what facilitates the matter in that the Prince is constrained, because he hath not other dominions, in person to come and dwell there. But to come to these, who by their own virtues, and not by fortune, attained to be Princes; the excellentest of these are, Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus, and such like; and though of Moses we are not to reason, he only executing the things that were commanded him by God; yet merits he well to be admired, were it only for that grace, that made him worthy to converse with God. But considering Cyrus, and the others, who either got or founded Kingdoms; we shall find them all admirable; and if their particular actions, and Laws be throughly weighed, they will not appear much differing from those of Moses, which he received from so Sovereign an instructor. And examining their lives and actions, it will not appear, that they had other help of fortune, than the occasion, which presented them with the matter wherein they might introduce what form they then pleased; and without that occasion, the virtue of their mind had been extinguished; and without that virtue, the occasion had been offered in vain. It was then necessary for Moses to find the people of Israel slaves in Egypt, and oppressed by the Egyptians▪ to the end that they to get out of their thraldom, should be willing to follow him. It was fit that Romulus should not be kept in Albia, but exposed presently after his birth that he might become King of Rome, and founder of that City. There was need that Cyrus should find the Persians discontented with the Medes government, and the Medes delicate and effeminate through their long peace. Theseus could not make proof of his virtue, had not he found the Athenians dispersed. These occasions therefore made these men happy, and their excellent virtue made the occasion be t●ken notice of, whereby their country became ennobled, and exceeding fortunate. They, who by virtuous ways, like unto these, become Princes, attain the Principality with difficulty, but hold it with much ease; and the difficulties they find in gaining the Principality, arise partly from the new orders and courses they are forced to bring in, to lay the foundation of their State, and work their own security. And it is to be considered, how there is not any thing harder to take in hand, nor doubtfuller to succeed, nor more dangerous to manage, than to be the chief in bringing in new orders; for this Chief finds all those his enemies, that thrive upon the old orders, and hath but lukewarm defenders of all those that would do well upon the new orders, which lukewarm temper proceeds part lie from fear of the opposers, who have the laws to their advantage; partly from the incredulity of the men, who truly believe not a new thing, unless there be some certain proof given them thereof. Whereupon it arises, that whensoever they that are adversaries take the occasion to assail, they do it factiously; and these others defend but coolly, so that their whole party altogether runs a hazard. Therefore it is necessary, being we intent throughly to discourse this part, to examine, if these innovators stand of themselves, or if they depend upon others; that is, if to bring their work to effect, it be necessary they should entreat, or be able to constrain. In the first case they always succeed ill, and bring nothing to pass; but when they depend of themselves, and are able to force, than seldom it is that they hazard. Hence came it that all the Prophets that were armed, prevailed; but those that were unarmed, were too weak: for besides what we have alleged, the nature of the people is changeable; and easy to be persuaded to a matter; but it is hard also to settle them in that persuasion. And therefore it behoves a man to be so provided, that when they believe no longer, he may be able to compel them thereto by force. Moses, Cyrus, Theseus, and Romulus would never have been able to cause their Laws long to be obeyed, had they been disarmed; as in our times it befell Friar Jerome Savanarola, who perished in his new constitutions, when the multitude began not to believe him; neither had he the means to keep them firm, that had believed; nor to force belief in them that had not believed him. Wherefore such men as these, in their proceed find great difficulty, and all their dangers are in the way, and these they must surmount by their virtue: but having once mastered them, and beginning to be honoured by all, when they have rooted those out that envied their dignities, they remain powerful, secure, honourable, and happy. To these choice Examples, I will add one of less remark; but it shall hold some proportion with them, and this shall suffice me for all others of this kind, which is Hiero the Syracusan. He of a private man, became Prince of Siracusa, nor knew he any other aid of fortune, than the occasion: for the Siracusans being oppressed, made choice of him for their Captain, whereupon he deserved to be made their Prince: and he was of such virtue even in his private fortune, that he who writes of him, says, he wanted nothing of reigning, but a Kingdom. This man extinguished all the old soldiery, ordained the new; left the old allyances, entertained new; and as he had friendship, and soldiers that were his own, upon that ground he was able to build any edifice; so that he endured much trouble in gaining, and suffered but little in maintaining.   

CHAP. VII. Of new Principalities, gotten by fortune, and other men's for●es.  
THey, who by fortune only become Princes of private men, with small pains attain to it; but have much ado to maintain themselves in it, and find no difficulty at all in the way, because they are carried thither with wings: but all the difficulties arise there, after they are placed in them. And of such sort are those, who have an estate given them for money, by the favour of some one that grants it them: as it befell many ●n Greece, in the cities of Jonia, and Hellespont; where divers Princes were made by Darius, as well for his own safety, as his glory; as also them that were made Emperors; who from private men by corrupting the soldiers, attained to the Empire. These subsist meery upon the will, and fortune of those that have advanced them; which are two volu●ble and unsteady things; and the● neither know how, nor are abl● to continue in that dignity: the● know not how, because unless i● be a man of great understanding and virtue, it is not probable▪ that he who hath always lived i● private life, can know how t● command: neither are they able because they have not any force that can be friendly or faithful to them. Moreover those State that suddenly fall into a ma● hands, as all other things in nature that spring and grow quickly, cannot well have taken root nor have made their correspondencyes so firm, but that the fir●● storm that takes them, ruin them; in case these, who (as it i● said) are thus on a sudden clambered up to be Princes, are not o● that worth and virtue as to know how to prepare themselves t● maintain that, which Chan●● hath cast into their bosoms, an● can afterwards lay those foundations, which others have cast before they were Princes. For the one and the other of these ways about the attaining to be a Prince, by Virtue, or by Fortune, I will allege you two examples which have been in the days of our memory. These were Francis Sforza and Caesar Borgia; Francis by ●ust means and with a great deal of virtue, of a private man got to be Duke of Milan; and that which with much pains he had gained, he kept with small ado. On the other side Caesar Borgia (commonly termed Duke Valentine) got his state by his Father's fortune, and with the same lost it; however that for his own part no pains was spared, nor any thing omitted, which by a discreet and valorous man ought to have been done, to fasten his roots in those Estates, which others arms or fortune had bestowed on him; for (as it was formerly said) he that lays not the foundations first, yet might be able by means of his extraordinary virtues to lay them afterwards, however it be with the great trouble of the architect, and danger of the edifice. If therefore we consider all the Dukes progresses, we may perceive how great foundations he had cast for his future power, which I judge a matter not superfluous to run over; because I should not well know, what better rules I might give to a new Prince, than the pattern of his actions; and however the courses he took, availd him not, yet was it not his fault, but it proceeded from an extraordinary and extreme malignity of fortune. Pope Alexander the sixth, desiring to make the Duke his son a great man, had a great many difficulties, present and future: First he saw no way there was whereby he might be able to make him Lord of any State, that was not the Churches; and if he turned to take that from the Church, he knew that the Duke of Milan, and the Venetians would never agree to it; for Faenza and Riminum were under the Venetians protection. Moreover, he saw that the arms of Italy, and those whereof in particular he might have been able to make some use, were in their hands, who ought to fear the Pope's greatness: and therefore could not any ways rely upon them: being all in the Orsi●s and Colonnies' hands, and those of their faction. It was necessary then, that those matters thus appointed by them, should be disturbed, and the States of Italy disordered, to be able safely to master part of them, which he then found easy to do, seeing the Venetians upon three considerations had used the means to bring the French men back again into Italy: which he not only did not withstand, but furthered, with a resolution of King Lewis his ancient marriage. The King then past into Italy with the Venetians aid, and Alexander's consent; nor was he sooner arrived in Milan, than the Pope had soldiers from him for the service of Romania, which was quickly yielded up to him upon the reputation of the King's forces. The Duke then having made himself master of Romania, and beaten the Colonnies; desiring to hold it, and proceed forward, two things hindered him: the one, his own soldiers, which he thought were not true to him; the other, the French men's good wills; that is to say, he feared that the Prince's soldiers, whereof he had served himself, would fail him, and not only hinder his conquest, but take from him what he had gotten; and that the King also would serve him the same turn. He had experience of the Orsini upon an occasion, when after the taking of Faenza, he assaulted Bolonia, to which assault he saw them go very cold. And touching the King, he discovered his mind, when having taken the Duchy of Urbin, he evaded Tuscany; from which action the King made him retire; whereupon the Duke resolved to ●epend no more upon fortune, ●nd other men's arms. And the ●irst thing he did, was, to wea●en the Orsini and Colonnies ●actions in Rome: for he gained ●ll their adherents that were gentlemen, giving then large allowances, and honouring them according to their qualities with charges and governments: so ●hat in a few months the good will they bore to the parties was quite extinguished, and wholly ●ent to the Duke. After this, ●ee waited an occasion to root ●ut the Orsini, having before dispersed those of the family of Co●onna, which fell out well to his ●and; and he used it better. For ●he Orsini being too late ware, ●hat the Dukes and the Church's greatness was their destruction; held a Counsel together ●n a dwelling house of theirs in the country adjoyniog to Per●sia. From thence grew the rebellion of Urbin, and the troubl● of Romania, and many other dangers befell the Duke, which 〈◊〉 overcame all with the help of th● French: and having regaind h● reputation, trusting neither Franc● nor any foreign forces, to th● end he might not be put 〈◊〉 make trial of them again, he b● took himself to his sleights; an● he knew so well to disguise his intention, that the Orsins, by th● mediation of Paul Orsini, we● reconciled to him, to whom th● Duke was no way wanting in a● manner of courtesies whereby to bring them into security, g●ving them rich garments, money and horses, till their own simplicities led them all to Sinigallia into his hands. These head being then plucked off, and thei● partisans made his friends, th● Duke had laid very good foundations, to build his own greatness on, having in his power al● Romania with the Duchy of Vr●in, and gained the hearts of those people, by beginning to give them ●ome relish of their well being. And because this part is worthy to be taken notice of, and to be imitated by others, I will not let it scape. The Duke, when he had taken Romania, finding it had been under the hands of poor Lords, who had rather pillaged their subjects, than chastised or amended them, giving them more cause of discord, than of peace and union, so that the whole country was fraught with robberies, quarrels, and all other sorts of insolences; thought the best way to reduce them to terms of pacification, and obedience to a Princely power, was, to give them some good government: and therefore he set over them one Remiro D' Orco, a cruel, hasty man, to whom he gave an absolute power. This man in a very short time settled peace and union amongst them with very great reputation. Afterwards the Duke thought such excessive authority served not so well to his purpose, and doubting it would grow odious, he erected a Civil judicature in the midst of the country, where one excellent judge did precide, and thither every City sent their Advocate● and because he knew the rigours past had bred some hatred against him, to purge the minds of those people, and to gain them wholly to himself, he purposed to show, that if there was any cruelty used▪ it proceeded not from any order of his, but from the harsh disposition of his Officer. Whereupon laying hold on him, at this occasion▪ he caused his head to be struck off one morning early in the market place at Cesena, where he was left upon a gibbet, with a bloody sword by his side; the cruelty of which spectacle for a while satisfied and amazed those people. But to return from whence we have digressd: I say, that the Duke finding himself very strong, and in part out of doubt of the present dangers, because he was armed after his own manner, and had in some good measure suppressed those forces, which, because of their vicinity, were able to annoy him, he wanted nothing else to go on with his Conquest, but the consideration of France: for he knew, that the King, who now, though late, was advisd of his error, would never suffer him: and hereupon he began to seek after new allyances, and to waver with France, when the French came towards Naples against the Spaniards, who then besieged Gagetta; and his design was only to be out of their danger, which had been effected for him, had Pope Alexander lived. And thus were his businesses carried touching his present estate. As for the future, he had reason to doubt, lest the new successor to the Papacy would not be his friend, and would endeavour to take that from him that Alexander had bestowed on him; and he thought to provide for this four ways: first by rooting out the races of all those Lords he had despoiled, whereby to take those occasions from the Pope. Secondly, by gaining all the gentlemen of Rome, whereby he might be able with those to keep the Pope i● some awe. Thirdly, to make the College of Cardinals as much at his devotion as possibly might be. Fourthly, by making of so large Conquests, before the Pope's death, as that he might be able of himself to withstand the first fury of his enemies. Three of these four at Pope Alexander's death he had effected, and the fourth he had near brought to a point. For of those Lords he had stripd▪ he put to death as many as he could come at, and very few scaped him▪ he gained him the Roman gentlemen: and in the College he had made a great faction. And touching his new Conquest, he had a design to become Lord of Tuscany. And he had possessed himself already of Perusia, and Piombin, and taken protection of Pisa: and so soon as he should have cast of his respect to France (which now he meant to hold no longer) being the French were now driven out of the Kingdom of Naples by the Spaniards, so, that each of them was forced to buy his friendship at any terms; he was then to leap into Pisa. After this Lucca and Sienna, were presently to fall to him, partly for envy to the Florentines, and partly for fear. The Florentines had no way to escape him: all which had it succeeded with him, as without question it had, the very same year that Alexander died, he had m●de himself master of so great forces, and such reputation, that he would have been able to have stood upon his own bottom, without any dependence of fortune, or resting upon others helps; but only upon his own strength and valour. But Alexander died five years after that he had begun to draw forth his sword: and left him settled only in the State of Romania, with all his other designs in the air, sick unto death, between two very strong armies of his enemies: and yet was there in this Duke such a spirit and courage, and he understood so well, how men are to be gained, and how to be lost, and so firm were the grounds he had laid in a short time, that, had he not had those armies upon his back, or had he been in health, he would have carried through his purpose in spite of all opposition: and that the foundations he grounded upon, were good, it appeared in that Romania held for him above a month, and he remained secure in Rome, though even at death's door: and however the Baglioni, Vitelli, and Orsini came into Rome; yet found they none would take their parts against him. And this he was able to have effected, that if he could not have made him Pope whom he would, he could have hindered him that he would not should be Pope. But had he been in health when Alexander died, every thing had gone easily with him; and he told me on that day that Julius the second was created Pope, that he had forethought on all that which could happen, in case his father chanced to die, and for every thing provided its remedy: this only excepted, that he foresaw not that he himself should at the same time be brought unto death's door also. Having then collected all the Duke's actions, me thinks I could not well blame him, but rather (as I have here done) set him as a pattern to be followed by all those, who by fortune and others arms have been exalted to an Empire. For he being of great courage, and having lofty designs, could not carry himself otherwise; and the only obstacle of his purpose was the brevity of Alexander's life, and his own sickness. Whoever therefore deems it necessary in his entrance into a new Principality, to secure himself of his enemies, and gain him friends, to overcome either by force, or by cunning, to make himself be beloved, or feared of his people, be followed and reverenced by his soldiers, to root out those that can, or own thee any hurt, to change the ancient orders with new ways, to be severe, and yet acceptable, magnanimous, and liberal, to extinguish the unfaithful soldiery, and create new, to maintain to himself the amities of Kings and Princes, so that they shall either with favour benefit thee, or be wary how to offend thee; cannot find more fresh and lively examples than the actions of this man. He deserves to be found fault withal for the creation of Julius the second, wherein an evil choice was made for him: for, as it is said, not being able to make a Pope to his mind, he could have withheld any one from being Pope; and should never have consented that any one of those Cardinals, should have got the Papacy, whom he had ever done harm to; or who having attained the Pontificate were likely to be afraid of him: because men ordinarily do hurt either for fear, or hatred. Those whom he had offended, were among others, he who had the title of St. Peter ad Vincula, Colonna, St. George, and Ascanius; all the others that were in possibility of the Popedom, were such as might have feared him rather, except the Cardinal of Rouen, and the Spaniards; these by reason of their alliance and obligation with him, the other, because of the power they had, having the Kingdom of France on their party. Wherefore the Duke above all things should have created a Spaniard Pope, and in case he could not have done that, he should have agreed that Rouen should have been, and not St. Peter ad Vincula. And whoever believes, that with great personages new benefits blot out the remembrance of old injuries, is much deceived. The Duke therefore in this election, was the cause of his own ruin at last.  
Till we come to this seaventh Chapter, I find not any thing much blame-worthy, unless it be one ground he lays in the secon● Chapter; whereupon he builds most of this Fabric, viz. Tha● Subjects must either be dallied o● flattered withal, or quite crush. Whereby our Author advises hi● Prince to support his authority with two Cardinal Virtues, Dissimulation, and Cruelty. He considers not herein that the head is but a member of the body, though the principal; and the end of the parts is the good of the whole. And here he goes against himself in the twenty sixth Chapter of his Rep. l. 1. where he blames Philip of Macedon for such courses, terming them very cruel, and against all Christian manner of living; and that every man should refuse to be a King, and desire rather to live a private life, than to reign so much to the ruin of mankind. The life of Caesar Borgia, which is here given as a pattern to new Princes, we shall find to have been nothing else but a cunning carriage of things so, that he might thereby first deceive and inveigle, and then suppress all those that could oppose or hinder his ambition. For if you run over his life, you shall see the Father Pope Alexander the sixth, and him, both embarked for his advancement, wherein they engaged the Papal authority, and reputation of Religion; for faith and conscience these men never knew, though they exacted it of others: there was never promise made, but it was only so fare kept as served for advantage; Liberalite was made use of, Clemency and Cruelty, all alike, as they might serve to work with their purposes. All was sacrificed to ambition, no friendship could tie these men, nor any religion: and no marvel: for ambition made them forget both God and man. But see the end of all this cunning: though this Caesar Borgia contrived all his business so warily, that our Author much commends him, and he had attained near the pitch of his hopes, and had provided for each misadventure could befall him its remedy; Policy showed itself short sighted; for he foresaw not at the time of his Father's death, he himself should be brought unto death's door also. And me thinks this Example might have given occasion to our Author to confess, that surely there is a God that ruleth the earth. And ●any times God cuts off those cunning and mighty men in the height ●f their purposes, when they think ●hey have near surmounted all ●angers and difficulties. To the ●●tent that the living may know, ●hat the most high ruleth in the Kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, and setteth ●p over it the basest of men. Da●iel. 4.17.   

CHAP. VIII. Concerning those who by wicked means have attained to a Principality.  
BUt because a man becomes a Prince of a private man two ways, which cannot wholly be attributed either to Fortune or Virtue, I think not fit to let ●hem pass me: howbeit the one of them may be more largely discoursed upon, where the Republics are treated of. These are, when by some wicked and unlawful means a man rises to the Principality; or when a private person by the favour of his fellow Citizens becomes Prince of his country. And speaking of the first manner, it shall be made evident by two Examples, the one ancient, the other modern, without entering otherwise into the justice or merit of this part; for I take it that these are sufficient for any body that is forced to follow them. Agathocles the Sicilian, not of a private man only, but from a base and abject fortune got to be King of Siracusa. This man borne but of a Potter, continued always a wicked life throughout all the degrees of his fortune: nevertheless he accompanied his lewdness with such a courage and resolution, that applying himself to military affairs, by the degrees thereof he attained to be Praetour of Siracusa, and being settled in that degree, and having determined that he would become Prince, and hold that by violence and without obligation to any other, which by consent had been granted him; and to this purpose having had some private intelligence touching his design with Amilcar the Carthaginian, who was employed with his army in Sicily, one morning gathered the people together and the Senate of Siracusa, as if he had somewhat to advise with them of matters belonging to the Commonwealth, and upon a sign given, caused his soldiers to kill all his Senators, and the richest of the people; who being slain, he usurped the Prineipality of that City without any civil strife: and however he was twice broken by the Carthaginians, and at last besieged, was able not only to defend his own City, but leaving part of his own army at the defence thereof, with the other invaded Africa, and in a short time freed Siracusa from the siege, and brought the Carthaginians into extreme necessity, who were constrained to accord with him, be contented with the possession of Africa, and qui●● Sicily to Agathocles. He than that should consider the actions and valour of this man, would not see any, or very few things to be attributed unto Fortune; seeing that as is formerly said, not by any one's favour, but by the degrees of service in war with many sufferings and dangers, to which he had risen, he came to the Principality; and that he maintained afterwards with so many resolute and hazardous undertake. Yet cannot this be termed virtue or valour to slay his own Citizens, betray his friends, to be without faith, without pity, without religion, which ways are of force to gain dominion, but not glory: for if Agathocles his valour be well weighed, in his venturing upon, and coming off from dangers, and the greatness of his courage, in supporting and mastering of adversities, no man ●an see why he should be thought ●ny way inferior even to the ●blest Captains. Notwithstanding his beastly cruelty and inhumanity with innumerable wickednesses, allow not that he should be celebrated among the most excellent men. That cannot then be attributed to Fortune or Virtue, which without the one or th' other was attained to by him. In our days, while Alexander the sixth held the sea, Oliverotto of Fermo, who some few years before had been left young by his parents, was brought up under the care of an uncle of his on the mother's side, called John Foliani, and in the beginning of his youth given by him to serve in the wars under Paulo Vitelli: to the end that being well instructed in that discipline, he might rise to some worthy degree in the wars. Afterwards when Paulo was dead, he served under Vitellozzo his brother, and in very short time, being ingenious, of a good personage, and brave courage, he became one of the prime men among the troops he served in: but thinking it but servile to depend upon another; he plotted by the aid of some Citizens of Fermo (who liked rather the thraldom of their City than the liberty of it) and by the favour of the Vitelli, to make himself master of Fermo; and writ to John Foliani, that having been many years from home, he had a mind to come and see him and the City, and in some part take notice of his own patrimony; and because he had not employed himself but to purchase honour, to the end his Citizens might perceive, that he had not vainly spent his time, he had a desire to come in good equipage and accompanied with a hundred horse of his friends and servants; and he entreated him that he would be pleased so to take order, that he might be honourably received by the inhabitants of Fermo; which turned as well to his honour that was his uncle, as his that was the nephew. In this, John failed not in any office of courtesy due to his nephew: and caused him to be well received by them of Fermo, and lodged him in his own house: where having passed some days, and stayed to put in order somewhat that was necessary for his intended villainy, he made a very solemn feast, whether he invited John Foliani, and all the prime men of Fermo: and when all their cheer was ended, and all their other entertainments, as in such feasts it is customary, Oliverotto of purpose moved some grave discourses; speaking of the greatness of Pope Alexander, and Caesar his son, and their undertake; whereunto John and the others making answer: he of a sudden stood up, saying, that those were things to be spoken of in a more secret place, and so retired into a chamber, whether John and all the other Citizens followed him; nor were they sooner set down there, than from some secret place therein came forth divers soldiers, who slew John and all the others: after which homicide Oliverotto got a horseback and ravagd the whole town, and besieged the supreme Magistrate in the palace, so that for fear they were all constrained to obey him, and to settle a government, whereof he made himself Prince; and they being all dead, who, had they been discontented with him, could have hurt him; he strengthened himself with new civil and military orders, so that in the space of a year that he held the Principality, he was not only secure in the City of Fermo, but became fearful to all his neighbours; and the conquest of him would have proved difficult, as that of Agathocles, had he not let himself been deceived by Caesar Borgia; when at Sinigallia, as before was said, he took the Orsini and Vitelli: where he also being taken a year after he had committed the parricide, was strangled together with Vitellozzo (whom he had had for master both of his virtues and vices.) Some man might doubt from whence it should proceed, that Agathocles, and such like, after many trecheryes and crueltyes, could possibly live long secure in his own country, and defend himself from his foreign enemies, and that never any of his own Citizens conspired against him; seeing that by means of cruelty, many others have never been able even in peaceable times to maintain their States, much less in the doubtful times of war. I believe that this proceeds from the well, or ill using of those crueltyes: they may be termed well used (if it be lawful to say well of evil) that are put in practice only once of necessity for security's sake, not insisting therein afterwards, but there is use made of them for the subjects profit, as much as may be. But those that are ill used, are such as though they be but few in the beginning, yet they multiply rather in time, than diminish. They that take that first way, may with the help of God, and men's care, find some remedy for their State, as Agathocles did: for the others, it is impossible they should continue. Whereupon it is to be noted, that in the laying hold of a State, the usurper thereof aught to run over and execute all his cruellties at once, that he be not forced often to return to them, and that he may be able, by not renewing of them, to give men some security, and gain their affections by doing them some courtesies. He that carries it otherwise, either for fearfulness, or upon evil advice, is always constrained to hold his sword drawn in his ●and; nor ever can he rely upon ●is subjects, there being no possibility for them, because of his daily and continual injuries, to live in any safety: for his injuries should be done altogether, that being seldomer tasted, they might less offend: his favours should be bestowed by little and little, to the end they might keep their ●aste the better; and above all ●hings a Prince must live with his subjects in such sort, that no accident either of good or evil can make him vary: for necessity coming upon him by reason of adversities, thou hast not time given thee to make advantage of thy cruellties; and the favours which then thou bestowest, will little help thee, being taken, as if they came from thee perforce, and so yield no return of thanks.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Civil Principality.  
BUt coming to the other part, when a principal Citizen, not by villainy, or any other insufferable violence, but by the favour of his fellow-citizens becomes Prince of his native country: which we may term a Civil Principality; nor to attain hereunto is Virtue wholly, or Fortune wholly necessary, but rather a fortunate cunning. I say, this Principality is climbed up to, either by the people's help, or the great men's. For, in every City we find these two humour● differ; and they spring from this that the people desire not to be commanded nor oppressed by the great ones, and the great one● are desirous to command and oppress the people: and from these two several appetites, arises in the City one of these three effects, either a Principality, or Liberty, or Tumultuary licentiousness. The Principality is caused either by the people, or the great ones; according as the one or the other of these factions have the occasion offered; for the great ones seeing themselves not able to resist the people, begin to turn the whole reputation to one among them, and make him Prince, whereby ●hey may under his shadow vent their spleens. The people also, not being able to support the great men's insolences, converting the whole reputation to one man, create him their Prince, to ●e protected by his authority. He ●hat comes to the Principality by ●he assistance of the great ones, ●ubsists with more difficulty, than ●e that attains to it by the people's favour; for he being made ●rince, hath many about him, who account themselves his equals, and therefore cannot dis●ose nor command them at his pleasure. But he that gains the principality by the people's favour, finds himself alone in his throne, and hath none or very few near him, that are not very supple to bend: besides this, the great ones cannot upon easy terms be satisfied, or without doing of wrong to others, whereas a small matter contents the people: for the end which the people propound to themselves, is more honest than that of the great men, these desiring to oppress, they only not to be oppressed. To this may be added also, that the Prince which is the people's enemy, can never well secure himself of them, because of their multitude; well may he be sure of the Nobles, they being but a few. The worst that a Prince can look for of the people become his enemy, is, to be abandoned by them: but when the great ones once grow his enemies, he is not only to fear their abandoning of him, but their making of a party against him also: for there being i● them more forecast and craft, the● always take time by the forelocks whereby to save themselves, and seek credit with him, who they hope shall get the mastery. The Prince likewise is necessitated always to live with the same people, but can do well enough without the same great men, he being able to create new ones, and destroy them again every day, and to take from them, and give them credit as he pleases: and to clear this part, I say, that great men ought to be considered two ways principally, that is, if they take thy proceed so much to heart, as to engage their fortunes wholly in thine, in case they lie not always catching at spoil, they ought to be well honoured and esteemed: those that bind themselves not to thy fortune, are to be considered also two ways; either they do it for lack of courage,, and natural want of spirit, and then shouldst thou serve thyself of them, and of them especially that are men of good advice; for if thy affairs prosper, thou dost thyself honour thereby; if crossed, thou needst not fear them: but when they oblige not themselves to thee of purpose, and upon occasion of ambition, it is a sign they think more of themselves than of thee: and of these the Prince ought to beware, and account of them as his discovered enemies: for always in thy adversity they will give a hand too to ruin thee. Therefore ought he that comes to be Prince by the people's favour, keep them his friends: which he may easily do, they desiring only to live free from oppression: but he that becomes Prince by the great men's favour, against the will of the people, aught above all things to gain the people to him, which he may easily effect, when he takes upon him their protection: And because men when they find good, where they look for evil, are thereby more endear to their benefactor, therefore grows the people so pliant in their subjection to him, as if by their favours he had attained his dignity. And the Prince is able to gain them to his side by many ways, which because they vary according to the subject, no certain rule can be given thereupon, wherefore we shall let them pass; I will only conclude, that it is necessary for a Prince to have the people his friend, otherwise in his adversities he hath no help. Nabis Prince of the Spartans' supported the siege of all Greece, and an exceeding victorious army of the Romans, and against those defended his native country and State, and this sufficed him alone, that as the danger came upon him, he secured himself of a few: whereas if the people had been his enemy, this had nothing availd him. And let no man think to overthrow this my opinion with that common proverb, that he who relies upon the people, lays his foundation in the dirt; for that is true, where a private Citizen grounds upon them, making his account that the people shall free him, when either his enemies or the Magistrates oppress him. In this case he should find himself often deceived, as it befell the Gracehyes in Rome, and in Florence George Scali: but he being a Prince that grounds thereupon, who can command, and is a man of courage, who hath his wits about him in his adversities, and wants not other preparations, and holds together the whole multitude animated with his valour and orders, shall not prove deceived by them, and shall find he hath laid good foundations. These Principalityes are wont to be upon the point of falling when they go about to skip from the civil order, to the absolute: for these Princes either command of themselves, or by the Magistrates; in this last case their State is more weak and dangerous: because they stand wholly at the will and pleasure of these Citizens, who then are set over the Magistrates, who especially in adverse times are able with facility to take their State from them, either by rising up against them, or by not obeying them; and then the Prince is not at hand in those dangers to take the absolute authority upon him: for the Citizens and subjects that are accustomed to receive the commands from the Magistrates, are not like in those fractions to obey his: and in doubtful times he shall always have greatest penury of whom he may trust; for such a Prince cannot ground upon that which he sees in peaceable times, when the Citizens have need of the State; for then every one runs and every one promises, and every one will venture his life for him, when there is no danger near; but in times of hazard, when the State hath need of Citizens, there are but few of them then, and so much the more is this experience dangerours, in that it can be but once made. Therefore a prudent Prince ought to devise a way, whereby his Citizens always and in any case and quality of time may have need of his government, and they shall always after prove faithful to him.   

CHAP. X. In what manner the forces of all Principalities ought to be measured.  
IT is requisite in examining the quality of those Principalities, to have another consideration of them, that is, if a Prince have such dominions, that he is able in case of necessity to subsist of himself, or else whether he hath always need of another to defend him. And to clear this point the better, I judge them able to stand of themselves, who are of power either for their multitudes of men, or quantity of money, to bring into the field a complete army, and join battle with whoever comes to assail them: and so I think those always to stand in need of others help, who are not able to appear in the field against the enemy, but are forced to retire within their walls and guard them. Touching the first case, we have treated already, and shall add somewhat thereto as occasion shall require. In the second case, we cannot say other, save only to encourage such Princes to fortify and guard their own Capital city, and of the country about not to hold much account; and whoever shall have well fortified that town, and touching other matters of governments shall have behaved himself towards his subjects, as hath been formerly said, and hereafter shall be, shall never be assailed but with great regard; for men willingly undertake not enterprises, where they see difficulty to work them through; nor can much facility be there found, where one assails him, who hath his town strong and well guarded, and is not hated of his people. The cities of Germany are very free; they have but very little of the country about them belonging to them, and they obey the Emperor, when they please, and they stand not in fear, neither of him nor any other potentate about them: for they are in such a manner fortified, that every one thinks the siege of any of them would prove hard and tedious: for all of them have ditches and rampires, and good store of Artillery, and always have their public sellers well provided with meat and drink and firing for a year: besides this whereby to feed the common people, and without any loss to the public, they have always in common whereby they are able for a year to employ them in the labour of those trades, that are the sinews and the life of that city, and of that industry, whereby the commons ordinarily supported themselves: they hold up also the military exercises in repute, and hereupon have they many orders to maintain them. A Prince than that is master of a good strong city, and causeth not himself to be hated, cannot be assaulted; and in case he were, he that should assail him, would be feign to quit him with shame: for the affairs of the world are so various, that it is almost impossible that an army can lie encamped before a town for the space of a whole year: and if any should reply, that the people having their possessions abroad, in case they should see them afire, would not have patience, and the tedious siege and their love to themselves would make them forget their Prince: I answer that a Prince puissant and courageous, will easily master those difficulties, now giving his subjects hope, that the mischief will not be of durance, sometimes affrighting them with the cruelty of their enemies, and otherwhiles cunningly securing himself of those, whom he thinks too forward to run to the enemy. Besides this by ordinary reason the enemy should burn and waste their country upon his arrival, and at those times while men's minds are yet warm, and resolute in their defence: and therefore so much the less ought a Prince doubt: for after some few days, that their courages grow cool, the damages are all done, and mischiefs received, and there is no help for it, and then have they more occasion to cleave faster to their Prince; thinking he is now more bound to them, their houses having for his defence been fired, and their possessions wasted: and men's nature is as well to hold themselves obliged for the kindnesses they do, as for those they receive; whereupon if all be well weighed, a wise Prince shall not find much difficulty to keep sure and true to him his Citizen's ●earts at the beginning and ●atter end of the siege, when ●ee hath no want of provision ●or food and munition.   

CHAP. XI. Concerning Ecclesiastical Principalities.  
THere remains now only that we treat of the Eccle●iasticall Principalities, about which all the difficulties are be●ore they are gotten: for they are attained to either by Virtue or ●ortune, and without the one or ●he other they are held: for they ●re maintained by orders inveterated in the religion, all which ●re so powerful and of such nature, that they maintain their princes in their dominions in ●hat manner soever they proceed ●nd live. These only have an Estate and defend it not; have subjects and govern them not; ●nd yet their States because undefended, are not taken from them; nor their subjects, though not governed, care not, think not, neither are able to alien themselves from them. These Principalities than are only happy and secure: but they being sustained by superior causes, whereunto humane understanding reaches not, I will not meddle with them: for being set up and maintained by God; it would be the part of a presumptuous and rash man to enter into discourse of them. Yet if any man should ask me whence it proceeds, that the Church in temporal power hath attained to such greatness, seeing that till the time of Alexander the sixth, the Italian potentates, and not only they who are entitled potentates, but every Baron and Lord though of the meanest condition, in regard of the temporality made but small account of it, and now a King of France trembles at the power thereof, and it hath been able to drive him out of Italy, and ruin the Venetians; and however this be well known, me thinks it is not superfluous in some part to recall it to memory. Before that Charles King of France passed into Italy, this country was under the rule of the Pope, the Venetians, the King of Naples, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines. These potentates took two things principally to their care; the one, that no foreigner should invade Italy; the other, that no one of them should enlarge their State. They, against whom this care was most taken, were the Pope and the Venetians; and to restrain the Venetians, there needed the union of all the rest, as it was in the defence of Ferrara; and to keep the Pope low, they served themselves of the Barons of Rome, who being divided into two factions, the Orsini and Colonnesi, there was always occasion of offence between them, who standing ready with their arms in hand in the view of the Pope, held the Popedom weak and feeble: and however sometimes there arose a courageous Pope, as was Sextus; yet either his fortune, or his wisdom was not able to free him of these incommodities, and the brevity of their lives was the cause thereof: for in ten years, which time one with another, the Popes ordinarily lived, with much ado could they bring low one of the factions. And if, as as we may say, one had near put out the Colonnesi, there arose another enemy to the Orsini, who made them grow again, so that there was never time quite to root them out. This than was the cause, why the Pope's temporal power was of small esteem in Italy. There arose afterwards Pope Alexander the sixth, who of all the Popes that ever were, showed what a Pope was able to do with money and forces: and he effected by means of his instrument, Duke Valentins, and by the occasion of the French men's passage, all those things, which I have formerly discoursed upon in the Duke's actions: and however his purpose was nothing at all to enlarge the Church dominions, but to make the Duke great; yet what he did, turned to the Church's advantage; which after his death, when the Duke was taken away, was the heir of all his pains. Afterwards succeeded Pope Julius, and found the Church great, having all Romania, and all the Barons of Rome being quite rooted out, and by Alexander's persecutions all their factions worn down; he found also the way open for the heaping up of monies, never practised before Alexander's time; which things Julius not only followed, but augmented; and thought to make himself master of Bolonia, and extinguish the Venetians, and chase the French men out of Italy: and these designs of his proved all lucky to him, and so much the more to his praise in that he did all for the good of the Church, and in no private regard: he kept also the factions of the Orsini, and Colonnesi, in the same State he found them: and though there were among them some head whereby to cause an alteration; yet two things have held them quiet, the one the power of the Church, which somewhat affrights them; the other because they have no Cardinals of their factions, who are the primary causes of all the troubles amongst them: nor shall these parties ever be at rest, while they have Cardinals; because they nourish the factions both in Rome, and abroad, and and the Barons than are forced to undertake the defence of them: and thus from the Prelate's ambitions arise the discords and tumults among the Barons. And now hath Pope Leo his Holiness found the Popedom exceeding puissant, of whom it is hoped, that if they amplified it by arms, he by his goodness, and infinite other virtues, will much more advantage and dignify it.   

CHAP. XII. How many sorts of Military discipline there are: and touching Mercenary soldiers.  
HAving treated particularly of the qualities of those Principalities, which in the beginning I propounded to discourse upon, and considered in some part the reasons of their well and ill being, and shown the ways whereby many have sought to gain, and hold them; it remains now that I speak in general of the offences and defences, that may chance in each of the forenamed. We have formerly said that it is necessary for a Prince to have good foundations laid; otherwise it must needs be that he go to wrack. The principal foundations that all States have, as well new, as old, or mixed, are good laws, and good arms; and because there cannot be good laws, where there are not good arms, and where there are good arms, there must needs be good laws, I will omit to discourse of the laws, and speak of arms. I say then that the arms, wherewithal a Prince defends his State, either are his own, or mercenary, or auxiliary, or mixed. Those that are mercenary, and auxiliary, are unprofitable, and dangerous; and if any one holds his State founded upon mercenary arms, he shall never be quiet, nor secure: because they are never well united, ambitious, and without discipline, treacherous, among their friends stout, among their enemies cowardly, they have no fear of God, nor keep any faith with men, and so long only defer they the doing of mischief, till the enemy comes to assail thee, and in time of peace thou art despoiled by them, in war by thy ●lemies: the reason hereof is, because they have no other love, ●or other cause to keep them in ●he field, but only a small stipend, ●hich is not of force to make ●●em willing to hazard their lives ●or thee: they are willing indeed ●●be thy soldiers, till thou goest to ●●ght, but then they fly, or run ●way: which thing would cost ●ee but small pains to persuade: ●r the ruin of Italy hath not had ●ny other cause now adays, than ●or that it hath these many years ●ely'd upon mercenary arms; ●hich a good while since perhaps ●ay have done some man some ●●rvice, and among themselves ●●ey may have been thought va●●ant: but so soon as any foreign enemy appeared, they quickly ●●ewd what they were: Whereupon Charles the King of France, without opposition made himself ●aster of all Italy: and he that ●●id, that the cause thereof were ●ur faults, said true; but these were not those they believed, but wha● I have told; and because they were the Prince's faults, they als● have suffered the punishment. I will fuller show the infelicity o● these arms. The mercenary Captains are either very able men, or not: if they be, thou canst no● repose any trust in them: for they will always aspire unto thei● own proper advancements, either by suppressing of thee tha● art their Lord, or by suppressing of some one else quite out of thy purpose: but if the Captain be● not valorous, he ordinarily ruins thee: and in case it be answered, that whoever shall have arms in his hands, whether mercenary or not, will do so: I woul● reply, that arms are to be employed either by a Prince, or commonwealth. The Prince aught to go in person, and performs the office of a commander: th● Republic is to send forth h● Citizens: and when she send forth one that proves not of abilities, she ought to change him ●hen, and when he does prove valorous, to bridle him so by the ●aws, that he exceed not his commissions. And by experience we ●ee, that Princes and Republics of themselves alone, make very great conquests; but that mercenary arms never do other than ●arme: and more hardly falls a Republic armed with her own ●rmes under the obedience of one of her own Citizens; than one ●hat is armed by foreign arms. Rome and Sparta subsisted many age's armed and free. The Swissers are exceedingly well armed, and yet very free. Touching mercenary arms that were of old, we have an example of the Carthagians, who near upon were oppressed by their own mercenary soldiers, when the first war with the Romans was finished, however the Carthagians had their own Citizens for their Captains. Philip of Macedon was made by the Thebans after Epaminondas his death, General of their Armies; and after the victory, he took from them their liberty. The Milanese when Duke Philip was dead, entertained Francis Sforza into their pay against the Venetians, who having vanquished their enemies at Caravaggio, afterwards joined with them, whereby to usurp upon the Milanese his Masters. Sforza his father, being in Joan the Queen of Naples pay, left her on a sudden disarmed; whereupon she, to save her Kingdom, was constrained to cast herself into the King of Arragon's bosom. And in case the Venetians and the Florentines have formerly augmented their State with these kind of Arms, and their own Captains, and yet none of them have ever made themselves their Princes, but rather defended them: I answer, that the Florentines in this case have had Fortune much their friend: for of valorous Captains, which they might any way fear, some have not been victors, some have had opposition, and others have laid the aim of their ambitions another way. He who overcame not, was John Aeuto, of whose faith there could no proof be made, being he vanquished not; but every one will acknowledge, that, had he vanquished, the Florentines were at his discretion. Sforza had always the Bracceschi for his adversaries, so that they were as a guard one upon another. Francis converted all his ambition against Lombardy. Braccio against the Church, and the Kingdom of Naples. But let us come to that, which followed a while ago. The Florentines made Paul Vitelli their General, a throughly advisd man, and who from a private fortune had rose to very great reputation: had he taken Pisa, no man will deny but that the Florentines must have held fast with him; for had he been entertained in their enemies pay, they had had no remedy, and they themselves holding of him, of force were to obey him. The Venetians, if we consider their proceed, we shall see wrought both warily and gloriously, while they themselves made war, which was before their undertake by land where the gentlemen with their own Commons in arms behaved themselves bravely: but when they began to fight by land, they lost their valour, and followed the customs of Italy; and in the beginning of their enlargement by land, because they had not much territory, and yet were of great reputation, they had not much cause to fear their Captains; but as they began to extend their bounds, which was under their Commander Carminiola, they had a taste of this error: for perceiving he was exceeding valorous, having under his conduct beaten the Duke of Milan, and knowing on the other side, how he was cold in the war, they judged that they could not make any great conquest with him; and because they neither would, nor could not cashier him, that they might not lose what they had gotten, they were forced for their own safeties to put him to death. Since they have had for their General Bartholomew of Berganio, Robert of St. Severin, ●he Count of Petilian, and such like: whereby they were to fear their losses, as well as to hope for gain: as it fell out afterwards at Vayla, wherein one day they ●ost that, which with so much ●aines they had gotten in eight ●undred years: for from these kind of arms grow slack and ●low & weak gains; but sudden ●nd wonderful losses. And because I am now come with these ●xamples into Italy, which now ●hese many years, hath been go●ernd by mercenary arms, I will ●earch deeper into them, to the end that their course and progress being better discovered, they may be the better amended. You have to understand, that so soon as in these later times the yoke of the Italian Empire began to be shaken off, and the Pope had gotten reputation in the temporalty, Italy was divided into several States: for many of the great cities took arms against their Nobility; who under the Emperor's protection had held them in oppression; and the Pope favoured these, whereby he might get himself reputation, in the temporalty; of many others, their Citizens became Princes, so that hereupon Italy being come into the Church's hands as it were, and some few Republics, those Priests and Citizens not accustomed to the use of arms, began to take strangers to their pay. The first that gave reputation to these soldiers was Alberick of Como in Romania. From his discipline among others descended Brachio and Sforza, who in their time were the arbiters of Italy. After these followed all the others, who even till our days have commanded the arms of Italy: and the success of their valour hath been, that it was overrun by Charles, pillagd by Lewis, forced by Fardinand, and disgraced by the Swissers. The order which they have held, hath been, first whereby to give reputation to their own arms, to take away the credit of the infantrey. This they did, because they having no State of their own, but living upon their industry, their few foot gave them no reputation, and many they were not able to maintain, whereupon they reduced themselves to cavalero, and so with a supportable number they were entertained and honoured: and matters were brought to such terms, that in an army of twenty thousand soldiers, you should not find two thousand foot. They had moreover used all industry to free themselves and their soldiers of all pains and fear, in their skirmishes, not killing, but taking one another prisoners, and without ransom for their freedoms; they repaired not all to their tents by night, nor made palizado, or trench thereabout, nor lay in the field in the summer: and all these things were thus contrived and agreed of among them in their military orders: whereby (as is said) to avoid pains and dangers; insomuch as they have brought Italy into slavery and disgrace.   

CHAP. XIII. Of Auxiliary Soldiers, mixed, and natives.  
THe Auxiliary forces, being the other kind of unprofitable arms, are, when any puissant one is called in, who with his forces comes to assist and defend thee; such as in these later times did Pope Julius' use, who having seen the evil proof of his mercenary soldiers in the enterprise of Ferrara, applied himself to the Auxiliaries, and agreed with Ferdinand King of Spain, that with his forces he should aid him. These arms may be profitable and advantageous for themselves; but for him that calls them in, hurtful; because in losing, thou art left defeated; and conquering, thou becomest their prisoner. And however that of these examples the ancient stories are full fraught, yet will I not part from this of Pope Julius the second, which is as yet fresh: whose course could not have been more inconsiderate, for the desire he had to get Ferrara, putting himself wholly into stranger's hands: but his good fortune, caused another third cause to arise, that hindered him from receiving the fruit of his evil choice; for his Auxiliaries being broken at Ravenna, and the Swissers thereupon arriving, who put the Conquerors to flight, beyond all opinion even their own and others, he chanced not to remain his enemy's prisoner, they being put to flight; nor prisoner to his Auxiliaries, having vanquished by other forces, than theirs. The Florentines being wholly disarmed, brought ten thousand French to Pisa for to take it: by which course they ran more hazard, than in any time of their troubles. The Emperor of Constantinople, to oppress his neighbours, brought into Greece ten thousond Turks, who when the war was ended, could not be got out thence, which was the beginning of Greece's servitude under the Infidels. He than that will in no case be able to overcome, let him serve himself of these arms; for they are much more dangerous than the mercenaries; for by those thy ruin is more suddenly executed; for they are all united, and all bent to the obedience of another. But for the mercenaries to hurt thee, when they have vanquished, there is no more need of time, and greater occasion, they not being all united in a body, and being found out and paid by thee, wherein a third that thou makest their head, cannot suddenly gain so great authority, that he can endamage thee. In sum, in the mercenaries their sloth and laziness to fight is more dangerous: in the auxiliaries their valour. Wherefore a wise Prince hath always avoided these kind of arms, and betaken himself to his own, and desired rather to lose with his own, than conquer with another's, accounting that not a true victory, which was gotten with others arms. I will not doubt to allege Caesar Borgia, and his actions. This Duke entered into Romania with auxiliary arms, bringing with him all French soldiers: but afterwards not accounting those arms secure, bend himself to mercenaries, judging less danger to be in those, and took in pay the Orsini and the Vetelli, which afterwards in the proof of them, finding wavering, unfaithful, and dangerous, he extinguished, and betook himself to his own; and it may easily be perceived, what difference there is between the one and the other of these arms, considering the difference that was between the Duke's reputation, when he had the French men alone, and when he had the Orsini and Vetelli; but when he remained with his own, and stood of himself, we shall find it was much augmented: nor ever was it of great esteem, but when every one saw, that he wholly possesd his own arms. I thought not to have parted from the Italian examples of late memory; but that I must not let pass that of Hiero the Syracusan, being one of those I formerly named. This man (as I said before) being made general of the Siracusans forces, knew presently that that mercenary soldiery was nothing for their profit, in that they were hirelings, as our Jtalians are; and finding no way either to hold, or cashier them, made them all be cut to pieces, and afterwards waged war with his own men, and none others. I will also call to memory a figure of the old Testament serving just to this purpose. When David presented himself before Saul to go to fight with Goliath the Philistims Champion; Saul to encourage him, clad him with his own arms, which David when he had them upon his back, refused, saying, he was not able to make any proof of himself therein, and therefore would go meet the enemy with his own sting and sword. In sum, others arms either fall from thy shoulders, or cumber or straighten thee. Charles the seaventh, Father of Lewis the eleventh, having by his good fortune & valour set France at liberty from the English, knew well this necessity of being armed with his own arms, and settled in his Kingdom the ordinances of men at arms, and infantry. Afterwards King Lewis his son abolishd those of the infantry, and began to take the Swissers to pay; which error followed by the others, is (as now in deed it appears) the cause of that Kingdom's dangers. For having given reputation to the Swissers, they have rendered all their own arms contemptible; for this hath wholly ruind their foot, and obliged their men at arms to foreign arms: for being accustomed to serve with the Swissers, they think they are not able to overcome without them. From whence it comes that the French are not of force against the Swissers, and without them also against others they use not to adventure. Therefore are the French armies mixed, part mercenaries, and part natives, which arms are fare better than the simple mercenaries or simple auxiliaries, and much inferior to the natives; and let the said example suffice for that: for the Kingdom of France would have been unconquerable, if Charles his order had been augmented and maintained: but men in their small wisdom begin a thing, which then because it hath some savour of good, discovers not the poison, that lurks there under, as I before said of the hectic fevers. Wherefore that Prince which perceives not mischiefs, but as they grow up, is not truly wise; and this is given but to few: and if we consider the first ruin of the Roman Empire, we shall find it was, from taking the Goths first into their pay; for from that beginning the forces of the Roman Empire began to grow weak, and all the valour that was taken hence was given to them. I conclude then that without having arms of their own, no Principality can be secure, or rather is wholly obliged to fortune, not having valour to shelter it in adversity. And it was always the opinion and saying of wise men, that nothing is so weak and unsettled, as is the reputation of power not founded upon ones own proper forces: which are those that are composed of thy subjects, or Citizens, or servants; all the rest are mercenary or auxiliary; and the manner how to order those well, is easy to find out, if those orders above named by me, shall be but run over, and if it shall be but considered, how Philip Alexander the Great his Father, and in what manner many Republics and Princes have armed and appointed themselves, to which appointments I refer myself wholly.   

CHAP. XIV. What belongs to the Prince touching military Discipline.  
A Prince than ought to have no other aim, nor other thought, nor take any thing else for his proper art, but war, and the orders and discipline thereof: for that is the sole art which belongs to him that commands, and is of so great excellency, that not only those that are borne Princes, it maintains so; but many times raises men from a private fortune to that dignity. And it is seen by the contrary, that when Princes have given themselves more to their delights, than to the wars, they have lost their States; and the first cause that makes thee lose it, is the neglect of that art; and the cause that makes thee gain it, is that thou art experienced and approved in that art. Francis Sforza by being a man at arms, of a private man became Duke of Milan; and his sons by excusing themselves of the troubles and pains belonging to those employments of Princes, became private men. For among other mischiefs thy neglect of arms brings upon thee, it causes thee to be contemned, which is one of those disgraces, from which a Prince ought to keep himself, as hereafter shall be said: for from one that is disarmed to one that is armed there is no proportion; and reason will not, that he who is in arms, should willingly yield obedience to him that is unfurnishd of them, & that he that is disarmed should be in security among his armed vassals; for there being disdain in the one, and suspicion in the other it is impossible these should ever well cooperate. And therefore a Prince who is quite unexperienced in matter of war, besides the other infelicities belonging to him, as is said, cannot be had in any esteem among his soldiers, nor yet trust in them. Wherefore he ought never to neglect the practice of the art of war, and in time of peace should he exercise it more than in the war; which he may be able to do two ways, the one practically, and in his labours & recreations of his body, the other theorically. And touching the practic part, he ought besides the keeping of his own subjects well trained up in the discipline and excercise of arms, give himself much to the chase, whereby to accustom his body to pains, and partly to understand the manner of situations, & to know how the mountains arise, which way the valleys open themselves, and how the plains are distended flat abroad, and to conceive well the nature of the rivers, and marish ground, and herein to bestow very much care, which knowledge is profitable in two kinds: first he learns thereby to know his own country, and is the better enabled to understand the defence thereof, and afterwards by means of his knowledge and experience in these situations easily comprehend any other situation, which a new he hath need to view, for the little hillocks, valleys, plains, rivers, and marish places. For example, they in Tuscany are like unto those of other countries: so that from the knowledge of the site of one country, it is easy to attain to know that of others. And that Prince that wants this skill, fails of the principal part a Commander should be furnished with: for this shows the way, how to discover the enemy, to pitch the camp, to lead their armies, to order their battles, and also to besiege a town at thy best advantage. Philopomenes Prince of the achaians, among other praises writers give him, they say, that in time of peace, he thought not upon any thing so much as the practice of war; and whensoever he was abroad in the field to disport himself with his friends, would often stand still, and discourse with them, in case the enemies were upon the top of that hill, and we here with our army, whether of us two should have the advantage, and how might we safely go to find them, keeping still our orders? and if we would retire ourselves, what course should we take? if they retired, how should we follow them? and thus on the way propounded them all such accidents could befall in an army; would hear their opinions, and tell his own, and confirm it by argument, so that by his continual thought hereupon, when ever he led any army, no chance could happen, for which he had not a remedy. But touching the exercise of the mind, a Prince ought to read Histories, and in them consider the actions of the worthiest men, mark how they have behaved themselves in the wars, examine the occasions of their victories, and their losses; whereby they may be able to avoid these, and obtain those; and above all, do as formerly some excellent man hath done, who hath taken upon him to imitate, if any one that hath gone before him, hath left his memory glorious; the course he took, and kept always near unto him the remembrances of his actions and worthy deeds: as it is said, that Alexander the great imitated Achilles; Caesar Alexander; and Scipio Cyrus. And whoever reads the life of Cyrus, written by Xenophon, may easily perceive afterwards in Scipio's life, how much glory his imitation gained him, and how much Scipio did conform himself in his chastity, affability, humanity, and liberality with those things, that are written by Xenophon of Cyrus. Such like ways ought a wise Prince to take, nor ever be idle in quiet times: but by his pains then, as it were provide himself of store, whereof he may make some use in his adversity, to the end that when the times change, he may be able to resist the storms of his hard fortune.   

CHAP. XV. Of those things, in respect whereof, men, and especially Princes, are praised, or dispraised.  
IT now remains that we consider, what the conditions of a Prince ought to be, and his terms of government over his subjects, and towards his friends. And because I know that many have written hereupon; I doubt, lest I venturing also to treat thereof, may be branded with presumption, especially seeing I am like enough to deliver an opinion different from others. But my intent being to write for the advantage of him that understands me, I thought it fit to follow the effectual truth of the matter, than the imagination thereof: And many Principalities and Republics, have been in imagination, which neither have been seen nor known to be indeed: for there is such a distance between how men do live, and how men ought to live; that he who leaves that which is done, for that which ought to be done, learns sooner his ruin, than his preservation: for that man who will profess honesty in all his actions, must needs go to ruin, among so many that are dishonest. Whereupon it is necessary for a Prince, desiring to preserve himself, to be able to make use of that honesty, and to lay it aside again, as need shall require. Passing by then things that are only in imagination belonging to a Prince, to discourse upon those that are really true; I say that all men, whensoever mention is made of them, and especially Princes, because they are placed aloft in the view of all, are taken notice of, for some of these qualities, which procure them either commendations, or blame: & this is, that some one is held liberal, some miserable, (miserable I say, not covetous, for the covetous desire to have, though it were by rapine, but a miserable man is he, that too much forbears to make use of his own) some free givers, others extortioners; some cruel, others piteous; the one a League breaker, another faithful; the one effeminate and of small courage, the other fierce and courageous; the one courteous, the other proud; the one lascivious, the other chaste; the one of fair dealing, the other wily and crafty; the one hard, the other easy; the one grave, the other light; the one religious, the other incredulous, and such like. I know that every one will confess, it were exceedingly praiseworthy for a Prince to be adorned with all these above named qualities that are good: but because this is not possible, nor do humane conditions admit such perfection in virtues, it is necessary for him to be so discreet, that he know how to avoid the infamy of those vices, which would thrust him out of his State; and if it be possible, beware of those also which are not able to remove him thence; but where it cannot be, let them pass with less regard. And yet, let him not stand much upon it, though he incur the infamy of those vices, without which he can very hardly save his State: for if all be throughly considered, some things we shall find which will have the colour and very face of Virtue, and following them, they will lead thee to thy destruction; whereas some others, that shall as much seem vice, if we take the course they lead us, shall discover unto us the way to our safety and well-being.  
The second blemish in this our Authors book I find in his fifteenth Chapter: where he instructs his Prince to use such an ambidexterity as that he may serve himself, either of virtue, or vice, according to his advantage, which in true policy is neither good in attaining the Principality, nor in securing it when it is attained. For Politics presuppose Ethiques, which will never allow this rule: as that a man might make this small difference between virtue, and vice, that he may indifferently lay aside, or take up the one, or the other, and put it in practice as best conduceth to the end he propounds himself. I doubt our Author would have blamed David's regard to Saul, when 1. Sam. 24. in the cave he cut off the lap of saul's garment, and spared his head, and afterwards in the 26. when he forbade Abishai to strike him as he lay sleeping. Worthy of a Prince's consideration is that saying of Abigal to David 1. Sam. 25.30. It shall come to pass when the Lord shall have done to my Lord, according to all that he hath spoken concerning thee, and shall have appointed thee Ruler over Israel, that this shall be no grief to thee, nor offence of heart unto my Lord, that thou hast forborn to shed blood etc. For surely the conscience of this evil ground whereupon they have either built, or underpropped their tyranny, causes men as well metus as spes in longum projicere, which sets them a work on further mischief.   

CHAP. XVI. Of Liberality, and Miserableness.  
BEginning then at the first of the above mentioned qualities, I say, that it would be very well to be accounted liberal: nevertheless, liberality used in such a manner, as to make thee be accounted so, wrongs thee: for in case it be used virtuously, and as it ought to be, it shall never come to be taken notice of, so as to free thee from the infamy of its contrary. And therefore for one to hold the name of liberal among men, it were needful not to omit any sumptuous quality, insomuch that a Prince always so disposed, shall waste all his revenues, and at the end shall be forced, if he will still maintain that reputation of liberality, heavily to burden his subjects, and become a great exactor; and put in practise all those things, that can be done to get money. Which gins to make him hateful to his subjects, and fall into every one's contempt, growing necessitous: so that having with this his liberality wronged many, and imparted of his bounty but to a few, he feels every first mischance, and runs a hazard of every first danger. Which he knowing, and desiring to withdraw himself from, incurs presently the disgrace of being termed miserable. A Prince therefore not being able to use this virtue of liberality, without his own damage, in such a sort, that it may be taken notice of, ought, if he be wise, not to regard the name of Miserable; for in time he shall always be esteemed the more liberal, seeing that by his parsimony his own revenues are sufficient for him, as also he can defend himself against whoever makes war against him, and can do some exploits without grieving his subjects: so that he comes to use his liberality to all those, from whom he takes nothing, who are infinite in number; and his miserableness towards those, to whom he gives nothing, who are but a few. In our days we have not seen any, but those who have been held miserable, do any great matters, but the others all quite ruind. Pope Julius the second, however he served himself of the name of Liberal, to get the Papacy, yet never intended he to continue it, to the end he might be able to make war against the King of France; and he made so many wars without imposing any extraordinary tax; because his long thrift supplied his large expenses. This present King of Spain could never have undertaken, nor gone through with so many exploits, had he been accounted liberal. Wherefore a Prince ought little to regard (that he may not be driven to pillage his subjects, that he may be able to defend himself, that he may not fall into poverty and contempt, that he be not forced to become an extortioner) though he incur the name of Miserable; for this is one of those vices, which does not pluck him from his throne. And if any one should say; Caesar by his liberality obtained the Empire, and many others (because they both were, and were esteemed liberal) attained to exceeding great dignities. I answer, either thou art already come to be a Prince, or thou art in the way to it: in the first case this liberality is hurtful; in the secone it is necessary to be accounted so; and Caesar was one of those that aspired to the Principality of Rome. But if after he had gotten it, he had surviud, and not forborn those expenses, he would quite have ruind that Empire. And if any one should reply; many have been Princes, and with their armies have done great exploits, who have been held very liberal. I answer, either the Prince spends of his own and his subjects, or that which belongs to others: in the first, he ought to be sparing, in the second he should not omit any part of liberality. And that Prince, that goes abroad with his army, and feeds upon prey, and spoil, and tributes, and hath the disposing of that which belongs to others, necessarily should use this liberality; otherwise would his soldiers never follow him; and of that which is neither thine, nor thy subjects, thou mayest well be a free giver, as were Cyrus, Caesar, and Alexander; for the spending of that which is another's, takes not away thy reputation, but rather adds to it, only the wasting of that which is thine own, hurts thee; nor is there any thing consumes itself so much as liberality, which whilst thou usest, thou losest the means to make use of it, and becomest poor and abject, or to avoid this poverty an extortioner and hateful person. And among all those things which a Prince ought to beware of, is, to be despised, and odious; to one and the other of which, liberality brings thee. Wherefore there is more discretion to hold the stile of Miserable, which begets an infamy without hatred, than to desire that of Liberal, whereby to incur the necessity of being thought an extortioner, which procures an infamy with hatred.   

CHAP. XVII. Of Cruelty, and Clemency, and whether it is better to be beloved, or feared.  
DEscending afterwards unto the other fore-alleadged qualities, I say, that every Prince should desire to be held pitiful, and not cruel. Nevertheless ought he beware that he ill uses not this pity. Caesar Borgia was accounted cruel, yet had his cruelty redressed the disorders in Romania, settled it in union, and restored it to peace, and fidelity: which, if it be well weighed, we shall see was an act of more pity, than that of the people of Florence, who to avoid the term of cruelty, suffered Pistoya to fall to destruction. Wherefore a Prince ought not to regard the infamy of cruelty, for to hold his subjects united and faithful: for by giving a very few proofs of himself the other way, he shall be held more pitiful than they, who through their too much pity, suffer disorders to follow, from whence arise murders and rapines: for these are wont to hurt an entire universality, whereas the executions practised by a Prince, hurt only some particular. And among all sorts of Princes, it is impossible for a new Prince to avoid the name of cruel, because all new States are full of dangers: Whereupon Virgil by the mouth of Dido excuses the inhumanity of her Kingdom, saying, 
Res dura & Regni novitas me talia cogunt  
Moliri et latè ●nes custode tenere.  
My hard plight and new State force me to guard  
My confines all about with watch and ward.  Nevertheless ought he be judicious in his giving belief to any thing, or moving himself thereat, nor make his people extremely afraid of him; but proceed in a moderate way with wisdom, and humanity, that his too much confidence make him not unwary, and his too much distrust intolerable, From hence arises a dispute, whether it is better to be beloved or feared: I answer, a man would wish he might be the one and the other: but because hardly can they subsist both together, it is much safer to be feared, than be loved; being that one of the two must needs fail; for touching men, we may say this in general, they are unthankful, unconstant, dissemblers, they avoid dangers, and are covetous of gain; and whilst thou dost them good, they are wholly thine their blood, their fortunes, lives and children are at thy service, as is said before, when the danger is remote; but when it approaches, they revolt. And that Prince; who wholly relies upon their words, unfurnishd of all other preparations, goes to wrack: for the friendships that are gotten with rewards, and not by the magnificence and worth of the mind, are dear bought indeed; but they will neither keep long, nor serve well in time of need: and men do less regard to offend one that is supported by love, than by fear. For love is held by a certainty of obligation, which, because men are mischievous, is broken upon any occasion of their own profit. But fear restrains with a dread of punishment which never forsakes a man. Yet ought a Prince cause himself to be beloved in such a manner, that if he gains not love, he may avoid hatred: for it may well stand together, that a man may be feared and not hated; which shall never fail, if he abstain from his subjects goods, and their wives; and whensoever he should be forced to proceed against any of their lives, do it when it is to be done upon a just cause, and apparent conviction; but above all things forbear to lay his hands on other men's goods; for men forget sooner the death of their father, than the loss of their patrimony. Moreover the occasions of taking from men their goods, do never fail: and always he that gins to live by rapine, finds occasion to lay hold upon other men's goods: but against men's lives they are seldomer found, and sooner fail. But when a Prince is abroad in the field with his army and hath a multitude of soldiers under his government, then is it necessary that he stands not much upon it, though he be termed cruel: for unless he be so, he shall never have his soldiers live in accord one with another, nor ever well disposed to any brave piece of service. Among Hannibal's actions of marvel this is reckoned for one, that having a very huge army, gathered out of several nations, and all led to serve in a strange country, there was never any dissension neither amongst themselves, nor against their General, as well in their bad fortune as their good. Which could not proceed from any thing else, than from that barbarous cruelty of his, which, together with his exceeding many virtues, rendered him to his soldiers both venerable and terrible; without which, to that effect his other virtues had served him to little purpose: and some writers, though not of the best advised, on one side admire these his worthy actions, and on the other side, condemn the principal causes thereof. And that it is true, that his other virtues would not have sufficed him, we may consider in Scipio, the rarest man not only in the days he lived, but even in the memory of man; from whom his army rebelled in Spain: which grew only upon his too much clemency, which had given way to his soldiers to become more licentious, that was well tolerable by military discipline: for which he was reproved by Fabius Maximus in the Senate, who termed him the corrupter of the Roman soldiery. The Locrensians having been destroyed by a Lieutenant of Scipio's, were never revenged by him, nor the insolence of that Lieutenant punished, all this arising from his easy nature: so that one desiring to excuse him in the Senate, said, that there were many men knew better how to keep themselves from faults, than to correct the faults of other men: which disposition of his in time would have wronged Scipio's reputation & glory, had he therewith continued in his commands: but living under the government of the Senate, this quality of his that would have disgraced him▪ not only was concealed, but proved to the advancement of his glory. I conclude then, returning to the purpose of being feared, and beloved; insomuch as men love at their own pleasure and to serve their own turn, and their fear depends upon the Prince's pleasure, every wise Prince ought to ground upon that which is of himself, and not upon that which is of another: only this, he ought to use his best wits to avoid hatred, as was said.   

CHAP, XVIII. In what manner Princes ought to keep their words.  
HOw commendable in a Prince it is to keep his word, and live with integrity, not making use of cunning and subtlety, every one knows well: yet we see by experience in these our days, that those Princes have effected great matters, who have made small reckoning of keeping their words, and have known by their craft to turn and wind men about, and in the end have overcome those who have grounded upon the truth. You must then know, there are two kinds of combating or fight; the one by right of the laws, the other merely by force. That first way is proper to men, the other is also common to beasts: but because the first many times suffices not, there is a necessity to make recourse to the second; wherefore it behoves a Prince to know how to make good use of that part which belongs to a beast, as well as that which is proper to a man. This part hath been covertly showed to Princes by ancient writers; who say that Achilles and many others of those ancient Princes were entrusted to Chiron the Centaur, to be brought up under his discipline: the moral of this, having for their teacher one that was half a beast and half a man, was nothing else, but that it was needful for a Prince, to understand how to make his advantage of the one and the other nature, because neither could subsist without the other. A Prince then being necessitated to know how to make use of that part belonging to a beast, aught to serve himself of the conditions of the Fox and the Lion; for the Lion cannot keep himself from snares, nor the Fox defend himself against the Wolves. He had need then be a Fox, that he may beware of the snares, and a Lion, that he may scare the Wolves. Those that stand wholly upon the Lion, understand not well themselves. And therefore a wise Prince cannot, nor ought not keep his faith given, when the observance thereof turns to disadvantage, and the occasions that made him promise, are past. For if men were all good, this rule would not be allowable; but being they are full of mischief, and would not make it good to thee, neither art thou tied to keep it with them: nor shall a Prince ever want lawful occasions to give colour to this breach. Very many modern examples hereof might be alleged, wherein might be showed how many peaces concluded, and how many promises made, have been violated and broken by the infidelity of Princes; and ordinarily things have best succeeded with him that hath been nearest the Fox in condition. But it is necessary to understand how to set a good colour upon this disposition, and to be able to feign and dissemble throughly; and men are so simple and yield so much to the present necessities, that he who hath a mind to deceive, shall always find another that will be deceived. I will not conceal any one of the examples that have been of late. Alexander the sixth, never did any thing else than deceive men, and never meant otherwise, and always found whom to work upon; yet never was there man would protest more effectually, nor aver any thing with more solemn oaths, and observe them less than he; nevertheless, his cozenages all thrived well with him; for he knew how to play this part cunningly. Therefore is there no necessity for a Prince to be endued with all these above written qualities, but it behoves well that he seem to be so; or rather I will boldly say this, that having these qualities, and always regulating himself by them, they are hurtful, but seeming to have them, they are advantageous; as to seem pitiful, faithful, mild, religious, and of integrity, and indeed to be so; provided withal thou be'st of such a composition, that if need require thee to use the contrary, thou canst, and knowst how to apply thyself thereto. And it suffices to conceive this, that a Prince, and especially a new Prince, cannot observe all those things, for which men are held good; he being often forced, for the maintenance of his State, to do contrary to his faith, charity, humanity, and religion: and therefore it behoves him to have a mind so disposed as to turn and take the advantage of all winds and fortunes; and as formerly I said, not forsake the good; while he can; but to know how to make use of the evil upon necessity. A Prince than ought to have a special care, that he never let fall any words, but what are all seasoned with the five abovewritten qualities, and let him seem to him that sees and hears him, all pity, all faith, all integrity, all humanity, all religion; nor is there any thing more necessary for him to seem to have, than this last quality: for all men in general judge thereof, rather by the sight than by the touch; for every man may come to the sight of him, few come to the touch and feeling of him; every man may come to see what thou seemest, few come to perceive and understand what thou art; and those few dare not oppose the opinion of many, who have the majesty of State to protect them: And in all men's actions, especially those of Princes, wherein there is no judgement to appeal unto, men forbear to give their censures till the events, and ends of things. Let a Prince therefore take the surest courses he can to maintain his life and State: the means shall always be thought honourable, and commended by every one: for the vulgar is over-taken with the appearance and event of a thing: and for the most part of people, they are but the vulgar: the others that are but few, take place where the vulgar have no subsistence. A Prince there is in these days, whom I shall not do well to name, that preaches nothing else but peace and faith; but had he kept the one and the other, several times had they taken from him his State and reputation.  
In the sixteenth, seaventeenth, and eighteenth Chap. our Author descends to particulars, persuading his Prince in his sixteenth to such a suplenesse of disposition, as that upon occasion he can make use either of liberality or miserableness as need shall require. But that of liberality is to last no longer, than while he is in the way to some design: which if we well weigh, is not really a reward of virtue, how ere it seems; but a bait and lure to bring birds to the net. In the seventeenth Chap. he treats of clemency and cruelty; neither of which are to be exercisd by him as acts of mercy or justice; but as they may serve to advantage his further purposes. And lest the Prince should incline too much to clemency, our Author allows rather the restraint by fear, than by love. The contrary to which all stories show us. I will say this only, cruelty may cut of the power of some, but causes the hatred of all, and gives a will to most to take the first occasion offered for revenge. In the eighteenth Chap. our Author discourses how Princes ought to govern themselves in keeping their promises made: whereof he says they ought to make such small reckoning as that rather they should know by their craft how to turn and wind men about, whereby to take advantage of all winds and fortunes. To this I would oppose that in the fifteenth Psal. v. 5. He that sweareth to his neighbour, and disappointeth him not, though it were to his own hindrance. It was a King that writ it: and me thinks the rule he gave, should well befit both King and subject: and surely this persuades against all taking of advantages. A man may reduce all the causes of faith-breaking to three heads. One may be, because he that promised, had no intention to keep his word; and this is a wicked and malicious way of dealing. A second may be, because he that promised, reputes of his promise made; and that is grounded on unconstancy, and lightness in that he would not be well resolved before be entered into covenant. The third may be, when it so falls out, that it lies not in his power, that made the promise to perform it. In which case a man ought to imitate the good debtor, who having not wherewithal to pay, hides not himself, but presents his person to his creditor; willingly suffering imprisonment. The first and second are very vicious and unworthy of a Prince: in the third, men might well be directed by the examples of those two famous Romans, Regulus and Posthumius. I shall close this with that answer of Charles the fifth when he was pressd to break his word with Luther for his safe return from Worms. Fides rerum promissarum etsi toto mundo exulet, 
Gulielmus Xenocarus in vit. Car. Quinti.  tamen apud imperatorem eam consistere oportet. Though truth be banished out of the whole world, yet should it always find harbour in an Emperor's breast.   

CHAP. XIX. That Princes should take a care, not to incur contempt or hatred.  
BUt because among the qualities, whereof formerly mention is made, I have spoken of those of most importance; I will treat of the others more briefly under these qualities, that a Prince is to beware, as in part is above said, and that he fly those things which cause him to be odious or vile: and when ever he shall avoid this, he shall fully have played his part, and in the other disgraces he shall find no danger at all. There is nothing makes him so odious, as I said, as his extortion of his subjects goods, and abuse of their women, from which he ought to forbear: and so long as he wrongs not his whole people neither in their goods, nor honours, they live content, and he hath only to strive with the Ambition of some few: which many ways, & easily too, is restrained. To be held various, light, effeminate, faint-hearted, unresolved, these make him be contemned and thought base, which a Prince should shun like rocks, and take a care that in all his actions there appear magnanimity, courage, gravity, and valour; and that in all the private affairs of his subjects, he order it so, that his word stand irrevocable: and maintains himself in such repute, that no man may think neither to deceive, nor wind and turn him about; that Prince that gives such an opinion of himself, is much esteemed: and against him, who is so well esteemed, hardly are any conspiracies made by his subjects, or by foreigners any invasion, when once notice is taken of his worth, and how much he is reverenced by his subjects. For a Prince ought to have two fears, the one from within, in regard of his subjects; the other from abroad, in regard of his mighty neighbours; from these he defends himself by good arms and good friends, and always he shall have good friends if he have good arms; and all things shall always stand sure at home, when those abroad are firm; in case some conspiracy have not disturbed them, and however the foreign matters stand but ticklishly; yet if he have taken such courses at home, and lived as we have prescribed, he shall ever be able (in case he forsake not himself) to resist all possible force and violence, as I said, Nabis the Spartan did: but touching his subjects, even when his affairs abroad are settled, it is to be feared, they may conspire privily; from which a Prince sufficiently secures himself by shunning to be hated or contemned, and keeping himself in his people's good opinion, which it is necessary for him to compass, as formerly we treated at large. And one of the powerfullest remedies a Prince can have against conspiracies, is, not to be hated nor despised by the universality; for always he that conspires, beleeus the Prince's death is acceptable to the subject: but when he thinks it displeases them, he hath not the heart to venture on such a matter; for the difficulties that are on the conspirators side, are infinite. By experience it is plain, that many times plots have been laid, but few of them have succeeded luckily; for he that conspires, cannot be alone, nor can he take the company of any but of those, who, he beleeus are malcontents; and so soon as thou hast discovered thyself to a malcontent, thou giv'st him means to work his own content: for by revealing thy treason, he may well hope for all manner of favour: so that seeing his gain certain of one side; and on the other, finding only doubt and danger, either he had need be a rare friend, or that he be an exceeding obstinate enemy to the Prince, if he keeps his word with thee. And to reduce this matter into short terms: I say, there is nothing but jealousy, fear, and suspect of punishment on the conspirators part to affright him; but on the Prince's part, there is the majesty of the principality, the laws, the defences of his friends and the State, which do so guard him; that to all these things the people's goods wills being added, it is impossible, any one should be so headstrong, as to conspire; for ordinarily where a traitor is to fear before the execution of his mischief; in this case he is also to fear afterwards, having the people for his enemy, when the fact is committed; and therefore for this cause, not being able to hope for any refuge. Touching this matter, many examples might be brought, but I will content myself to name one which fell out in the memory of our Fathers. Annibal Bentivoliis, grandfather of this Hannibal who now lives, that was Prince in Bolonia, being slain by the Canneschi, that conspired against him, none of his race being left, but this John, who was then in swaddling clouts; presenty the people risen, upon this murder, and slew all the Cannesch●; which proceeded from the popular affection, which the family of the Bentivoliis held then in Bolonia: which was so great, that being there remained not any, now Hannibal was dead, that was able to manage the State; and having notice that in Florence there was one borne of the Bentivoliis, who till then was taken for a Smith's son: the citizens of Bolonia went to Florence for him, and gave the government of their City to him, which was ruled by him, until John was of fit years to govern. I conclude then that a Prince ought to make small account of treasons, whiles he hath the people to friend: but if they be his enemies and hate him, he may well fear every thing, and every one. And well ordered States, and discreet Princes have taken care withal diligence, not to cause their great men to fall into desperation, and to content the the people, and so to maintain them: for this is one of the most important businesses belonging to a Prince. Among the Kingdoms that are well ordered and governed in our days, is that of France, and therein are found exceeding many good orders; whereupon the King's liberty and security depends: of which the chief is the Parliament, and the authority thereof: for he that founded that Kingdom, knowing the great men's ambition and insolence; and judging it necessary there should be a bridle to curb them; and on the other side knowing the hatred of the Commonalty against the great ones, grounded upon fear, intending to secure them, would not lay this care wholly upon the King; but take this trouble from him, which he might have with the great men, in case he favoured the Commonalty, or with the Commonalty in case he favoured the great men: and thereupon set up a third judge, which was that, to the end it should keep under the great ones, and favour the meaner sort, without any imputation to the King. It was not possible to take a better, nor wiser course than this, nor a surer way to secure the King, and the Kingdom. From whence we may draw another conclusion worthy of note, that Princes ought to cause others to take upon them the matters of blame and imputation; and upon themselves to take only those of grace and favour. Here again I conclude, that a Prince ought to make good esteem of his Nobility; but not thereby to incur the Commons hatred: It would seem perhaps to many, considering the life and death of many Roman Emperors, that they were examples contrary to my opinion, finding that some have lived worthily, and showed many rare virtues of the mind, and yet have lost the Empire, and been put to death by their own subjects, conspiring against them. Intending then to answer these objections; I shall discourse upon the qualities of some Emperors, declaring the occasions of their ruin, not disagreeing from that which I have alleagd: and part thereof I will bestow on the consideration of these things; which are worthy to be noted by him that reads the actions of those times: and it shall suffice me to take all those Emperors, that succeeded in the Empire from Marcus the Philosopher to Maximinus, who were Marcus and Commodus his son, Pertinax, Julian, Severus, Antonius, Caracalla his son, Macrinus, Heliogabalus, Alexander, and Maximin. And first it is to be noted, that were in the other Principalities, they are to contend only with the ambition of the Nobles, and the insolence of the people; the Roman Emperors had a third difficulty, having to support the cruelty and covetousness of the soldiers, which was so hard a thing, that it caused the ruin of many, being hard to satisfy the soldiers, and the people: for the people love their quiet, and therefore affect modest Princes; and the soldiers love a Prince of a warlike courage, that is insolent, cruel and plucking from every one: which things they would have them exercise upon the people, whereby they might be able to double their stipends, and satisfy their avarice and cruelty: whence it proceeded, that those Emperors who either by Nature or by Art had not such a reputation, as therewith they could curb the one and the other, were always ruind: and the most of them, specially those, who as new men came to the principality, finding the difficulty of those two different humours, applied themselves to content the soldiers, making small account of wronging the people: which was a course then necessary; for the Princes not being able to escape the hatred of every one, ought first endeavour that they incur not the hatred of any whole universality; and when they cannot attain thereunto, they are to provide with all industry, to avoid the hatred of those universalities, that are the most mighty. And therefore those Emperors, who because they were but newly called to the Empire, had need of extraordinary favours, more willingly stuck to the soldiers, than to the people; which nevertheless turned to their advantage, or otherwise, according as that Prince knew how to maintain his repute with them. From these causes aforesaid proceeded it, that Marcus, Pertinax, and Alexander, though all living modestly, being lovers of justice, and enemies of cruelty, courteous, and bountiful, had all from Marcus onward, miserable ends; Marcus only lived and died exceedingly honoured: for he came to the Empire by inheritance, and was not to acknowledge it neither from the soldiers, nor from the people: afterwards being accompanied with many virtues, which made him venerable, he held always whilst he lived, the one and the other order within their limits, and was never either hated, or contemned. But Pertinax was created Emperor against the soldier's wills, who being accustomed to live licentiously under Commodus, could not endure that honest course, that Pertinax sought to reduce them to: Whereupon having gotten himself hatred, and to this hatred added contempt, in that he was old, was ruind in the very beginning of his government. Whence it ought to be observed, that hatred is gained as well by good deeds as bad; and therefore as I formerly said, when a Prince would maintain the State, he is often forced not to be good: for when that generalty, whether it be the people, or soldiers, or Nobility, whereof thou thinkest thou stand'st in need to maintain thee, is corrupted, it behoves th●e to follow their humour, and content them, and then all good deeds are thy adversaries. But let us come to Alexander, who was of that goodness, that among the praises given him, had this for one, that in fourteen years wherein he held the Empire, he never put any man to death but by course of justice; nevertheless being held effeminate, and a man that suffered himself to be ruled by his mother, and thereupon fallen into contempt; the army conspired against him. Now on the contrary discoursing upon the qualities of Commodus, Severus, Antonius, Caracalla, and Maximinus, you shall find them exceeding cruel, and ravenous, who to satisfy their soldiers, forbear no kind of injury, that could be done upon the people; and all of them, except Severus, came to evil ends: for in Severus there was such extraordinary valour, that while he held the soldiers his friends, however the people were much burdened by him, he might always reign happily: for his valour rendered him so admirable in the soldiers and people's sights; that these in a manner stood amazed and astonished, and those others reverencing, and honouring him. And because the actions of this man were exceeding great being in a new Prince, I will briefly show, how well he knew to act the Foxes and the Lion's parts; the conditions of which two, ● say, as before, are very necessary for a Prince to imitate. Severus having had experience of julian the Emperor's sloth, persuaded his army (whereof he was commander in Sclavonia) that they should do well to go to Rome, to revenge Pertinax his death, who was put to death by the Imperial guard; and under this pretence, not making any show that he aspired unto the Empire, set his army in march directly towards Rome, and was sooner come into Italy, than it was known he had moved from his station. Being arrived at Rome, he was by the Senate chosen Emperor for fear; and Julian slain. After this beginning, two difficulties yet remained to Severus, before he could make himself Lord of the whole State; the one in Asia, where Niger the General of those armies had gotten the title of Emperor, the other in the West with Albinus, who also aspired to the Empire: and because he thought there might be some danger to discover himself enemy to them both; he purposed to set upon Niger, and cousin Albinus, to whom he writ, that being elected Emperor by the Senate, he would willingly communicate it with him; and thereupon sent him the title of Caesar, and by resolution of the Senate, took him to him for his Colleague; which things were taken by Albinus in true meaning. But afterwards when Severus had overcome and slain Niger, and pacified the affairs in the East, being returned to Rome, he complained in the Senate of Albinus, how little weighing the benefits received from him, he had sought to slay him by treason, and therefore was he forced to go punish his ingratitude: afterwards he went into France, where he bereft him, both of his State, and life. Whoever then shall in particular examine his actions, shall find he was a very cruel Lion, and as crafty a Fox: and shall see that he was always feared and reverenced by every one, and by the armies not hated; and shall nothing marvel that he being a new man, was able to hold together such a great Empire: for his extraordinary reputation defended him always from that hatred, which the people for his extortions might have conceived against him. But Antonius his son, was also an exceeding brave man, and endued with most excellent qualities, which caused him to be admired by the people, and acceptable to the soldiers; because he was a warlike man, enduring all kind of travel and pains, despising all delicate food, and all kind of effeminacy; which gained him the love of all the armies: nevertheless his fierceness and cruelty were such and so hideous, having upon many particular occasions put to death a great part of the people of Rome, and all those of Alexandria, that he grew odious to the world: and began to be feared by those also, that were near about him; so that he was slain by a Centurion in the very midst of his army. Where it is to be noted, that these kind of deaths, which follow upon the deliberation of a resolved and obstinate mind, cannot by a Prince be avoided: for every one that fears not to die, is able to do it; but a Prince ought to be less afraid of it; because it very seldom falls out. Only should he beware not to do any extreme injury, to any of those of whom he serves himself, or that he hath near about him in any employment of his Principality; as Antonius did: who had reproachfully slain a brother of that Centurion, also threatened him every day, and nevertheless entertained him still as one of the guards of his body: which was a rash course taken, and the way to destruction, as befell him. But let us come to Commodus, for whom it was very easy to hold the Empire, by reason it descended upon him by inheritance, being Marcus his sonn●; and it had been enough for him to follow his father's footsteps, and then had he contented both the people and the soldiers: but being of a cruel and savage disposition, whereby to excercise his actions upon the people, he gave himself to entertain armies, and those in all licentiousness. On the other part not maintaining his dignity, but often descending upon the stages to combat with fencers, and doing such other like base things, little worthy of the Imperial majesty, he became contemptible in the soldier's sight, and being hated of one part, and despised of the other, he was conspired against, and slain. It remains now that we declare Maximinus his conditions: who was a very warlike man; and the armies loathing Alexander's effeminacy, whereof I spoke before, when they had slain him, chose this man Emperor; who not long continued so, because two things there were that brought him into hatred and contempt; the one because he was very base, having kept cattles in Thrace, which was well known to every one, and made them to scorn him; the other, because in the beginning of his Principality having delayed to go to Rome, and enter into possession of the Imperial throne, he had gained the infamy of being thought exceeding cruel, having by his Prefects in Rome, and in every place of the Empire exercisd many cruelties, insomuch that the whole world being provoked against him to contempt for the baseness of his blood, on the other side upon the hatred conceived against him for fear of his cruelty; first Africa, afterwards the Senate with all the people of Rome, and all Italy conspired against him, with whom his own army took part; which encamping before Aquileya, and finding some difficulty to take the town, being weary of his cruelties, & because they saw he had so many enemies, fearing him the less, slew him. I purpose not to say any thing either of Heliogabalus, Macrinus, or Julian, who because they were throughly base, were suudenly extinguished; but I will come to the conclusion of this discourse; and I say, that the Princes of our times have less of this difficulty to satisfy the Soldiers extraordinarily in their governments; for notwithstanding that there be some consideration to be had of them; yet presently are those armies dissolved, because none of these Princes do use to maintain any armies together, which are annexed and inveterated with the governments of the provinces, as were the armies of the Roman Empire. And therefore if then it was necessary rather to content the soldiers than the people, it was because the soldiers were more powerful than the people: now is it more necessary for all Princes, (except the Turk and the Sultan) to satisfy their people than their soldiers: because the people are more mighty than they; wherein I except the Turk, he always maintaining about his person 12000 foot, and 15000 horse, upon which depends the safety and strength of his Kingdom, and it is necessary that laying aside all other regard of his people, he maintain these his friends. The Souldan's Kingdom is like hereunto, which being wholly in the soldier's power, he must also without respect of his people keep them his friends. And you are to consider, that this State of the Souldan's differs much from all the other Principalities: for it is very like the Papacy, which cannot be termed a hereditary Principality, nor a new Principality: for the sons of the deceased Prince are not heirs and Lords thereof; but he that is chosen, receives that dignity from those, who have the authority in them. And this order being of antiquity, cannot be termed a new Principality, because therein are none of those difficulties, that are in the new ones: for though the Prince be new; yet are the orders of that State ancient, and ordained to receive him, as if he were their hereditary Prince. But let us return to our matter; whosoever shall consider our discourse before, shall perceive that either hatred, or contempt have caused the ruin of the aforenamd Emperors; and shall know also, from it came that part of them proceeding one way, and part a contrary; yet in any of them the one had a happy success, and the others unhappy: for it was of no avail, but rather hurtful, for Pertinax and Alexander, because they were new Princes, to desire to imitate Marcus, who by inheritance came to the Principality: and in like manner it was a wrong to Caracalla, Commodus, and Maximinus to imitate Severus, because none of them were endued with so great valour as to follow his steps therein. Wherefore a new Prince in his Principality cannot well imitate Marcus his actions; nor yet is it necessary to follow those of Severus: but he ought make choice of those parts in Severus which are necessary for the founding of a State; and to take from Marcus those that are fit and glorious to preserve a State which is already establishd and settled.   

CHAP. XX. Whether the Citadels and many other things, which Princes often make use of, are profitable or damageable.  
SOme Princes, whereby they might safely keep their State, have disarmed their subjects; some others have held the towns under their dominion, divided into factions; others have maintained enmities against themselves; others have applied themselves to gain them, where they have suspected at their entrance into the government; others have built Fortresses; and others again have ruind and demolishd them: and however that upon all these things, a man cannot well pass a determinate sentence, unless one comes to the particulars of these States, where some such like determinations were to be taken; yet shall I speak of them in so large a manner, as the matter of itself will bear. It was never then that a new Prince would disarm his own subjects; but rather when he hath found them disarmed, he hath always armed them. For being beloved, those arms become thine; those become faithful, which thou hadst in suspicion; and those which were faithful, are maitaind so; and thy subjects are made thy partisans: and because all thy subjects cannot be put in arms, when thou bestowst favours on those thou armest, with the others thou canst deal more for thy safety; and that difference of proceeding which they know among them, obliges them to thee; those others excuse thee, judging it necessary, that they have deserved more, who have undergon more danger, and so have greater obligation: but when thou disarmst them, thou beginst to offend them, that thou distrusts them, either for cowardice, or small faith; and the one or the other of those two opinions provokes their hatred against thee: and because thou canst not stand disarmed, thou must then turn thyself to mercenary Soldiery, whereof we have formerly spoken what it is: and when it is good, it can never be so much as to defend thee from powerful enemies, and suspected subjects; therefore as I have said, a new Prince in a new Principality hath always ordained them arms. Of examples to this purpose, Histories are full. But when a Prince gains a new State, which as a member he adds to his ancient dominions; than it is necessary to disarm that State, unless it be those whom thou hast discovered to have assisted thee in the conquest thereof; and these also in time and upon occasions, it is necessary to render delicate and effeminate, and so order them, that all the arms of thy State be in the hands of thy own Soldiers, who live in thy ancient State near unto thee. Our ancestors and they that were accounted sages, were wont to say, that it was necessary to hold Pistoya in factions, and Pisa with Fortresses; and for this cause maintained some town subject to them in differences, whereby to hold it more easily. This, at what time Italy was balanced in a certain manner, might be well done; but me thinks it cannot now adays be well given for a precept; for I do not believe, that divisions made can do any good; rather it must needs be, that when the enemy approaches them, Cities divided are presently lost; for always the weaker part will cleave to the foreign power, and the other not be able to subsist. The Venetians (as I think) moved by the aforesaid reasons, maintained the factions of the Guelphs and Gibellius, in their towns; and however they never suffered them to spill one another's blood, yet they nourished these differences among them, to the end that the citizens employed in these quarrels, should not plot any thing against them: which as it proved, never served them to any great purpose: for being defeated at Vayla, presently one of those two factions took courage and seized upon their whole State. Therefore such like ways argue the Prince's weakness; for in a strong principality they never will suffer such divisions; for they show them some kind of profit in time of peace, being they are able by means thereof more easily to manage their subjects; but war coming, such like orders discover their fallacy. Without doubt, Princes become great, when they overcome the difficulties and oppositions that are made against them; and therefore Fortune especially when she hath to make any new Prince great, who hath more need to gain reputation, than a hereditary Prince, causes enemies to rise against him, and him to undertake against them; to the end he may have occasion to master them, and know that ladder, which his enemies have set him upon, whereby to rise yet higher. And therefore many think, that a wise Prince, when he hath the occasion, ought cunningly to nourish some enmity, that by the suppressing thereof, his greatness may grow thereupon. Princes, especially those that are new, have found more faith and profit in those men, who in the beginning of their State, have been held suspected, than in those who at their entrance have been their confidents. Pandulphus Petrucei, Prince of Sienna, governed his State more with them that had been suspected by him, than with the others. But of this matter we cannot speak at large, because it varies according to the subject; I will only say this, that those men, who in the beginning of a principality were once enemies, if they be of quality, so that to maintain themselves they have need of support, the Prince might always with the greatest facility gain for his; and they are the rather forced to serve him faithfully, insomuch as they know it is more necessary for them by their deeds to cancel that sinister opinion, which was once held of them; and so the Prince ever draws from these more advantage, than from those, who serving him too supinely, neglect his affairs. And seeing the matter requires it, I will not omit, to put a Prince in mind, who hath anew made himself master of a State, by means of the inward helps he had from thence, that he consider well, the cause that moved them that favoured him to favour him, if it be not a natural affection towards him; for if it be only because they were not content with their former government, with much pains and difficulties shall he be able to keep them long his friends, because it will be impossible for him to content them. By these examples then, which are drawn out of ancient and modern affairs, searching into the cause hereof, we shall find it much more easy to gain those men for friends, who formerly were contented with the State, and therefore were his enemies: than those, who because they were not contented therewith, became his friends, and favoured him in getting the mastery of it. It hath been the custom of Princes, whereby to hold their States more securely, to build Citadels, which might be bridles and curbs to those that should purpose any thing against them, and so to have a secure retreat from the first violences. I commend this course, because it hath been used of old; notwithstanding Nicolas Vitelli in our days hath been known to demolish two Citadels in the town of Castello, the better to keep the State. Guidubaldo Duke of Urbin being to return into his State, out of which he was driven by Caesar Borgia, razed all the Fortresses of that Country, and thought he should hardlyer lose that State again without them. The Bentivoliis returning into Bolonia, used the like courses. Citadels than are profitable, or not, according to the times, and if they advantage thee in one part, they do thee harm in another, and this part may be argued thus. That Prince, who stands more in fear of his own people than of strangers, aught to build Fortresses: but he that is more afraid of strangers than of his people, should let them alone. Against the house of Sforza, the Castle of Milan, which Francis Sforza built, hath and will make more war, than any other disorder in that State: and therefore the best Citadel that may be, is not to incur the people's hatred; for however thou hold'st a Fortress, and the people hate thee, thou canst hardly scape them: for people, when once they have taken arms, never want the help of strangers at their need, to take their parts. In our days we never saw, that they ever profited any Prince, unless it were the Countess of Furli, when Count Hieronimo of Furli her husband was slain; for by means thereof she escaped the people's rage, and attended aid from Milan, and so recovered her State: and then such were the times that the stranger could not assist the people: but afterwards they served her to little purpose, when Caesar Borgia assailed her, and that the people which was her enemy, sided with the stranger. Therefore both then, and at first, it would have been more for her safety, not to have been odious to the people, than to have held the Fortresses. These things being well weighed then, I will commend those that shall build up Fortresses, and him also that shall not; and I will blame him, howsoever he be that relying upon those, shall make small account of being hated by his people.   

CHAP. XXI. How a Prince ought to behave himself to gain Reputation.  
THere is nothing gains a Prince such repute, as great exploits, and rare trials of himself in Heroic actions. We have now in our days Ferdinand King of Arragon the present King of Spain: he in a manner may be termed a new Prince, for from a very weak King, he is now become for fame and glory, the first King of Christendom, and if you shall well consider his actions, you shall find them all illustrious, and every one of them extraordinary. He in the beginning of his reign assailed Granada, and that exploit was the ground of his State. At first he made that war in security and without suspicion he should be any ways hindered, and therein held the Barons of Castiglias minds busied, who thinking upon that war, never minded any innovation; and in this while he gained credit and authority with them, they not being ware of it; was able to maintain with the Church, and the people's money all his soldiers, a●d to lay a foundation for his military ordinances with that long war: which afterwards gained him exceeding much honour. Besides this, to the end he might be able here among to undertake greater matters, serving himself always of the colour of religion; he gave himself to a kind of religious cruelty, chase and despoiling those Jews out of the Kingdom; nor can this example be more admirable and rare: under the same cloak he invaded Africa and went through with his exploit in Italy: and last of all hath he assailed France, and so always proceeded on forwards contriving of great matters; which always have held his subjects minds in peace and admiration, and busied in attending the event what it should be: and these his actions have thus grown, one upon another, that they have nev●r given leisure to men so to rest, as that they might ever plot any thing against them. Moreover it much avails a Prince to give extraordinary proofs of himself touching the government within, such as those we have heard of Bernard of Milan; whensoever occasion is given by any one, that may effectuate some great thing either of good or evil, in the civil government; and to find out some way either to reward or punish it, whereof in the world much notice may be taken. And above all things a Prince ought to endeavour in all his actions to spread abroad ● fame of his magnificence and worthiness. A Prince also is well esteemed, when he is a true friend, or a true enemy, when without any regard he discovers himself in favour of one against another; which course shall be always more profit, than to stand neuter: for if two mighty ones that are thy neighbours come to fall out, or are of such quality, that one of them vanquishing, thou art like to be in fear of the vanquisher; or not; in either of these two cases, it will ever prove more for thy profit to discover thyself, and make a good war of it: for in the first case, if thou discoverst not thyself, thou shalt always be a prey to him that overcomes, to the contentment and satisfaction of the vanquished; neither shalt thou have reason on thy side, nor any thing else to defend or receive thee. For he that overcomes, will not have any suspected friends, that give him no assistance in his necessity: and he that loses, receives thee not, because thou wouldst not with thy arms in hand run the hazard of his fortune. Antiochus passed into Greece, thereunto induced by the Etolians, to chase the Romans thence: and sent his Ambassadors to the achaians, who were the Romans friends, to persuade them to stand neuters; on the other side the Romans moved them to join arms with theirs: this matter came to be deliberated on in the counsel of the achaians, where Antiochus his Ambassador encouraged them to stand neuters, whereunto the Romans Ambassador answered. Touching the course, that is commended to you, as best and profitablest for your State, to wit, not to intermeddle in the war between us, nothing can be more against you: because, not taking either part, you shall remain without thanks, and without reputation a prey to the Conqueror. And it will always come to pass that he who is not thy friend, will require thy neutrality, and he that is thy friend, will urge thee, to discover thyself by taking arms for him: and evil advisd Princes, to avoid the present dangers, follow often times that way of neutrality, and most commonly go to ruin: but when a Prince discovers himself strongly in favour of a party, if he to whom thou cleavest, overcomes, however that he be puissant, and thou remainest at his disposing, he is obliged to thee, and there is a contract of friendship made; and men are never so openly dishonest, as with such a notorious example of dishonesty to oppress thee. Besides victories are never so prosperous, that the conqueror is like to neglect all respects, and especially of justice. But if he to whom thou stickst, loses thou art received by him; and, while he is able, he aids thee, and so thou becomest partner of a fortune that may arise again. In the second case, when they that enter into the lists, together, are of such quality, that thou needst not fear him that vanquisheth, so much the more is it discretion in thee to stick to him; for thou goest to ruin one with his assistance, who ought to do the best he could to save him, if he were well advisd; and he overcoming, is left at thy discretion, and it is impossible but with thy aid he must overcome. And here it is to be noted, that a Prince should be well ware never to join with any one more powerful than himself, to offend another, unless upon necessity, as formerly is said. For when he overcomes, thou art left at his discretion; and Princes ought avoid as much as they are able, to stand at another's discretion. The Venetians took part with France against the Duke of Milan, and yet could have avoided that partakeing, from which proceeded their ruin. But when it cannot be avoided, as it befell the Florentines, when the Pope and the King of Spain went both with their armies to assail Lombardy, there the Prince ought to side with them for the reasons aforesaid. Nor let any State think they are able to make such sure parties; but rather that they are all doubtful; for in the order of things we find it always, that whensoever a man seeks to avoid one inconvenient; he incurs another. But the principal point of judgement, is in discerning between the qualities of inconvenients, and not taking the bad for the good. Moreover a Prince ought to show himself a lover of virtue, and that he honours those that excel in every Art. Afterwards ought he encourage his Citizens, whereby they may be enabled quickly to exercise their faculties as well in merchandise, and husbandry, as in any other kind of traffic, to the end that no man forbear to adorn and cultivate his possessions for fear, that he be despoilded of them; or any other to open the commerce upon the danger of heavy impositions: but rather to provide rewards for those that shall set these matters a foot, or for any one else that shall any way amplify his City or State. Besides he ought in the fit times of the year entertain the people with Feasts and Masks; and because every City is divided into Companies, and Arts, and Tribes; he ought to take special notice of those bodies, and some times afford them a meeting, and give them some proof of his humanity, and magnificence; yet withal holding firm the majesty of his State, for this must never fail in any case.   

CHAP. XXII. Touching Princes Secretaries.  
IT is no small importance to a Prince, the choice he makes of servants, being ordinarily good, or bad, as his wisdom is. And the first conjecture one gives of a great man, and of his understanding, is upon the sight of his followers and servants he hath about him, when they prove able and faithful, and then may he always be reputed wise; because he hath known how to discern those that are able, and to keep them true to him. But when they are otherwise, there can be no good conjecture made of him, for the first error he commits, is in this choice. There was no man, that had any knowledge of Antony of Vanafro, the servant of Pandulfus Petrucci Prince of Sienna, who did not esteem Pandulfus for a very discreet man, having him for his servant. And because there are three kinds of understandings, the one that is advisd by itself; the other that understands when it is informed by another; the third that neither is advisd by itself, nor by the demonstration of another; the first is best, the second is good, and the last quite unprofitable. Therefore it was of necessity, that if Pandulfus attained not the first degree, yet he got to the second; for whenever any one hath the judgement to discern between the good and the evil, that any one does and says, however that he hath not this invention from himself, yet still comes he to take notice of the good or evil actions of that servant; and those he cherishes, and these he suppresses; insomuch that the servant finding no means to deceive his master, keeps himself upright and honest. But how a Prince may throughly understand his servant, here is the way that never fails. When thou seest, the servant study more for his own advantage than thine, and that in all his actions, he searches most after his own profit; this man thus qualified, shall never prove good servant, nor canst thou ever rely upon him: for he that holds the stern of the State in hand, ought never call home his cares to his own particular, but give himself wholly over to his Prince's service, nor ever put him in mind of any thing not appertaining to him. And on the other side the Prince to keep him good to him, aught to take a care for his servant, honouring him, enriching, and obliging him to him, giving him part both of dignities and offices, to the end that the many honours and much wealth bestowed on him, may restrain his desires from other honours, and other wealth, and that those many charges cause him to fear changes that may fall, knowing he is not able to stand without his master. And when both the Princes and the servants are thus disposed, they may rely the one upon the other: when otherwise, the end will ever prove hurtful for the one as well as for the other.   

CHAP. XXIII. That Flatterers are to be avoided.  
I Will not omit one principle of great importance, being an error from which Princes with much difficulty defend themselves, unless they be very discreet, and make a very good choice; and this is concerning flatterers, whereof all writings are full: and that because men please themselves so much in their own things, and therein cousin themselves, that very hardly can they escape this pestilence; and desiring to escape it, there is danger of falling into contempt; for there is no other way to be secure from flattery, but to let men know, that they displease thee not in telling thee truth: but when every one hath this leave, thou losest thy reverence. Therefore ought a wise Prince take a third course, making choice of some understanding men in his State, and give only to them a free liberty of speaking to him the truth; and touching those things only which he inquires of, and nothing else; but he ought to be inquisitive of every thing, and hear their opinions, and then afterwards advise himself after his own manner, and in these deliberations, and with every one of them so carry himself, that they all know, that the more freely they shall speak, the better they shall be liked of: and besides those, not give ear to any one, and thus pursue the thing resolved on, and thence continue obstinate in the resolution taken. He who does otherwise, either falls upon flatterers, or often changes upon the varying of opinions, from whenc● proceeds it that men conceive but slightly of him. To this purpose I will allege you a modern example. Peter Lucas a servant of Maximilians the present Emperor, speaking of his Majesty, said that he never advisd with any body, nor never did any thing after his own way: which was because he took a contrary course to what we have now said: for the Emperor is a close man, who communicates his secrets to none, nor takes counsel of any one: but as they come to be put in practice, they begin to be discovered and known, and so contradicted by those that are near about him, and he as being an easy man, is quickly wrought from them. Whence it comes, that what he does today, he undoes on the morrow; and that he never understands himself what he would, nor what he purposes, and that there is no grounding upon any of his resolutions. A Prince therefore ought always to take counsel, but at his own pleasure, and not at other men's; or rather should take away any man's courage to advise him of any thing, but what he asks: but he ought well to ask at large; and then touching the things enquired of, be a patiented hearer of the truth, and perceiving that for some respect the truth were concealed from him, be displeased thereat. And because some men have thought, that a Prince, that gains the opinion to be wise, may be held so, not by his own natural endowments, but by the good counsels he hath about him; without question they are deceived; for this is a general rule and never fails, that a Prince who of himself is not wise, can never be well advisd, unless he should light upon one alone, wholly to direct and govern him, who himself were a very wise man. In this case it is possible he may be well governed: but this would last but little: for that governor in a short time would deprive him of his State; but a Prince not having any parts of nature, being advisd of more than one, shall never be able to unite these counsels: of himself shall he never know how to unite them, and each one of the counsellors, probably will follow that which is most properly his own; and he shall never find the means to amend or discern these things, nor can they fall out otherwise, because men always prove mischievous, unless up●n some necessity they be forced to become good: we conclude therefore, that counsels from whencesoever they proceed, must needs take their beginning from the Prince's wisdom, and not the wisdom of the Prince from good counsels.  
In this Chapter our Author prescribes some rules how to avoid flattery, and not to fall into contempt. The extent of these two extremes is so large on both sides, that there is left but a very narrow path for the right temper to walk between them both: and happy were that Prince, who could light on so good a Pilot; as to bring him to Port between those rocks and these quicksands. Where Majesty becomes familiar, unless endued with a supereminent virtue, it loses all awful regards: as the light of the Sun, because so ordinary, because so common, we should little value, were it not that all Creatures feel themselves quickened by the rays thereof. On the other side, Omnis insipiens arrogantiâ & plausibus capitur. Every fool is taken with his own pride and others flatteryes: and this fool keeps company so much with all great wise men, that hardly with a candle and lantern can they be discerned betwixt. The greatest men are more subject to gross ar● palpable flatteries; and especially the greatest of men, who are King▪ and Princes: for many seek th● Rulers favour. Prov. 28.26 For there are divers means where by private men are instructed▪ Princes have not that good hap but they whose instruction is 〈◊〉 most importante, so soon as they have taken the government upon them, no longer suffer any reproovers: for, but few have access unto them, and they who familiarly converse with them, do and say all for favour. Isocrat. to Nicocles. All are afraid to give him occasion of displeasure, though by telling him truth. 
Plutarch. d● adulatore & amico discernendo.  To this purpose therefore says one, a Prince excels in learning to ride the great horse, rather than in any other excercise: because his horse being no flatterer, will show him he makes no difference between him and another man, and unless he keep his seate-well, will lay him on the ground. This is plain dealing. Men are more subtle, more double heatred, they have a heart & a heart, neither is their tongue their hearts true interpreter. Counsel in the heart of man is like deep waters; but a man of understanding will draw it out. Prov. 20.5. This understanding is most requisite in a Prince, inasmuch as the whole Globe is in his hand, and the inferior Orbs are swayed by the motion of the highest. And therefore surely it is the honour of a King to search out such a secret: Prov. 25.2. His counsellors are his eyes and ears; as they ought to be dear to him, so they ought to be true to him, and make him the true report of things without disguise. If they prove false eyes, let him pluck them out, he may as they use glass eyes take them forth without pain, and see never a whit the worse for it. The wisdom of a Prince's Counselors is a great argument of the Prince's wisdom. And being the choice of them imports the Prince's credit and safety, our Author will make him amends for his other errors by his good advice in his 22. Chap. whether I refer him.   

CHAP. XXIV. Wherefore the Princes of Italy have lost their States.  
When these things above said are well observed, they make a new Prince seem as if he had been of old, and presently render him more secure and firm in the State, than if he had already grown ancient therein: for a new Prince is much more observed in his actions, than a Prince by inheritance, and when they are known to be virtuous; men are much more gained and obliged to them thereby, than by the antiquity of their blood: for men are much more taken by things present, than by things past; and when in the present they find good, they content themselves therein, and seek no further, or rather they undertake the defence of him to their utmost, when the Prince is not wanting in other matters to himself; and so shall he gain double glory to have given a beginning to a new Principality, adorned, and strengthnd it with good laws, good arms, good friends, and good examples; as he shall have double shame, that is borne a Prince, and by reason of his small discretion hath lost it. And if we shall consider those Lords, that in Italy have lost their States in our days, as the King of Naples, the Duke of Milan, and others; first we shall find in them a common defect, touching their arms, for the reasons which have been above discoursed, at length. Afterwards we shall see some of them, that either shall have had the people for their enemies; or be it they had the people to friend, could never know how to assure themselves of the great ones: for without such defects as these, States are not lost, which have so many nerves, that they are able to maintain an army in the field. Philip of Macedon, not the father of Alexander the Great, but he that was vanquished by Titus Quintius, had not much State in regard of the greatness of the Romans and of Greece that assailed him; nevertheless in that he was a warlike man and knew how to entertain the people and assure himself of the Nobles, for many years he made the war good against them: and though at last some town perhaps were taken from him, yet the Kingdom remained in his hands still. Wherefore these our Princes who for many years had continued in their Principalities, for having afterwards lost them, let them not blame Fortune, but their own sloth; because they never having thought during the times of quiet, that they could suffer a change (which is the common fault of men, while fair weather lasts, not to provide for the tempest) when afterwards mischiefs came upon them, thought rather upon flying from them, than upon their defence, and hoped that the people, weary of the vanquishers insolence, would recall them: which course when the others fail, is good: but very ill is it to leave the other remedies for that: for a man wou●d never go to fall, believing another would come to take him up: which may either not come to pass, or if it does, it is not for thy security, because that defence of his is vile, and depends not upon thee; but those defences only are good, certain, and durable, which depend upon thy own self, and thy own virtues.   

CHAP. XXV. How great power Fortune hath in humane affairs, and what means there is to resist it.  
IT is not unknown unto me, how that many have held opinion, and still hold it, that the affairs of the world are so governed by fortune, and by God, that men by their wisdom cannot a mend or alter them; or rather that there is no remedy for them: and hereupon they would think that it were of no avail to take much pains in any thing, but leave all to be governed by chance. This opinion hath gained the more credit in our days, by reason of the great alteration of things, which we have of late seen, and do every day see, beyond all humane conjecture: upon which, I sometimes thinking, am in some part inclined to their opinion: nevertheless not to extinguish quite our own free will, I think it may be true, that Fortune is the mistress of one half of our actions; but yet that she lets us have rule of the other half, or little less. And I liken her to a precipitous torrent, which when it rages, overflows the plains, overthrows the trees, and buildings, removes the earth from one side, and lays it on another, every one flies before it, every one yields to the fury thereof, as unable to withstand it; and yet however it be thus, when the times are calmer, men are able to make provision against these excesses, with banks and fences so, that afterwards when it swells again, it shall all pass smoothly along, within its channel, or else the violence thereof shall not prove so licentious and hurtful. In like manner befalls it us with fortune, which there shows her power where virtue is not ordained to resist her, and thither turns she all her forces, where she perceives that no provisions nor resistances are made to uphold her. And if you shall consider Italy, which is the seat of these changes, and that which hath given them their motion, you shall see it to be a plain field, without any trench or bank; which had it been fenced with convenient virtue, as was Germany, Spain, or France; this inundation would never have caused these great alterations it hath, o● else would it not have reached to us: and this shall suffice to have said, touching the opposing of fortune in general. But restraining myself more to particulars: I say, ●hat to day we see a Prince prosper and flourish, and to morrow utterly go to ruin; not seeing that he hath altered any condition or quality; which I believe arises first from the causes which we have long since run over, that is because that Prince that relies wholly upon fortune, ruins, as her wheel turns. I believe also, that he proves the fortunate man, whose manner of proceeding meets with the quality of the times: and so likewise he unfortunate, from whose course of proceeding the times differ: for we see that men, in the things that induce them to the end, (which every one propounds to himself, as glory and riches) proceed therein diversely; some with respects, others more bold, and rashly; one with violence, and th'other with cunning; the one with patience, th'other with its contrary; and every one by several ways may attain thereto. We see also two very respective ●nd wary men, the one come to his purpose, and th'other not; and in like manner two equally prosper taking divers courses, th'one being wary, th'other headstrong; which proceeds from nothing else, but from the quality of the times, which agree, or not, with their proceed. From hence arises that which I said, that two working diversely, produce the same effect; and two equally working, th'one attains his end, th'other not. Hereupon also depends the alteration of the good; for if to one that behaves himself with wariness and patience, times and affairs turn so favourably, that the carriage of his business prove well, he prospers; but if the times and affairs change, he is ruind; because he changes not his manner of proceeding: nor is there any man so wise, that can frame himself hereunto; as well because he cannot go out of the way, from that whereunto Nature inclines him: as also, for that one having always prospered, walking such a way, cannot be persuaded to leave it: and therefore the respective and wary man, when it is fit time for him to use violence and force, knows not how to put it in practice, whereupon he is ruind: but if he could change his disposition with the times and the affairs, he should not change his fortune. Pope Julius the second, proceeded in all his actions with very great violence, and found the times and things so conformable to that his manner of proceeding, that in all of them he had happy success. Consider the first exploit he did at Bolonia, even while John Bentivolio lived: the Venetians were not well contented therewith; the King of Spain likewise with the French, had treated of that enterprise; and notwithstanding all this, he stirred up by his own rage and fierceness, personally undertook that expedition: which action of his put in suspense and stopped Spain and the Venetians, those for fear, and th''others for desire to recover the Kingdom of Naples; and on th'other part drew after him the King of France: for that King seeing him already in motion, and desiring to hold him his friend, whereby to humble the Venetians, thought he could no way deny him his soldiers, without doing him an open injury. Julius then effected that with his violent and heady motion, which no other Pope with all humane wisdom could ever have done; for if he had expected to part from Rome with his conclusions settled, and all his affairs ordered before hand, as any other Pope would have done, he had never brought it to pass: For the King of France would have devisd a thousand excuses, and others would have put him in as many fears. I will let pass his other actions, for all of them were alike, and all of them proved lucky to him; and the brevity of his life never suffered him to feel the contrary: for had he light upon such times afterwards, that it had been necessary for him to proceed with respects, there had been his utter ruin; for he would never have left those ways, to which he had been naturally inclined. I conclude then, fortune varying, and men continuing still obstinate to their own ways, prove happy, while these accord together: and as they disagree, prove unhappy: and I think it true, that it is better to be heady, than wary: because Fortune is a mistress; and it is necessary, to keep her in obedience, to ruffle and force her: and we see, that she suffers herself rather to be mastered by those, than by others that proceed coldly. And therefore, as a mistress, she is a friend to young men, because they are less respective, more rough, and command her with more boldness.  
I have considered the 25 Chapter, as representing me a full view of humane policy and cunning: yet me thinks it cannot satisfy a Christian in the causes of the good and bad success of things. The life of man is like a game at Tables; skill avails much I grant, but that's not all: play thy game well, but that will not win: the chance thou throwest must accord with thy play. Examine this; play never so surely, play never so probably; unless the chance thou castest, lead thee forward to advantage, all hazards are losses, and thy sure play leaves thee in the lurch. The sum of this is set down in Ecclesiastes chap. 9 v. 11. The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong; neither yet bread to the wise, nor yet riches to men of understanding, nor yet favour to men of skill; but time and chance happeneth to them all. Our cunning Author for all his exact rules he delivers in his books, could not fence against the despite of Fortune, as he complains in his Epistle to this book. Nor that great example of policy, Duke Valentine, whom our Author commends to Princes for his crafts-master, could so ruffle or forcc his mistress Fortune, that he could keep her in obedience. Man can contribute no more to his actions than virtue and wisdom: but the success depends upon a power above. Surely there is the finger of God: or as Prov. the 16. v. 33. The lot is cast into the lap, but the whole disposing thereof is of the Lord. It was not joseph's wisdom made all things thrive under his hand; but because the Lord was with him, and that which he did, the Lord made it to prosper. Gen. 39 Surely this is a blessing proceeding from the divine providence, which beyond humane capacity so cooperateth with the causes, as that their effects prove answerable, and sometimes (that we may know there is something above the ordinary causes) the success returns with such a supereminency of worth, that it far exceeds the virtue of the ordinary causes.   

CHAP, XXVI. An Exhortation to free Italy from the Barbarians.  
HAving then weighed all things above discoursed, and devising with myself, whether at this present in Italy the times might serve to honour a new Prince, and whether there were matter, that might minister occasion to a wise and valorous Prince, to introduce such a form, that might do honour to him, and good to the whole generalty of the people in the country: me thinks so many things concur in favour of a new Prince, that I know not whether there were ever any time more proper for this purpose. And if as I said, it was necessary, desiring to see Moses his virtue, that the children of Israel should be enthralled in Egypt; and to have experience of the magnanimity of Cyrus his mind, that the Persians should be oppresd by the Medes; and to set forth the excellency of Theseus, that the Athenians should be dispersed: so at this present now we are desirous to know the valour of an Italian spirit, it were necessary Italy should be reduced to the same terms it is now in, and were in more slavery, than the Hebrews were; more subject than the Persians; more scattered than the Athenians; without head, without order, battered, pillagd, rend asunder, overrun, and had undergone all kind of destruction. And however even in these later days, we have had some kind of show of hope in some one, whereby we might have conjectured, that he had been ordained for the deliverance hereof, yet it proved afterwards, that in the very height of all his actions he was curbed by fortune, insomuch that this poor country remaining as it were without life, attends still for him that shall heal her wounds, give an end to all those pillagings and sackings of Lombardy, to those robberies and taxations of the Kingdom, and of Tuscany, and heal them of their sores, now this long time gangrened. We see how she makes her prayers to God, that he send some one to redeem her from these Barbarous cruelties and insolences. We see her also wholly ready and disposed to follow any colours, provided there be any one to take them up. Nor do we see at this present, that she can look for other, than your Illustrious Family, to become Cheiftaine of this deliverance, which hath now by its own Virtue and Fortune been so much exalted, and favoured by God and the Church, whereof it now holds the Principality: and this shall not be very hard for you to do, if you shall call to mind the former actions, and lives of those that are above named. And though those men were very rare and admirable, yet were they men, and every one of them began upon less occasion than this; for neither was their enterprise more just than this, nor more easy; nor was God more their friend, than yours. Here is very great justice: for that war is just, that is necessary; and those arms are religious, when there is no hope left otherwhere, but in them. Here is an exceeding good disposition thereto: nor can there be, where there is a good disposition, a great difficulty, provided that use be made of those orders, which I propounded for aim and direction to you. Besides this, here we see extraordinary things without example effected by God; the sea was opened, a cloud guided the way, devotion poured forth the waters, and it reigned down manna; all these things have concurrd in your greatness, the rest is left for you to do. God will not do every thing himself, that he may not take from us our free will, and part of that glory that belongs to us. Neither is it a marvel, if any of the aforenamd Italians have not been able to compass that, which we may hope your Illustrious family shall: though in so many revolutions of Italy, and so many seats of war, it may seem that the whole military virtue therein be quite extinguished; for this arises from that the ancient orders thereof were not good; and there hath since been none that hath known how to invent new ones. Nothing can so much honour a man rising anew, as new laws and new ordinances devisd by him: these things when they have a good foundation given them, and contain in them their due greatness, gain him reverence and admiration; and in Italy their wants not the matter wherein to introduce any form. Here is great virtue in the members, were it not wanting in the heads. Consider in the single fights that have been, and duels, how much the Jtalians have excelled in their strength, activity and address; but when they come to armies, they appear not, and all proceeds from the weakness of the Chieftains; for they that understand the managing of these matters, are not obeyed, and every one presumes to understand; hitherto there having not been any one so highly raised either by fortune or virtue, as that others would submit unto him. From hence proceeds it, that in so long time, and in so many battles fought for these last past 20 years, when there hath been an army wholly Italian, it always hath had evil success; whereof the river Tarus first was witness, afterwards Alexandria, Capua, Genua, Vayla, Bolonia, Mestri. Your Illustrious family then being desirous to tread the footsteps of these Worthies who redeemed their countries, must above all things as the very foundation of the whole fabric, be furnished with soldiers of your own natives: because you cannot have more faithful, true, nor better soldiers; and though everyone of them be good, all together they will become better when they shall find themselves entertained, commanded, and honoured by their own Prince. Wherefore it is necessary to provide for those arms, whereby to be able with the Italian valour to make a defence against foreigners. And however the Swiss infantry and Spanish be accounted terrible; yet is there defect in both of them, by which a third order might not only oppose them, but may be confident to vanquish them: for the Spaniards are not able to endure the Horse, and the Swiss are to fear the Foot, when they encounter with them as resolute in the fight as they. Whereupon it hath been seen, and upon experience shall be certain, tha● the Spaniards are not able to bear up against the French Cavalero, and the Swisseses have been routed by the Spanish Foot. And though touching this last, there hath not been any entire experience had, yet was there some proof thereof given in the battle of Ravenna, when the Spanish Foot affronted the Dutch batallions, which keep the same rank the Swisses do, where the Spaniards with their nimbleness of body, and the help of their targets entered in under their Pikes, and there stood safe to offend them; the Dutch men having no remedy: and had it not been for the Cavalero that rushed in upon them, they had quite defeated them. There may then (the defect of the one and the other of these two infanteries being discovered) another kind of them be anew ordained, which may be able to make resistance against the Horse, and not fear the Foot, which shall not be a new sort of arms, but a change of orders. And these are some of those things which ordained anew, gain reputation and greatness to a new Prince. Therefore this occasion should not be let pass, to the end that Italy after so long a time may see some one redeemer of hers appear. Nor can I express with what dearness of affection he would be received in all those countries which have suffered by those foreign scumms, with what thirst of revenge, with what resolution of fidelity, with what piety, with what tears. Would any gates be shut against him? Any people deny him obedience? Any envy oppose him? Would not every Italian fully consent with him? This government of the Barbarians stinks in every one's nostrils. Let your Illustrious Family then undertake this worthy exploit with that courage and those hopes wherewith such just actions are to be attempted; to the end that under your colours, this country may be ennobled, and under the protection of your Fortune that saying of Petrarch be verifyd.   

Virtue contr' all furore  
Prendera l'arme, & fia il combatter corto:  
Che l'antico valour  
Ne gli Italici cor non è anchor morto.   

Virtue 'gainst fury shall advance the fight,  
And it i'th' combat soon shall put to flight:  
For th'old Roman valour is not dead,  
Nor in th' Italians breasts extinguished.   
FINIS.   

The life of Castruccio Castracani of Lucca, composed by Nicholas Machiavelli, and presented to Zanobi ●●ond●lmonti and Luigi Alomanni his very good friends.  
ZANOBI and LUIGI, my very good friends, it seems a matter of great marvel to those that take it into consideration, how that all they, or the greater part of them, who have effected great things in this World, and borne up their heads above others their contemporaries, have taken their riseth and births from obscure and base beginnings; or such as have been by Fortune extraordinarily afflicted. For all of them have been either exposed to the mercy of savage creat●r●s, or had such base Sires, that as ashamed of them, they have feigned themselves sons to Jupiter, or some other Deity; who these have been, every one having knowledge of many of them, we shall omit to relate, as superfluous, yielding rather distaste than delight to the Reader. I am indeed of opinion that it proceeds from hence, viz. in that Fortune willing to demonstrate unto the World, that she, and not Wisdom, gives men their greatness, therefore gins to show her strength at such a time, when Wisdom can challenge no interest, but all rather is to be attributed as due to her alone. Castruccio Castracani of Lucca was then one of those, who in regard of the times he lived in, and the City where he was borne, effected very great matters, and had, as others in this kind, neither a very fortunate nor known birth, as in my further discourse of his life it shall appear: which I thought fit to bring to memory, as having found therein a subject of very great example, as well in regard of valour, as fortune. And I thought I might the better direct this discourse unto you two, who of all that I know most delight in such glorious achievements. I say then, that the Family of the Castracani is reckoned among the noble Families of the City of Lucca, however that in these days it be much decayed, according to the course of all other worldly things. Of this there was one Antony borne, who took upon him religious orders, and was a Canon of S. Michael's at Lucca, and in honour thereof was entitled Master Antony. He had but one sister, who was married to Buonaccorso Cennami; but Buonaccorso being dead, & she remaining a widow, betook herself to live with her brother, with intention not to marry any more. Master Antony had behind his house where he dwelled, a vineyard, whereinto by reason of divers gardens bordering thereupon on several sides, the passage was very ordinary. It happened that one morning a little after the Sun rise, Dame Dionora, for so was Master Antony's sister called, walking out into the vineyard, as she was gathering some herbs, after the manner of women, to make a salad withal; she heard some kind of russeling under a vine amongst the leaves, and casting her eye that way, she perceived some little cry there: whereupon drawing near to the noise, she discovered the hands and face of an infant, wrapped in the vine leaves, which seemed as if it asked her assistance: so that she partly marvelling, partly frighted, full of pity and amazement, took it up in her arms: and having carried it home, and washed it, and swaddled it in clean clouts, as they use children; at her return presented it to Master Antony: who considering the accident, and seeing the child, was as much amazed and compassionate as was his sister: and advising together what they should do in this case, resolved to bring it up, he being a Priest, and she not having any children. Having then taken a nurse into the house, they nourished it with as much tenderness as if it had been their own child; & causing it to be baptised, named it Castruccio, after the name of their own father. Castruccio as he increased in years, so he grew in person & feature, and in every thing he showed wit and disretion: and quickly, according to his age, he learnt whatsoever Master Antony taught him: who purposing to make him a Priest, and to turn over unto him his Canonicate, and his other Benefices, instructed him that way: but he found him not a subject fit for that regular life: For so soon as Castruccio came to 14 years of age, and that he began to grow a little masterfull towards Master Antony and Dame Dionora, so that he stood no longer in fear of them, laying aside all Church books, he began to handle arms, and took not delight in any thing more than to manage them, or with others his equals to run, leap, or wrestle, and such other like exercises: wherein he showed such courage and strength, that he far surpassd all others of his age; and if any time he gave himself to reading, he took pleasure in nothing else than discourses of wars, and the actions of most famous men: for which cause Master Antony was much grieved at heart. In the City of Lucca there happened to dwell a Gentleman of the Family of the Guinigi, called Master Francis, who for fortunes, esteem, and valour, outwent all others the citizens of Lucca: who was always trained up in bearing of arms, and who had a long time served under the Viscounts of Milan: and because he was a Gibelline, he was accounted of above all that followed that faction in Lucca. This man being then in Lucca, and assembling morning and evening, with the rest of the citizens under the Governors' Palace, which is in the head of the place of S. Michael, being the prime place of Lucca; oftentimes saw Castruccio using of those exercises with other lads of the town, wherein I formerly said he took delight; and perceiving that besides the mastering of them, he held over them a kind of Princely authority, and that they again loved and reverenced him, he became very desirous to know what he was: whereof being informed by some there present, he became the more desirous to take him home to him; and calling him one day to him, asked him, where he had rather live, either in a Cavaliers house, when he might learn to ride and use his arms, or a●●●e in a Priest's house, where nothing else were to be heard but their Offices and Masses? Master Francis perceived how much Castruccio was cheered upon the mention of horses and arms; yet he standing a little out of countenance, Mr. Francis again encouraging him to speak, he answered, that if his Patron would therewith be content, he could not have a greater pleasure, than to quit this calling of Priest, and betake himself to that of a Soldier. Master Francis was much satisfied with this reply: and in a short time so negociated in this matter, that Master Antony gave him up to his charge, whereunto he was the rather moved by the lads inclination, judging thereby that he could not hold him much longer in his former course. Castruccio then being preferred from Master Antony Castracani the Priest's house, to the Palace of Master Francis Guinigi the Commander; it was a marvel to think in how short a time he attained to those virtues and good qualities, which are required in a complete Cavalier. First he became an excellent horseman: for he was able to manage the roughest horse at ease, and, though but a youth, in jousts and tournaments he was of prime remark; so that in any action of strength or activity, none could exceed him. These perfections besides, were seasoned with such manners, and good qualities, as that touching modesty, it was incredible how that either in word or deed he gave no distaste to any; to his superiors he yielded reverence; he was modest with his equals, and pleasant with his inferiors; which gained him favour, not only in the whole Family of Guinigi, but also in the whole City of Lucca. It chanced in those times, Castruccio being now arrived to eighteen years of age, that the Gibellins were chasd by the Guelphs from Pavia, in favour of whom Master Francis Guinigi was sent for by the Viscounty of Milan, with whom went Castruccio, as he on whose shoulders lay the charge of the whole troops: in which employment, Castruccio gave such proofs of his judgement and courage, that not one in this expedition gained so much esteem as he, and his name became honourable, not only in Pavia, but throughout all Lombardy. Castruccio being then returned to Lucca of far greater esteem, than before his departure he was; failed not (to his power) to gain himself friends, practising means to win them. But Master Francis Guinigi now chancing to die, and having left behind him a son named Paul of 13 years of age; appointed Castruccio his Tutor, and the Governor of his estate; having first caused him to be called to him before his death, and entreated him, that he would take upon him the care to bring up his son, with that faithfulness he had found himself, and that what kindnesses he could not return to the father, he would requite to the son. And now at length Master Francis Guinigi being dead, Castruccio left Tutor and Governor to Paul, grew in such credit and power, that the favour he was wont to find in Lucca, in some part was turned into envy, and he was calumniated by many, as who they doubted had some projects upon a tyranny. Among whom the principal was M. George Opizi, head of the Guelphs faction. This man hoping by the death of Mr. Francis, to remain without competitour in Lucca, thought that Castruccio, being left with that trust, by the grace and favour his discreet carriage gained him, had bereaved him of all means, to attain thereto; and hereupon sowed many seeds of scandal against him, whereby to choke his well-grown credit. Which at first Castruccio disdeigned, but afterwards grew jealous of it: for he thought that Master George would never rest, till he had so far disgraced him with King Robert of Naples his Lieutenant, as to cause him to chase him out of Lucca. At that time there was one Vguction of Fagginolo of Arezo, than Lord of Pisa, who by the Pisans was first chosen for their Commander, and afterwards made himself their Lord. Divers outlawed Luccheses' of the Gibellin faction abode with Vguction, whom Castruccio practised to restore again with Vguctions' aid; and this design he communicated also with his friends at home, who could no way endure the Opizies authority. Having therefore given order, as was requisite, to this purpose, Castruccio fortified the tower of the Honesti, and furnished it with munition and store of vittayls, whereby upon occasion he might be able to defend himself therein for some time: and the night being come, which was agreed of with Vguction: he gave the sign to him, who was gone down into the plain with much people between the mountains and Lucca; and having seen the signal he came close to Saint Peter's gate, and fired the antiport: Castruccio on the other side raised a great cry, calling the people ●o arms, and forced the gate on the other side within: so that Vguction entering with his men, forced the town, and slew Mr. George with all those of his Family, and many others his friends and partisans, and chasd out the governor, and changed the State of the City, as Vguction liked best, to the great damage thereof; for it appeared then, that there were above a hundred families chasd out of Lucca. Those that fled, part went to Florence, and part to Pistoya, which Cities were then governed by the Guelphs faction; and hereupon they became enemies to Vguction and the Luccheses'. And upon this the Florentines and the rest of the Guelphs thinking the Gibellines faction grown too mighty in Tuscany, accorded together to restore again these exiled Luccheses', and having levied a huge army, they came to the vale of Nievole, and seizng upon Mount Catino, from hence they went to encamp at Mount Carlo, whereby to have the passage open to Lucca. Whereupon Vguccio having gathered a good army of Pisans and Luccheses', besides many Dutch horse which he drew out of Lombardy, went to find the Florentines camp: which perceiving the enemy's approach, was removed from Mount Carlo, and settled between Mount Catino and Pescia; and Vguction sat down under Mount Carlo about some two miles off the enemy, where for some days between the Horse of the two Armies there passed some slight skirmishes: for Vguction being fall'n sick, the Pisans and Luccheses' refused to come to battle with the enemy. But Vguctions malady augmenting, he retired to Mount Carlo for his recovery, and committed the charge of the army to Castruccio, which was the Guelphs destruction: for hereupon they took courage; esteeming the enemy's armies as ●eft without a head: which Castruccio understood, and lay still ●ome few days, the more to confirm this their opinion, making show of fear, and not suffering any one to go out of the trenches: and on the other side the Guelphs the more they saw this ●eare, the more insolent they became, and every day being ordered for fight, they presented themselves before Castruccio's army, who thinking he had now enough, emboldened them, and having had full notice of what order they kept, resolved to come to the trial of a day: and first with his speeches he confirmed his soldier's courage, and showed them the victory certain, if they would follow his directions. Castruccio had seen how the enemy had placed all his strength in the body of the army, and the weaker sort in the wings thereof: whereupon he did the clean contrary; for he put his be●● soldiers in his wings, and hi● flightest people in the body: and issuing out of his trenches with this order, so soon as ever he● came within view of the enemy which insolently, as before they had wont, came to find them out, he commanded that thos● squadrons in the middle shoul● go on leisurely, but that the res● should move with speed, insomuch that when they came to join battle with the enemy, only the wings of each army fought, and the troops in the middle stood unimployd because the middle part of Castruccio'● army had lagguerd so much behind, that the enemy's body had not yet reached to them: and thus the ablest of Castruccio's army came to fight with the weakest of the enemies, and the enemy's strength lay idle, not able to endamage those, they were to encounter with, nor could they ●ayd any of their own party: so that without much difficulty, the enemies two wings were both put to flight, and they in the middle seeing themselves left naked on each flank, without having whereupon to show their valour, fled likewise. The rout and the slaughter were great: for there were slain above ten thousand men, with many Officers, and great Cavaliers of the Guelphs faction throughout all Tuscany, and many Princes, who came thither in favour of them: to wit, Peter King Robert's Brother, and Charles his nephew, and Philip Lord of Taranto: but of Castruccio's side they came not to above three hundred: among which Francis Vguctions son was slain: who being young and over venturous, was killed at the first onset. This overthrow much augmented Castruccio's credit, so that Vguction grew so jealous and suspicious of his own State, that he continually busied his brains how to bring him to destruction, thinking with himself, that that victory had rather taken his powe● from him, than settled it: an● being in this thought, while he● awaited some fair colour to effect his designs, it happened tha● Pieragnolo Michaeli was slain● in Lucca, a man of good worth and esteem, and the Assassins fled into Castruccio s house where the Captains and Sergeants going to apprehend him were affronted, and hindered by Cstaruccio, so that the murderer by his aid escapd, which thing Vguction, who was then at Pisa, hearing, and deeming then he● had just occasion to punish him▪ called unto his own son Neri, to whom he had now given the command of Lucca and charged him, that under colour of inviting Castruccio, he should lay hold on him, and put him to death. Whereupon Castruccio going familiarly into the commander● palaces, not fearing any injury, was first by Neri entertained at supper, and afterwards seized on. And Neri doubting, lest by putting him to death, without any public justification, the people might be enraged, kept him alive, till he were better informed by Vguction what was farther to be done in that case: who blaming his son's slowness and cowardice, for the dispatching hereof went out of Pisa with four hundred Horse towards Lucca: & hardly yet was he arrived at the Baths, but the Pisans took arms, and slew Vguctions Lieutenant, and the rest of his family, that remained at Pisa, and made Count-Gaddo of Gerardesca their Lord: Vguction before he came to Lucca, had notice of this accident befallen in Pisa, yet thought he it not fit to turn back, lest the Luccheses', like as the Pisans, should also shut their gates against him. But the Luccheses' understanding the chance at Pisa, notwithstanding that Vguction was entered Lucca, taking this occasion to free Castruccio, first began at their meetings in the Piazze to speak slightly of him, afterwards to make some hub-bub, and from thence came to arms, demanding Castruccio to be set free; insomuch that Vguction for fear of worse, drew him out of prison: Whereupon Castruccio suddenly rallying his friends, with the people's favour made an assault upon Vguction who finding no other remedy, fled thence with his friends, and so went into Lombardy to the Lords of Scala, where afterwards he died poorly. But Castruccio being of a prisoner become as Prince of Lucca, prevailed so by his friends, and with this fresh gale of the people's favour, that he was made General of their Forces for a year, which being compassed, to gain himself further credit in arms, he purposed to recover for the Lucchefes several towns which rebelld after Vguctions' departure, and went also by the Pisans favour, with whom he had entered into league at the camp, to Serezana, and to win that, he had built over it a fort, which, being afterwards changed by the Florentines, is now called Serezanello, and in two months' space took the town, and afterwards in strength of this credit, he won Massa, Carrara, and Lavenza, and in short time all Lunigiana: and to stop the passage that comes from Lombardy into Luginiana, he took Pontremoli, and drew out thence Mr. Anastasia Palivicini, who was Lord thereof. Returning then to Lucca with this victory, he was met by the whole people: whereupon Castruccio resolving not to defer longer to make himself Prince, by means of Pazzino of Poggio, Puccinello of Porcico, Francisco Boccansecchi, and Cécco Guinigi at that time of great repute in Lucca, but corrupted by him, made himself Lord thereof, and so solemnly and by resolution of the people was elected their Prince. At this time Frederick of Baviere King of the Romans, came into Italy to take the Imperial crown, whom Castruccio made his friend, and went to him with five hundred Horse, having left for his Lieutenant at Lucca Paulo Guinigi, whom in remembrance of his father, he made account of as his own child. Castruccio was entertained very honourably by Frederick, who gave him many privileges, and made him his Deputy in Tuscany; and because the Pisans had expelld Gaddo of Gerardesca, and for fear of him asked succours of Frederick, he made Castruccio their Lord, whom the Pisans accepted for fear of the Guelphs faction, and in particular because of the Florentines. Frederick then being returned into Germany, and having left at Rome a governor for his affairs in Italy, all the Gibellins, as well Tuscans as Lombarbs that followed the Imperial faction, had their recourse to Castruccio, and each promised him the Principality of their native country; provided that by his means they might be restored: among whom was Mattheo Guidi, Nardo Scolare, Lapo Uberti, Gerozzi Nardi and Piero Buonacorsi, all Gibellins, and outlawd Florentines: and Castruccio plotting by help of these, and with his own forces to become Lord of all Tuscany, to gain himself credit the more, entered into amity with Mr. Mattheo Visconti Prince of Milan: and trained up all the men of his own city and country to arms: and because Lucca had five gates, he divided the country into five parts, armed them, and distributed them under Captains and colours, so that on a sudden he was able to bring together above twenty thousand men into the field, besides the help he might have from Pisa. He then being environed with these forces and friends, it fortuned that Mr. Mattheo Visconti was assailed by the Guelphs of Piacuza; who had driven out the Gibellins, in whose behalf the Florentines and King Robert had sent their troops. Whereupon Mr. Mattheo entreated Castruccio to assail the Florentines, that they being constrained to defend their own homes, should call back their men out of Lombardy. So Castruccio with a good artny entered the Vale Arno, took Fucachio, and St. Miniato with great damage of the country; and upon this occasion the Florentines were forced to call back their troops: who were hardly returned into Tuscany, but Castruccio was compelled upon another necessity to haste back to Lucca: And in that City the Family of Poggio being of such power and authority as that it had made Castruccio not only great, but Prince also, and not taking themselves to have been requited as they had deserved, agreed with other Families of Luccato move the city to rebellion and to chase Castruccio thence; whereupon taking occasion one morning they came armed upon the Deputy, whom Castruccio had there ordained over Justice, and slew him, and further purposing to raise the people to commotion; Steven of Poggio an ancient and peaceable man, who had no hand at all in this conspiracy, came before them, constrained his friends by his authority amongst them, to lay aside their arms, offering himself to mediate with Castruccio for them, that he should satisfy their desires. Thus they laid down their arms, but not with greater discretion than they had taken them up; for Castruccio having had notice of these novelties befallen in Lucca, without making any delay, with part of his troops, leaving Paul Guinigi Commander of the residue, came thence to Lucca, where having found the tumult appeased, beyond his expectation, deeming he might with the more ease secure himself; disposed those of his party in several places, as best was for his turn. Steven of Poggio thinking with himself, that Castruccio was beholding to him, went to him, and entreated, not for himself, because he thought it no way needful for him, but for the others of his Family, praying that many things he would pardon, in respect of their youth, and many things in regard of the ancient amity, and obligation he had to the whole kindred. Whereunto Castruccio answered courteously, and bid him be of good cheer, and told him that he received more content the tumult was appeased, than he had had trouble that it was raised, and persuaded Steven to cause them all to come to him, saying, that he thanked God he had given him opportunity to make a show of his clemency, and bounty. They all then presenting themselves upon Stevens word and Castruccios, were together with Steven imprisoned and put to death. In this mean while the Florentines had recovered S. Miniato; whereupon Castruccio thought fit to stay that war: considering that as yet he was not secure of Lucca, being that he could not safely part from home; and having caused the Florentines to be felt whether they would admit of a truce, he found them easily yielding thereto; for they also were weary of the charge, and desirous to stop the expense. Whereupon they made a truce of two years, and that every one should keep what they had gotten. In the mean while Castruccio being freed from the war, that he might not again incur those dangers and hazards which formerly he had run, under divers colours and pretences, cut off all those in Lucca, who could have any ambition to aspire to the Principality, and pardoned not one of them, depriving them of their Country and Fortunes, and those he could get in his clutches, of their lives: affirming that he had found it by experience, that none of them would abide true; and for his better safeguard, built a Fortress in Lucca, and made use of the materials of their Towers, whom he had banished and murdered. While Castruccio was thus quiet with the Florentines, and that he strengthened himself in Lucca, he failed not to do all that he could, without entering into open hostility to increase his greatness: and having a great desire to take Pistoya, thinking with himself that by the possession of that City, he had gotten one foot into Florence, gained himself by divers ways the whole mountain to friend, and by the factions he made in Pistoya, so behaved himself, that every one relied much on him. At that time the City was divided (as always it was) into the Bianchi and Neri; head of the Bianchi was Bastiano of Possente, and of the Neri, James of Gia: each of which held straight correspondence with Castruccio, and one desired to expel th'other, so that the one and the other after many suspicions came to blows. James made himself strong at the gate towards Florence. Bastiano at that towards Lucca, and the one and th'other of them relying more upon Castruccio, than upon the Florentines, judging him more ready and quick of dispatch in any thing touching the war, each of them sent to him secretly for aid: which Castruccio promised to them both, letting James know that he would come in person, and telling Bastiano, he would send Paul Guinigi his Foster son: and appointing a set time, sent Paul by way of Pescia, and himself went strait on to Pistoya, so that about midnight, for thus was it agreed between Castruccio and Paul, they both arrived at Pistoya, and there received as friends: being both entered; when Castruccio found his time, he gave the watch word to Paul, whereupon he slew James of Gia, and the other Bastiano of Possente; & all their partakers were partly taken, partly slain, whereupon they forced Pistoya without resistance; & for the government of the town, Castruccio constrained the people to yield him obedience, remitting to them many old debts and duties, and thus did he to the whole Country thereabouts; who all flocked together, partly to see the new Prince, so that every one fraught with hopes, or admiring his valour, set his heart at rest. It happened about this time, that the people of Rome mutinyed upon the extreme dearth of provision there, which was caused by the Pope's absence, who was then at Av●gnon and they blamed the German government, insomuch that every day murders and other disorders were committed: which Henry the Emperor's Deputy could no way remedy; whereupon he had a great suspicion that the Romans would call in King Robert of Naples, and chase him Rome, and so restore it to the Pope: And having no nearer Ally, whom he could make recourse unto, than Castruccio, he sent to entreat him, that he would be pleased, not only to send him aid, but to come himself also in person. Castruccio thought this voyage was no way to be put off, as well to render some service of merit to the Emperor, as because now the Emperor was absent from Rome, there was some necessity of it: leaving Paul Guinigi at Lucca, he went thence with two hundred horse to Rome, where he was entertained by Henry, with very much honour; and his presence in a short time gave so much credit to the Imperials, that without blood or other violence, all things were well quieted: for Castruccio having caused a good quantity of corn to be brought by Sea out of the Country about Pisa, took away all occasion of offence. Afterwards, partly by admonishing, partly by chastising the chief Officers of Rome, he reduced them freely under Henry's government; and Castruccio was created a Roman Senator, besides many other honours he received of the people; and that Order he took with very great pomp, putting on a gown of cloth of tissue, with great letters before to this purpose: This man is what it pleases God, and again behind, And shall be what God will. In this mean while the Florentines, who were displeased that Castruccio during the truce had made himself Lord of Pistoya, devised which way they might make it rebel, which by reason of his absence, they thought might easily be effected. Amongst the banished Pistoyeses, who were then at Florence, there was Baldo Cecchi, and James Baldini, both men of authority, and ready for any hazard. These men held correspondence with some friends they had within; so that with the Florentines help, they entered by night into Pistoya, and chased thence Castruccios friends and officers, and some of them they slew, and restored the City her liberty, which news much displeased Castruccio; so that having taken leave of Henry, he came with his men by great days journeys to Lucca. The Florentines when they had word of Castruccios return, thinking he would not take much rest, resolved to prevent him, and with their forces to enter first into the Vale of Nievole, before him: supposing, that if they first made themselves masters of that valley, they should cut of from him all means of possibility to recover Pistoya; and so having put in order a great army of all the friends of the Guelphs faction, they c●me into the territory of Pistoya. On the other side, Castruccio came with his troops to mount Carlo, and having learned where the Florentines army was, determined not to meet them in the plain of Pistoya, nor to attend them in the plain of Pascia, but if it might be, to encounter them in the strait of Saravalla; deeming that by bringing his design to pass, he should surely gain the victory; for he understood the Florentines had got together some forty thousand men, and he had made choice of some twelve thousand out of all his, and however he was confident of his own industry, and their valour, yet doubted he, lest if he set on them in a large place, he might be environed by the multitude of the enemies. Saravalla is a Castle between Pescia and Pistoya, placed upon a hill, that shuts in the Valle of Nievole, not upon the very passage, but above to that some two bow shots of the place, by which a man passes, is more strait than on the sudden; for of every side it rises gently, but in a strait manner, especially upon the hill, where the waters are divided; so that twenty men on the one side and the other would wholly possess it. In this place Castruccio had a design to encounter with the enemy, as well because his small troops should have the advantage, as not to discover the enemy, but just upon the skirmish, fearing lest his men seeing the number of the enemies, should be startled. Mr. Manfredi of the Germane nation, was then Lord of the Castle of Seravalle, who before that Castruccio was Lord of Pistoya, had been left in that Castle, as in a place that was neuter between the Luccheses' & Pistoyeses: nor afterward befell it either of them to offend him, he promising to abide neuter, and not to apply himself to the one or other: So that for this cause, and for that the situation was strong, he had kept himself thus: but upon this accident Castruccio became desirous to possess this place. And having very near acquaintance with one of the inhabitants of the place, he so appointed his business with him, that the night before the skirmish was to begin, he should take into the town 400 men of his, and slay the commander; and abiding thus prepared, he stirred not his army from Mount Carlo, the more to encourage the Florentines to pass, who, because they desired to carry the war far off from Pistoya, and to bring it into the Vale of Nievole, encamped under Serravalle, with intention the day following to pass the hill; but Castruccio having without any noise taken the Castle in the night, parted from Mount Carlo about midnight, and quietly arrived in the morning at the foot of Serravalle, so that at the same instant both the Florentines and he began to ascend the side of the hill. Castruccio had sent his infantry by the road way, and a troop of 400 Horse he had sent upon the left hand towards the Castle: on the other side the Florentines had sent 400 Horse before them, and after those their Foot moved, not any way thinking they should find Castruccio upon the top of the hill; for they knew nothing of that he had made himself master of the Castle. Thus at unawares the Florentine Horse having got to the top of the hill, discovered Castruccio's Foot, and were so near approached them, that they had hardly time to lace on their helmets. These men then that were unprovided, being assailed by the others that were prepared, and in order, were fiercely set upon, and with much ado made resistance, and indeed some few of them made head a while: but so s●on as the noise hereof descended into the Florentines camp, all was full of confusion. The Horse were oppressed by the Foot, the Foot by the Horse, and their carriages; the Commanders because of the straightness of the place could neither advance nor retire: so that no man in this confusion knew what could or should be done: insomuch that the Horse which were at blows with the enemy's Foot, were cut to pieces, and they not able to defend themselves, because the maligniry of the scite did not suffer them, yet made they resistance more of necessity than of valour: for being hemmed in by the mountains on both sides, behind by their friends, and before by their enemies, they had no way open for flight. Hereupon Castruccio having perceived that his troops were not able to break the enemy, sent a thousand Foot by way of the Castle, causing them to descend with the 400 Horse which he had sent before, who struck them so rudely upon the flank, that the Florentines unable longer to resist that violence, vanquished rather by the place than by the enemy, all took them to flight; and the flight began from those who were behind towards Pistoya, who dispersing themselves all along the plain, every one where he best could, provided for his safeguard. This defait was very great and bloody; many Commanders were taken, among which was Bandino of Rossi, Prancesco Brunnelleschi, and John of Tosa, all noble Florentines, and many other Tuscans, besides divers of the Kingdom of Naples, who being sent by King Robert in favour of the Guelphs served under the Florentines. The Pistoyeses hearing of this rout, without delay chase out the faction of the Guelphs, yielded themselves to Castruccio. Who not contented herewith, took Piato, and all the Castles of the plain, as well on this as on the other side of Arno, and set himself down with his army in the plain of Perettola some two miles of from Florence, where he abode many days to divide the spoil, and to feast for joy of the victory gotten, causing moneys to be stamped in scorn of the Florentines, and races to be run by horse, men, and queans: neither failed he to endeavour to corrupt some noble Citizens, to open to him in the night the gates of Florence; but the conspiracy being discovered, they were taken and beheaded, among whom was Thomas Lupacco, and Lambertuccio Frescobaldi. Hereupon the Florentines being affrighted upon this defeat, hardly knew any remedy to preserve their liberty: and to the end they might be sure of aid, sent Ambassadors to Robert King of Naples, to give him the City, and the dominion thereof. Which that King accepted of, not somuch for the honour the Florentines had done him, as for that he knew well how much it imported his State that the Guelphs faction should maintain the State of Tuscany: and having agreed with the Florentines to have of them two hundred thousand Florins by the year, he sent Charles his son with four thousand Horse to Florence: so that the Florentines were somewhat eased of Castruccio's troops: for th●y were constrained to leave their territories and to go to Pisa, there to repress a conspiracy made against him by Benedicto Lanfranchi, one the chief of Pisa, who not being able to endure that his native country should be enthralld to a Lucchese, conspired against him, plotting to seize upon the Citadel, and to chase out the garrison, and to slay those of Castruccio's party. But because in such matters, if the small number be fit to keep the secret, yet suffices it not to put it in execution: while he went about to gain more men to his purpose, some there was that bewrayed his plot to Castruccio: neither passed this discovery without the infamy of Bonifacio Cerchi and John Guidi Florentines, who were near neighbours to Pisa; whereupon Benedicto being laid hand on, was put to death, and all the rest of that Family banished, and many other Noble Citizens beheaded: and thinking with himself that Pistoya and Pisa were not very faithful unto him, he took care both by his industry and forces to secure himself thereof: which gave leisure to the Florentines to recover their strength, and to be able to attend the return of Charles: who being arrived, they determined to lose no longer time, and gathered a great number of men; for they called together to their aid in a manner all the Guelphs in Italy, and made an exceeding great army of more than 30000 Foot, and 10000 Horse: and having advisd, which were first to be assailed, either Pistoya, or Pisa, they resolved it were better to set first upon Pisa, being a thing more likely to succeed, by reason of the late conspiracy there, as also of more profit, deeming that if Pisa were once gotten, Pistoya would soon render of itself. The Florentines then going forth with this army in the beginning of May 1328, suddenly took Lastra, Signia, Mount Lupo, and Empoli, and came with their army to St. Miniato. Castruccio on the other part perceiving this great army, which the Florentines had brought against him, was nothing startled, but rather thought that this was the time, when Fortune was to give him in his hand the whole dominion of Tuscany: believing they should have no better success in this of Pisa, than formerly they had in that of Serravalle; and that now they could not hope to repair themselves again, as then; whereupon assembling twenty thousand Foot and 4000 Horse, he brought his army to Fucechio, and sent Paul Guinigi with 5000 Foot to Pisa. Fucechio is seated in a stronger place than any other Castle, upon the territory of Pisa, because it is in the midst between the Gusciana and the Arno, and a little raised from the plain; where he abiding, the enemies were not able, unless they divided their army into two parts, to hinder his provision either from Lucca, or Pisa; neither could they but upon disadvantage either come upon him, or go towards Pisa: for in one case they might be enclosed in the midst between Castruccios troops, and those of Pisa; in the other case, having the Arno to pass, they could not do it with the enemy on their backs, without very great danger. And Castruccio for their encouragement to undertake the passage had not plac d himself with his troops along the bank of Arno, but a little aside near unto the walls of Fucechio, and had left distance enough between the River and him. The Florentines having gotten St. Miniato, advisd whether were to be done, either to go to Pisa, or to find out Castruccio; and having measured the difficulties of both courses, they resolved to go and invest him. The river Arno was so low that a man might wade over it, but yet not so, but that the infantry was wet to the shoulders, and the Horse even to the saddle. Upon the tenth day then of June in the morning, the Florentines in battle array, caused part of their Cavalero to begin to pass, and a body of ten thousand Foot. Castruccio who stood ready and intent to what he had in his mind to do, with a battalion of five thousand Foot and three thousand Horse fell upon them: neither give he them any time to get out of the water but that he was at blows with them; he sent a thousand light armed Foot up by the bank on that part under the Arno, and a thousand above it. The Florentines Foot were mueh distressed with the water and weight of their arms, nor had they all yet got over the channel of the river. When some of the Horse had passed, by reason that they had moored the bottom of the Arno, they made the passage the uneasier for them that came after them; for the bottom proving rotten and miry, some of the Horse came over and over on their riders, and many stuck so fast in the mud that they were there stabled: whereupon the Florentine Commanders seeing the difficulty to pass on that part, caused them to retire and make proof of a higher part of the river, whereby to find a sounder bottom, and the channel more  for their passage: against whom those whom Castruccio had sent under the bank, made resistance, who slightly armed with targets and darts in their hands, with huge outcries, wounded them both in the face and breast, insomuch that the horses affrighted both with the cries and strokes, would in no wise pass forwards, but fell foul one upon another: the fight between Castruccio's men and those that were already past, was sharp and terrible, and of each side there fell many, and every one used all his skill and strength to overcome his adversary. Castruccio's men would force them back into the river; the Florentines strived to put forwards to make place for others, that being come forth of the water, they might be able to stand to the fight, to which obstinacy there was added the Captain's encouragements. Castruccio put his men in mind, that these were the same enemies, which but a little while ago they had beaten at Sarravalle. The Florentines reproachd theirs, that they being many, should suffer a few to overcome them. But Castruccio perceiving that the fight lasted, and that his own and his adversaries were well wearied, and that on each side many were hurt and slain, he sent out another band of five thousand Foot, and when he brought them up to the very back of his own that fought, he gave order that they before should open, and wheel about, one on the right hand, the other on the left, and so retire; which thing done gave room to the Florentines to advance and gain some ground. But when once they came to handy blows, the fresh men with those that were tired, they stayed not long ere they forced them back into the river, between the Horse of the one side, and the other, yet there was not much advantage: whereupon Castruccio knowing his own inferior, had given order to the leaders, that they should only maintain fight, as he that hoped to overcome the Foot; which done, he might be able with more ease to overcome the Horse; which fell out as he purposed: for having seen the Foot forced back into the river, he sent the rest of his infantry against the enemy's Horse, who with lances and darts wounding them, and the Cavalero also pressing them with greater fury, put them to flight. The Florentine Commanders seeing the difficulty that their Horse had to pass; strove to make their Foot pass on that part beneath the river, to fight with the flank of Castruccio's troops. But the channel being deep, and all above already possessed by his men, all this proved vain. Whereupon the whole army was put to rout, to Castruccio's great glory and honour, and of so great a multitude there escaped not a third. Many Chieftains were taken, and Charles son of King Robert, together with Michaelangelo Falconi, and Taddeo of the Albizi Florentine Commissaries, fled thence to Empoli. The spoil taken was great, the slaughter exceeding great, as a man may imagine in such and so great a conflict: for of the Florentine army 20231, and of Castruccio's part 1570 were left dead upon the place. But Fortune being enemy to his glory, when as she should have given him life, took it from him, and interrupted those designs which he a long time before had purposed to put in effect: neither could any thing but death hinder him. Castruccio had toiled himself all that day in the battle, when at the end thereof all weary and sweaty, he stayed about the port of Fucechio, to attend the soldiers, as they should return from the victory, and in person receive and thank them, and partly if peradventure any thing should arise from the enemies, that they had made head in any place, he might be ready to give order thereto: judging it the office of a good Commander, to be the first to get a Horseback, and the last to light off. Whereupon he standing exposed to a wind, which ordinarily about midday rises upon the Arno, and uses to be pestiferous, he was all over chilled. Which thing not being made account of by him, was the occasion of his death: for the night following he was taken with a dangerous fever, which continually augmenting, and the sickness being judged mortal by all the Physicians, and Castruccio perceiving of it, called Paul Guinigi, and spoke to him these words. Had I believed, my son, that Fortune would have cut off my course in the midst of the way, to arrive unto that glory, which I by my so many good successes had promised myself, I should have less wearied myself, and to thee as I should have left a smaller estate, so also fewer enemies, and less envy: for I would have been content with the dominion of Lucca and Pisa, and never subdued the Pistoyeses, nor with so many injuries provoked the Florentines; but by making the one and the other of these people my friends, I should have led a life, though not longer, yet surely more quiet; and to thee should I have left an estate, though less, without doubt, more secure and firm: but Fortune, who will dispose of all humane affairs, gave me not so much judgement, that I was able first to know it, or so much time, that I was able to overcome it. Thou hast heard, for many have told thee, and I never denied it to thee, how I came into thy father's house being yet a young lad, and void of all those hopes, which every generous spirit ought to conceive, and how I was by him brought up, and belov d by him as much as if I had been of his own blood, whereupon under his government I became valorous, and grew capable of that fortune, in which thou hast and dost see me: and because at his death, he committed thee and all his fortunes to my fidelity, I have brought thee up with that affection, and increased them with that fidelity, that I was and am bound to. And because not only whether that alone which was left thee by thy father, but that also which my fortune and valour got, were thine, I never would marry, to the end that the love of children should never take me off, from showing in any part that thankfulness towards thy father's blood, which I thought I was obliged to show. I leave thee therefore a very fair State, whereat I am much pleased: but for that I leave it thee weak and unsettled, I am exceedingly grieved: there remains to thee the City of Lucca, which will never be content to live under thy government: Pisa is also thine: wherein there are men naturally inconstant, and full of treachery: which, however it be divers times accustomed to serve, yet will it always disdain to have a Lucchese for its Lord. Pistoya likewise is left to thee, very little faithful to thee, because it is divided, and by fresh injuries provoked against our Family. Thou hast the Florentines for thy neighbours, and those offended, and divers ways injuryed by us, and not extinguished, to whom the news of my death would be more welcome than the Conquest of all Tuscany. Thou canst not rely upon the Princes of Milan, nor upon the Emperor, because they are far hence, lazy, and very slow with their succours: wherefore thou oughtest not to hope in any thing, but in thy own industry, and the remembrance of my valour, and in the reputation which this present victory gains thee: which if thou shalt know with discretion how to make use of, will aid thee to make an accord with the Florentines, who being affrighted at this present defeat, aught with desire to condescend thereto: whom though I sought to make them mine enemies, and thought it would procure me both power and glory, yet thou art by all means to seek to gain for thy friends; for their friendship will prove thy security and advantage. It is a thing of very much importance in this world for a man to understand his own self, and to know how to measure the forces of his own courage and State; and he that finds himself unfit for war, should endeavour to settle his government by the rules of peace, whereunto thou shalt do well if by my advice thou address thyself, and strive by this way to enjoy my pains, and dangers, which shall easily prove successful to thee, when thou shalt account these my advertisements true: and herewithal thou shalt be doubly obliged to me, first that I have left thee this State, and secondly that I have taught thee how to keep it. Afterwards having caused those citizens to come to him, who of Lucca, Pisa, and Pistoya, served in the wars under him, and recommended Paul Guinigi to them, and made them to swear obedience to him, he died; leaving to all those, that ever knew him, a happy remembrancc of him; and to those that had been his friends, so great a desire of him, that never any Prince, that died at any time, left more. His funerals were most honourably solemnised, and he was buried at St. Francisco in Lucca. But neither valour, nor fortune were so favourable to Paul Guinigi, as to Cas●ruccio; for not long after, he lost Pistoya, and after Pisa, and with much ado held he the government of Lucca: which continued in his Family till Paul the grandchild. Castruccio then was, by what is here showed, a man of rare note, not only for those times he lived in, but for many ages that had passed long before. He was of a stature higher than ordinary, and his limbs were well answerable each to other, and of such a grace he was in his aspect, and entertained all men with that humanity, that he never spoke with any, that he sent from him discontent; his hair inclined to a reddish colour, and he wore it always cut above his ears; and always and in all seasons, whether it reigned or snew, he went with his head uncovered; he was very pleasing to his friends, and terrible to his enemies; just among his subjects, treacherous with foreigners: nor where he could vanquish by fraud did he ever strive to do it by force: for he said the victory, and not the manner how it was got, gained a man glory; no man entered more boldly into dangers, nor was more wary to get out of them: and he was wont to say, that men ought to prove every thing, but to be astonished at nothing, and that God favours valiant men, who always chastises the feeble with the mighty. He was also very admirable in replying or biting sharply or gently; and as in this kind he spared not any, so likewise he was nothing moved, when himself was not spared: So that we have many things he said wittily, and heard patiently, as these: Having caused a duck at to be given for a starling, and a friend of his reproving him for it, said Castruccio, thou wouldst not have given above a penny for it; and his friend saying it was true, he replied, a duck at is less to me. Having a flatterer about him, and in scorn having spat upon him, the flatterer said, that Fishermen to take a little Fish suffer themselves to be all moiled in the Sea; I will let myself be daubed by a little spittle, to catch a Whale: which Castruccio not only heard patiently, but rewarded. When one told him, that he lived too sumptuously; said Castruccio, if this were a vice, there would not be so splendide entertainments at the Saints Feasts. Passing through a street, and seeing a young man coming out of a whore-house all blushing, because he had been seen by him; he said to him, be not ashamed when thou goest out, but when thou enter'st in. A friend of his giving him a knot to lose, that was curiously tied, said, O fool, dost thou think I will loosen such a thing, which being tied gives me so much trouble? Castruccio saying to one that professed himself a Philosopher, you are of the condition of dogs, that always go about those who can best give them meat; no says the party, we are like Physicians, who visit their houses that have most need of them. Going from Pisa to Leghorn by water, and a dangerous storm there arising, and thereupon being much perplexed, was reprehended by one of his company as pusillanimous, saying himself was not afraid of any thing; to whom Castruccio replied, that he nothing marvayled thereat, for every one valued his life, according to its worth. Being asked by one, what he should do to gain a good esteem? answered him; see when thou goest to a Feast, that a block sit not upon a block. When one boasted that he had read many things; said Castruccio, it were better thou couldst brag thou hadst remembered much. Another bragging though he had tippled much, he was not drunk; replied, an Ox does the same. Castruccio kept a young lass, which he lay with ordinarily, and thereupon being reproved by a friend, telling him, that it was a great wrong to him that he had suffered himself to be so taken by a Wench; thou art mistaken, quoth Castruccio, I took her, not she me. Also when one blamed him that he was too delicious in his diet; he said to him, I warrant thou wouldst not spend herein so much as I do; that is true quoth the other; then replied he, thou art more covetous, than I am gluttonous. Being invited to supper by Tadeo Bernardi a Lucchese, a rich and magnificent citizen; and in the house Tadeo showing him a chamber all furnished with cloth of gold, and that it was all paved with curious stones, which were diversely wrought with sundry colours, and represented flowers, leaves, and such like green things: Castruccio having got together a great deal of spittle in his mouth, spat it full in Tadeos' face; at which he showing himself much troubled, says Castruccio, I knew not where to spit that I might offend thee less. Being asked how Caesar died? saith he, would to God I might die like him. Being one night in a house of one of his Gentlemen, where there were divers Ladies invited to a feast, and he dancing, and sporting with them, more than befitted his condition, was reproud by a friend, answered, he that is held a wise man in the day time, will never be thought a fool in the night. One coming to ask a favour at his hands, and Castruccio seeming as if he heard not, fell down upon his knees before him, whereat Castruccio chiding him, he answered, thou art the cause thereof, who carriest thine ears in thy feet: and thereby he gained double the favour he asked. He used to say, that the way to Hell was easy, because men went thither downwards, and blindfold. When one asked him a favour with many and superfluous words, Castruccio said to him, hereafter when thou wouldst any thing with me, send another. Such another man having wearied him with a tedious speech, and telling him in the latter end, perhaps I may have tired you with my long speaking; no, thou hast not, said he, for I heard not one word of all that thou hast spoken. He was wont to say of one, who had been a handsome boy, and afterwards became a comely man, that he was too injurious, having first distracted the husbands from their wives, and afterwards the wives from their husbands. To an envious man that laughed, he said, laughst thou because thou art well, or because another suffers evil? When he was also under the rule of Master Francis Guinigi, one of his play-fellows, saying to him, what wilt thou that I shall give thee, for a blow on the mouth? Castruccio answered him, a Helmet. Having caused a citizen of Lucca to die, who had helped him in his rising to his greatness, when it was said to him, he had ill done to put to death one of his old friends; he replied, you are deceived, I have put to death a new enemy. Castruccio commended much those that betrothed wives, but never married them, like men that say they will go to Sea, but never do. He said he wondered much at men, that when they bought any vessel of earth or glass, they sound it first whether it be good; but in taking a wife they are content only to see her. When he was near death, one ask him, how he would be buried? he answered, with my face downwards: for I know, that as soon as I am dead, this Country shall go upside down. Being asked, whether he never thought to become a Friar to save his Soul? he said no, for it was strange to him, that Lazarus should go to Paradise, and Vguction of Faggivola to Hell. Being asked, when it was best to eat, to preserve the health? he answered, if a man be rich, when he is hungry; if he be poor, when he may. Seeing a gentleman a friend of his, that made his servant truss his points, he said, I hope one day too thou wilt make him feed thee. Seeing that one had written upon his house in Latin, God keep the wicked hence; said, the master then must not enter here. Passing by a way where there was a little house with a great gate, he said, this house will run out of doors. Treating with an Ambassador of the King of Naples touching some goods of the borderers, whereat he was somewhat angry, when the Ambassador said, fear you not the King then? Castruccio said, is this your King good or bad? and he answering that he was good, Castruccio replied, wherefore then should I be afraid of those that are good? We might relate many others of his say, wherein he showed both acuteness of wit, and gravity; but these shall suffice in testimony of his worthy qualities. He lived forty four years, and behaud himself like a Prince in all his fortunes: and as of his good fortunes there are enough monuments left, so likewise would he there should be seen some of his evil fortunes; for the manacles wherewith he was chained in prison, are yet to be seen fastened in the tower of his dwelling house, where they were put by him, that they might bear witness of his adversity. And because he was no way inferior to Philip of Macedon, Alexander's father; nor to Scipio of Rome: he died in the same age they two did; and doubtless he would have exceeded the one and the other, if in exchange of Lucca he had had Macedon, or Rome for his Country.  
FINIS.   

A Relation of the course taken by Duke Valentine, in the murdering of Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto of Fermo, Paul, and the Duke of Gravina, all of them of the Family of the Orisini; composed by Nicholas Machiavelli.  
DUke Valentine was returned from Lombardy, whither he had gone to excuse himself to King Lewis of France, touching those many calumnies, which the Florentines charged him with, for the rebellion of Arezo, and the other Towns of the Vale of Clicana, and was thence come to Jmola; where he plotted his enterprise against John Bentivogh tyrant of Bolenia: for he had a mind to reduce that City into his subjection, and make it head of his Duchy of Romania: which thing being known to the Vitelli and Orsini, and their other complices, they thought the Duke would grow too powerful, and that it was to be feared, lest that taking Bolonia, he should seek their utter ruin, that he might remain the only Champion of Italy▪ and hereupon they made a diet at the Magione, in the territories of Perusia: where there met Cardinal Paulo, and the Duke of Gravina of the Family of the Orsini, Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto of Fermo, John Paulo Baglioni tyrant of Perusia, and Master Antonio of Ven●fro, sent by Pandulpho Petrucci head of Sienna: where it was argued amongst them touching the Duke's greatness, and touching what his further intentions were: and that it was necessary to bridle his appetite: otherwise they ran hazard together with others, all to go to ruin: and they determined not to abandon the Bentivoliis, and to seek to gain the Florentines; to one and the other of which places they dispatched men, promising aid to the one; and encouraging the other to unite with them, against the common enemy. This diet was suddenly known throughout all Italy, and those people that under the Duke's government were discontented, among whom were the Vrbinates, began to hope they might be able to innovate some things; from whence it proceeded, that their minds being thus held in suspense by some of Vrbino, it was plotted to take the Rock of Leo, which held for the Duke, and these took occasion from hence. The Governor fortified the Castle, and causing timber to be carried thither: they of the conspiracy contrived that some great pieces of timber, which they were drawing into the Castle, should be brought upon the bridge, to the end that being thus cloggd, it could not be lift up by them within: which occasion being taken, they leapt upon the bridge, and thence into the Rock, by which surprisal, so soon as it was understood, all that State rebelld, and called home again their old Duke. Hope now being laid hold on, not so much by the taking of the Rock, as for the diet held at the Magione, by means whereof they thought to be assisted: who having heard the rebellion of Urbin, imagined it not fit to lose the occasion: and getting their men together, they put forward, intending if there were any town of all that State remaining in the Duke's hands, to assail it: and they sent a fresh again to Florence to solicit that Commonwealth to join with them in extinguishing this common calamity: showing the party already gained, and such an occasion offered as the like was not to be expected. But the Florentines for the hate they bore to the Vitelli and the Orsini upon divers occasions, not only cleaved not to them, but sent Nicholas Machiavelli their Secretary, to offer receipt to the Duke, and aid against these his new enemies, who was then in Imola full of fear: because of a sudden, and beyond his opinion, his soldiers being become his enemies, he unarmed met with a war at hand: but having taken heart upon the Florentines proffers, he purposed to temporise, and hold off the war with those few people which he had, and with treaties of agreement, and partly to prepare aids, which he provided two ways, by sending to the King of France for men, and partly by taking into his pay all men at arms, and what others else made profession to serve a Horseback, and to all he gave money. Notwithstanding all this the enemies advanced, and thence came towards Fossombrone; where some of the Duke's troops had made head: which by the Vitelli and Orsini were broken: which thing caused the Duke to turn himself wholly to see if he with treaties of accord could stop this humour: and being an exceeding great dissembler, he failed not of any means to give them to understand who had taken arms against him, that what he had gotten he was willing should be theirs: and that it sufficed him to enjoy the title of Prince, but he was content the Principality should be theirs: and so effectually persuaded he them, that they sent Paul to the Duke to treat of peace, and so stayed their arms: but now the Duke stayed not his preparations, and with a great deal of care increased both his Horse and Foot, and to the end these provisions should not appear, he went and scattered all his soldiers in several places throughout Romania. In this while also came there to him five hundred French lances: and however he was now so strong, that with open force he was able to right himself upon his enemies; yet thought he it the more safe and profitable way to beguile them, and for all this not to stop the treaty for peace: and this matter was so fare laboured in, that he made a peace with them, and assured to them their old pays; gave them four thousand ducats in hand: promised not to molest the Bentivoliis, and made alliance with John, and moreover that he could not constrain any of them to come in person to him, more than he thought good himself. On the other side they promised to restore unto him the Duchy of Urbin, and all the other places taken by them, and to serve him in any expedition he should undertake, nor without his permission to war with any one, or take pay of any one. This accord being made, Guidubaldo Duke of Urbin fled again to Venice, having first caused all the fortresses of that State to be demolishd: for relying upon the people, he would not that those forts, which he thought he could not defend, should fall into the enemy's hands, whereby to bridle his friends. But Duke Valentine having made this agreement, and divided all his troops throughout all Romania, with the French men at arms, at the end of November departed from Imola, and thence went to Cesena, where he abode many days to contrive with those that were sent by the Vitelli and the Orisni, who were ready then with their forces in the Duchy of Urbin, what action they should then anew enter in, but not concluding any thing, Oliverotto of Fermo was sent to offer him that if he would adventure an expedition against Tuscany, they were at his service: in case he would not, they would be ready to serve him against Sinigallia; to whom the Duke answered, that in Tuscany he would not make any war, because the Florentines were his friends: but he was well content they should go to Sinigallia: whence it came to pass that not long after, advice was brought, that the town was yielded to them, but the Fort would not: for the Governor would render it to the Duke in person, and to none else; and thereupon they persuaded him to come before it. The Duke thought this occasion very good, and that it would not any way scar them, being he was called by them, and not going of himself: and the more to secure them, he dismisd all his French forces, which returned thence into Lombardy, save only a hundred lances of Monsieur Candales his kinsman, and parting about the middle of December from Cesena, he went thence to Fano; wherewithal his wiles and craft he could, he persuaded the Vitelli and the Orsini, to expect him at Sinigallia; showing them that such strangeness would make their accord to be neither faithful nor durable; and that he was a man, that desired he might avail himself both of the forces and advice of his friends: and however Vitellozzo was very unwilling, and that his brother's death had taught him, that he should not offend a Prince, and afterwards trust him; nevertheless, being wrought to it by Paulo Orsino who had been corrupted by the Duke with gifts and fair promises, he agreed to attend him: whereupon the Duke before the 30 day of December, 1502, that he was to go from Fano, communicated his purpose to eight of his chief confidents, among whom were Don Michael, and the Lord of Enna, who was afterwards Cardinal: and gave them charge, that presently as soon as V●iiellozzo, Paulo Orsino, the Duke of Gravina, and Oliverotto had met them, each two of them should get one of them between them: consigning each one by name to certain two, who should train them along even into Sinigallia, nor suffer them to part, till they had brought them to the Duke's lodging, and that they were there taken. He afterwards took order that all his Horse and Foot, which were better than two thousand Horse and ten thousand Foot, should be in the morning at break of day upon the Metaure, a River some five miles from Fano, where they should attend him: being then the last day of December, upon the Metaure with those troops, he caused some two hundred Horse to go before him, afterwards the Foot moved, and after them himself in person, with the rest of his men at arms. Fano and Sinigallia are two Cities of the Marches, situate upon the bank of the Adriatic Sea fifteen miles distant the one from the other: So that he who goes towards Sinigallia, hath the Mountains on his right hand, the feet whereof sometimes are so bounded by the Sea, that between them and the water there remains but a very small distance, and where they are most extended, there is not above two mile's distance. The City of Sinigallia from the foot of these Mountains is not much further than a bow-shot, and from the Sea not above a mile distant: along the side hereof runs a little river, which washeth that part of the walls, which is towards Fano, looking towards the high way, so that till it come near unto Sinigallia, it runs for a good part of the way along the Mountains: and being come near up to the river that passes alongst by Sinigallia, it turns upon the left hand alongst the bank thereof: So that running on for the space of a-bow-shot, it reaches to a bridge, which passes that river, and stands in front with the gate, that enters into Sinigallia; not by a right line, but athwart: before the gate there is a bourg of houses, with a broad place before them, which the bank of the river shoulders upon one side. So that the Vitelli & Orsini having given order to attend the Duke, and personally to honour him, the better to give way to his men, they retired their own into certain Castles, some six miles from Sinigallia, and had left only Oliverotto in Sinigallia, with his band, which was some thousand Foot, and a hundred and fifty Horse, which were lodged in the bourg beforenamed. Things being thus ordered, Duke Valentine came thence towards Sinigallia, and when the first head of the Horse troops came up to the bridge, they passed it not, but making stand, they turned their horse, the one part towards the river, th'other to the open field, and so left a way in the midst, whereby the infantry passed, which without stop entered the Town. Vitellozzo, Paulo, and the Duke of Gravina upon their mules, accompanied with a few Horse, went to meet the Duke: and Vitellozzo disarmed having a cloak all lined with green, being exceeding melancholy, as presaging his own death near at hand, caused a certain admiration of himself in all, the valour of the man being well known, and the fortune he had passed: and it is said, that when he left his soldiers to come to Sinigallia, there to meet the Duke, that he did in a manner take his last leave of them; to his Captains he recommended his house, and the welfare thereof, and admonished his Nephews, that they should not so much mind the great fortunes of their Family, as the valour of their Ancestors. These three then being come up to the Duke, and done their obeissance, were received by him with a cheerful countenance, and presently by those, who had charge to look to them, taken between them. But when the Duke saw that Oliverotto was wanting, who had stayed with his men at Sinigallia, and attended before at the broad place by his lodging, above the river, to keep them in order, and exercise them: he winked upon Don Michael, to whom the care of Olivero●to was committed, that he should take such order, that Oliverotto should not escape him. Whereupon Don Michael road before, and being come to Oliverotto, told him, that now it was not a time to hold his men together out of their lodgings; because than they would be taken from them by the Duke's Soldiers: and therefore persuaded him to send them to their lodgings, and go with him to meet the Duke: which when Oliverotto had done, the Duke came, and having seen him, called him; to whom Oliverotto having made reverence, he joined in troop with the rest, and entered into Sinigallia, where all dismounting at the Duke's lodging, and entered with him into a private chamber, they were held prisoners to the Duke, who presently got a horseback, and commanded that Oliverotto and the Orsinies Soldiers should be all rifled. Oliverotto's were all pillaged, by reason they were near at hand; those that belonged to the Orsini and Vitelli, being more remote, having before heard of the ruin of their Masters, had time to get together; where calling to mind the valour and discipline of the Families of the Orsini and Vitelli, jointly all in one body, in despite of the country and their enemy's power, they saved themselves. But the Duke's Soldiers not satisfied with the pillage of Oliverotto's Soldiers, began to sack Sinigallia. And had not the Duke by the death of many, stopped their insolence, they would utterly have sack it. But night being come, & all stirs quiet, the Duke thought fit to put Vitellozzo and Oliverotto to death, and having brought them together, caused them to be strangled. Where neither of them spoke any thing worthy of their life past: For Vitellozzo prayed, that supplication should be made to the Pope, to grant him a plenary Indulgence of all his sins; Oliverotto much lamenting himself, cast all the fault of the injuries against the Duke on Vitellozzo's back. Paul, and the Duke of Gravina were kept alive, till the Duke had word, that at Rome the Pope had laid hold on the Cardinal Orsino, the Archbishop of Florence, and Master James of the Holy Cross. After which news upon the 18 of January, at the Castle of Pieve, they also were strangled in the like manner.  
FINIS.   

The Table of the Chapters in the PRINCE.  
Chap. 1. 
HOw many sorts of Principalities there are, and how many ways they are attained to. Pag. 1  Chap. 2. 
Of hereditary Principalities. p. 2  Chap. 3. 
Of mixed Principalities. p. 4  Chap. 4. 
Wherefore Darius his Kingdom, taken by Alexander, rebelled not against his Successors after Alexander's death. p. 23  Chap. 5. 
In what manner Cities and Principalities are to be governed, which before they were conquered lived under their own laws. p 30  Chap. 6. 
Of new Principalities that are conquered by ones own arms and valour. p. 33  Chap. 7. 
Of new Principalities gotten by fortune and other men's forces. p. 41  Chap. 8. 
Concerning those who by wicked means have attained to a Principality. p. 61  Chap. 9 
Of the Civil Principality. p. 72  Chap. 10. 
In what manner the forces of all Principalities ought to be measured. p. 80  Chap. 11. 
Concerning Ecclesiastical Principalities. p. 85  Chap. 12. 
How many sorts of Military discipline there be; and touching mercenary soldiers. p. 91  Chap. 13. 
Of Auxiliary Soldiers, mixed and natives. p. 102  Chap. 14. 
What belongs to the Prince touching military discipline. p. 111  Chap. 15. 
Of those things in respect whereof men, and especially Princes are praised or dispraised. p. 117  Chap. 16. 
Of Liberality, & Miserableness. p. 122  Chap. 17. 
Of Cruelty and Clemency, and whether it is better to be beloved or feared. p. 128  Chap. 18. 
In what manner Princes ought to keep their words. p. 135  Chap. 19 
That Princes should take a care not to incur contempt or hatred. p. 145  Chap. 20. 
Whether the Citadels and many other things, which Princes make use of, are profitable or damageable. p. 169  Chap. 21. 
How a Prince ought to behave himself to gain reputation. p. 179  Chap. 22. 
Touching Princes Secretaries. p. 187  Chap. 23. 
That Flatterers are to be avoided. p. 191  Chap. 24. 
Wherefore the Princes of Italy have lost their state's. p. 198  Chap. 25. 
How great power Fortune hath in humane affairs, and what means there is to resist it. p. 202  Chap. 26. 
An exhortation to free Italy from the Barbarians. p. 212  
The life of Castruccio Castracani of Lucca. p. 223  
A Relation of the course taken by the Duke Valentine, in the murdering of Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto of Fermo, Paul, and the Duke of Gravita, all of the Family of the Orsini. p. 289   
FINIS.