A TRUE DISCOURSE OF THE whole occurrences in the Queen's voyage from her departure from Florence, until her arrival at the City of Marseilles, together with the Triumphs there made at her entry: whereto is adjoined her receiving and entry into Lions.  
HEREUNTO IS ANnexed, the first Savoyan: WHEREIN Is set forth the right of the conquest of Savoy by the French, and the importance of holding it.  
All faithfully translated out of French, by E. A.  
Imprinted at London by Simon Stafford, for Cuthbert Burby: And are to be sold at his shop at the Royal Exchange.  
1601.   

A TRUE DISCOURSE of the whole occurrences in the Queen's voyage from her departure from Flo rinse, until her arrival at the City of Marseilles, together with the triumphs there made at her entry: whereto is adjoined her receiving and entry into Lions.  
All faithfully translated out of French by E. A.  
MY Lord, according to the promise which you enforced of me at my departure from Paris, namely, that I should repair to his majesty, and upon receipt of his command, to hasten with all diligence to Marseilles, where I have spent my time in expectation of the so long desired arrival of the Queen: I do now write unto you these presents, in full discharge of my said promise: whereby you shall understand, that upon the thirteenth day of October, the Queen departed from the City of Florence, towards France, and arrived at Liuorne the seventeenth day following, where she embarked in the general Galley of the Lord the great Duke, where she was attended with five of the Pope's Galleys, five of the Galleys of Malta, and six of the said Lord Dukes: in all seventeen Galleys. Her first harbour was at Espetie, where the Ambassadors of the state of Genes came to salute her, with tender of their Galleys on the behalf of the said state, for the which she returned them great thanks. From that harbour she arrived at Fin, where through tempest and soul weather, she was forced to sojourn nine days full: but ordinarily lay in her Galley. From Fin she took harbour at Sauonne: the next day at Antibe: thence at Saint mary's: then at Treport: next at Tollon, where she took land, and stayed two days: and from Tollon she arrived at Marseilles, the third of this month of November, between five and six of the clock at night, and landed upon a great bridge, purposely erected on the Key over against the lodging prepared for her: upon the which bridge waited on the left hand the Lord Cardinals joyeuse, Gondy, Giury, and Sourdy, the Archbishops of Arles and Aix, the Bishops of Marseilles, Tolon, and Paris. The lords Duke of Guise, the Constable and the chancellor, assisted with the Councillors of his majesties Council. On the right hand stood the Lady Duchess of Nemours and Guise, and Madamoyselle her daughter; the Lady of Vantadour, the Lady chancellor, the marquess of Guyercbeville, and other Ladies.  
At the entry unto the said bridge, the four Consuls of the said City of Marseilles, in long scarlet gowns, holding in their hands a Canopy of russet violet, upon a ground of silver, upon their knees presented her Majesty, with two keys of gold fastened upon a chain: which keys her said Majesty immediately delivered to the Lord of Lussan, Captain of her guard: the Consulsrysed and withdrawn some three or four steps back, the said Lord Cardinals did their obeisance and received her: then the Lords of Guise, the Constable, and chancellor. After them came the Duchess of Nemours, and saluted the Queen, than the Lady of Guise, and Madamoyselle her daughter, and so consequently all the other Ladies.  
This done, her said Majesty returned under her Canopy: before whom marched the said Lord of Guise, Constable, and Chancellor, led by the said Lord Cardinals of joyeuse and Gonay: then followed the Lady great Duchess of Florence, led by the Lord Cardinal of Giury: then the Lady Duchesle of Mantua, led by the Cardinal of Sourdy: after these marched the Lady's Duchess' of Nemours and Guise, with her daughter: the Ladies of Vantadour, chancellor, and others, according to their degrees: and so ascending a great stair that was purposely made, they came to the door of a great chamber prepared for that purpose, for the said Lady Queen, and so to the presence, where many Ladies waited for her.  
This done, she entered her chamber, followed by the said Ladies, the great Duchess, the Duchess' of Mantua, Nemours, and Guise, and the young Lady of Guise, with the other Ladies, who all made but short stay, but returned to their lodgings, so as there remained with her none but the Princesses and Ladies that had accompanied her in her journeys. The Lords likewise that had accompanied her, did depart, namely ` Don jovan, Don Virginio, and Don Antonio, who also had assisted her in all her said voyages: neither am I able to express the magnificent descent out of the said Galleys, each taking place according to their degrees, enriched with all kinds of honour, as well in regard of the multitude of the Nobility, as for the sumptuousness of the furniture of the said Galleys, especially of the Queens, which was under the conduct of the Lord Marc. Anthonio Colicat. Therein were two hundred knights, that bore the cross of Florence. The galleyslaves were magnifically appareled. In them of Malta, under the conduct of Don Peter Mendoza, a hundred and fifty Knights, and so in the rest: so that in the whole, it is accounted she had for her conduct at the least seven thousand men, all at the King's pay and expenses.  
The next day, the fourth of this month, all the Ladies came to help up the Queen, whom they brought to the Chapel purposely prepared near to the great Chamber, where she had the Mass celebrated, at what time the Princes, Princesses, Lords, and Ladies, had their Gentlemen, Pages, and servants as proudly appareled as may be: nothing but cloth of gold, embroidery and spangles.   

A DISCOURSE OF THE RECEIVING AND TRIUMPHS upon the Queen's entry into the City of Lions.  Translated out of French. 
MY Lord, this bringer coming to Paris, I have accompanied with these presents, as wishing in what I might, to make show of the friendship which continually I have vowed unto you, and in regard thereof to participate unto you the pleasures whereof myself was an eye-witness in this town, where, through God's grace, hearing of the expected, and long wished approach of the Queen of France, I was forced upon a desire, as well to behold the magnificence thereof, as to write unto you of the whole proceedings, to intermit whatsoever any other affairs.  
The Queen therefore upon Saturday last towards the twilight, arriving in the suburbs called La Guillotier, standing at the end of Rosne bridge, was lodged at the Crown, a very large lodging, and of great receipt.  
The next day being Sunday, she returned two leagues back to a Castle, called La Moth, where she dined, whither also the inhabitants of Lions came to see her. After dinner the Burgesses troops issued out of the town, and marched to the said Castle to meet her, being in number some three or four thousand gallant and very choice soldiers. Their chief captains were all attired alike, every man his mandilion of black velvet, his white satin doublet, his netherstocks of white silk, his gascognes and buskins of black velvet, all guarded with gold parchment lace. Their Lieutenants all in violet velvet, guarded likewise with gold parchment lace. The Captain Ancients all in russet velvet, laid also with gold lace, and Bevere hats of the like colour, with feathers, garnished with Agate stones, set in gold oval wise. The Colonel marched before them excellently well appointed, and mounted upon a mighty courser, barded and guarded with gold lace, himself appareled in black velvet, all covered with gold parchment lace.  
Then followed the soldiers, one third part pikes, another third part Musqueters, and another third part arquebusiers: the musqueters their cassocks of green velvet, with the bandoliers of the same, and white doublets, all laid with silver lace. The arquebusiers for the most part white doublets, and cassocks of violet cloth. The pike men white doublets, with cassocks of black russet cloth, all well lay de with lace, and hats all seathers of one colour, and armed in white armour.  
Then came forth the town watch, armed at all assays. Next the sergeant on horseback, and the Lawyers. Then the Governors of the town, the Steward, and Sheriffs, accompanied with thirty Burgesses, all attired in violet velvet and foot-cloths. After them the Italian nation.  
The streets were hanged with tapistry, from Rosne gate, to the church of Saint john, which was also hanged, and the said streets graveled all the way that the French Queen should come.  
First entered the troops that went forth to meet the Queen in very good order: then the Burgesses and nations: then the Governors of the town: after them the French and Italian Nobility mixed. Next the Queen's bastard brother, accompanied with the chiefest of the Nobility, and with them ten pages, appareled in cloth of gold. After all followed the Queen, who entered the city in an open lictier, about four of the clock in the after noon: her lictier all laid with gold parchmentlace. At her entry into the town gate, she was received under a canopy of cloth of gold, borne by four of the chief Burgesses of the town, under the which the said Lady Queen passed along the town, attired in cloth of gold, set with an infinite number of Diamonds, and stones that gave such a reverberation, as to the beholders seemed a number of suns: yet was all this nothing, in regard of her own most excellent beauty, whereat all men did much marvel: and withal, the voice of the people so sounded forth their blessings and prayers, crying, God save the Queen, that the very mountains about returned an echo. Her Pages marched before her, with two that guided the lictier, appareled in coronation cloth of gold, accompanied and followed with Princes, Lords, Cardinals, Bishops, Gentlemen, Princesses, and Ladies, as well French as foreign, so many, that if I should undertake to describe the whole, it would take a quire of Paper. Thus was she brought to the church of Saint john.  
Thus much in brief have I written unto you, of our Lady the French Queen's entry into our city of Lions, whom I beseech God to preserve for us, and shortly to send her some issue, which is the thing that with my heart I do most desire. From Lions this fourth of December.  
1600.   


THE FIRST SAVOYAN.  
WHEREIN Is set forth the right of the conquest of Savoy by the French, and the importance of holding it.  
Imprinted at London for Cuthbert Burby: And are to be sold at his shop adjoining to the Royal Exchange.  
1601.   

The first Savoyan.  
Wherein is set forth the right of the conquest of Savoy by the French, and the importance of holding it.  
ALbeit my manifold wounds received in the service of our good Kings, Charles & his two successors, have chained me to my bed, and in manner extinguished all hope of recovery of my health, considering my age: yet can I not choose (sith it will be no better) but serve my king and country with all that is left me, namely my speech. In as much therefore, as I can not deliver any thing so fair & convenient, as that excellent subject which I have undertaken, even the equity and benefit of the conquest and presernation of Savoy: I will without farther preface, advow that the King hath sufficiently made demonstration to the whole world, how unwilling he was to proceed by force of arms, in that he stood only upon his Marquizate: For as well might he have called an account of six times greater duties: even such duties as were neither uncertain nor doubtful, but most evident, and justified by authentical titles reserved among the treasury of the charters of France, whereof the most part are sufficiently known by the histories of these three latter ages, albeit we seek no farther for them.  
First, the Earls of Savoy have without any colour or pretence, seized upon Nice and Villefranch, members of the true, and ancient body of the County of Province, whereof the Earls of Province have evermore been acknowledged to be Lords: as Queen jane, daughter to Robert king of Sicily, and Earl of Provence: who enjoyed the fame in the year 1380. and with all other her goods gave them to Lewes the first Duke of Angeou: who, as also after him Queen Marie, in the name of Lewes the second Duke of Anjou, did peaceably enjoy them as Earls of Provence. Howbeit, during the great wars between the houses of Anjou and Arragon for Naples, the Duke of Savoy, without any title or pretence, but only of seemliness, seized upon the territories of Nice and Villefranch. Albeit consequently the French Kings, as heirs general to the Earls of Provence, are the undoubted Lords of both these places.  
Secondly, the house of Savoy hath forcibly & by violence seized upon the country of Piedmont, an other part of the ancient body and patrimony of Provence: For advow of the truth hereof, in the year 1306. was the principality of Piedmont united to the County of Provence, and the Earls thereof peaceably enjoyed the same, until the year 1363. at what time Queen jane was defeated of it.  
Thirdly, they have also encroached upon a great part of the County of Ast, which appertaineth to the house of Orleans, as being given in dowry to Valentine▪ As also they have seized upon the homage of Fousigny, which dependeth upon Dauphine.  
Fourthly, in duty they are to obey the contradictory sentence given the 10 of june, 1390▪ in the parliament of Paris, where they proceeded, & by all means defended themselves: for by that decree the K. Dauphin was pronounced sovereign Lord of the Marquizat of Saluces. And in execution of this decree, the Duke of Savoy is to yield up a great deal of land appertaining to the said Marquizate, together with the fruits of the same. 
* These lands are called Barges, Caours, Pancalier, Ennee, Villeneufue de Solier, Morel, Murel, Carignan Monasterol, Card, Vigon, Villefranche Cavallimours, Raconis, Moullebrune, Carail, Somerive, Camaraigne, Cavalerlyon, Polongnieres, Cazalgras, Fortpas, Fall, Malazan, Villefalet, & Busque.   
Fiftly and lastly, Philip the seventh, Duke of Savoy, had two wives. The first, Margaret of Bourbon, who brought him sixty thousand crowns. By the contract of this marriage, the children that should be borne to them, should succeed each other in the whole, and unto them (as in advance) is given the County of Bauge and Castelwick of Bourg in Bresse. Of this marriage issued a son called Philibert, and Loyse that was mother to King Francis the first. By the second wife he had two sons. Philibert succeeded his Father, and died without issue, leaving his sister his heir general, as well by course of the common law, which preferreth the conjoined on both sides, as by the express clause of the contract of marriage. True it is, that in those lands that prefer the male child, our Lady Regent pretended no part: but in all her mother's goods, in that which was given in advance, and in all the movables and goods, she was her brother's undoubted and sole heir.  
In the year 1534. King Francis the first sent divers times sundry great personages to Charles the ninth, Duke of Savoy, his Lady Mother's half brother, to demand his rights. But this Duke, prevented by the passions of his wife, and lingering in hope of a certain exchange most dangerous for us, not only denied to do him reason in these so evident and palpable rights, but also resolved to debar the King's passage, as he was on his journey, to be revenged upon Sforce, Duke of Milan, for the most villainous act that ever was committed, namely, the beheading of the Lord Merueilles, Ambassador of France.  
Hereupon did the King denounce war to the Duke of Savoy, who wrongfully detained his rights: and according to law of Nations, which giveth to the strongest in true and full propriety, the goods of him that hath denied him his right: his Majesty in the year 1536. conquered Savoy, Bresse, and Piedmont, which he reserved twenty three years: And very presumptuous he had been, that durst have moved this great King to abandon this principal rampire or bulwark of the Gauls, for the custody whereof, we need not to cross the seas, or travail through foreign Countries, but may come to it by firm footing. Thus are great empires cymented and established.  
But such was the calamity of France, that in the year 1559. we made a treaty, whereby we rendered 198. places, where the King held his garrisons, as the Marshal Monluc doth testify, who termeth it the unfortunate and accursed peace, saying, that since the same, we have never been free from misfortunes. Also that our Civil wars have wasted more valiant Captains in seven years, than any foreign wars in seventy. Yet spoke he not this upon any good will that he bore to those, with whom we were at wars: for they never had a sorer enemy, or any that dealt more rudely with them. But the Flower de Luce was painted in his heart, and he most vehemently did affect any thing, that might tend to the greatness and glory of this crown. In this regard he could not without grief speak of so unprofitable a restitution, whereto our mishap had forced us, with a whole sequence of all sorts of miseries, in that so many warlike people (as he termeth them) could not otherwise employ themselves, then in most furious cutting each others throats. Nevertheless we did not at that time so far give way to the storm, that tossed and turmoiled this Realm, but that we retained five of the principal and strongest towns of Piedmont, as pledges for the reason that should be done us in our rights, namely Thurin, Quires, Chiuas, Pinerol, Villeneufue d' Ast, wherein we are also to note, that our treaty of peace in 1559. in express words imported, that the King should hold Thurin, Chiuas, and Villeneufue d' Ast, with all their confines, territories, commands, jurisdictions, and other appurtenances: and as for Quires and Pinerol, the king should hold them with such confines & territories, as he should find to be necessary for the sustenance and defence of the said places.  
Now at the same time died King Henry the second, leaving king Francis very young, which occasion the Duke of Savoy would not overslip: For being still at Paris, fourteen days after the father's death, he obtained the sons letters patents (never verified as the treaty of peace was) wherein the confines of these five towns were restrained to a Piedmont mile, which was as much as to abridge us of the five sixth parts at the least of all that was left us, as if it had not been enough that we had yielded up so many places, unless we were also so straightened in the remainder of our shipwreck.  
All which notwithstanding, I would to God things had yet so remained: But in the year 62. during our first civil wars, they that had already found opportunity so to shorten the territories, seeing the realm in trouble, and King Charles but twelve years old, gave the adventure, & restored into this Duke's hands, Thurin, Quires, Chinas, & Villeneufue d' Ast. Ten battles would not have wrested from us such places, which had cost France so much gold and blood.  
Not long before, they had in fit time made away Marshal Brissac, who would rather have cast himself headlong from the rocks, then in the king's nonage have given up towns of such importance to the crown, the value whereof he was better acquainted withal, than any man alive. His successor in this government (yet accounted one of the fairest, in regard of the great importance thereof) forgot no remonstrance: and in deed he satisfied all men but himself: for thrice did he refuse the execution of so wonderful hurtful an act, using most vehement and lively remonstrances and protestations, craving an assembly of the Estates, or at the least considering the King's minority, the verification of the Parliament of Peers, sitting at Paris.  
Had they had any hope to obtain this promulgation, it had not been denied him, especially considering that it would have stood for a discharge to all others: But they knew very well, that such a parliament, consisting of so many great personages, practised in all sorts of affairs, who also by the reading of histories were acquainted with the truth of our rights mentioned in the beginning, would never by their decree have authorized an act so prejudicial to the estate. In this regard, not daring to exhibit such letters to the Parliament of France, they grew to such grievous and strange threats against this Governor, that at the last he gave way: howbeit with such and so violent grief, that it stuck by him to his end, and brought him to his grave, enforcing him sundry times to cry out, that he was accursed, that he ought to have died in Thurin, unless his master after declaration of his majority, had of his own absolute authority revoked him: also that peradventure his Majesty finding what a fair flower they sought to pluck from his crown, and what a grief and loss the same might for ever remain, both to him and his successors, would have altered his purpose, and been of another mind.  
Thus we see how in 62. these four places were lost only for Savillan, and 33000. franks, for a months pay for the Soldiers, which was no doubt a proper change. All the Artillery was drawn to Carmaegnolle, which by this means was as well stored as all the rest of the Realm: and in this wise was the assurance and pledge of all our rights reduced to two holds, Pinerall, one of the five, and Savillan, which was but little worth: yet was not the Duke of Savoy thus content: for the pledge, howsoever small, did still remember us of our rights, which he laboured to raze out of our minds▪ & therefore at the late king's return (whom God pardon) out of Poland, passing through Savoy, the same were begged in recompense of a collation: and the Prince, whose only error rested in his too great goodness, granted them: whereupon the late Duke ever after acknowledged himself greatly bound unto him, and good reason. His son an ambitious Prince, as any bred in Europe these five hundred years, who in imagination hath swallowed the whole Monarchy of all Christendom, grounded upon the decease of his nearest allies without issue, which his sorcerers and Magicians do promise him, together with the decease of his Majesty, which God in his mercy forbid, seeing the late King in 88 excluded out ofhi chief City, accounting him undone, and contemning the Salic law, immediately persuaded himself that he had most apparent right to this crown: or that at the least he would carry away one of the best parts of the broken ship, and that the Rhosne should stream under his banners. And to be the first at the booty, and to begin with those places that are allotted to the King's eldest son, as a pledge of his future succession, in the face of the estates assembled at Bloys, during a most secure peace, he invaded the Marquizate of Saluces, by the surprise of Carmagnole, and the beating of Ravell.  
Were the loss of such fortresses, the sole remainder of the French name beyond the Mounts, very great, yet was the loss of the Artillery no whit inferior thereto: for there were laid up the Canons, which under the banners of the Flower de Luce had made the proudest ravelins of warlike Italy to stoop. At the beginning of this usurpation he sought sundry pretences, and sent his Ambassadors expressly to the King, to assure him of restitution of the whole into his hands. But immediately he disgraced his majesties officers, & of his ducal authority established others: he pulled down & broke the Flower de Luce's, & raised the arms of Savoy: he furnished his towns with part of our Artillery, & at the same instant, to acquaint all the world with the trophies of his victory, he forgeth a proud coin, whereupon he stampeth a Centaur, treading under his feet a crown reversed, with this devise, Opportune.  
All such as are acquainted with Histories, can testify, that since the establishment of this great Monarchy, the most ancient in the world, it never brooked such an outrage: for if injuries are much the more aggravated by the consideration of his weakness from whom they do proceed, what greater shame, what greater reproach to the chief Crown in Christendom, to the most sacred King in the world, the Prince over a Nationa, even borne to Mars his occupation, the subduers of Asia and Africa: at the report of whose name, even the fiercest Nations that ever had dominion upon the earth, have trembled, then to see his forts and storehouse beyond the mounts, carried away by a petty Duke of Savoy?  
Surely no true Frenchman can speak of this insolent bravado, without grief and extreme anguish. All words are too base for such an indignity, to say that this great & mighty kingdom should bear this reproach and blemish in her forehead for the space of a dozen years, and that it hath rested only upon this unthankful person, that he never felt the punishment for such an outrage, done to the majesty and glory of the French name.  
But it was not Gods will, who hath hardened his heart, that he might receive the reward of such treason, accompanied with the most notable ingratitude that was ever heard of, and with a thousand cruelties that have ensued the same. For not content with this invasion, he hath since practised all the cruelties that he could devise against all such sorts of Frenchmen, as he hath found resolute in the defence of the liberties of their Countries, with the price of their blood, or that preferred death before bondage. Provence & Dauphine, which he assumed to reunite to the Crown of Savoy, as his predecessors have done Piedmont, Ast, Nice, Villefranche, and many other places to us appertainiug, do yet groan under the anguish of such wounds, as his cruel tyranny hath inflicted upon them: yea such, so great and intolerable, that even they that had opened him the gates, were forced to drive him out again, wheresoever their strength would serve.  
Afterward seeing this Realm quiet under one of the mightest and most excellent Princes that ever swayed this glorious Sceptre, a Prince grown up among the alarms, the nurse-child of legions, and in all points requisite in a most perfect Captain, most accomplished, and withal a mighty King; he was not so slender witted, but that he well perceived how very difficult it was for him, any long time to hold this Marquizate by force, especially considering, that by the treaty every man was to re-enter into like estate, as he enjoyed before the wars, at the least, within one year: beside, that his Holiness had sufficiently given to understand, that before all things it was requisite, fully to restore him, that in the time of peace had perforce been robbed.  
Finding himself therefore in these perplexities, with the King's permission, whom he had assured every way to content, he came to Paris, where he was received with all cheerfulness and honour that himself could desire: after long and often treaties, he finally in the month of February promised within the first of lune, to yield up the Marquizate in like state as he took it, or the exchange thereof agreed upon between his Majesty and him: and this was solemnly signed, as well by the one as by the other. Afterward being returned into Piedmont, he was so far from certifying the King that his mind was changed, that chose from day to day he entertained him with goodly promises of faithful performance of all that he had promised. So that as ordinarily such men as had rather incur a thousand deaths, then break their word, do imagine all others to be like themselves, especially where they have to do with Princes, whose greatness and honour shining as well during their lives, as after their decease, consisteth in the exact observation of their faith, the Queen of men, the sunshine of this world, and the ornament of all virtues: his Majesty accounted the restitution of his Marquizate, as sure as if the Lord of Passage, a Gentleman without reproach, whom he had chosen to be Governor, had already been entered with his garrison appointed to that effect. But the Prince of Piedmonts' purposes had a far other drift: he sought only to win months, weeks, and days, that so the winter coming on, might debar the King from any enterprise for that year, which was already well spent, assuring himself, that before the Spring he would set so many matters on broach, & ftir such coals, that they should have other matters enough to think upon, rather than the Marquizate of Saluces, withal conjoining his extreme confidence that he reposed in his Witches, Sorcerers, & prickers of waxen Images. But God had otherwise appointed: for after forbearance of feventy days above covenant, withal that this Prince had declared, that he would not perform or accomplish that which his Ambassadors and pastors had advised: the King, whose wisdom was correspondent to his bounty, finding himself thus unworthily entreated in the execution of this accord, that had been made by his predecessor, in the invasion of his inheritance, did finally resolve by force of arms to revenge so many wrongs offered to this Crown & withal, to let all the world, where the fame of his conquests and victories should be bruited, to understand, that it was neither want of power in his Kingdom, neither fear of danger that forced him to like of the said accord, in lieu of six times as large an inheritance, by this unthankful wretch detained from him: but rather for that he was most religiously bend to observe the peace of Veruins, which since the Prince of Piedmont had on his part broken, & withal, shrunk from his promise so solemnly signed: as also that God, the great judge of both good and bad meanings, who giveth victory to the righteous quarrel, hath so prospered our arms, that with his help and a little patience, we may soon compass this so important a conquest of Savoy and Bresse: shall we then possibly find any of our own Nation, so careless of the glory and safety of their Country, as again to desire the presence of the most mortal and passionate enemy that we have in this world, on this side the Alps, on this side the Bulwarck of the Gauls, and even in our bowels?  
Nature, said our elders (and in that word we comprehend the power of God) hath limited the great Empires with deep seas, with high mountains, with mighty and swift rivers, perpetual and unchangeable bounds, far more sure than any made by man's hand, which must always be repaired. The true bounds of the Gauls Eastward, are the Alps: what more profitable, and withal, more honourable, can any man imagine, then by so just a war, and so acknowledged throughout Christendom, to drive all foreign Dominion over the Mounts, and to take such order, that albeit all Transalpine Gauls fail us, yet so much as is on this side, may conspire the preservation of the glory and greatness of the Flower de Luce?  
Hereupon especially let us likewise consider the divers accidents that may befall this great body, and remember that when the enemies armies must needs climb these high Mountains, and crane up their Canons, a very small resistance will mightily trouble them: and chose, that the estate wherein we lived before this happy conquest, Dauphine and Provence lay open to all invasions.  
If they that lived in former ages had not regarded our safety, as we are also to take order for our posterity, the fire would daily have flamed in Angoulmois, in Anieow, and in many other parts of this Realm, If our former Kings had had no meaning to live among us (as they do) through the glory of their great and stately conquests, or that they would have surrendered the inheritance of such as durst presume to try their forces, and what a French army, fight in the view of their Prince, is able to do: undoubtedly we should now have neither seas nor mountains to bounder this Kingdom.  
Neither is there any person so unexperienced in worldly affairs, as not to know, that the Pyrenian limits are not unto us of greater use and commodity than the Alps: for from them we stand in danger of the assault of one only Nation, which since the creation of the world, could never alone so fight with the French, but that the honour hath rested with us. chose, by the Alps we lie open to all the most fierce, proud, and most capable of extending their Dominion, had the Ottomans prosecuted their progress through Italy, as well as they caught sure footing by the taking of Ottranto, which could not be wrested from them under eighteen months siege, after his decease that conquered it, even those against whom we are now to make wars, must have been the chief bulwark of our fortress to keep it: such men are they to support such clouds of innumerable men.  
Let us not imagine these considerations to be scarecrows, as things unpossible, which I would to God they were, for we must confess, that it is not half so far from Mont Senis to Zigeth, or into Esclavonia, as from thence to Constantinople, which Mahomet took but in the year 1453. Hereby let us consider, in how short a time they may come upon us, or upon our children, to whose good we are to refer all our labours: God of his mercy keep us from this misery: yet must we think upon all, and that in time, holding the Alps as we do, and united to the Swissers in a sure league, the greatest power in the world is not able to force us in a ground of such advantage.  
And this may stop the mouths of some that object unto us the power of Turks, to make us give over, whereas chose, that is the chief matter that should the rather move us to the safe custody of our principal rampire. Here unto we may add, that whilst we lost Naples, Milan, and Flanders, we did not consider the Turks great success in the mean time. When the Duke of Savoy even of late invaded the Marquizate, and bend all his forces to usurp Pronence and Dauphine, no man regarded whether the Infidels prospered or not: but now that our affairs are at a better stay, & the case altered, by and by they cry out, The Turk, Beware the Turk: by these policy's encroaching upon us, when we have the worse, and linger and lulling us asleep, when our fortune smileth upon us: they have made us lose almost as much as we have left. Thus do they dandle us like children: but let us no longer brook this entertainment; rather let us keep this natural and incomparable rampire, that shall on that side warrant and secure us from all sorts of enemies.  
The remainder of this great Realm is bounded with the East and West Seas, except toward Germany, where our German, frank and valiant brethren, men devoid of all malice, or purpose to enterprise, do inhabit: united with them, we shall at all times so fiercely, and with such courage defend ourselves, that all the world conspiring our ruin, shall not be able to bear us: we never failed them of help in their need, and therefore with great reason did they account us as an arch pillar of their liberty, against all that would assault them. Neither have we ever holden any great wars against them, except by the policies and instigation of others more politic, and less valiant than ourselves, who sundry times have fleshed us each against other, to the end to weaken both parts, as our Histories do testify: but now our eyes are open, and these policies discovered and blown up: and I do certainly believe, that France and Germany were never greater friends then at this day: so as we may say, that God hath delivered into our hands, that which we ought most fervently to desire, namely this great bulwark against all invasion: and we may truly say, that this so important a matter, was our greatest want for the accomplishment of this fortress.  
God likewise with the eyes of his mercy hath looked upon these poor Savoyans, that speak our language, and are our true fellow Country men, borne for the most part under the lawful Empire of our Kings, Francis the first, and Henry the second, who at this day do fear nothing so much, as to returns under the proud dominion of the Piedmontaine, whom they hate as much, as they honour and love the most excellent virtues of their true King, at whose knees they prostrate themselves, that they may not be miserably abandoned, sith God hath vouchsafed, that he that held them so short, hath shrunk from his word, from whence may proceed the beginning of their liberty. Should we return it into his hands, we may well think how these poor people that were noted to be so ready to open their gates to his Majesty, shall be tormented: besides that, in so doing we shall never find any people willing to acknowledge our king, but by extreme force: for by that example every man shall see, that in us there is no hold, who make no difficulty to thrust out those to the cruelty of our enemy, that have yielded themselves into his majesties arms, to live and die his most humh le subjects, to whose preservation by the law of Nations he is no less bound, than they to obey his commandments in all fidelity.  
It is likewise a matter of great import for the King's service, with all speed to root out of the minds of his subjects in Savoy, all doubt of passing away a Province of such importance: for so shall you soon see them the more bold and resolute to serve his Majesty in all sorts. But some there are, and peradventure even among ourselves, who with their coldness, and some speeches that slip them, do drive this poor people into despair, as imagining that we do already deliver them bound into the hands of the Piedmontaine. Well do I suppose, that the procurers of this mischief, do it not maliciously: but some there are both fearful and too mistrustful, yet must they be gently admonished, to alter their countenance and speech, and for their more assurance, to cast their eyes upon the valour and good fortune of their great King, and of this mighty Empire, as also upon the ingratitude and treachery of our enemy, and the justice of this conquest.  
As in truth, if among all Nations reprisals be holden for a inft title of Lordship, when one of the two Sovereigns is unwilling to make restitution of things violently usurped: If the equity of lawful war, be another title throughout the world avowed for just, whereupon the greatest monarchs are also grounded: what man, considering the enterprises of the House of Savoy against that of France, and the King's long patience before he would enter into wars, but must confesle his conquest to be so just, that his Majesty hath as good right to Savoy, as to Paris itself? Likewise, if the Prince of Piedmont by his policies and mediators, should now rob us of the fruits of our labours, and our good fortune, what man alive would fear hereafter to invade us, or to falsify his faith or word, with full resolution in all extremity to follow his victory (if he could obtain it) when he shall be sure, being overcome, always to recover himself through the help of some great mediator (whereof France, to her great hurt, was never destitute) as our Annals do testify, which have been written principally to admonish nish us to shun the like oversights?  
By the same Histories do we learn, that the Monarch that pardoneth his subjects, doth seldom repent it: for they be his children, even such as returning to their duties, do many times endeavour by notable service to make satisfaction for their former defaults, and finding the discommodities and incredible hindrances that they incur by the loss of their Princesfavour, they vow, and bind themselves for ever to his service, and utterly root out all other conceits or cogitations out of their minds. But it is far otherwise with the Sovereign, who can never forget the grief of being overcome or an incredible desire of revenge, and continual care to recover the wants in his estate, either to enter into new leagues, and practices to achieve the victory in his course, whereby the world may be informed as well of his revenge, as of his misfortune. The more he is bound to you, the less will he remember you: such remembrance will lie overheavie and intolerable upon his mind: he will, if he can, take you at advantage, seek by some new quarrel to be freed from such a wonderful and excessive favour. What must we then do? even take from our enemy all means to hurt us, though he would. And this may we now easily do, if we leave him nothing on this side the Alps, and so cross all his drifts for Lions, where he shall get small good, by planting whole families of his subjects at his own cost, to be as it were secret colonies, when all is gone on this side the Mounts. Without dourlan's, Amiens had never beenetaken: Saint Denys in the end carried away Paris: and had we not given up Thurin, Carmagnole had never been lost.  
How mightily do we think, shall the City of Lions, one of the eyes of France, yea, even of Europe, the ordinary seat of sundry Roman Emperors, and a place of the greatest traffic in the world, which yet at this day giveth law to all other places, increase hereafter in wealth, and multitude of Citizens, being covered with Bresse and Savoy, whereas before she seemed rather a Frontier town, than a City of the Realm? as also in regard of the multitudes that still arrived there from all parts, and the usual passage of great armies near to her confines, she was always in danger to be surprised, to the great loss and incredible ruin of the whole estate? Even this point is a matter of great weight, and worthy manifold consideration: for it is no small matter to stop foreign armies, without denouncing of war, from making the mow at such a City as Lions, one of the strongest in Christendom, and ofmost difficult recovery, if it should be lost: we cannot be too jealous of such places, neither too curious to keep away all sorts of Courtiers. This proposition do I hold, and there of refer myself to all Captains, namely, that Lions remaining a Frontier town, is one of the easiest to be surprised, in regard of the great traffic, and multitude of strangers there sciourning, & daily arriving out of all parts without suspicion: which if you ween to hinder, ye undo the town: It shall no longer be Lions, it must have great liberty: but standing at this day so far within the Frontiers, there is no more fear of it then of Paris. I do also hold this second proposition, that Lions continuing a Frontier town, is, except Bourdeaux & Marseilles, the most difficult town in this land to be recovered, if it should be once lost. Would not such and so great a blow, deserve the conclusion of the exchange propounded in the year of our Lord God 1 5 3 4. so necessary an exchange for the passage of the armies into the Low Countries? What know we what is already determined between so near kinsmen? If this should come to pass, and this mighty town be obstinately defended with the whole forces of such a neighbour, into what a miserable estate should we be reduced? What should become of Provence and Dauphine? Into what a strait should four or five other great Provinces be brought? Had any man told us twenty years ago, that a handful of people should have surprised Amiens, we would not have believed him, and indeed there was less likelihood: for it was not so begarded with foreign families as Lions. It maketh me to despair, to see men be such cowards, and sometimes purposely to amplify the forces of our adversaries, and yet when afterward we come to propound these great considerations, they make but a mock of it: for indeed they care not greatly. For my part I fear no open forces. Our Fathers have seen in Provence 50000. at the least at once, and whole clouds of men in Champagne and Picardy: this never hurt them, it made them not so much as afraid, so long as the Realm was in itself at peace, as now it is. What should I then fear? even practices, policies, and surprises of our Frontier Towns, such as Lions should be, if we should render Savoy: unless we should think that we should be loath to break the peace for Lions, sith we would not break it for Carmagnole. I think indeed that on the behalf, or by his command that should send his armies along our frontiers, we should not fear to incur such a storm (for we must still think, that great Princes do make some account of their faith and honour) yet might there be some General of the army that would gladly be spoken of, but never look for the answer that Sextus pompeius made, saying, Thou shouldst not have told me of it. The most that we shall get, he shall be disavowed: then must he fortify himself. Hereupon the wars are kindled, but the smarting loss is ours, which if it once grow old, they will forget to do us right, unless at the hour of death in discharge of conscience: but if ye look for the execution of the will, ye must seek your judges at Pampelune.  
It is therefore a great advantage, to be out of this continual fear of Lions: for undoubtedly, they with whom we are at this time so threatened, are more crafty, more close and secret than we, and their drifts have a further fetch. In the field with open force, we shall always beat them well enough: had neither Germans nor Englishmen set in footing, they would never have had the faces so much as to look upon us: three hundred French horses will always beat a thousand of theirs. And as for footmen, ours are of more force, dexterity, and contempt of death, but less discipline. It lieth in ourselves to remedy the last, the rest proceed from nature, who hath given us these advantages, which we must not lose. We can keep them when we list: witness the Ocean, which even this year hath seen our French adventures, who cannot possibly be retained, unless we should chain up all our youth. For what can we tell who shall escape? they be no troops or garrisons licenced at pleasure, so might there be fraud: but they be stragglers, coming some from one place, some from another, the whole Nation being so borne to the wars, that they must seek it where it is, or make it among themselves. The Ocean, I say, hath seen of these mad fools, that have beaten the flower and choice of the best & oldest Captains & soldiers, whom we hold in such esteem. Go ye therefore and report in those countries, that the French footmen are nothing worth.  
But who shall make it as gallant, as firm, and withal, bring it into as good discipline as it was at Cerisoles, if this our great King cannot compass it? Is he of less ability than his uncle, who was but a most faithful and most profitable servant unto him that swayed the Sceptre and crown which he hath succeeded? Eight years had we held Savoy and Piedmont, when the Lord of Anguien, under the command of King Francis, won that glorious day, where our footmen with the push of the pike, most furiously overthrew all those old triumphant bands of two parts of the world, albeit they were a third part more than we, and so well armed, that we won from them eight thousand corcelets. The story telleth us, without the Conquest of Savoy, France had miss of that great and stately triumph, as wanting wherewith to have fed the army one day. Had this commodious a conquest been achieved before the year of our Lord God one thousand five hundred twenty and four, King Francis, who should have found himself upon the Marches of his estate, near to all succour, treasure, and refreshing, had not fallen into that calamity that hath stuck by us ever since.  
Very high had he been mounted, if the Lord of Anguyen had not caught him by the throat, that should have wished him to speak to his Lord the King to yield up Savoy: so long is it since this fatal & valiant race of the Bourbons was promised to restore the eminency and perfect glory of the Flower de Luce.  
The ten first years of his reign were spent in his establishment, that was hindered by those that always feared the greatness of this estate. At his entry into his second ten years, God hath vouchsafed to add unto his Empire the highest mountains in the world, thereby to lift up this Prince, and to place him in the view of the whole world, as the Grandchild of his beloved King Lewis the fifth.  
What men be these then, that seeking to pluck him from his type of glory, would fetch him six days journeys back again, and in one moment defeat him of that great eminent and shining fame, which shineth even into the East, achieved in five & twenty years, through his so wonderful prowess and famous victories, still following his good fortune, and proceeding still forward, without stumbling or retire?  
Is it possible for this mighty Prince, who was able to conquer his Kingdom with the sword point, now for ever to defraud his memory of the glory of this increase, that is of such importance to his Crown? In regard of ourselves now living, whatsoever his Majesty do ordain, or whatsoever he do, our perfect obedience, yea I will say more, our love and fervent affection shall never quail: But what will the posterity say, when they shall hear of so happy a conquest, and find the inconvenience of the not keeping of the same such inconveniences as will happen either first or last, and those very sharp? Let us not flatter ourselves: It is hard to take away the sobs, the sighs & bitter complaints from those that feel the smart. Why have they not spoken? why have they not written of the restitution of 1559? and yet in truth we were forced thereto by an extreme mishap: beside that almost all Europe was conspired against us. But who forceth us now? what colour? what retence shall our history find? what excuse shall ve make to our nephews, for giving away such an advantage? Surely I see none: all things do smile upon us, and for one that fretteth at our conquest, four are glad of it though they say nothing. Such there are that will entreat his Majesty, and exhort him to let go his hold, yea & make orations unto him for the same, that in heart would be sorry to be believed.  
Here will some man ask, whether we must always continue the wars.  
Whom I will answer, that France hath many times been driven to peace, without the recovery of Naples, Milan, or the sovereignty of Flanders. Why must we then of necessity, for the making of peace, restore that which we have so lawfully conquered, sith we have so often been forced to agree without recovery of our own? Is it because France is weaker than Piedmont, or that we are such dolts, as to think all things lawful for others, and nothing for ourselves?  
Let our enemy beg peace if he list, as well as he drew on and prosecuted the war: but it may please his Majesty to call to mind, that it is were requisite that prosperity should recompense adversity: also that he that so playeth that he may always lose and never win, will be soon undone.  
True it is, that they reply that so we shall draw on a greater war against us. But hereto we may find a double answer: First, that it is unlikely, that they that have so longed after peace, a matter to them as necessary as profitable to us, would now break it, especially upon so bad and base a title as is the Prince of Piedmonts. The second answer is this, that sith our cause is good, they that we are threatened withal, will never enter war against us, unless they have before resolved upon it for other causes, and motives farther fetched: and in that case it is far better for us to keep our advantage, then to lose it, and be sorry for it when it is too late. Withal, that this ground standing fast, that our enterprise is just, and consequently the conquest thereof proceeding: If we be so timorous as for a threat cowardly to forego that which we have so lawfully and happily achieved, then farewell all: there is no more Frenchman, no more Gaul in the world. For how can any man imagine, that this valiant nation, in former times an actor in all the greatest wars in the world: a nation that hath sought them from one end of the earth to another: that hath taken the imperial City of Constantinople, and forced the mightiest cities in the East and South: that feared nothing but the falling of the sky, as assured to overcome all that should withstand, should at this day be so degenerate and so quailed, as for a Rodomontade or Spanish brag, to abandon that which so justly to us doth appertain? that is to say, should show themselves so fearful and such cowards, that through the default of his subjects hearts, aforetime the terror of all nations, so great a King should not be able to keep his own conquests? But in deed we are far from those terms. For albeit our lamentable wars have greatly diminished us, yet shall our experience, valour and courage recompense the want of our number: besides that, our head shall always be counted for twenty thousand: he is the great Lion that guideth the lesser to the battle: his soldiers are not counted by their number, but by their valour: yet if need be, and that this Empire must stir up her stumps in earnest, we shall cover their largest fields with soldiers, & make the earth to tremble under the feet of our horses: we shall dry up the rivers, and of these old French armies bring forth a hundred or two hundred thousand warriors, as gallant and courageous as ever were their ancestors: even such as will go to the field with as good courages as others come thence. Let no man therefore think to terrify us with such threats. We seek peace with every one but this ungrateful person, yet fear we not the war. If any be resolved to set upon us, we were fools to shrink back: we must plead for all, we must defend all, or rather march half the way to meet with any that would join with this presumptuous person, who in lieu of humble reverence to the Majesty of so great a neighbour kingdom, as nature and wisdom do teach, and all the world do put in practice, hath showed himself so presumptuous and desperate rash, as to seek to overrun a great Lion, who at one sole lift is able to squeeze him asunder. But these be vain conceits, for there is no prince in the world willing to raise war against us, upon so bad a quarrel as is the Prince of Piedmonts. Well may every one intermeddle to agree us, and we will give them the hearing: For in the midst of our weapons we seek for peace, yet in any wise let us remember two things: First, that we brook no delay whilst our wind bloweth fair: as our Kings Lewes the 12. Francis the 1. and Henry the 2. always did. Our histories do make mention, and our oversights are noted, but when it is too late. It is not enough to be valiant in the field: the chief point is to be wise & circumspect in counsel. And in that regard did Homer never commend any valiant Captain for his courage, unless withal it were accompanied with wisdom, witness his speech of Agamemnon: In arms valiant, and in counsel discreet. So wise was Hercules, that his valour was the least part of his glory. This wisdom & this excellent counsel, so far as it concerns the sovereign, consisteth not only in the well pitching of a field; in the furious assault of a great city by the weaker; or in choosing the field: but the chiefest skill is in the knowledge how to use the victory and his forces, and cutting off his enemy from all means to take heart again: as also in the forecast how to stop his ears against the fair words of certain intermeddlers, that seek no more but to hinder the course of such prosperity as they do suspects that so he have no cause to repent that he believed them, and through this belief limited his good fortune and conquests, and so lost the occasion of assuring his frontiers. It concerneth no less, and so let us remember.  
Secondly, we must beware of overbuying our quiet. Darius' sent to offer Alexander part of his Empire: but this great Prince, the true image and perfect pattern of all generosity, also of courtesy, so long as the same was not prejudicial to his estate, answered in one word: Behold where thou findest me: I have already passed more than he offereth: we must speak either of atonement, or fight for that that is left him: for all that is behind me, is past compromise. And he said truth, for a great Captain never returneth back: he that forsaketh it, is unworthy the prosperity that God sendeth him: yet had Alexander to do with so mighty an enemy, as soon after met him with a million of men: albeit when he made that brave answer, he was not ignorant what forces this mighty Emperor of Persia might have, yet could he not be terrified, because he was Alexander. But had he exchanged the hope of his victory with the agreement offered, both body and fame had been shut up in one self tomb, whereas now chose while the world lasteth, he shall still live as fresh & famous as when he died. And in truth we must confess either pusillanimity, or extreme weakness in those that yield up that which they have lawfully conquered. But we are (thanks be to God) far enough from both. For as for fear, it never came near our King's heart: for had he had never so small a spice thereof, he had long since been overthrown, and his estate covered up in darkness. Rather may we say, that so many valiant acts and so many trophies, whereby he shineth as a fair Sun over the face of the earth, do but burgeon forth conceits of higher enterprises against all that dare give him good cause, as having the hope of things to come, still fight in his fancy with the glory of things passed.  
As for force, it consists especially in money & men: concerning the first, the K. treasures well husbanded, as they are will go farther than men ween for: foreign war doth somewhat help to maintain itself. True it is, that it is now high time to begin (sith to our great detriment, we did it not sooner) I say to begin yearly to spare 3. millions of gold, which we do wretchedly consume in silks which we need not, whereas our neighbours cannot forbear so many of our commodities necessary for man's life, which to us are in stead of mines of gold and silver. This done, we shall grow into abundance of wealth: for as the Philosopher saith, Nature is never no loser: because that that which cometh forth of one place, re-entereth into another: even so the expenses of this Realm do stand us in nothing. The 3. millions, which we so miserably for lack of forecast, or rather for want of wit, do yearly waste upon worms work, through the enchanting speeches of such as reap the benesite thereof, do more impoverish this estate in 6. months, than 6. years of foreign war. Powder, Cannon thot, and most part of our weapons are made in the land, & so cost us little to speak of. The soldiers pay returneth to the hands of the K. receivers, to whom the commons that have earned it with their labour & cunning, do return for their taxes. Any man that list to deal with us, shall have more need of foreign soldiers than we, and all things reckoned, must spend more ducats than we testornes, and so see the bottom of his purse sooner than we. Were we to be assaulted by such as had a hundred millions ready gathered, the danger were the greater: but if we have any discommodity, they that we are threatened with, are in necessity, and in far less credit than we, as being long since with all their partakers, drawn dry, through their incredible expenses continued these 34. years, which their last mishap must force them to redouble, or to lose all. Were we thoroughly acquainted with their bullion, we should find that they are rather to stand in fear of us, than we of them; also that he that threateneth most, is in most fear. As for multitude of men, the conceived opinion that the King at this time would have no more, together with the collection of the fruits of a fruitful year, and the beginning of winter, detained a number in their houses. But if his Majesty should earnestly call for assistance, and give out that he would find means to discern the house-birds from the true Gentlemen, whose service he would have truly recorded, to be monthly sent to his Parliaments and Chambers of accounts, that thither he might hereafter have recourse; we should soon see our armies increase, with an incredible number of Gentlemen, who would be loath in themselves or their posterity, to bear so shameful a badge, as is the abandoning of their King and Country in time of need, especially, in so just and honourable a war, whereto from all parts both great and small have recourse.  
No man can complain of such remembrances, as do consecrate to the posterity, the names and valour of those, that as the true children of their gallant ancestors, have hasted to the place, whither the presence of their King, and glory of their Country hath called them. He that would be an unprofitable servant to his Prince, and yet misliketh that he should be known, seeketh to confound labour with idleness, valour with cowardice, and the forsaker of his country with the true Gentleman, that always considereth in what regard his ancestors had their lands given them, with freedom from such charges as other Citizens do bear. To be brief, he endeavoureth to make a mixture of all vice, with the rarest virtues: yea, so dangerous a mixture, that the greatest observers of antiquity, whose principles we have to our cost tried to be most true, do agree, that when such confusions take place, in whatsoever form of government, the same are an infallible token, that that estate is extreme sick: yet if it be in a Monarchy, the cure is both ready and certain. For the Prince may speedily re-establish virtue in her eminency, and so open the deformity and shame of her contrary, that for one of his subjects that continue in this filth, he shall find ten thousand hasting to that glory, wherewith it may please the sovereign to note the affection, courage, and travails of his faithful servants: neither shall we want men, yea, as brave men as ever the earth bare. But in any wise, rid me from these men that depend upon our enemy's wages, whose only care resteth in daily writing from the army, that peace is concluded, that is to say, that no man must come. Myself do know, that this policy hath within these two months detained a hundred Gentlemen within ten league about the house of my abode: yet have we one rule in Monarchy undoubtedly true, namely, that it is in the King only to think upon peace, when he thinks it profitable for his estate, and in the subjects no farther to trouble themselves, but to keep their hands nimble, and their swords sharp, according to the saying of Aemilius, and to use no communication but of weapons, of horses, and of war, after it is once proclaimed. This is it that maketh a Prince to be feared, yea, this is it that maketh him condescend unto profitable peace, when he findeth that the heat of his subjects, boiling in a burning desire to fight, must be restrained.  
Let us peruse our Histories, and we shall find, that this great Monarchy was founded, augmented, and preserved, not by lukewarm and effeminate humours, but by valour and generosity, by entering into ferraine wars, not for threats, but for benefit and advantage. Civil and intestine wars have sundry times, and twice within these two hundred years, brought it to the point of destruction, other wars never shook it: but chose, have ever been holden as an exercise of our principal profession, and as the substance and theatre of our glory. For as Lycurgus referred all his laws to the war: and as the Romans made their vaunts, that they were not acquainted with any other arts or occupations, but left than all to their subjects, as unworthy themselves, so our ancestors, enured to the natures of this warlike Nation, did utterly reject from all succession to the crown, that sex which they thought unfit to lead the Frenchmen to the wars, and withal, established the foundation of this Empire, upon the force of arms, and the perfection of military knowledge, the most generous of all, and most noble, as well in the cause as in the end.  
Through the excellency of this Art, the Romans overcame the multitude of the Cymbrians, the force and craft of the Africans, the wisdom and policy of the Grecians, and the riches and power of Asia.  
But when they went about to alter their brave and valorous principles, and in lieu of Iron to use gold, flattery for commandment, treaties for battles, and composition in stead of victories and triumphs▪ the resplendent Majesty of this mighty Empire withered, the fame thereof vanished, the subjects fear changed into contempt, and the reverence of the Neighbours into dension. And it was with all men, as with the Nations, which beforetime trembled at the view of the Roman Magistrates: but when they saw themselves renting and dismembering their Empire, they also set upon them, and assaulted them even in their Capitol, which they have so often and so miserably sacked and razed, that now there remaineth no more but the sole tomb and cinders thereof.  
Let us beware that we fall not in the like fault, and that we alter not our old principles, both bold, courageous, and in a word, right French, into their contraries; and withal, let us remember, that so soon as we, like women, shall begin to quail at the threat of some great war, we shall see ourselves environed round about, every man will overrun us, one will pluck at the one side, another at the other, and we shall be the contempt and scorn of the children of those that could not, without trembling, hear any speech of our forefathers.  
Yet do I not say, that we should prefer a continual war before a wished peace, which through God's goodness, and the valour and wisdom of our great King, we do at this day enjoy with all men, except this ungrateful person, that hath infringed his promise and faith: but rather to confirm our first proposition, namely, That being justly grounded in this war, and the Conquest being both just, lawful, and most profitable to our estate, neither threat, nor any other consideration, should make us to give over that which we hold, or to step one foot back again.  
If we can firm ourselves in these principles replenished with equity, glory, and honour, and be resolved courageously to set upon any that would intrude into so wrongful war against us, we should even against the whole world, relieve the ancient glory of this mighty Empire, yea, we should give them to understand, that it is not good meddling with France in her afflictions: also that either first or last, God, who favoureth her as the chief crown of those that are baptised in his name, will enable her to be quit with her enemies. To be brief, that she knoweth how to live in peace with those that account of her amity and alliance, and to tread down all such as will attempt against her glory and honour.  
Thus have we finished this discourse, and yet the principal is behind, that is, most fervently to pray unto the heavenly goodness, so to vouchsafe to touch the heart of our King, that he will courteously hear, and at length yield to a most humble petition, which our just fear of extreme peril hath wrested, not out of my heart and pen only, but out of the hearts and mouths of all his subjects.  

The Petition.  
SIr, yourself are as well acquainted with all worldly affairs, I will not say as any Prince, but as any man in Europe▪ how is it then possible, that you should not conceive the principal drifts of your enemies▪ If you please attentively to consider, you shall undoubtedly find, that their great hope is built upon your tomb, whom they see so extreme adventurous, that every hour, yea, every moment, they hearken after that desired news, even the type of all their vows. Cut them off, Sir, from this hope, by a moderation worthy your glory already achieved, worthy the Imperial throne whereto God hath exalted you, and worthy the extreme necessity that all your France, and all your confederates have of the preservation of your life. So shall your Majesty immediately see the weapons drop out of your enemy's hands, all their devices confounded, and their drifts dispersed. Indeed, Sir, we are to confess, that hitherto this great contempt of danger was necessary for the re-establishment of your estate, which was so sick, as usual remedies could never have recovered it. It was requisite to adventure farther, than stood with any discourse of military reason, to execute before deliberation, and with extraordinary and more than human confidence to plunge yourself among many dangers, yea even the dangers of death, But God environed you with his Angels: for it was no rashness, but perfect valiancy. But now sir, that he hath graced you with the restitution of your kingdom, quiet and in peace: also that your Majesty have the assistance of so many great Princes, and excellent Captains, (almost all trained up at your own hand) and of these, brave French horsemen, so famous & so feared throughout the world, followed with the great squadrons of thundering legions, replenished with young and gallant nobility, who burn with an incredible desire to join & overthrow your enemies in a pitched field, in case they dare stand you, or proudly to assault some strong fortress. Seeing yourself also entered into such and so mighty alliances as never any king your predecessor was the like: Is it not time, sir, that the same affection to your subjects that carried you into all these hazards, should now make you to reserve yourself to such as are worthy of your Majesty? If a king, said Theophrastus, must needs die in the wars, let him die like a king: that is to say, in some fierce and bloody battle, environed with all the gallant, noble & brave men of his estate: let him be drowned in some main sea of his enemy's blood, mixed with the blood of his own soldiers, and never be slain as some mean Captain at the siege of some town, or in some skirmish: For so should his glory and triumphs be so far from increase, that they should even wither and decay: witness that great & courageous Captain, that thought himself greatly disgraced, in that a quarrel shot out of Samos, light near him: wherewith had he been slain, his army through his default had stood as a body without a head at the enemy's mercy, to the reproach and ruin of his country.  
But as the excellent Archimedes, by planting his engines, threw more darts & shot at the Romans, than all the rest of the Siracusans together: even so your Majesty, being the soul infused into the veins, sinews, & arteries of this great body, and proud preparation for wars, and kindling the courages of all his Captains and soldiers, doth alone make all hands to walk, all Cannons to roar, and all the swords of his army to cut. Assure yourself therefore, Sir, that if you will vouchsafe to yield to the fervent supplications & tears of all your subjects, that prostrate themselves at your feet, only to obtain this sole request, as the fullness of their felicity, and so take from them this extreme fear and incomparable terror, which only doth freeze the blood of all your soldiers; you shall revive their courages, and marvelously cheer up their forces, as knowing, that so long as your person are in safety from so many Cannons leveled at your heart, the affairs of your France, even of your warlike France, will prosper and grow from better to better: and chose, your enemies that cannot stand and bear up themselves but upon this cowardly & cursed hope, seeing themselves fallen from the same, shall find their destruction, and that they are in worse estate, then if they had lost ten battles. Doing this, Sir, you shall surmount yourself, which is the most difficult, gallant, and glorious victory of all other, and withal, by this great point of discretion, crown all your triumphs and trophies, whose glory and fame shall never be limited, but with the bounds of the earth, and all eternity; and beside, Sir, you shall reserve your anointed 〈…〉 to infinite Garlands of great victories, yet due to your good fortune, which it hath pleased God to give you, for a faithful companion to your Heroical and excellent virtue.    
FINIS.